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ACHEH IN INDONESIAN TRADE AND POLITICS: i6oo-i^ /
A r m K. Dasgupta, 1962
Published on demand by UNIVERSITY MICROFILMS University Microfilms Limited, High Wycomb, England A Xerox Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan, US.A.
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This is an authorized facsimile and was produced by microfüm-xerography in 1969 by University Microfilms, A Xerox Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan, U.S.A.
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62-2521 Negative microfilm receive d from university
DASGUPTA, Arun Kumar, 1925 - ACHEH m INDONESLVN TRADE AND POLITICS: 1600-1641.
Cornell University, Ph.D., 1962 History, modern
University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan
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0-1 minosain svilágek ROITLJOT GMA 3GARE NAMIKOUR1 M3 H3NDA 1001-0001
ACHEH IN INDONESIAN TRADE AND POLITICS: I6OO-I6I4.I
A Theals Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
by Arun Kumar DaoOupta February, 1962
Biographical Sketch
Arun Kumar DasGupta was born on 4. January, 1925 in Kalla, East Bengal (now East Pakistan). He was married in 194-9 and has an eight-year old boy.
After having received his B.A. in 191+4 with Honours in History from Presidency College, Calcutta, he worked for his M.A. in History at the Calcutta University. He had his M.A. in 194-7 and Joined the West Bengal Government Educational Service in December, 194-8 as a Lecturer in History. In 1956 he was appointed a part-time Lecturer in History in the Post-Graduate Department of the Calcutta University.
In July, 1957 he left India for the United States as a Fullbright-Smith Hundt grantee for advanced studies. He began his graduate work in the Department of History at Cornell University in September, 1957. In June, 1959 he was awarded a Rockefeller Foundation Fellowship which enabled him to take a trip to Europe in I960 to do research In the India Office Library in London and the Algemeen Rijksarchief in The Hague. In I960 he was elected to the Cornell chapter of the Phi Kappa Phi.
69135
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allan ml tsel ,tzeunat à no need naw atqudasd nemuX nuzà bne Puer nl belmzes snw ei .(navelkat dees won) lagneß daag -xod bio meoy-sdgie ae aad nl anwonol dale dor al A,a sld bevlooet galvad mesta ahd zol benzow en ,azauelad egelloo gonobleest most yzodais A.M ald bad oH VdlesevznU atduoleD odd Ja taodezH ot .A.K Ianoldaouba dhemnzeveD fagned saeW end bantot baa Supl nt dz9l al -gvodel nt nendoe e es Bdel ,medmeoad nl eolviee ada al guodazm nl zezwdped omii-anaq a besnlogge sew ed tdlatovln asdusfzd ede lo znomamageß esmubenD-sdos e ea aadada bedlnU ada zot albaI dlel en T2er .tfut aI a eelbuas beonavbe not eednang JbnuM dilm2-adgladfiut Je giodalm To dmemazaged edd at kzow etaubang ald naged eaw ed e29I ,enut oI .129i ,sodmodqe8 nl valasevln0 ffonzo0 boldane dolde qidewollet noltabnuos sbllaleloon.e bebzave ada ai doznemet ob od oàei at egozng os qlns a okas od mid leldotmeitia nemmegfa edt bne nobnod at ysandil scltto albal masgado Ileaso0 eda od bednele aew ed Odei nl epgeß adt al .189 mqqa8 205 6d9 90
Acknowledgments
In preparing this dissertation I have been helped by many individuals and organisations. It is a pleasure to extend my grateful thanks to all of them.
First of all, I wish to thank Professor Knight Biggerstaff, the chairman of my committee, whose guidance has been invaluable to me. I have received substantial help from Professor John M. Echols In preparing the manuscript and my grateful thanks are due to him as well as to Professors Paul W. Gates and Douglas F. Dowd for their kind suggestions which helped to improve my work.
Outside my special committee I wish to thank the staff and students of the Departments of. History and Far Eastern Studies, and the Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University, for the cordiality and friendliness they have extended to me. I am indebted to Professor George HcT. Kahln, Director of the Southeast Asia Program, for the interest he has always taken in my research. My special thanks are due to the staff of the Cornell University Library, and particularly to the staff of the Wason Collection, for their cooperation.
Professor D.O.E. Hall of the School of Oriental and African Studies, London, and Visiting Professor at Cornell University (1959-60), has been one of ray chief advisers gd boqiod noed evad I nolzadtesalb aldd anlzagezq al ed emeaelq a el aI ,anoldaslnagão bns slaublylbat ynem mona lo ila os zánads Iutedang tm bnedze -sonala sdglnà moseetort Noads od dalw I ,ffa lo dezis sad eonablug eeodw , soddlemoo ya lo pamaledo edd ,llata qied faltnajadue bavlooem evad I em ot eldauíaval nond dqinoeunem eda golseqeng nt alodoz M ndot zosealoiß mout -ust os aa llow ea młd.oć eub oza sinada luledana ym bna bntk slads tot bwot aafguol bne sode0 .W Suat aronset dzow ym evonqmt ad beqied doldu anoljteggue lada edd aneds es dalw I acidlamoo Ialoega ym abładuo nselaa2 say bos gtozsl8 lo sdnamdnaqel sda to sdnebuda bma gaiatevinu llento) jmaagost aleA démedawoa edd boe ,melbud2 os bebnedxe avad godd eagatibaebut boe tallalbnoo edt not metoonia ,mldal .ToN egtono sommalons as boidabal me I .em eed ad Jsosodpt eda dot , wazmons slaa dasedduot eda to os enb ene ainans faloeqe yi dozeezet ya nl nedat syewis -volozaq boa ,tiandid tdlavavinu (lonzoo add to lafe add -os slods zot nolaoalfoD nosew eda to ltede edd of yfmal -noitaseqo
bns fadnela0 To IoodoE odd lo Ilak 8.0.0 soseolonS Tientoß da Moaaetont gnidlely bna ,mobmod ,metbusa nmolatA aveelvbe loldo ym To eno poed eed , (0d-Pzel) yalenavln0 、 throughout the period of my research and I am grateful for his help. I also wish to thank Professor H. J. De Graaf without whose co-operation my brief stay in The Hague would not have been as profitable as it turned out to be.
My thanks are due to the Institute of Education under whose sponsorship my trip to the United States was made possible. The Cornell Southeast Asia Program granted me a fellowship in the year 1958-59; in eddition, I must record my thanks for the generous help extended to mo by the Program in microfilming manuscripts from the India Office Library (London) and the Algemeen'Rijksarchief (The Hague). I take this opportunity also to thank the authorities of the India Office Library and The Hague archives for their co-operation and generosity. The Rockefeller Foundation granted me a fellowship from June, 1959 to October, I96I and made 'it possible for me to do research in Europe in I960; I acknowledge my debt to the foundation most gratefully.
My friends Miss Diane Brown, Mr. Akira Nagazumi and Mr. John Small very kindly took upon themselves complete responsibility for supervising the final typing and editing of the thesis in my absence. They have my warmest thanks. Credit goes to them for the good Job they have done, the errors and shortcomings are mine.
zot fuletang ma I bne dosaenes ym to bolseg ada suodguondd leand el .t .H nomeclozt Mnada os dalm oela I .qied ald bipow ergam ent nt tada solnd ya nollenago-oo esodw duodałw
.ed os suo bonzud at ea eldadllosg ae need evad don tebaw noldaopba to edualjanl adt os oub aza sinada zi -soq abam saw eedaa& betlnß eds os qlas ym gídazoanoge saoru
a em batnang mazgont alea daeedfuoß ffengcß edt afdia brooez daum I ,nolaibbs at ;P2-Bzel asy ads a2 qldawolfet masgort adt td em ot babneszo qied suotenea ena zot minedt ya vhandid eollto slbal edt moyt adgltoaunam galalllozolm al edas I (augak edt) Teldonazitl neemogfA eda bne (nobnod) albal edd to selaimoddua eds inada ed oale yalnuamogqo sida noldazego-oo aledd tot bevldome mugall edt bna kmasdid oolit0
a em bednags noldabnuo aslfelelnon ent .válzoteneg bna d1 abam bne lopf ,zedodso o2 e2er ,enst mozt qldawollel -fwondos I ;Oder nt eqoint ni donaeset ob of em sot eldieeoq
gileletana seom molaabnuol add ot tdab ym egbe baa Imwsagak aildA .mM mwona enałd eeln abnelal yM adefqmoo eevlesmodi moqu Mood kibnld yeov llamt adot nh galalbe boa gnlqus Ianlt eda galalvmaqua gol valildlanoqaes einada deaminw ym evad gent ,eonoade ya nt alagdt eda do ond , mnob aved tena dol boog edd not meda od toog dlbesà ,enlm one sgaimooineda bne ezotza
To my wife, who beside taking care of a household, a child, and a thesis of her own found time to type and check he" husband's thesis, I offer my loving thanks.
To all other friends who have helped during the last critical days I offer my sincere thanks.
v a bfodasuod e to ezeo gnidet ebleed one atlw km ot Mondo baa eqyd at emls bouot nwo ned lo elaodt a baa ,bilde ennads gnlvof tm nelto I ,alaedt a'bnadand.med deel eds galwb bogfed eved odw ebnelat sedto Iis o slnadt eteonla ym zetlo I syeb folsizo
TABLE OP CONTENTS
Chapter I. Introduction 1 1. Early Acheh In Legend and History 1 11. The Foundation of the Sultanate 20 111. The Coming of the Portuguese and the Rise of Acheh In the Sixteenth Century 29 II. The Coming of the English and the Dutch $1 1. The Coming of the English 51 11. The Coming of the Dutch 62 III. Iskandar Muda--Hls Resources and Objectives 73 1. Accession to the Throne 73 11. The City of Acheh 80 111. The Kingdom of Acheh 90 IV. The English, the Dutch and Iskandar Muda In Achenese Trade 98 1. Acheh in As Ian Trade 98 11. The English Trade In Acheh 120 111. The Dutch Trade In Acheh 155 V. Acheh under Iskandar Thanl--the Beginning of the Decline 179 VI. Summary and Conclusions 188 Appendix 203 daneedxte add nł dedoA to esln 1 199 503 2 CT J 2 55 5 Ge 8 .....aovldooldO bna seozuomeß alk--abuM msbnmiaI .III .........dodul eda baa dalfgnk ada lo galmo♡ edt .II abuM mabneisI bos dadud edd deligak ent .VI ........................enolmwlonoD bne anammba ,TV A' yopep muqos Iapouqsi Ipoup--pye peBpuujue .................dodmΩ ada 3o animoD adt ,il ...........,.dalignà ody To nlmo0 odt. . 2" yomfou.po pe uoue.*...... edd bns esaugutzot eda lo gnlmo0 edt .111 ....................dodoA Jo mobgmik an? .Il2 221 ..a.......dedoA nl abanT doug edT .El 89 ..............ebamt mieA ml dedmA .1 1 .......yiodelm bne bmoged at dedoh yimng ,1 0s .........etanasiu2 edd 3o nolombmuo edt .11 ..... 0 20 .21 Osi a....vss...e..dodok ni abamt delfana ont .i1
ÏM1 20 ? List of Abbreviations 2°9 Bibliographical Notes Works Quoted • 21 3 22 0 Maps •
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Preface
In the present study an attempt has been made to analyse the political behaviour of Acheh and the commercial policy of Its kings during the period I6OO-I6I4.I. The coming of the English and the Dutch to Indonesia at the beginning of the seventeenth century altered the balance of power In western Indonesia. There began a period of rivalry among European powers In Indonesia which lasted until the seizure of Portuguese Malacca by the Dutch In I6I4.I. As Acheh happened to be a traditional enemy of the Portuguese, both the English and the Dutch sought good relations with It. During the first half of the seventeenth century pepper brought a high price In the European market. The English and the Dutch were very much Interested In collecting pepper at Its source. Of the two sources of pepper, Malabar and western Indonesia, the former was within the Portuguese sphere. So the English and the Dutch came to western Indonesia and set up factories or trading houses in Acheh and Bantam--the two major pepper ports of the area. Neither the English nor the Dutch could get on well with Bantam at first. Consequently they had to turn to Sumatra, to the kingdom of Acheh and Jambl for pepper.
Acheh was thus placed In a strategically advantageous position In trade as well as In politics. It is a striking veglana oz ebam meed sad dgmedde da gbuds dnesezq odt ni totfoq Ialozemmoo eds bna dodoA to muolvaded Imolalfoq eda ads to zalmos odt fgdl-oodi bolneq eda satwh sgalk asl to eds lo gnlnalged eda da alaonobnl os datud eda bn delfgna ntedsew nł mowoq lo donaled eds bezedls ywdneo daneedmavda neegowa gnome pifevli to bolvag a daged elent .aleenobnl -námat lo azuslos sds fianw bedeal doldw sleanobnl al szewoq ed oa boneqqad dedoA eA .fudl nl dosud end yd sooafaM esoug bne dellgn eds daod , ssaugudnot and le ywene Ienoltlbana a daitt edd gatmud al dalw enoldalss boog adguos dodud oda soleg dald a sdguond teggeq vwdnes daneednevea end to liad trev eraw došal eds bea deligoß edt .dexzam neegowa edt ał edd n0 .eowos asz da meggeg gnzdoelloo al beteasednt doum ant ,alaenobnt aselanw bna madalah ,meggeq to ssonwon owi bea daligoa eds oa ezedqe eseuguaiol edd aldalw amy veavot zo selzotoat qu dee bns alsonobal nzaleow od emao doduß ads teqqeq nolam ows ady--madaaß bna dedoA ai seavod galband biuoo dodud ads son dellgna eda monalek eeza end le asvpa ot bad yoda vlsnaupeenoo Jasll da madned dizw fiew do deg mot tdmat bos dedoA lo mobgnik edd of , ataemue os niua
2.2=qqoq anbegadnavbn tillaolgedanda a nl beoaiq auns aaw dadóA gntalmte a al aI ,aolallog nt mm flaw me oband nt nololmoq coincidence that at this point of history, when the coming of the English and the Dutch brought new opportunities to Acheh, Iskandar Muda, the greatest of Acheh's sultans, came to power. The purpose of the present study Is to examine the response of Acheh under Iskandar Muda to the situation created by the coming of new Europeans In western Indonesia.
The study Is based primarily on materials furnished by European Informants. The Journals and letters of the servants of the English and the Dutch East India Companies tell us a great deal about the trade of Acheh and the activities of Its king. An attempt has been made In the following pages to utilise this material In building up the story of Acheh In this period. The focus Is entirely on the kingdom of Acheh and what happened to it rather than on the Europeans In Acheh.
Such an attempt, however, has Its limitations. In the first place, the Europeans' knowledge of Acheh's trade was limited by the circumstances In which they found themselves. They had fair knowledge of the conditions obtaining In the port-towns of the kingdom of Acheh but they had hardly any opportunity to get behind the port-town Into the hinterland or to observe the processes of production or the Inland trade In operation. Even In the port-town their Interest was confined to the products which they bought and sold, i.e., the major articles of export and Import. But side by side with the European traders there were numerous other x1
gnidoo eda nedw yrodald lo dalog slds da sadd eomebionlos ot maldlnwdnoqgo wen adguond dadud eda bas datfank ody lo emso venealue sidedoA to dsedsenm eda ,abun sabnalaI dedoá odd enimaxe od el ybuta dnesenq ena to amogsuq edt ,zowoq ot bejsezo noldausle edt od abuM mabnaisI sebau dedoa to senoqaes aleenobnI nzataew nt ansaqowa wen to galmoo edt yd td bedalnmo) slalretem do vílvemlnq besad el whata edt end to anettal bon slanwol ent .atnamzotat naegonnz solmagmo slbal sea dadyd eda bna dalfgn ena To sdnavzes -lton eda bna dedoA lo oband adt suoda Lamb Janzg a an ffed gntwollot ada al ebam meed bad dgmeida aA gaix adt to aalaly To ymoda edo qu antbilud ot lelmadam elda ealllau os manaq mobald edé no viesltne al auaol edt .bolieq stdd nl dedak anaogouß edt no nads ladtan al ot beneggan Jadw baa dodoa to .dedoa nl
add aI ,anoldajlmif atl smd ;mevewod ,dumeada ne doue any aband s'dodek lo eabelwond 'annaqotka adi enmiy dazlt aavfeamedt bnwot yeds doldw al eeonatemupzlo eda yd betlall edé al pninlaido enolfibnoo sda to egbalwoni slat bad gadt yoa yibzad bad yedi dud dedoa lo mobgald eda lo amwot-szog baeinatald wda odal mwoa-tsoq sda balded deg os velmuatoqqo bneiai ens to nolsoubomq lo sesaespig eda evieado os zp deameani ntens nwos-dioq eds nt navt noldaiago ai aband bioa bas ddguod gada doldw aaobbonq eda os bamllnookeaw ud obio dua jaogml bee Jrogza lo salbldza sol em edó , m,l teddo spozenwn etew esena azebasa neagosuá eny dalw ebte amall and big merchants of Acheh who carried on business with traders from the Malay Peninsula and from the rest of Indonesia as well as from different countries of Asia. Prom the European sources we become aware of the existence of these non-European traders but we cannot form a complete picture of Acheh's trade as a whole.
Secondly, the Europeans were not Impartial observers in Acheh. Their Interests often clashed with those of the king. We cannot expect to get an objective assessment of the king's activities.
The limitations of the European sources cannot be made up by referring to the Indigenous sources for we have very little native tradition or history to fall back upon. The two Important chronicles, the Hlkajat Atjeh and the Bustan us-Salatln, do net give us a complete and consistent account of the reigns of the kings of our period.
Within the limitations mentioned above It Is worth while to make an attempt to write the story of Acheh In the given period. The justification Is to be found In the point of view adopted. No attempt has been made here to cover the history of A :heh In the period I6OO-I6UI In all Its aspects. The major external forces entering the area were the English and the Dutch. They provide the context of the story. As we have stated earlier, the central theme of this work is Acheh's response to the coming of the English and the Dutch In the first forty years of the seventeenth century.
asenluud no belzzeo odw dadoA to adnadotam gid bae ILawa to daes odd mont bne sluanzdes talaM add mon't szebazd dalw mozt elea le aalsdnnoo doenetttk most ma flew es alaenobnl to eonedałze ond lo otewe emooed ew ssotwos neeqonuß eda eseiqmoo a mzot Jonnao ew aud szebend maeqomwug-non eseda efodm a sa obest a'dadok to emudolg nl evevtesdo falázeqal don azew eneogoruß add Kibnooeß anid oda lo esode dthr bedaaio nedlo sdaezednt zledt dedoA ada lo dnemaseasa evlsseldo na deß ot doegze donnao ow .meldivldom algnia abam ed sonnao seomuce naeqozos ena lo anolzntimti edt ttew eved ew tot seazwes swoneglonl ena of gnlzmalet yd qu adt tmogu dond liel od tuodeid to nolulbaza ovlden elaall maang eda bne detdA datsáin end eafolnotdo dnedzogel owt dnuoose dmesalenob bna éselqmoo a au evlg don ob ,aljaln2-ey bolmag muo lo agnid ads lo angles edd to dizow al ai evode benoldnem enoldaalkti edd nldazy eds al dedoa lo tnode ada ealma 6d tgmadle na esem os olidu anlog end al bavo't ed od al nolsaolttzaut edt bolmaq mevig zevoo od onad ebam need sad dqmoode ol .bedgobe waly Jo asl Ila at Idól-goai boineq ods at donA to yoodaid odd azow aate edd gnitadne eeosct Ianmedxe totam edt ssoeqea eds lo diodnco and eblvoiq tedt doaut edd bne dallgnk ena aldd lo emodd Laidned add ,metlmee bedade evad ew eà - gzode baa daligaa edd lo galmoo edz pa emnoqcos atdadeà el lzon yaudneo dineodnevea ona lo esaay ganot desit ada at dadud ada
The interaction between Acheh on the one hand and the Dutch on the other hand deserves a close examination because of the uniqueness of the Achenese case. Acheh successfully maintained Its political Independence through the entire early period of European penetration of Indonesia. Particularly In our period Acheh held a very strong position and was a formidable force to reckon with. In many of the transactions between Acheh and the Europeans the former dictated the terms and the latter had to conform.
The European sources, In spite of the limitations mentioned above, enable us to form an Idea of the general pattern of Acheh»s foreign trade at least In Its outlines. The coming of the English and the Dutch to Acheh as traders brought about significant changes which are worth analysing. A case study like the present one, It Is hoped, will help us to understand better the phenomenon of the confrontation of Asia and Europe In the first half of the seventeenth century.
dojud ada baa bned ano eds no dadoÀ neewted noldoazednl adt lo maueeed nolisnlmaxo asoío a sevzezab bued teddo edd no tiiutesovoun dodoa esao waonadoa end to meoneuplnw edá sstsne edd dgwomdt eonabnegebal Iaslalfoq asl benladatam -uolanaq slsenobnl lo noldandeneq neagonua to bolzog yizao bne nolalaoq gnosde viey a bied dodok bolveq mwo al vizal -anand eda lo toam nl daly nakoos os eonot eldabhezot a saw bedadolb memzat add anaeqozul edd bua dedoá neewjed anoldos .miolnoo od bad edsal eda bne azet edd -new enoldajlmli eds to etlqa, nl , neozwos naegoua edt [azenes eds to aebl na mzot od an eldane , avode benolà senziduo asl al demol da ebaga ngletot a'dedoA lo nzeddmq azebezd as dodoA et dodul ada bne dellgna eds lo galmos ent -gnlaylana daapw eza deldy segnedo dneolllngle duoda adguozd qled lllw ,bagod at al sono aneneng edd anll pbude eamo A doldadnoslnoo eda to gonamonedq end sedded bnédasebdu od an daneednavee adt To Tlad leslt ena nt eqow8 boa alaA to
Chapter I
Introduction
li Early Acheh In Legend and History
The kingdom of Acheh with Its capital of the same name lay In the north-western extremity of the Island of Sumatra. The Interior of the Island Is occupied by ranges of mountains roughly parallel to Its long axis. The coasts are generally low flat lands. In some areas of the north, especially on the west coast, mountain cliffs rise precipitously from the sea. Elsewhere the flat coast Is well cultivated and supports large populations. The rivers are short and run down sharply to the coast. They are not navigable except for small country boats.
The city of Acheh (the present-day Kotaradja or Kutaradja) lay, as It still lies today, near the northwestern tip of Sumatra known In the mariner's chart as Achln Head. The city stands In a valley formed by the Acheh river and Is shut In on the three landward sides by hills. In the north the valley opens out to the sea.
The history of Acheh proper does not go far back Into antiquity. It begins In the early decades of the sixteenth century. But the triangular territory at the north-western notjoubordal trodstm boa boogel al dodoà tfmaa .1 adnod yidnuoo fiame
aman omas edt to fadlgao adl dalw dedoÀ lo mobgnlx edt endemua to bnalel eda To valmazdxa ntedeew-dtzon and nt kal zalatnwom lo negnat yd batquooo al bnafel eda lo tolzednl art yffazeneg ena slanop edt alxs gnol est oj feffazaq widguoz do vifaloegae , daron edd to aeeta emos aI abnal dslt wol edd mont yfawoslqloenq ealm alllio niainuom , denoo daew edd "que bne bedavidluo Ilow al jamoo dalt edd esedweslm ,mes owob nut bne trode eza stpvit odt .anoldaluqog egtef elvog sot dgooxe eldagłven dón one yedt semco eda od yígzade
to albasado2 tab-anssanq ads) dedoá to talo ent -ddmon edd maen .yabot cell Iltae dl am ,val (atbaiazuk pldok aa dzado a'zanlman ada al nwonk andamwz lo qid nzedeaw mevla dedoA edd td bamzo't yellav a nl sbnsta valo adt beolß ada nl ellld td eeble bzawboat eonds oda no al dude et bue sos eda od duo aneqo geffav edt damon ojal doad zat og Jon seob segong dedeA 3o gmojald ent daneadxle eda to eabaoab xímae eda at entged at gatuplane ntadapw-dison oda da giodzmved mafugnalna eds due .yuaneo end of Sumatra of which Acheh was a part has a longer history. The Achenese population Is not homogeneous; It is made up of different races and groups. The story of the formation of the Achenese people and the beginning of their history are not known. K.P.H. Van Langen., the first Dutch scholar to delve deeply Into Achenese legends, set forth the landmarks of early Achenese history In the following manner. The original Inhabitants of the area known to popular tradition were the Mantlrs. They were pushed back from the coastal strip to the Interior by the Bataks. The Bataks dominated the area for a long time until "the MantlrBatak state" was overthrown by the Hindus. Native tradition speaks of the Hindu king Ravana who lived In Indrapurl and whose kingdom stretched as far as the sea. Traces of Hindu Influence, maintains Van Langen, can be found In a few Inscriptions and several Sanskrit place-names such as Indrapatra (XXVMuklms), Indrapurva (XXVI Muklras) and Indrapurl (XXII Muklms). The Acheh river was formerly known as Chera, which means lovely.
Van Langen's reconstruction of the early history of Acheh Is Interesting but It has not found acceptance among
S
vegnol s ead ateq a eaw dedoà dolnw lo azvamw& to bme al di ;evosnegomed son el noldalugeg eeenodoÀ ent tdojeld ede lo vsode ont ,águong boa eooaa amesathib lo qu obam zleda to aninalged edd bna elgoeq easnadoa eda lo nołdemmot dodud denlt odd nonel naV H..2 mwonal don eze taotald dazot dee abnegal seenedaà oaol vágeab eviabot nafodos anlwollot ent ni vrodald eaenedaà vivae to eltembnal eda od nwond meme edd lo sdnasldadnt Ienlgiho ent mennan Nond bedanq ezow vent sslsnaM edd ezew nolalbesd tafogoq edt ,mietad edi vd nolmatal add od qizda fedeaoo ent moit -sldnek oda" llánd emid gnol e not moze odd bedanlmob eladaß nożaibazd evidak .eubnln ada td mwondimevo saw "ejade kajaß bne Iwqazbal nł bovil odw snavzß gall ubnlh eda lo esaege pbnim lo seoait .mes eda sa sat es bedodezaa mobgalk esody -al wet a nl bnuot ad neo ;negnel nav enleanlam eoneuftal -azbnl aa dona eeman-eoafq sidlanaß Iateves bga anoltqiioa Iawqasbal bae (emlioN IVX) aymqaibal , (amlaek VXX) ansaq a'zedū es owond vfvemiot saw sevia dejoa ent .(emtxuM IIxx) vlovol ansom doldw
to ymodald tizae edd to noldouzdanodas a'negnel may goome eonedgeoon bmwot ton ead at Jud antdaenasal al dedsa scholars. It shows, however, that popular tradition has preserved the memory of at least two major landmarks of Achenese history vis., the coming of the Bataks and the contact with the Indian civilisation. The Indian cultural influence is most noticeable in the sphere of language. Both the Batak and the Achenese languages have borrowed liberally from Sanskrit vocabulary.^ It is, however, difficult to ascertain whether this Influence came in at a very early stage of the history of this area or in a later period.
To pass on from legend to history we come to the early foreign notices of Acheh. The Achln Head was a natural resting place for sailors and merchants passing by and the Arab and Persian travellers seem to have known the spot very well. They were not familiar with the name Acheh. They called it variously Rami, Ramnl, Lamuri, and Lawrl.^
The identification of Lamuri or Lamri with Acheh is now generally accepted. Teuku Iskandar admirably sums up the long controversy over this question. According to him, the name Acheh has been used to signify both the larger area known as Greater Acheh and the city proper: Bandar Acheh. Historians were not far wrong when they took Lamri for Acheh
fcSnouck Hurgronje, Achehnese, I, 16.
E -
sad nolálbasd maluqoq dadd , mevawod , swode aI S.azafodos lo aizambnal votam ous dapal da to tzomam add beyteaosq ¿ edt baa aladsá ade to galmoo edo alv yzodald esonadoa Iamwalmo nslbal vdt noldaaillvlo naihal ed dalw vondnoe diol sogaugnaf to ezadqa eds al oldaoclaon daom el eopopital tifazedil bewozzod evad segaugnef asenadoà edd bna kadag eda os alwolttib zavawod al al & yzafndaoov dlmienaß most tizeo yov a ta ai emao eogogitnl aldi zondedw nłatzabas ;bolzeq medal a al to aoza alds lo yzodald edd lo egata timme eds od emoo ow trodald od bnegef mont nó saaq ot Iaswden a aew baoß nldoA edt dedoà lo ceoldon nglezot adá bna gd gnleosg etdadozam bne asollee zo't evaíq snzdaps yiev doqe adi awonk ovad od, meee azellevana nelenel bas datà tedt -dedok oman edd dálw salfimal don ezew yent .flew à.lrval bea , Peomel ,lomaß ,lmaß vianolmav a1 ballaa wom al dedol dilw Immal to Inumal to nolasoltjanebi ent ana qu amia yidatlmba sabamxal uiuet ,bedqecon vifameneg edt mid os galbsoooa noldeoup alds zevo yazevenanco gnof aeza tegzel ads daod yllngla et besw noed sad dedoà eman ,dedoA nabneß szoqosq yálo edó bna dedoA vedeenD aa mwonal dedoA not Imad dooa godt node gnosy zat don etew analzodalH df .I ,gnendedeA .etnovgiul NovoneS .00 .58-08 .13-12 s291 .aleenabat al slmlana8 ,abno0 t€ for together they formed one territorial complex in which Lamri, being a seaport, was easily noticed (while Acheh, lying a little to the interior, was leas so). Tomé Pires speaks of the "kingdom of Acheh and Lambry" showing that the two places were included In the same state. Iskandar locates Lamri In the neighbourhood of Kréfxng Raja. According /7^- ^ to him, Lamri lost importance in the fifteenth century when, possibly due to pressure from the expanding state of Pedlr, its rulers moved inland to Makota Alam In the Acheh valley.
The Arab writers identified Ramni as a source of camphor, gold, and brazil wood all of which were well-known Sumatran products. They also mention that the country had rhinoceros and many elephants. But by far the most valuable piece of historical information recorded by them about Ramni was that it was under the authority of the Maharaja of Srlvljaya. It is not known when exactly Ramni became a dependency of Srlvljaya, but It was an established fact when Masudi wrote about It In the middle of the tenth century. This Is the first tangible evidence that the area had been brought into direct contact with an Indlanlsed state In Sumatra; Srlvljaya In the tenth century was an avowedly Buddhist state with strong Mahayanist leanings. It seems, doldw al zefgmon falmbalazed eno bemzot teds zedsegos zot dedoA alldw) beoldon tllene aaw dmogeon a gnted Imal moslg dmot (os enel saw ,zolmodnt edz os olasil a galyí eda dada nlwoda "ytdmel bna dedoA to mobanlu" eda lo eseega -oí mabnaiaI .edaja emas edd al babafont ezew seoalg owd St galbuoooA .aleß amáanà lo booduweddslen od at lmal aodso nede vudneo danseatlt ada at eonadnogel deol lmal mid os mibet lo odada galbnagze eda mozt enuesenq ed onb vidłanoq Àyallay dadoA ada gl mala aonnM ot baaial bevom azefuz stl
to sowon a an lamaß bellldnebt ezeslmu daza edt awomi-lfew azow doldw to fía boow Ilaezd bnm blog ,zodqmso bad gzdauoo eda dada noldnem calá tent sdoubozq maztambß eldaulav deom adt nat td dod sanadgole toam bna sozesónids Inmaß auoda meds yd babaoven notsaanotat Iaolmodeld to eoslq
to alaiadak edd 2ó yalzondua eda sebnd saw at dadd eav a omabed Inmaß vidoake nede owond Jon sl di o, ayatlvinß medw doat bodalldadee ma eew at dud ,ayatlétzE to yodaboegeb yawineo danes eda lo elbblm odá nl al duoda etome Ibusaß deed bad eezs ond deda sonebive aldlgnas dezit eda sl ald? al edata bealdalbal da dalw Joadnoo sobzlb cdat adguond tíbewova da saw gaudneo ddnes eda nt atat lvlna (andamuz emess az Tognlnaet Jelnayeda gnoste dilw etade delóbbuß
IE-TS .001 mn01sale8 ,baa7290 however, that despite the contact with the empire of the Srlvljaya north Sumatra continued to be relatively free from Indian religious Influence In the Hlndu-Buddhlst period of Indonesian history. This Is partly explained by the fact of its geographical remoteness from the major centres of diffusion of Indian culture In the archipelago. It Is significant that when Islam came to Indonesia In the thirteenth century It found a foothold on the periphery of an Indianlsed empire In a region where the Hlndu-Buddhlst Influence was the weakest.
The earliest Indian notice of Lamrl (Ilaraurldecara), Interestingly shows the country In the act of repelling an Indian Invasion. The famous Chola Invasion of Sumatra took place In the year 1025 A.D. It was more In the nature of a naval raid to which Srlvljaya could not offer any serious resistance. Prom the evidence of the Tanjore Inscription (IO3O A.D.) It appears that the only place where the Indian attack was properly answered was Ilamurldecam "whose fierce wrath rose In war." This was the first notice taken by outsiders of the militant spirit of the people of this region, a characteristic which drew comments from successive observers through history.
Horth Sumatra was known to the Chinese at least from 9 the sixth century as a source of camphor and benzoin. The
2 -do evleaeodus most adnammoo wonb doldw aldalmedoatado a
eda lo esigme eda dalw anadnoo ans adlqaab sada .zevowod mont eent vlevidales ed os bavalsnoo araamua dinon ayatlvize to bożzeq aaldbbuß-ubnim eda al aaneuftal swolgtfex aalbal dost eda ud bonlalqio vidiaq al alat trotald nalcenobal -lib lo aasdneo totam edd mont asenedomet Jeatdqatgoeg ast lo -bagla al sI ,ogaleqidosé eda a2 omaloo matbal to nolari danoadiidó eda nl alaenobal az emao malat nodu dada dnmolt bealnalbnl na 2o yaedglveq end no biodaoot a brwot al yuuaneo sew soneuftnt deidbbuß-pbalk edd ezedw nolgez a al ezłque .daoknow edo
nt , (maoablmmall) lal To moldon naibal saellise adt ne nlsfeges to don oda at tamoo eds awoda gígaldaezed lood sndmmi& to nolaaval efodd wromet sut molsaval nalbnt a 3o emuten ept at ezom anw a1 .0.A 25or soet ed3 at eoalq avolmes kne datto don bivoo atallvlne dolde od blan lavan noliqtnoanl enolnat eda to eoneblve eda mogé eonatalees mmapaI eda esedw ooaiq tino ads zads wiaogqe di (.a.A ogof) sozelß emodw" maoobimwmnll azw bazewana yizegonq eew doadje ,nolges aina to blqoeq ona to aitiga dnsaziim oda to azebla
ptodsid dguozda auevten most dasef da ezonldó mnd es mwonk eaw astamw8 damok edt. P.nlozned bna todgaao lo estwae e ea tmudneo ddgze ads IIIXX ,BAOeG ",seenT maIT DeaoT" sd2" ,anadloW .V .0P .SAC-PEE .ODPI .(S)
earliest Chinese reference to Lamrl, however, has been put by Oerlnl as far back as 96O A.D. The annals of the Sung dynasty mention that Persian ambassadors on their way back from China reached Lamll In forty days from Tsluen-chow (Chuan-Chow). There they awaited the north-east monsoon and sailed home the following year.
12 Lamll has been Identified by Bretschnelder with Lamrl. This Identification seems to be an obvious one, but It Is difficult to see how exactly the date 960 A.D. has been arrived at as the year In which the Persian ambassadors stopped over at Lamrl. All that Oerlnl has to say about the embassy In question Is that It "seems to belong to the Sung period (960-127Ö). Bretschnelder points out that the history of the Sung dynasty makes mention of twenty embassies from Ta Shi (Persia) having gone to China but he does not specify which one of these touched at Lamrl on Its return voyage In 960 A.D.1^ suq noed aad , zovewod , imad os abnezeles ssenido daelímee anu8 vid 2o afenna edt Or. d.A Odę aa dond zat sa InlzeD gd dond vmy słeda no azobaasadma nalezel Sadd nottnem yaadayb wodo-noutat mont agab vazot al Iimel bedomes anldo mont bos doosnom dese-ddzon eda beslewa toda asadt . (wodo-dandi) If,taet galwolfot adt amod belles SI Immad dalw sebtendosdezd kd bellldebl nesd ead lfmal al 3t dud , sno euolvdo na ed ad amoes noldsoltzdnebi szdt -la deed ead .a.A Odp odab edt vitoexe wod ves ot sfuoltti beqgoda szobesaadma nalazes edé doldw al vaey edd as da bevlz Vamadme oda duode tse ou aad talmeo dado ílá .Immed da mevo bolneq anuß eds od anoled os amese" ai dand al noldaewp ai lo yaodeid edd sado avo etnzou mébłendosdena Edg(Bysz-0dę) Ide at most solaeedme Vonewt lo nolónom soxam tdasntb gnse sds doldw ytloega dbn sodb ed and anido od anoy anlved (alezet) nl egayov nzudei edi no Immad da bedogos eaads to eno
.7 . 42.0va 00 .OOYPOPI.sleA noen bio ent ,lyx :modon faoldgazgoeo" legefdol .gfl .280 1.6167E1
The Indian raid on Sumatra did not lead to the breakup of the empire of Srlvljaya. The evidence of Chao Ju-Kua (1225) shows that Lan-wu-11 (Lamrl) was still a dependency of Srlvljaya In the first quarter of the thirteenth century. It used to send yearly tribute to San-fo-ch'1 (Palembang). Coedèa, however, draws attention to the fact that Lan-wu-11 was among the states about which Chao Ju-Kua wrote separate notices; It would Imply that It was already on the way to 17 Independence.
A very significant change occurred towards the end of the thirteenth century when direct relations were established between Lamrl and China. China had always been aware of the great strategic Importance of the Straits of Malacca as an avenue of commerce between the East and the West. Particularly with the rise of the T'ang dynasty there came a great expansion of China's overseas trade. The Nanhal trade, that Is, China's trade with the South China Sea area, now extended Into the Indian ocean area and even Persian traders began to 1 A visit China. One can notice China's growing Interest In quimeid ent oå beef ton bib avdamwß no blas malbal edt ank-ut oado to eonoblve edt .ayativiva lo etigme eda lo To Konebnegob a Ilia eaw (lmmad) I1-ww-nad dand ewoda (2ssi) 21 guadneo ddnasseldi end to gadiaup denlt end at etatlvlne dr (gnedmola) ltdo-ot-nze oo asudis yismey bnes of bean aI I-bv-nad dadd doat ada od doldgedda awaeb savewod , sábeo ežameqee edomv aua-ut cado doldw droda sodata add yddma caw od taw eda no gbaanfe anw at vadt yígml biuow dl tavoldon f.somebneqabaf
to bae eda ebiawos betzuoso egnado Jnaolllagle yzev A . Dadalldasaw atow snoltalms doetib nedw ywanes daneatsldd eda add to ezawe need ayawie bad anldt aoldo bas Iamad neewzed na es aooalaM to mslais2 edz to eonadmoqml olgedasde amana -woldiat deok ens bna seaß ent noowded eozommoo lo euneva deemg a emeo ezeds yásanyb gne't edd lo aals eds dalw zizel Jads ,ebanj Imdnak ant ebatd kmvenevo a'enzdi lo nolanagie bobmeaxe won , neze ae& anldd dduoe eda diw obeid e'adido el od naged esobasd nalezet neva bne aana neeco malbml ada odat at dmeedat aniwong a'matno aodon no ano 8f.anid alalv 山 s8d ,de8r ,Eant ",ydgangondez e'mun-t omdo" ,danin ,gdi sönluobnlH sdaaa se oonelonk ntotag mobmod py titeg sd to tbuds à tabant ladnak áa , iigauo gosw8l EAgel ",eeß antdo ddwo8 aia nt ebant esecldo lo gsodel
2582e1,(5)x the Straits region during thla period. She received several missions from the Malay Peninsula and Sumatra Including one 19 from Malayu (Jambl) In 61+4 A.D. When Srlvljaya rose to power towards the end of the seventh century, she quickly earned "the respect of the Chinese." Srlvljayan traders emerged as the spokesmen of the foreign merchant community at Canton and their complalnta against Chinese officials were 20 looked Into. Maintenance of friendly relations with the petty states In the Straits region and the accommodation shown towards Srlvljaya perhaps Indicate China's vital concern to keep the Straits of Malacca free for her trade with countries west of Sumatra. The friendly relationship between Sumatra and China was continued through the Sung period (96O-I278) when a large number of embassies were sent from Srlvljaya to China.
Groeneveldt's account gives the Impression that the Mongols had very little to do with Sumatra.2 But as E. H. Parker points out, the records of the Mongol Dynasty (I282) speak of a Chinese envoy's meeting with a "Minister
8 PP-Tp ",eban tadnek" ,uwgowo anewos
fateven bavleper ade .bolmeq stdt znlub nolger stlatd8 ads eno gnlbofont ssdewe bna aluanlnat kefak edt mozt anolaslm oz esos ataltvlua nan Pf.d.a dà nt (tdast) vgalan mort zídolup ade vawdneo dánayes ods to bge edć abmawos seweq asabazd neyativtst ",esanido edo to dosgeoz eds" benteo tátawemoo ddadotom aglegol ept to nemeedoqe ent as begzeme ezew efatollto esanldo Jeglaga adalaigmoo slodt bdm dodpa da 50 eda dalw enoldalst glbnelat lo eonanedalan 05.odnl bexool noldabommoooa ada bna nołgaz sdlazae edá al sedada yadeq nseonoo Iaslv etanido edasibnt agadzeg ayetlvlza ebzawod pwoda dalw ebans sed sol east zooalaM lo asleza8 eds gees os deewdod qldenolsalas tibnelt edt ,asdamuß lo saow aalzanuoo
bolneq gnu& sdd dguozdd beunlanos saw antdo baa azdaw8 mott dnos enow solegadme lo zadmun egtel a node (BySr-0dp) IS antno os ayalivine
edd dedd nołeeasgai edd aavlg amboook stablevoneond an dua SS, antamut nalw ob oj eldall trev bad alogaoM ydasngã fognoh edd to abzones edd , Juo adaleq sensas .8 sezalalm" a ddlv gnlzeem a'govme eaanldo a lo daage (sßsi)
atallvlea ada lo draq a emaood wvalak ogaled anw aldgef ",abant
ogaloqidoma teian edi no esdoa , dbleveneond .q .wis XIXXX Oky ", meatwos saenldD moit bellqmob aooaiaN bna ba-dà,088 of Sumata (sic) state" at Qullon (South India). On his way home the same envoy called at Sumutula and persuaded the lord of the state, Tuan Pati, to send emissaries to China. Sumutula sent two envoys named Hassan and Suleiman. In 1281+ the Puklen Government, presumably acting on behalf of the Imperial Government, Invited Nan-wu-11 and three other states to do homage. In 1286 both Nan-wu-11 and Sumutula sent envoys to China. ' Establishment of direct diplomatic relations with China was the hall-mark of Independence for a Southeast Asian state. The evidence of the Mongol records therefore, suggests that In the eighties of the thirteenth century Nan-wu-11 (Lamrl) was no longer a dependency of Srlvljaya. Historians have not been able to ascertain definitely when and how exactly the empire of Srlvljaya broke up. But It would appear from the evidence cited above that In the closing decades of the thirteenth century Srlvljaya was no longer exercising sway over north Sumatra. In 1292 Marco Polo found the people of Lambrl (Lamrl) calling themselves "the subjects of the Great Kaan." This need not be taken too literally but It Is Interesting as It Indicates a shift In the political forces dominating the area.
e
taw sld n0 . (atbaI dduoe) molzu9 da "edada (ote) atamw8 to add babavazeq bas síudueuß da beileo yovae smas ods emod .antdo od aalmaaelme bnea oa tdas nmut ,odate eda To brol BSf nī namlefue boa nasae bedmen stovae ovs dmes afudumse edd lo tladed no galtoa videmuneng, tnamasevot nelaut eda aedada noddo eenda bna IIouw-nal beslval Jnenzevo0 Lelvegil ayovne ddes afudumu2 baa 11-uw-nak daod d8sr aī . egamod eb ot dalw snoltalen oldamofgib doontb to vaemdalidataß tS.anld0 od nalea desedduoß a zot eonebnegebal lo dzam-fiad ada anw anldo -gus ,emotenadd abzooez IognoM edd lo eoneblve adt Lsseds Ií-ze-na vmwdneo danesamida eda lo eelddale edt nl dada adaeg snalmodelm ,egallvln& to tomebnegeb a segnol on saw (immal) -ze wod bda nedw yiedlglleb aladzensn oa elda need don evad taegqa bluow at duß qu msond azativizé no enlgee eds vides to sabsoab sniuoío edd ni dada evoda bedlo eonebiva eda most tawa galelozeze zegned on eaw etetlvlme vwdneo ddneedalds eda to elgoeq edd bnuot ofot oogah SęSI nI .aitamuß ddgon sevo dmez0 ent to edoeldue eda" mevleameds gntllao (lmmad) lndiel at ai dud gifazedll coà meled ed don bean sidt aSo,meal soozot Imsldzloq eds nl dtide a sedmolbai dl as galsmprodal anza eda gnitantmob
The thirteenth century thus forms an Important watershed In Achenese history. It saw the end of Srlvljayan dominance over north Sumatra. The little states of this area forged closer political links with China. The extension of Chinese political Influence to the far western end of Sumatra coincided with the most momentous event of the thirteenth century viz., the coming of Islam to Sumatra.
The Sumatran port-towns had, of course, been quite accustomed to receiving Moslem traders and travellers for a long time before Islam came to be accepted as a creed. Occasional references In Chinese annals of a 'Hajl' or a 'Mohammed' among Srlvljaya's emissaries show the Increasing 25 ascendancy of Individual Moslems In Sumatran politics. As has been noted before, the state of Sumutula sent Hassan 26 and Suleiman as envoys to China around 1282. A little earlier, In 1281, Malayu had sent to China Mohammedan envoys 27
named Sulayman and Samsuddln. Islamic Infiltration reached a significant stage when Individual Sumatran rulers began to accept the new religion. In 1292 Marco Polo, during his visit to Sumatra, noticed
that the kingdom of Ferlec had gone over to Islam. Perlec bodezetaw smadzoget na ammel audd ywdneo dineedzlda edt sonahlmob cagatlvlue to baa edt wea dI grotald anenedbà ał bagvot beze alda to aedate elaoli ent msjamm8 ddon Tevo esentdo to nolenadze ent anido datw asall Ieolalloq temofe -nloo azjamnz lo bne ntożsew mat edd od sodonitnl fhalalfog twdaso Hdnoedzłda eda lo ddeve euodnomom deom ede dalw babzo andasa os malal lo gnlmoo eda-s.aly -aa edtup noed oanwoo to , bad amwot-stoq nassamu8 ent a sot amellavana bna szsbans meleom gnivleoes os bamojanó beozo s ea bodqecon ad ot émao mafal ezoled emls gnol. à to ltea' a to alanna esenldo al seonedetez fanoleaoso gnieaezoni wda wode aelmanslme etatallvlnß gnoma *bemadon solaloq daam al amelac Iaubivibnt To tonabneoss nossaß anes kluaumue To edats ads ,ezoted bedon need ead sá efsail a ds sösí biwome enido ot ayovne sa namlofoe baa etovne nabemmadóm anld0 od dhee bad wgalaß ,s8si nł , nelimae S.nibboama bna namgate boman medw egese dnmoltlogla a bedoaen noldesalztai olmafal notglfes wen edd agoooa os naged ezalus nazdemwa faubieibni beotvoh, andamuß od alalv ald gnltuo ,ofot cotek Sesi aI. oola58s,mela ed evo anog ban ale lo mobgnd ada dadd
.9 ,939ua0s. dEE SEed elnobeldoneD edoanevat-eobaln monn t .S .425 .I1 .ol09 007aN ,elmy8S has been Identified with Perlak (Ach: Peureula'), the same as Perla, a town lying about thirty-two miles south of the Diamond Point. ' Besides Perlec, Marco Polo mentions five other north Sumatran kingdoms Including Basma (Pasal), Samara (Samudra), and Lambrl (Lamrl). All of these, according to him, were heathen kingdoms.-*0 A gravestone discovered In Pasal shows that Mallk-ul-Saleh, the first Mohammedan king of Samudra-Pasal, died In 1297. Now Mallk-ulSaleh had married the daughter of the king of Perlak.^ Evidently Islam spread from Perlak to Saraudra-Pasal some time between 1292 and 1297.33
A number of Achenese and Malay legends put forward the claim of Acheh to be one of the earliest recipients of Islam In Sumatra.
Thus according to one tradition the first preacher of . Islam In Acheh was one Shaikh Abdullah Arif who arrived there In the middle of the twelfth century.3«4-
.3!j. p. Moquette, "De eerste vorsten van Samoedra-Pase" In Rapporten van den Oudheidkundigen Dienst in Nederlandsen Indio, I9I3, 10.
emea edd . (aIvenuet doA) safnel dalw beltfdnebl pead sad and to davoa cellm ows-vaside duoda galyl nwod a alzes as avlt anoldnem ofoq ootan .oalvel soblees P9.dalos bnomald (lacat) amaad gatbulont emobgaix patdamne damon sedão -bs , seodd To IIA (lamad) Iidmad bna . (aibumat) anama8 -alb enodaeveng A 0E. smobgnid neddead ezew mld ot aalbzoo -madoM danit edd dala2-fu-kilaM Jadd ewoda teast ni bejovoo -lo-xtfaM wo ,yesi al boib ,lasat-arbumaß lo gntk nabam SE kalzet To gald eds lo tedguab eda balsiam bad delsz emis smoa lecat-szbumeß ot dalnes mont beesqe mefal vfanebiva EE.yesi baa spst neewfed ado Beawzol duq abnegsi KalaN bne eaenedoA lo tedmun A mafal 3o ednelgloen deelimay edd to eno ed os dedoA To mlalo to tadozenq daitt edd noldibatd eno od golbaaooa eudt bevliia odw Ilaà dallabdà dilade eno eew dedoA al malel
dE.ywaneo datiewt ens lo elbblm eda at ozodé
.585 ..ba41es .0DE-4BS ..B1DI0E "eaat-ambaomat nev nedazov ejates e0" ,eddeupok .9 .ti dosbma nsbek ni danetd dealbnuibledbuó neb nev neazodgaß nt "Sebak mev albosgoloyond nt ", azdamug" ,heattuoß .a .sE p05 2091 VIelbat doebnal
E .d1e1 .nanoß nev deo8 de exolmdo8 .0.t.af al eb dav adolanavo doalolan" Sangnlnlbatatd nlessokt mav alnebatdoeoa ab zovo enevegea eddavmav nekzew edonłefan
Another chronicle says that in 601 H (1205) a. foreigner came from the west, Introduced Islam, married a nymph and settled down at Kandang Acheh. He took the title Sultan Johan Shah and founded the first Moslem ruling house of Acheh.3£
At the time of the outbreak of the Acheh War In 1873, a Constantinople paper, Djawalb, published a chronicle about the beginnings of the Sultanate of Acheh. According to this account Acheh was conquered and converted to Islam by Oazl ^6 '
Djehan Sjah on January 19, 1215«
Still another tradition says that the Acheneae Sultan Muhammad Shah, who was ruling In I836, was the tenth descendant of one Arab Shaikh Jamal-ul-Alam (Djaraal al-alam), who was sent by the Grand Turk with some cannons to impose 37 Islam by force upon a Brahmanlcal Acheh.
The Sejarah Melayu says that one Shaikh Ismail was sent by the ruler of Mecca with a ship to Semudra (Samudra) with Instructions to call at Ma'abri on the way. At Ma'abrl the ship picked up a fakir and proceeded towards Semudra (Samudra). They first came to Pansuri, and converted the people to Islam. Next they came to Larairi (Lamri) where all the people embraced Islam. Then they went to Haru (Aru). On being told
Menglezot a (Zosi) H 1od al dads ayes efolnozdo sedtonà boa dqmyn a balzzam ,malal beoubordal jaew edt mont omeo natlua afala edt doot el .dedoA anabnaX da mwob befajen to eavod galfus mefaoK Jailt eda bebawo't bne dade nadot EdadoA
Et81 al saW dedoA oda lo dsandavo edó To emia ena tA duoda elolnozdo a bedeiidoq , dlawata moqeq sfqonldnazaupà a aldt o2 gntbnoooA dedoA to etanatlu8 eda to agalnnlged eda IzaD yd maíaI os badzevnoo bna bezeupnoo eaw dedoa dapooos dE.ZISI ,PI vraunat no data dadata nadlue esemodoa end dads avee nołatbnd zeddone fiise -seb ddnet edt new ,dgßr nl aatlun sew ode dade bemmedpk (mala-Ie famala) mafA-fu-famat dilada danÀ mno to smabnoo asoqul od anqnnao emos dtlw dzut bnazd eda yd Jaea asw odw
TE.dadoA lmoinendand e moqu oonol yd melaI Jnes esw Slemal dilade ono dand wyne velek dazets2 edt dale (asbumae) asbumee os qlde a dalw mooal lo mafus eds yo eds Iada'eN JA Kaw eda no Iida'eM da Ilmo ed anoldoundanl (asbumae) aubume2 ebnawod bebeeconq bas alaat a qu bogolq gide mafel ad elqong edt badvevnoo baa , tmuanat dd vmao dasit gent -me efgosq eds Ila enenw (Inmad) lmlmed of emao geds sxek bíot gnted no (urA) puan od dnaw yadt nedt malai beoand
bl that they had sailed past Semudra they turned back and sailed on to Perlak, which place was then converted to the new faith. The ship now moved on to Semudra where the fakir converted Merah Sllu, who later took the title of Maliku'aSaleh.38
Interesting as they are, the legends do not agree with one another and none of them agrees with Marco Polo's evidence that In 1292 Lamrl was a heathen country.
The Sejarah Melayu does not give a date for the coming of Shaikh Ismail and the fakir of Ma'abrl to Sumatra. Although Its account that Lamlri (Lamrl) was converted before Pasal contradicts Marco Polo's evidence, the Sejarah Melayu in a way broadly agrees with It. In the first place, the order in which the Sumatran states appear geographically fits In with Marco Polo's description.3^ Secondly, It confirms Polo by stating that Perlak was converted before Samudra.
We do not know how and when exactly Islam was introduced to Greater Acheh. The earliest Chinese notice of a Moslem ruler in Lamrl dates around II4.12. In the absence of supporting evidence we cannot attach much historical value to bellea bns doad bonwt yedd azbumeß deag bellea bad todé dedà wen oda od bedtevnoo neda eav eoaíq doldy dalvet od no alxal eds esade asbumaß od no bevom won qida edt ddlat -s'uktlaM lo eftld eds doos zedal odw ufle dezek bedzevdon BE.de1a8
dáłw ootga don ob abnegeí adá eze vedd es galssezednl -Ive a'ofol cosal dilv seezga madd lo enon baa zeddons eno Vadnwoo neddaed a eaw Immad Sęsi al dadi soneb golmoo eds zot ejab a avlg don aaob nyalel dazatet adt -fA .midamZ oa Iida'aM lo ilial add bna Ilamel ditade no aroled bedzevnoo eaw (izmal) lzlmad dadd Jawoooa asi dguodd utalen dazsleä eds eonebive alofot cozaM ssolbazdnoo Iazst edt eosiq deslt odd al dt dalw soenga kibmond yaw a ai adlt viímoldqangoeg maegga setade nazdamut ena doldw nl sebzo amiitnoo 31 .vibnose& Pt.nélaqlnoseb atolot coram dalw al ,anbumaß enoled bedmevnoo taw gafnel dadd gnldaze td ofet beowbosdat saw malsI vidaaze wodw bne wod woni Jon ob sw molmoh e lo coldon ecentdo smellzao ant .dedoÀ zodzen0 os -qua to eonesda eda aI O4i.Siii bauona eedab lmmal al meien oj eblav faolmedald doum desida donnso' ew eoneblve gnlanoq BAaNt ". slannA velaM zo wyafeM davalee" mmovd .D .08
al seltto to smobyald xie stofot pozaM" nosmodt at .t9g ValaM anefone edd mont nolaalanant ał bellljnebi ,moniN avat ,II coIo9 oomaM oluY :ESS-ISS .d8s ,XX .gonq ",elmmnA .AOE-ZOEEOE-SOE the legends. They are, however, worth examining, for the possibility of the coming of Islam to Acheh at an early date can not be definitely ruled out.
Teuku Iskandar thinks that Islam came to Acheh around the middle of the fourteenth century." It would perhaps be safer to place the Islamisation of Greater Acheh somewhere In the second half of the fourteenth century. The earliest attempt to win the people of Lamrl to Islam by Shaikh Ismail and the fakir of Ma'abrl (even if we grant its historicity) did not lead to permanent results. When they found that the people could not read the Koran the preachers were evidently disappointed and left the place." It waB clearly a halfhearted attempt and It is no wonder that Its gains were soon lost. The fourteenth century Chinese work, Tap 1 chlh luoh (I349), In describing the customs of the people of Nan-wu-11 does not mention Islam. While Ma Huan's Ylng yal sheng Ian (Hj.25-1432) says that In Nan-po-11 there are about one thousand families and "all are Mussulmans."^ We have already seen that Lamrl had a Moslem ruler in llj.12. We may thus place the coming of Islam to Acheh somewhere between 1349 and U+12.
^I&ksndar, HA, 37.
^ 2 C. C. Brown, "Annals," 1;2.
eds zot sgalnimaza datow zevewon , dze tent abnegel edá ejab vízae de Ja dadoA od malal Mo galmoo ada lo kallidłasoq apo belus yletinllob ed dou nao bnuora dedoA ot emao mafaI Jadt sšnlda zabnalal mivet ad agadzeq blvow aI fu.vwdneo danesawo eda to efbbim eda ezodwomos dedoA zedaezd eo doldaalmalal eda eoafq od selaa daollzaa edt vaudneo déneedwol eda to ifad baooee edd al flamel dilada vd maiel oa lmmal lo afgoeq ods nlw of domasss (gololmodald asl omeng ow 2i neve) iadatam to slket ode bma edd dand bnwot yedt dodk .atlvaen doenamneq ot baei don bib Xidneblve ezew azedosonq edd nazoX ana baen ton bívoo elgoeq -líad a vimanlo saw az Su,eoalq eda vlel bna bednloggssto dooe ezew anlag aił Jadd sebnow on al 32 bna dqmadda badzead doßl dido I oat ,dow, eeenido ywdneo dineedmwot edt .daol 1i-iu-nal to slgoeq ans to amodewo and gnidizoaob al , (PEf) naf gnede lay poty a'nawl aN alinw matal hożanem ton seob ga eno duoda ene sseda ti-oq-dak ai tada ayas (Sgáf-2sil) -fe avad ek Lde, enamfwaan eva lla" bna selllmat boasuoda Vam oW .Siut ni nelut moleoh a bad Immad dand neee khaet neswded ezodwemba dedoA od malal lo gnlmoo eds aoalq anda stut ban Pues
TE .AH ,mabnezierd
.Sd *,alanma" ,mvond ,0 .g3d
Ibn Batuta did not visit Lamrl during his short stay In Sumatra In the middle of the fourteenth oentury. Coming about fifty years after the death of Mallk-ul-Saleh, he Mi found Samudra to be a well-established Moslem kingdom. Indeed In the history of north Sumatra the rise of SamudraPasal as an Important state Is one of the outstanding developments of the fourteenth century. After the break-up of the Srlvljaya Empire Samudra-Pasal emerged as an Important centre of trade In north Sumatra and pushed Itself Into the highways of International trade and shipping passing through the Straits. At the same time It became the first great centre of diffusion of Islam In Indonesia. If Java had been converted In Malacca, there cannot be any doubt that Malacca Itself took Its Islam from Samudra-Pasal. Por when Malacca was founded around II4.OO, Islam was already one hundred years old In Samudra-Pasal. Throughout the fifteenth century controversial theological points continued to be referred back to this earliest centre of Islamic learning In the archipelago.^ To Samudra-Pasal, therefore, more than any other state, must belong the credit of consolidating the Islamic Influence In north Sumatra during the first century after Its arrival.^ yaja atode ald gnlb tmmal staly don blb adudaß ndl golmod ktwáneo daneeitwot ede to slbblm edt al azdamuz al ad , delaa-fu-illaM lo ddeeb ada tosle ezeoy kalit auoda dmobelk meleo banelidadee-flaw a ed od arbumae bowot -azbumae to eals edá azdamuß dáson to yrodeld eda al beabal -ab galbnadaduo adó to ano ki edade snadmogał ne ae Ianas to qo-Vaend ent tedtà vawdneo dáneadzuot edd to ednamqolev Onadzoqml na aa beyzeme laast-azbumaß eniqml ayatlvlza eda eds odnt tlesdt bedeng bna asdamia dtzon nł ebata to evdnap dguona goleasq golgqide bna ebana fanoldanzedat to syawdgłd smong toilt end emebed al omla emat edd dA .stlande edd nond bad avat iI .slsenobal el malal lo nolmutllb to eidneo sooslam dede aduób yna ed donneo ezedd , soveian at badtevdob anoalam mpdu tot Fesat-smbomat most maleI asi doot tlosał atney barbnod eno ybeetle aay malel , Doúr bauoza bebwot saw -don yeodneo daneattlt eda tpodguomdt taeat-prbmmeß al bio Lond beszeles ed os bounlanoo asnloq Laolgoloeda falaloveza -Idove edd at gnlnzzel olmalal lo estneo deelfzes elds os tedoo yna mda etom ,esoletada ,Jea-ambuma of 3u.ogaieq olmelel edd antdablloanoo le sibezo eda gnofed jaum staje asl zesta vwadeo sanit eda gnlab asdazwa dizon al eoneuftel dp.lavinna
.AYS-ETS .PSeI .monda naI .do1O .A.A.nld 12P1 .(S) XXX .BAN ",ml2 MaIaN" ,mdoT ..A -P-B TePr II .Bolbusa faolgofologe nsleegobnI odelmdoe .Bd
As has been mentioned before, the Achenese and the Malay chronicles claim that Acheh was converted before SamudraPasal. Whether this Is true or not further research will show. Whatever be the date of Acheh's conversion, It could not possibly have escaped the religious Influence of SamudraPasal as It lay within Its Immediate diffusion belt.
The International ascendancy of Islam, especially Its expansion acroBS the subcontinent of India probably favoured Its spread In north Sumatra and subsequently to the coastal regions of the Indonesian archipelago. The new religion was carried to Indonesia primarily by merchant-preachers who adopted the strategy of converting the rulers and lords of the coastal states as the first essential step In their efforts to transplant Islam to a new country.4
The Nagarakertap;ama (1365) mentions Perlak, Samudra and Laraurl (Lamrl) among the Sumatran states which recognised the supreme authority of the Majapahit emperor Hayam Wuruk. Whether the Majapahit empire ever Included the whole of Sumatra Is a matter of dispute.4<? Chinese records show that about the year 1377 the Javanese conquered parts of the Srlvljayan empire." The Hikayat Raja Raja Pasal or adt bas esanedoA edt , ezoled benołdnem meed sad sA -arbuma& ezoled beizevnos sew dedoa sada młafo esfolcomde yalaM Illw dommeses modamet don so eund at alds godtodk lanas biuoo s! nolazevnoo sldedoA to edab eda sd savadad woda -szbumaß to sopouilnl amolglfez eda begacao evad vídlaeoq don .dfed nolauttib ejalbemal mst mlddiw tal ai ea lenat adl yilaloeqao malaI lo yonabneota fanoldanzaanl odt bemwoval yídadonq elbnI to dusnldnoodua eda eaomoa nołenagxe Iadaaoo edd od vídnespeedue bne anjamu& dazon pl baesqa aal saw nolglles wen edt ogafogldona naleenobnI edt lo anolges, ody asadosenq-amadosem yd yilvamlnq slaenobnl oz belmmao to sbzol bna azoluz eda gntazavnoo to vaedanda eda beagobe -lo vlodd at geda Ialdnetes daslt ada ma medede Iademoo end . Tu yuagoo wen a os malal dnaiganena oa agmot bna azbma8 ,kisol anoldnam (2dgi) emegednelezazaß ent beslngocen doldw eedats nanjamuß eda guoms (lmmal) tmomal 84 doww magal noseque dádagata ade to gtlnodáma epesqua eda lo efodw eds bebulonl meve eslgme aldegalaM edd zoddodk Jada woda abzcom esenino Pu.atugeib to meddam a at artamu8 eda to eiseq bezoupnoo eeonavat edd eí meey edt dpode to Tegt aleß elaß Savazln ent Oe aglqme natativtze atbusà ", avat lo noldsalmmlel ent" .pred o .otd ,211 ,2291,d .mstmale1 .s20 .8naldmle8 .boasm69 1d14 .0t8 .mom84 81 22e1 alea damm-danoa to tmodeln A 1an .8.0.a9 .05 .9ρ ",802om" ,401evon0200
Chronicles of Pasal says that about 1350 Majapahit troops conquered Pasal but failed to conquer Minangkabau.^ The Javanese action appears to have been more In the nature of • punitive expedition than an outright conquest of Pasal. Por, shortly after, In I383 one finds Su-wen-ta-na (Samudra?) 52 sending an envoy named Ambar to the Chinese court. When Cheng Ho visited Lam-bu-11 (Lamrl) In Ü4.O8 he evidently dealt with an Independent kingdom and there was hardly any
trace of Javanese authority to be found there. Pordenone (1323), too, found Lamrl to be a centre of trade.^ the people 'are given to piracy like the people of Nlu-tan-hal.»
Early In the fourteenth century the Persian traveller Rashlduddln (13IO) noticed that merchants from many countries came to the Island of Lamorl (Lamrl). Prlar Odorlc of
In the fourteenth century the Chinese noticed considerable piratical activities at both ends of the Straits. Significantly enough, Nan-wu-11 (Lamrl) Is mentioned as one of the principal pirate states. The Tap 1 chlh lüoh(13Li9) calls It an Important trade-centre and at the same time warns that sqoond aldaqataN O2gf duode dadt aves laeeS to aelotnozdo edt 12.padakgnaalM maupnoo o ballat dud laaat bazeupaon to awian odi nl atom need evad od azeeqga noldoa enenavat Iaan to deoupnoo ddglzduo na mada nolalbegxo evłalnwq a (Vambumaß) sn-ad-new-u2 sbnlt eno g8ef al ,sedte vidzode ,tos sétwoo esenldo add ot zadm beman vovne ns gnlbnee Vídnablva ed Bodí a2 (imad) 11-ud-mel baclele on poed) yua yfbzad saw ezeda bus mobgali toebaegobal aa dtlw síaeb etoda bnwot ed os valzoddua esenavat 2o eoats zelfevans nalezes edi yandneo dáneedmot eds at kínag aelsanwoo tnam most ednadozem dadt beoldon (orgi) albbubldeaß to olzobo telaa 2.(1mmad) tromad to baafsl eda o2 emao debard lo ezdne a ed ad Imad baat ,ood ,((sci) enonabro -zebłsnoo beoldon esenido eda ywdneo daneedamolrada al -gie adlansa adt to abno ddod da molalyidon laoldasiq olds lo eno as benolacem al (lmmeil) li-me-nal dguone vianaaltia mlfeo (edgi)doul sido I omt ent .mecata eaazlg Iaglóning edt dads anzek emtd adas edd da bne esineo-ebend dnadzogmi as ai ilad-nadmuzk no algoeq,eda eśzl toenłg os pevlg eza! efgoeq eda
B8Mt "vlmsa9 To safolnomdD ont" ,abodnatW .0 .g DE-dS ,BEPI.(S) IVX
to aba7t" ,Ilidioon :8E1 .21 ",m77mmva" ,4e2mas2 .s2r ",anldo
.10g ,sgoloateß ,boannag2
A ship would have to be extremely lucky not to fall into 55 'the tiger's mouth,' which Lamrl was at that time.
That the narrow waters of the Straits would breed piracy Is nothing unexpected. In fact a number of states continuously thrived on the plunder of the rich traffic passing through the Straits. Once in a while one of these grew powerful enough to dominate the entire region and keep the petty pirate chiefs In check. Such a state Invariably gained recognition as a great maritime power and found honourable acceptance in the contemporary family of nations. Such was the case with Srlvijaya and the same was to be true of Malacca In the fifteenth century and the Portuguese and Acheh in the sixteenth.
When Malacca was founded in the Malay Peninsula around llj.00, Palembang was still a part of the Majapahit Empire of Java. Matching the island empire of Majapahit there appeared the powerful Siamese Empire on mainland Southeast Asia. Almost from the beginning Malacca's very existence was threatened by the Siamese Empire pressing down towards the Straits. That the Majapahit and the Siamese empires did not either collide or swallow up the little states on both sides of the Straits was very largely due to China's policy towards the Straits region. The dramatic excursions of Admiral Cheng Ho up and down the Straits and out Into the Indian Ocean cut odnl Ila't of von ylonl glemenaxe ad od eved biuow qide A 22 C.omla dadd de sew Immal doldw ', dauom a'zeglt ede' tosslq boond bíwow astasa edo to azadaw woszan edd jadt -untánoo asdada to dedmwn a doat ni badoegxonr golddon al gnlasaq olttend dols edt to mebaulq eda do bevludi ylavo watg esedd to eno alldy a al sonó sslavse edt dguoude edd qeal bna nolgat enldne edt etantmob oa dgucne funzevoq bentag vidalzeval odan a douz ioedo al aleldo otazlq ktdeq afdawonon bmuot bna tewoq ealalkam Jeena a de nolalngooes saw dou? anoldan to yiimat vzanoqmadnco eda al eonadqeooe to ound ed od saw ewas odd bne agatlvinz ddiw esso ads dedoà bna esougudnot eda bna tmuaneo ddneejtit eda nl sooalak dameedxła edd al
bawoma aluenlnet yaleM ent ał bebnuot saw aooalaN nedW to onigaß aldegataM eda lo dueq a filda kaw goadmelat ,00jl bazaeqge eveds sidaqalaM to eslqme bomlel sdi goldodaM evat aleà denenawo2 bnalntam no ezlqad eaemal8 lulvewoq ena -Jeendd eaw eonejalxe ysev a'mooslal gnlnnlged edd mont deomfA .adlamdß eds sbzawot mwob galssesq esłqa3 eaamaia eda yd bene toddle don bib aotiqmo etemale eda bna aldaqateM edà sant end to sable ddod no metade elastt eds qu wollawa mo ebilloo eds sbzawot yolloq a'anłd os eub vlegzal vrey zaw edlaigg on anedD IallmbA lo enolamooze sliemaib ent nolgez aslasie duo neeoo nalbnl end oant dve bhe aslezi8 edd awob bns qo out ft safety belt between the two big empires, to which the amali Malay and Suraatran states could adhere. Slam was restrained and Malacca was taken under Chinese protection. As Malacca grew and prospered through the fifteenth century, the kingdom of Acheh slowly took shape In north Sumatra under the shadow of Pedlr.
mages pe apegon ot begh.
epe kruegow ot vopop syomyk pooj apwbe pu yorpp zmaple Mojecos Bren eu broaboneq ppuonßp ppe trteeouzy cougmλ pzu q yow v pen muqes pueae bopecou ya swurr woje vuq pmaaziwn srapee conyq sqpozearo mre Leonp e utek py pemoon ee mo pß ebre' po mprop pe
*K.P.H. Van Langen, "De Inrichting van het Atjehsche Staatsbestuur onder het Sultanaat," BKI, 37, 1388, 38/4.-386; C. Snouck Hurgronje, The Achehnese, I, 1906, 82. The greater Acheh area consisted of three political divisions known as the XXV Huklma, the XXVI Muklms and the XXII Muklms. The "Mukim" was a collection of Karapongs or villages comparable to the English Hundreds.
•*J. Oonda, Sanskrit In Indonesia, 1952, 57-67, 8O-87, 90.
't®. Perrand, Relations de Voyages et Textes OÓographlques. 1913, 25, 36, 91, 163, 3l;3, 361, $B8, 3B3, 392, 3% , 66in; H.K.J. Cowan, "Laraurl-Lambri-Lawrl-Ram(n)i-Lan-ll-Lan-wu-llNan-po-11," BKI, 90, 1933, U21.
5Teuku Iskandar, De Hlkajat Atjéh, VKI, XXVI, 1958, 27-31•
"Perrand, Relations. 100.
'K. A. Nilakanta Sastrl, History of Srivllaya. 19k9. J J 70-71. ~ -
öjlllakanta Sastrl, Srlvljaya, 79-81, I31.
9 0 . V. Wolters, "The cPoasu Pine Trees," BSOAS, XXIII (2), 1960, 339-342.
1 0 G. E. Oerlnl, Researches on Ptolemy's Geography of Eastern Asia, 1909, 700.
llQ. Schlegel, "Geographical Notes: XVI, The Old States In the Island of Sumatra," T'oung Pao, 1901, 338.
"-Qerlnl, Researches, 681;.
13lbld., 685.
^ B . E. Bretschnelder, On the Knowledge poasoaaed by the Ancient Chinese of the Arabs and Arabian colonies, and the Western Countries, 1Ü71, 11-12.
*5Q. Perrand, L'Empire Sumatranals de ÇrTvljaya, 1922, lil.
l 6 F\ Hlrth, "Chao Ju-Kua'a Ethnography," JRA3, 1896, 1+82.
1?G. Coedès, Histoire Ancienne Des Etats Hlndoulsés D'Extreme-Orlent, 191+14-, 231.
i^Wang Gungwu, "Th> Nanhal Trade: A study of the Early History of Chinese Trade In the South China Sea," JMBRAS, XXXI(2), 1958, 75-
19 This was before Malayu became a part of the Srlvljaya empire. N. Sastrl, Srlvljaya, 37; Wang Oungwu, "Nanhal Trade," 74•
20Wang Oungwu, "Nanhal Trade," 97-99.
2^W. P. Oroeneveldt, "Notes on the Malay Archipelago and Malacca complied from Chinese sources," VBO, XXXIX, i860, 6I4.-68.
22Ibld., 68.
^E. H. Parker, "The Island of Sumatra," Asiatic Quarterly Review, 3rd ser., IX, 1900, 131-132. Parker uses "Sumutula" several times In this passage and Surauta only once and It Is likely that Sumuta Is a misprint.
H. Yule (ed.), The Book of Ser Marco Polo (Revised by H. Cordler), II, 1903,~29~9^
2^Parker, "Sumatra," 129.
26Supra, 9.
*'N. J. Krom, Hlndoe-Javaansche Oeachlodenls, 1931» 33&.
28Yule, Marco Polo, II, 2%.
29Ibld., 287.
30Ibid., 28I4.-3OO.
32Q. p. Rouffaer, "Sumatra," in Encyclopaedic van Nederlandach Indle, IV, I905, 201;.
33ß.J.O. Schrleke, Het Boek van Bonang, 1916, 3.
34-Hoesein DJaJadlningrat, "Critlsoh overzicht van de In Maleische werken vervatte gegevens over de geschiedenis van het Soeltanaat van Atjeh," BKI, 65, 1911, 1Ü5«
3 %bid., 142-143.
36lbld., ll).6.
37ibld., 145.
3 8C. C. Brown, "Sejarah Melayu or Malay Annals," JMBRAS, XXV, pts.
2 & 3, 1952, &1-I4.3.
39j. T. Thomson, "Marco Polo's Six kingdoms or Cities In Java Minor, Identified In translation from the ancient Malay Annals," PROS, XX, I876, 221-223; Yule, Marco Polo, II, 302-303, 30^306.
* Sohlegel, "Geographical Notes," 357.
^3y. W. Rockhill, "Notes on the Relations and Trade of China with the Eastern Archipelago and the coast of the Indian Ocean during the Fourteenth Century," T'oung Pao, XVI, 1915, 148-150.
^H.A.R. Olbb, Ibn Batuta, 1929, 273-276.
^ 5 A. H. Johns, "Malay Suflsm," JMBRAS, XXX (2), 1957, 8-9.
^TJ. Schrleke, Indonesian Sociological Studies, II, 1957» 260-262.
^ C . C. Berg, "The Islamisation of Java," Studla Islamlca, |J., 1955, 115•
^%rom, HJQ, 1+16; Perrand, Relations, 652.
^D.G.E. Hall, A History of South-East Asia, 1955, 78.
£°Qroeneveldt, "Notes," 69, 76.
^•R. 0. Wlnstedt, "The Chronicles of Pasal," JMBRAS, XVI (2), 1938, 2U-30.
^ 2Parkor, "Sumatra," 135, I38; Rockhlll, "Trade of China," 152.
53p«rrand, Relations, 36I.
Schlegel, "Geographical Notes," II4.9.
11. The Foundation of the Sultanate
Up to the fifteenth century the state occupying the northwestern tip of Sumatra was known to outsiders as the kingdom of Lamrl. At the beginning of the sixteenth century, after the Portuguese conquest of Malacca (lfïll), the kingdom of Acheh leapt Into prominence and the name Lamrl dropped out of use. Tomé Pires (l£l2) Is the first European to mention Acheh.' The name, however, had been In use among the people of Sumatra for a long time before the coming of the Portuguese, although Its exact origin la not known.
There Is a local legend that a Hindu princess once disappeared and was later found In Sumatra by her brother. The latter told the natives that she was his Achl or sister. The Hindu princess became the queen of that country which thereafter came to be known as Acheh.*"
Another story has It that once a merchant ship from Gujarat sailed up the river Chera (the old name of the Acheh river) and got near Kampong Pandel when It was caught In heavy rains. It found shelter under the canopy of a tree whose enormous crown of leaves drew from the passengers the exclamation: "Achal Achal Achal" I.e., "PineI Fine I edanadluß edd to nolaabano? edt.11
eda gnltquooo ejade edt ytudneo daneedttt add os qU edt ea azebładuo od mwoni esw asdamwe to qid nzedaendazon twdneo dáneeaxla ods to gatonled eds dA lmal to mobala mobaals eda , (irdl) mooalaM to deaupapo eamuguazoß eda sedta beqqoib Imad eman ont bna eonealmotq odnl sqeel dedoà to of neegonwa danit eds al (sizi) mosia èmot esp lo doo gnoma sau nl neod bad , zevewod , eman edt d?, dedoà nolanem to galmos eda ezoled emld gnof s sot eztamie to afgoog edt mond don el nigtmo soaze edt dguoddla , eaangudzot ods -sib sono azeoning ubnln a vadt bnegel fmool a al ezedt edt .tedfond red td andamuß al bawol setal eaw bna betzegqa medeta no Idoa eld anw eda dadd mavidan eds blos madaal doldw yidnuoo tadt to neeup edd emmoed eseonlsq wbalé edt
12.rledoA an mwonk ed od emao taglaomeda I , sav2g amot 1o feineln0 amne ant (.ba) canednogd ", needea bullmo inommoo ,dedoa" ,goslot .t .o?
mont qlde tnadozem a sono dada al sad vioje zoddona dedoA eda lo aman bío eda) azedó tovla eda qu beltas dateluo at adgoao aaw al nedy lebnel gnoqmeß mean dog bna (mevié vest s to tqdnao eda zobnw tellade bnwot aI .anłas tvaod edd szegnsseng edt mozt wazb ssvael to nwono swomzone eaody Ionl lonl9" ,e.I " ladoA tadoA Jadoa" tnoldmmaloxa
Fine I" Soon after the place came to be referred to as Negri Achal.^8
G. P. Toison thinks that this visit must have taken place prior to the coming of Islam to this country, for the name occurs In the "Undang Undang" or laws and customs of Minangkabau promulgated by Perpatl Sebatang. In them there Is a mention of the marriage of a Minangkabau princess with a royal prince of Acheh.5»
Others believe that the name originated from a species of wood-leech of that name which abounds In that area.
The legends and chronicles cited In the previous section show that In local memory the emergence of Acheh as a distinct entity Is connected with the coming of Islam and the foundation of the Sultanate.
When was the Sultanate founded and where? The Bustanua-3alatln says that All Mughayat Shah (1517-1532) Is the first Sultan of Acheh. Before hlra there were no sultans In Acheh, only chiefs. He was the first to embrace Islam and patronise It.
ea of betzelet ed od amao eoalq odd mests nooß "lenlt 82.tadoA It8oM nedas oved feom alsly slda dana elntda noslot .9 .0 ena vot yadauoo aldd os malal lo galmoa sdd od zolza soafg to amodauo bna swai zo "gmabat gnabav" adt nł awovo eman ezedt medt nI .gnasadea Idégzes yd bategiumonq uadexgomain dalw eevonlaq vadakgnaniM a lo egaltiam eds lo nolanem e al 92.dedoA lo soalna layoz a seloega a most bedaniglzo eman add dadi evelled szedso Oà.sena dada al abawoda doldw aman dad lo dosel-boow lo noltoea muolvenq eda al bedlo aololnondo bua abnegel ent a ea dedoA lo eonegzewe eda tromem fabol al dede wode bna mafaI lo gałmoo add dilw betoannoo al valdne donldalb etanasluß edd lo noldabauot adt -naveug edt tasede bna bebnuot evenatfge edt eaw nedy eds at (SEz1-fi1) dane dayadgun I1a sads eyae aldelet-au nt enetlus on onew eteds mid ezoteß, dedoa 2o aadíuß sasit bas mall epandme et dattt eda saw eß aleldo tfno , dodoa 18 10.31 esimomiaq
;08g " mdeedesmade odoadela" .mgned v ..9.82 . ",o" ,mlo SC ", dodoA" , nosfor? .5.0287
pyldgimoeed A barilwano ndot ;Bg ", dedoa" ,noafot0d selasnwo JnecatbA bne abmalal malbal edt To vzanoldotd
William Marsden, following De Barros, accepts a certain Raja Ibrahim as the founder of the Aohenese Sultanate. Aooordlng to the Portuguese writer Acheh was a vassal state under Pedlr. It was governed by a freed slave of the Sultan of Pedlr. Raja Ibrahim, the eldest son of this former slave, succeeded his father to the governorship of Acheh» In 1521 he freed Acheh from the authority of Pedlr and set up the 62 Independent kingdom of Acheh.
Hoeseln DJaJadlnlngrat considers Bustan us-Salatln to be a very reliable chronicle and accepts All Mughayat Shah as the founder of the Sultanate. He points out that Raja Ibrahim of the Portuguese la the same person as All Mughayat Shah. 3 According to P. Voorhoeve and Th. W. Juynboll, All Mughayat Shah Is 'the real founder of the empire of Acheh.' They have, however, drawn our attention to the discovery of tomb-stones of some of the predecessors of All Mughayat Shah 6k after DJaJadlnlngrat had drawn up his list of Achenese kings. These tomb-stones are valuable as they point to a possible earlier date for the beginning of the sultanate. All Mughayat Shah might well have been the "real founder of the empire of Acheh,' but the assertion that he was the founder of the first Moslem ruling house In Acheh 1B open to question.
alejzeo a sdgeons , soszaß od znłwollot nebazak mallity
.ejanatfuß edonodoA ada 2o mebnuot adt aa mldandI slaß ejada fassav a eaw dedoA vesimy szaugudsol eds od galbzoook datfue edt lo evaía beest a yd bonzevog eaw sI slbet zeboo ovale memzot alds 2o nos deebie end midandl mis slbel 2o IS2I al dedoA lo gldazonzevog edt od tedaat ald bebesoova ada qu dea baa aibas to gtlzodána eda mort dadoA beest ed sd .dedoa lo mobgals anebaegebal
os nlsafse-sn najaua ezebladoo dangnlnlbatatd nłessoß dada deyadguM liA adgeoos bne elolnondo eidallez ysav a ed stas dana duo adniog eß otanadiua add to nebawo't eda se dayadguh IiA aa noateq emas eda al esewgudroß edi lo mldazdI LIA ,llodayut .W .dT bna avaodnoey .9 ot gntbrocoA Eà.dane ',dedoÀ to atigme eda lo sebnuol faat eda' st dada dayadgun To gisvoosib add os nolszedde two pwaib , tevewod , eved vedt dada Jayadgul t1à lo azozseoebonq eda lo pmos lo eanota-dmod dò.egalk esenedoA lo seli ald qu aweib bad dangalnlbatata medta .121 ",anolgaevo" .Jangatalbelataco
eldlasog a od daloq yedd az sldaufay eza menoda-dmos amedt tatadgak zià edanedlua adt lo gnlndlged edd tol edab valltae lo erigme edt lo zebauot faes" edt need svad flew ddglm dade denl't sdd lo tobnwot ens smw ed dado noldzesse edd sud ' dedoá noldasup ot dego el dedoà ai eaued anlfus mafaom
"delsA" efolsua ent ni llodnyut .W.dt bna aveodnoov .quld Ept-Sát , Odpr malal to stbeagofovong eda n2
A local chronicle, entitled 'Adat Acheh» I.e., Usages of the kingdom of Acheh, gives a genealogy of the sultans of Acheh. According to this chronicle the sultanate was founded In A. H. 601 (1205) by a certain Johan Shah, who Introduced Islam and settled at Kandang Acheh, a village near Kotaradja. ?< The third king of this line, Sultan Mahmud Shah 66 (A. H. 665-708 or 1266-I308 A.D.), moved from Kandang to the present site of the city of Kotaradja and built there a fort called Dar al Dunya. This happened In the k3rd year £>7 of his reign I.e., A. H. 708 or I3O8 A.D. The ninth king 0. of the line, Sultan Saluddin (A. H. 917-9k6 or I5ll-l5k0 A.D.) has been Identified by DJaJadlnlngrat with All Mughayat Shah of Bustan us-Salatln. The genealogical list has nine kings between Salauddln (or, All Mughayat Shah) and Iskandar Muda, the greatest of Achenese kings. The authoritative list drawn up by DJaJadlnlngrat and modified by Juynboll and
BeganU ;.sil IdodoA Jabat balsldne ,aloinotdo Iacol A anasiue eda lo tgolmeneg a sorla dedoA to mobgalx edd to eaw adanadire ede elolnosdo slda os gnlbmoboA dedoa to odw ,dade nedot alatteo s yd (Zosr) f0d .H .A at babawot Teen egafily a ,dedoà gnabmeX da balades boa Mafal beoubondal dade bomdak madlué , entl slds 2o gnls bida edt 2ò. atbanadoß os anabaa mort bevom 0.(.0.A Bog1-8dsI zo Boy-dd .A) a ezedd aflud bna albazajoX lo yalo ena To etla dnesenq eda maey beíd ads at bonegqad sidt youd la zag boflao duot galk danto edm Tà.g.a Bogi mo 6o5 v8 .A et nalnr ad 2o b (.a.A DRr-frzi do dde-Sre .À .A) mibbulae caalua ,entt oda 3o danz dayadgok IlA daly dangnlntbatetd yd beltldoabt need mad
antn end dell laolgoleneg edt 8d nlsalae-u paimug no tebaakaI bae (dade Jayedao liA to) nlbboalue neewied ugaix boa llodayut gd battibom baa dangolnzbatała ęd qu mranb vets
mabemodaM ed lo agatk ada to tmolasned" ,blodwek .t .g2à eds oż aslteh odt lo saet dalod ens mont nldoa oż ytaanyb III ,eoneloe bne erstszetld lo fantmot aazbaK ",emls Jnosodg V,IV,de3A JabeveonzooV9 bne sowend.t..0 2 .d1 .8291,*gadnavar0-2
.C.A bms .M.A lo meldaT evisalegmo3 end of gaibrossadd eqifida R 0 .ba) ymosetn fasmatmo to Noodbna oda nl setab sqooxe duodguonda boen nood ovad aeldad eaedt (dE ldes
.22 ",tgoleeneo" ,bLodwetè
.121-021.",sdolamevo" ,dangntalbatala88
oo4 i111 .VI :12-22 .III ",Kaolmeneo" ,blodwomPd .I xibnoqqa
Voorhoeve has ten. Except for this difference the names of the kings given In the chronicle agree with those of the authoritative list. DJaJadlnlngrat, however, doubts the authenticity of the earlier part of this chronicle on the ground that only seven kings have been made to cover a period 71 of 300 years. The list actually gives eight between 1205 72 and 151I A.D. Drewes and Voorhoeve suggest In their editorial notes on Adat Atjeh that there are grounds for believing that the chronicle goes back to a "rather remote past." In their opinion the historical part, at least, does not show any signs of being forged or altered to serve the 73 Interests of any later ruler.
Another chronicle, the Hlkajat Atjeh, gives the names of the ancestors of Sultan Iskandar Muda both on the father's side and on the mother's side. After correction by 7k DJaJadlnlngrat and Moquette they read as follows:
| Father'a side Mother's side |
| Munawar Shah Inayat Shah Shamsu Shah Muzaffar Shah All Mughayat Shah Firman Shah Alauddin Rlayat Shah Alauddin Rlayat Shah |
7°Juynboll and Voorhoeve, "Atjeh" 7k2-7l+3; see Appendix II and III.
seman eda sonezatt15 sida zot dgeok2 05.ned and evaodzoov edt lo eeods dtlw sasga alalnondo eda nł novły egnld eda to edd siduob , vavowod , dangałnibatatd sell ovldadlzodana eds no sfolnondo alds lo deaq mellsso oda to válolaneddua bólteq a sevoo od ebam nesd evad agníl devee yimo Jadd bnuosg ZoSI neowfed adgle sevla vflmudon dall edt STeaet O0g to -Ibe sleda at oeegguz evapdtoov bna sowezg ST.a.A il2s bua -ed zol abnoong eta bzeda dads dettà jabá no aston Ielzoj edomet neddat" a os dosd seog ofolmondo eds Jeds gntveif soob , tesel ds dnaq Isolmodald add nolnlgo slads aI ".damq edt evsea od besedfa to bagmot gnled to angle vae wode don ET.golut medal yna to adeemednl comen edd sevig detaA datanin add , elolnondo zeddona s'veddat eda no daod abaM zebnaseI nadlua to azodasona edt lo td noldsesvos tedla .ebla a'meddom edt no baa ebla uTawollot ba baet gedz addeupom ba desgalafbetato
ebte alzeddok dade aayant deng Tatlason dade pamade dade nemsl dade dagadguK IIA deda deyaia nibbualk dedE vayelß nlbbuala sagneß atobni alaß Ireduq IIfat IubdA adgnada (ebun tabnešel to zedjom) (abuM sabnaiel to voddat) xibneqqA soa ;LuT-Sut "delea" , eveodnoaN bae flodayut05 III bos II .E edon.,Bur ",adolanevo" ,Jangnlazhatatgat .I KIbnegqA 602S1 .dI delaA JabA ,avaodaoov bna aewemgeT .OE .A abaaxar
The chronicle reveals that Iskandar Muda's ancestors on the father's side at one time ruled In Lararl vhlle those on the mother's side ruled In Dar al-Kamal, on the southern bank of the Acheh river.\r
According to the records of the Ming dynasty, Mahama Shah, the king of Lambrl, sent an envoy to China In llj.12. 76 Hla son Sha Che-han also sent an envoy to the Chinese court. Ma Huan's Ylng-yai Sheng-lan (U4.I6) or "General Account of the Shores of the Ocean," says that the king of Lambrl Is a 77 Mahomedan.
The relationship between the kings mentioned above In the two chronicles has not yet been fully worked out. Nor have the two kings mentioned in the Chinese records been Identified. However, on the basis of the materials offered by the Hlkajat Atjeh and the tomb-Inscriptions Teuku Iskandar has made an attempt at the reconstruction of the early dy78 nestle history of Acheh.
It appears that In the fifteenth century there were two centres of power In Greater Acheh, one at Lamri on the ond do azojseone a'abuk nabnaieI dada slsevez aiolmozdo edt eds no evods allde tmmad al balus emld eno da eble e'meddat To dnad ntadduca edt mo famaX-la lad nt befuz ebía alzaddom 2T.mevia deñoA eda
amadal ,ttsanyb galM eds lo sbsosaz eds od gatbmosok Sidí ał anldó oz tovne na dnes , Izdmal to gals ond dade or dwos esanldó ena ot tovne na dnea cala ned-ed) md& nos alé to JnwoooA fazene0" to (dráf) gal-pneda lay-anly a'naúß aM é at lzdmal lo gald ads dadd etas ",neeo0 ada to sazoda eda TT.nabemoda
ai evoda benoldnem sgalx edó néewded qidanolsafen edt nol .duo belnow kifut need dey don aad aolalnondo owd edd neod absaoas ecenldó eda ni benoldnem ezald cud add avad besello slalnodam end lo sléad eda no ,zavewoß .belnldnebł mabnakel wiuet anoldqlmosat-dmot ent baa det da dataktk edd yd -gb vizae edd to notaoundanoses eds de dqmedda pa ebam sad By dedoA lo yiotald oldean azew ezadd ywdneo ddneedllt eda ni dada azaeqqa sI
edd no Imaal de ano , dedoà zedsero al tawog lo sosdneo owd
.B2E-T2E ",soJoW (moldgetgooD" ,Segaldo50T .80.",mesom" ,3bleveneon0T .B-OE ..,bI sea coast and the other at Dar al-Kamal on the southern bank of the Acheh river. Raja Inayat Shah, the ancestor of 9 Iskandar Muda on the mother's side, ruled In Dar al-Kamal, which was possibly the contemporary name of Acheh proper • 80 i.e., Bandar Acheh. A little distance from Dar al-Kamal, at Blluy, a grave has been found of Sultan Muzaffar Shah, son of Inayat Shah, son of Abdullah al-Mallk al-Mubin. One wonders whether the last mentioned person was the first ruler of Acheh.81
Munawar Shah, Iskandar Muda's ancestor on the father's side, was originally a ruler of Lamrl. Towards the end of the fifteenth century the capital was transferred to Makota Alam which is the same as present Kuta Alam, on the northern bank of the Acheh river. When the two kingdoms thus stood face to face across the river, all the noble Ulebalangs and all the people of Acheh Dar as-Salam (i.e., Greater Acheh) were split Into two camps. The ruler of Makota Alam made war on Dar al-Kamal, but failed to win. He then proposed to marry his son to the daughter of the ruler of Dar al-Kamal, Setia Indera. This was accepted. On the pretext of transporting the dowry, weapons were shipped across and Dar al-Kamal was taken by a surprise attack. The ruler of Makota Alam now daad niadduoa sdd no Iamaß-la zad da teddo edd bae vamoo aes So modanona edd , dede deganl at aß tevim dedoa ada lo eT lmmel-la saa nt balon ebla a'raddom eda no sbak tabukal zeqozq dedoA lo emaa yzazoquntnoo edt yídlesoq eaw doldy Immaß-Ia zal morl somedalb eltalí A 08. dodiA zebaa ..e.1 dede mattezuk nasfne lo bhoot need ead evang a vafia de eno nlduM-fe WllaM-Ia dellubdA to nos dade dagaaI lo dos zefus dartt sdt anw noszeq bonotanem jeaf end zedjedv szabdow 18 deñoA to
a'zeddat edd do zodeeone e aboM tabnesal dada zewanuk lo bne eda abzawot .lmal to talus a vilanlglio aaw ,ebla adokam od beszalaneia eaw fasiqeo edd guudneo ddneedlil eda nzeddton adt no maiA aduà snesezq as omas edá sł dotdw malA boote euda empbgntk ows edt nodw S8, zevlt dadok eda to kaad bna egnefedeiU eldon edo lla zavlt eda saozoa coat od enal (dodoA medmos0 ..e.1) mals2-ea mal dadpa 9o eigosq ena I1e ebam malA atośaM to teium ent sqmao owi otnl aliqe ezow of beeoqong nods od aiw as beftat sud , famek-fa mad no tew famaX-fa gal lo nofuz edd to metdguab oda od noa ald yatem -enezó lo azedenq edd n0 bedqebon saw eldt evebnI aldeß [amaX-le zeq bna eaotos baggida azew anoqaew ,tmwob eda gnlazoq won maía adodah lo nelum edt koatia ostngtwa a yd mesat eak
.SE .AB ,Tabnaim3PT b1DI08 R .EE-SE ..D2OIIO .1E ..bla158 ruled over the whole of Acheh Dar as-Salam and thus was the Acheh valley unified under one ruling house. *
Now the question arises whether we can identify the conqueror of Dar Al-Kamal. A Portuguese account of 1599 says that the founder of the kingdom of Acheh was a certain "Sidlmorogom." In Kuta Alam there Is a grave traditionally known as that of "Poteu Meureuhom" i.e., "Grave of our late Lord." The inscription on the grave shows that it was the grave of Sultan Shamsu Shah, who according to Hikajat Atjeh was the father of All Mughayat Shah. Rouffaer reads "Sidlmorogom" of the Portuguese account as Said al-Marhum I.e., the Late Lord." This seems to be the same person as "Poteu Meureuhom" of the tomb-inscription. The statement in the Hikajat Atjeh that Sajjld al-Marhum Is the son of Shamsu Shah Is thus incorrect. Possibly one should read the two together as one name: Shamsu Shah SaJJid al-Marhum. If Sidlmorogom of the Portuguese account was the founder of the kingdom of Acheh Dar aa-Salam then the honour should 8k belong to Shamsu Shah.
Shamsu Shah abdicatod in favour of his son Ali Mughayat Shah. The grave of All Mughayat Shah at Kandang XII In Kotaradja shows that he died in 1530 A.D. Th.» most dependable chronicle, Bustan us-Salatln, says that Ali Mughayat Shah edd saw audd baa maíaß-an-mal dadoÀ to elodw edd tavo befus 88 onvod antfuz eno zebon belllow yellav dedoà edd ylldnobł nao aw zedaadw sealza noldsoup add wok ažas pedl to dmuoopa eaodgudmot A lmmaX-[A naa to zozeupnoo niadzeo a saw dedoa to mobgald eda lo nebnwot sdt dadà kllanoltlbazt evang a al ezedd malà adul nl ", mogozomibla" edal muo to svaso" e. l modvenrol pedos" lo dadd sa nwoni sds emu sl dand cwode avang edd no noliglioaat edt ",baod dettk datexlk ot gnibroooa odw ,dada pamada natfuz to evatg -Ibla" abaes meslluoß dada deyedguM liA to tedaxt edd asw e.ł mdzal-la biet aa danonoe ezeugudioS ads to "mogosom uedos" en nosmeq amse eds ed of emeaa eldt ",bzod ejsl edd edd nl anemedade ont nolaqimoanl-dmod eda to "moduenwaM pemada to doe eda al modtaM-la bitte2 dads deldA dat aii owd eds baen blmode eno yidasoß doeszocal eddt et dade iI .mudmat-le biltae dade pamene pamen eno ee moddegos to abnwot edd saw dmmoooa eseugutzoq edd lo mogozomtble biuode wonod odd coda mefat-aa nad dedoa to mobynlx eda
dayadgun tiA non ald lo wova't al beseolbda dade pemade nł IIX gnabnaA Ja dada dayedguM IIA lo evang edt .dad8 eldabneqab deom sot G.A Ogei nt belb ed dadd awode stbazedoß dade dayedgon tiA dedt eyna gisalae-sw nadeua ,efolnondo
E8 SE
.EE ..brar48 ruled for Ik years. Thus the date of All Mughayat Shah's accession would be 1516 A.D. There is a separate grave of Raja Ibrahim, son of Shamsu Shah, at Kuta Alam, which shows that he was not the same person as All Mughayat Shah. Raja Ibrahim was a brother of All Mughayat Shah and he died In 1523.85
88 1253°
Iplepíw moe e ploppan ot vit yaepeλac apep suq pe qroq yo ppep po mse pò cpe zems beneon za vit wnepelep ppept gełs gełe Iptep' sou ot ppamen guop' ec kape vyewt mptop spona socesmzou monjq po Jrę vrp' Juele fa s sobalepe Euoo or inyeq tos jp leazet Jpne pue qwpo ot vit woepelsp apep,o
^Cortesao (ed.), The Suma Oriental of Tome Pires, I, I9kh, 135, 138.
57o. P. Toison, "Aoheh, commonly called Achoen," JSBRA3, V, I880, 38.
5 8K.p.H. Van Langen, "Atjehache Staatsbestuur," 386; Toison, "Acheh," 37.
59-Tolson, "Acheh," 37-
60Tolson, "Acheh," 38; John Crawfurd, A Descriptive Dictionary of the Indian Islands and Adjacent CountrleâT 1856, 2.
62Wllllam Marsden, The History of Sumatra, l8ll, kl8-k23.
^DJaJadlnlngrat, "Overzicht," l5l.
^P. Voorhoeve and Th.W. Juynboll, In the article "Atjeh in the Encyclopaedia of Islam, I960, 7l;2-7k3.
6 5 T . J. Hewbold, "Genealogy of the kings of the Mahomedan dynasty In Achln, from the 601st year of the He J ira to the present time," Madras Journal of Literature and Science, III, 55; O.W.J, nrewes and P. Voorhoeve. Adat Atjeh, VKI, XXIV, s-Gravenhage, 1958, 16.
^According to the Comparative Tables of A.H. and A.D. dates In the Handbook of Oriental History (ed. C. H. Philips, 1951, 36). These tables have been used throughout except where DJaJadlnlngrat gives a different date.
67Newbold, "Genealogy," 55-
6 8 DJaJadlningrat, "Overzicht," . l50-l5l -
6<5Newbold, "Genealogy, " III , 55-57; IV, 117; aee Appendix I .
7lDJaJadlnlngrat, "Overzicht," lk8, note 3.
72see Appendix I.
73Dr«v©8 and Voorhoeve, Adat Atjeh, l6.
7kIskandar, HA, 30.
7^Ibld., 31-32.
76Schlegel, "Geographical Notes," 357-358.
77Qroeneveldt, "Notes," 98.
78Iskande.r, HA, 3O-38.
79Iskandar, HA, 32.
60Ibld.
8lIbld., 32-33.
82Ibld., 31.
3Ibld.t 32.
8t*Ibld., 33.
85 ibid., 3U-35.
111. The Coming of the Portuguese and the Rise of Acheh In the Sixteenth Century
The story of the coming of the Portuguese to Asia has been told many times over. Por our present purpose only the major landmarks may be noted.
Portugal's expansion overseas began with "the impetus of a belated crusade" in lkl5 when Ceuta, on the north coast of Africa, was captured from the Moors. Ceuta was an Important trading centre of the Moslems connecting Alexandria 86 and Damascus with Europe. The first explorers of the African coast were sent out by Prince Henry the Navigator in 142I. Prom the very beginning these expeditions were carried out under the military Order of Christ of which the Prince was the Governor. ' It took them the rest of the century to circumnavigate Africa and reach Calicut In India (lk98).
While they were slowly moving down the west coast of Africa an Impressive Chinese fleet was operating in the Indian Ocean area. Several voyages were made by the Imperial fleet of China commanded by Admiral Cheng Ho, between Ti+05
To salß odt bne eaeuguazo3 eda 2o anlmob edt 111 vwdne dáneadxłe odt al dedok
and mleà od ezeuguatos eds to gnlmoo ads to vrota ant kino eaoqwq anesang suo sot .tevo samlo tnam blot need beton ed yam aázambnal zotam ada euteqmi edj" dalw nagod aaeazevo nolanaqxe a'lagudzoq deaco domon eds no adueß nadw Ziálf at "obmauto bedefed a to -ml na saw edueb .azoon edd mont banwdgao amw ,solatA to alnbnaxelA nidoennoo emelsoM eds to ezdnso galbana dnadmoq add lo ererofqxe dentt edt a8,egowz dalw avosamal bon sodegłval odd tinen sonizt td ano snae ezew desoo pmolula ezew anolelbegxa eeeds galonlged trev eda most .ISúr al ens doldw lo selado lo sabio yiatlllm est nebaw duo belsieo ada 2o Jaet eda meda wood aI 18,sonzevon ald asw sonint
at duollat doman baa motata elagivenavovlo os ydnee (8e) mlbnt No damoo jeew edt nwob galvom kiwofe erow add elldw eds no drogeß ,boowbsln .0 11E, I ,28I ,edalsdbe 808
eds nl gnliazego saw deelt esenidD evleceuqml na molstà Ialzegml edt yd ebam pzow eegatov lateree eexs maooo palbnI Zodf neowed ,oß gnano lazlmba vd babnemoo ealdü to deefi.
and II4.33» to the different countries of Southeast Asia, and those bordering on the Indian Ocean. These missions visited Champa, Java, Sumatra, Bengal, Ceylon and Malabar and went as far west as the Persian Gulf and the Somallland. The Cheng Ho missions ended abruptly In ll;33 snd In the second half of the fifteenth century China definitely turned away from an active overseas policy. By an Imperial decree (ll|8l) the Chinese were forbidden on pain of death to trade with Japan and other countries beyond the seas. There followed a general shrinking of Chinese shipping and when the Portuguese reached Calicut at the end of the fifteenth century, the Chinese ships were no longer visiting the countries west of Malacca.
The rise of Portuguese power along the shores of the Indian Ocean was rapid and spectacular. The Portuguese maritime empire was based on the control of strategic points of the main sea route to India and the Par East. Within a very short time (II4.98-I51O) there emerged a chain of Portuguese fortified posts stretching from Sofala, In southeastern Africa, to Ooa on the west coast of India. Having acquired a few bases on the Indian subcontinent the Portuguese made their dramatic entry Into Southeast Asia In 1511» by the outright conquest of Malacca, the foremost entrepot bas , alaA dameddpol to selmanaoo dnozolllb edd ot .EEáf boa badlalv anolealm esedt neeoù nalbnI eds no galzebzod seodd dnew bne zadalan bne nofyeD , Iagneß sdewuE , evst sqmadü ent bnaltfemoę edt bns Tiuo nalavet odt sa lsew lat as bnonea eda al baa (láf al víágunda babae anolasła oß gaedo tawe beawd kfejlalleb anido ywanoo daneestit edd lo llad sezoeb lalzeqml na ya -yoffog asestevo evldca na moz? abait of ddeeb to nłeq no nebbidzot ezaw esanldo ads (18kí) -fot ezedt 88.saee ada bnoved eeladmuoo zeddo bns nagat dalw odt nedv bna gniggida eaenído to galánizda Iazeneg a bewol daneastit ens to bne edd ds dualind bedoeat eseuguagos end galzlełv tegnol on ezew sqide eeenid eds Vmdneo sosalsM lo deew eeludnupo
eds lo mevode adt anois zewoq eaeugutvos to esls adt eeemguanog mnt .vafunndosqe bma blgat esw neeo0 nalbni atnloq olgedande To fandnoo eds no beaed caw eilgme omldlmam a alddlW .deaß mat end bna blbnl od eduos aes nlam oda lo to nlado s bogzone ezeda (orzr-8ęár) emia dzode ytev -dawoa ni ,alalo8 mont gnidosende edaoq beltlamot szauguamos anlvan ,albmI 2o Jeaon dnnk oda mo ao0 ot ,aolztA nzedseo -uinot ada anenladoodua nalbal ada do sasad wat & betlupoa ,If2i al slaa desendnoe otal viane oldameib sledd aban meowg togezane Jeomemo't eds , mooalaM to sasupnop ddglzduo ed td town of the Par East. Luckily for the Portuguese there were no strong navies in the Eastern waters to oppose them. The large continental states of Persia, the Sultanate of Delhi, Bengal, Vljayanagar and Slam were essentially landbased kingdoms having no Interest or means to halt the fta Portuguese advance across the seas. When Malacca was threatened a century earlier by the expanding power of Slam, Its Independence was preserved by Chinese Intervention. The withdrawal of China from a forward overseas policy In Southeast Asia had left a vacuum which made the Portuguese entry
into the area all the more easy. Instructions to seize Moslem vessels on the high seas. In
Chinese dominance over Eastern waters was a spectacular but temporary affair. A phenomenon of much greater significance was the Mohammedan control of the long range sea-borne trade between the Red Sea and the Persian Qulf In the woat and the Moluccas In the east. On the eastern side of Africa the Portuguese ran Into a predominantly Moslem trading world. The Portuguese chain of forts was flung across long-established trading networks operated by Moslem merchants of Arabia and Persia, Oujarat and Bengal, Sumatra and Java. This was a deliberate policy, for they not only wanted to seize the fruits of Asia's trade with Europe but also to attack the Moslems from the rear. In 1500 the Portuguese had royal esedd saeugudmos eda zot tilkoud .dael nas ena lo awod mede éaoqqo od azedaw nmedead sda ał selven gnozda on etew lo ejanasfuß eds alazot to sedate Imdnenidnoo egzal odt -bnaf vifaldnease ezow male boe zaganatatV ,fegned , ldfet end diad os ensem to daezetal on gnlvad emobgalk besad aaw aoafaM dedw e8.baes ed azosoa eonavba asuuaot male to sowoq gnlbnegxe ent yd mellnee kwdneo a benezsandd edt doldnavtodał esenid kd beyzesezq saw sonebnegebni esi -dduoß al tolloq emeatevo brawrot a mott anido lo fawarbdaly titne eseugudzot odó ebam doldw mopony a dlel bd aleà dene yene atom eds fle nosa edd otat Tafuoajoeqe e sew ezodaw nzadesE sevo sonsdimob osentdó -lagle zejeona doum lo nonemonedq A .alatls ttazogmes dud enzod-sos egnat gnoí edd lo fozdnos nebammedon edd saw eonsolt daew odd al tlud nalaset eds bns eet bol ede noowded eband solzta lo abls piedsae eda n0 ,daze eds ni saoouioh adt boe .bisow gdlbana meleoK tldnanłmobenq a csnł nas eaougudsot adt bedalidedae-gnol esozoa gnolt saw sdzol To ntado ssergatuaß edt baa eldazà to adnadosen mefedh yd bedatoqo alzowdon golbant a aow aldt ,eyat bns antaous , dagnot bóe datatuo , slaiet edd ozles os badnaw víno don yods mot ,tolloq edegedtlob ons koadds od osls aud eqoms dale aband a'aleá to atlust Iavoz bad emeugitzot eds 0ol nt teet odt mont amalwon nI maas dld add no afeasev walmoh asloe od adoldonnsanl
1505» following the orders of King Manuel I, the Portuguese began a concentrated attack on Moslem shipping In the mouths of the Red Sea and the Persian Oulf and along the west coast of India.9 The continental powers of Asia could afford to Ignore the Portuguese thrust but It caused serious alarm among the coastal states and merchant groups connected with the commerce between Asia and Europe. Besides It directly threatened vital commercial Interests of Egypt, whose Mameluk rulers derived a large Income from this trade. The Immediate result was the formation of an alliance between Egypt and the Sultanate of Gujarat to meet the Portuguese challenge. In 1508 the combined Egyptian and Gujaratl fleet defeated a Portuguese fleet off Chaul on the west coast of India. The Moslem counter-attack had begun. In the end superior armament, better leadership, and good luck brought victory to the Portuguese. It should be noted, however, that the struggle was a long-drawn-out one and as Its focu3 shifted from the west to the east the cause of Islam won new adherents in Sumatra, Java and the Moluccas, who made It Impossible for the Portuguese to establish a monolithic control over the entire theatre of Asian commerce.
The alliance between Egypt and Gujarat did not endure and the continued opposition of some of the coastal states to the Portuguese power did not provide the Moslem merchant« esougudzot edd ,I founa gnin lo ezebzo eds gntwollot .Z02 adsvo eds at gnlqqida welaon no dostas bedesdnoonoo a aaged dasoo Jsew edd gnola baa liu0 nelavet edt bna eeß beß eda to of bzolls binoo slsA to siewoq fasneniszoo ent OP.slbaI to miafa evolree beauao at dnd sspndd eeougudmot edt ozongk déłw bedoennco equosg dnadosem baa astade fadaaoo edt gnoma tidoozlb dt eebieaß .eqowa bna alaA neowjed eotommoo edt dulamal esodw ,Jqtaa to edeezesat Ialozemmoo fatly benedsesda esalbemail odt .eband alds moit emoont egial a bevlmeb atoluz bua Jqtaa neewded eonallfa na to noljamzot end esw diweez egnelfado ssaugudzos sdd doem dd datatu0 to edemedine and a bedaalab deeft Idanatud baa naldggaS bonłdmoo edd Bo2I nI edt -slbal lo damoo feew edt no luado tto sbelt eaeuguatos tolzegue bns edt nI .duged bad doasda-zednwoo meleok trotolv sdgwond doul boog bna ,qidanebael setded , Jnemamza edd dadt , savowod bejon ed bivods aI eeangudmot add es badttda snoot ssz aa ban eno duo-nwanb-gnoi a saw aíggutde asnotedba wen now maleI to esumo eds dase edd ot deew end most tot efdteaoqat al ebem odu , esobuion odd boa avat ,andaaaa nł end tevo lovdnoo oldallonom a delidesad ot esadgudzoł eda sozemmoo naleA To endeedd etlsne erabne ton blb dazatuo bna agyáß naowted ssnatfla edt medade fajanoo edt to emos to nožazeoqgo bepażanoo edd bna sdnedotow melsom ond eblvonq don bib sewoq esougudos add oł with all the naval backing they needed. Consequently In those areas where the Portuguese blow fell hard the Moslem trader» hid no other alternative but to disperse and avoid the usual trading rojitea. The next step for them was to congregate at a new point and weave a new trading complex around it. This capacity to disperse and reappear at alternative trading centres seems to have been the secret of survival of the unweaponed Asian merchants In periods of political disturbance.
Malacca fell to the Portuguese In 151I. Schrleke aeoa a correlation between the capture of Malacca by the Portuguese and the rise of Acheh as an Important trading centre. He points out that the anti-Moslem policy of the Portuguese in Malacca caused an exodus of Moslem traders from that city. Many of them came to Acheh. The establishment of Portuguese control over the Straits of Malacca also resulted In a shifting of trade routes. The Moslem merchants coming from the west now avoided the traditional route through the Straits and preferred Instead to go round Sumatra via the west coast to enter the Java sea by the back door of the Sunda Strait. Placed strategically at the northwestern tip of Sumatra, Aoheh got full benefits of theBe developments as did Bantam (West Java), partly for the same reasons, being placed on the Sunda Strait at the other end of the same route.9 ee OF 19.02002
at yianoupeano0 .babéen yedd galioad favan edd lla ddiw mofaoh edi bzad ffet woid saeuguzzol end ezedw sseza etodà blova bna sezeqaib os sud evlóanzezla zedto on bed szabasd -noo oz asw mado zol qeda dzen edt ,eedggs galbanà Iaman eda bowona xeíqmoo galbant wen a evsew bne daioq wen e sa ełagezg mvidenzatie da naeqqeer bna eateqalb oz gjlóeqao aldt s2 lo lavivwa lo dezoes ods need eved os amees sozzneo gnłbatd -alb feolalfoq to abolneq ni atnadozom naleA benoqmewas edt oonsd
seea eketadoe .ffl ni eaangudtot edd od flet aooalak -udnot edd gd aooaial lo enudqeo end asewted moldafeztoo a esdneo gnlbasa anadvoqml na es dedia to eaín edd bne easug seeuguázo9 ent To tolfog mefaoh-lans add dadé Juo sdntoq eB yiło Jadd mogt azebant melsoM lo auboxe na beadso scoslaM nł esaugudzoi to snendalidatee edt dedia od ema moda to ymalt
A nl betiuaaz osia soomfaM lo silass2 ada sevo Iozanoo most gnlmoo sanadotem melzon edt eeduoi ebazs to gnlallda
eda dguozdd edpoz Ianołdlband odd boblova won daew eds teew eds alv andemua bauos og od basjant bezzelenq bns aslazse abnuß ada lo meob doad edd yd aea avat oda dedne os Jeabo lo qia niedaowdanon edd da vifmolyedande beoalg, .alante as adnemgolavob esedt lo adllened Ifut dog dedoà , andamia galed ,onoanet omae ont tot yíamng , (avat daewi madnas bzó emsa eda to bne seddo edó da dlandß abnwß edd me bepaíq
Broadly »peaking there la a connection between the establishment of Portuguese authority In Malacca and the rise of Acheh a» a major trading centre In western Indonesia. The connection between the two event» 1», however, not a direct one; the one did not Immediately lead to the other. The first north Sumatran port-town to be benefitted by the fall of Malacca was Pasal, not Acheh. Tome Pires (1512- • 1515) did not think much of Acheh, but he wa» «truck by the growing opulence of Pasal. In trying to explain the audden expansion of Pasal«» trade he writes,..."since Malaoca has been punished and Pedlr Is at war, the Kingdom of Pase la becoming prosperous..." He then goes on to predict that "this Improvement which Pase received through what happened In Malacca" will be cancelled when Malacca Is reformed and that "...Pase will return to Its former state, and (so will) Pedlr."92
The revival of trade In Pasal In the second decade of the sixteenth century may, therefore, be directly ascribed to the capture of Malacca by the Portuguese. North Sumatra was a natural alternative for the merchants who came to Indonesia from the west but were unwilling to move on to Malacca. Sumatra had products of great export value such a» pepper, silk, camphor, benzoin, and gold. These had always enabled north Sumatra to set up one or more centre»
-pe edd neewded noldoendoo s sl ezedt gnikeega kibaozd eelm eds bna aooalal ni yálzoddua émeugudsot lo dnemdalidał mlaenobnl azedeew nl ezanos gnibast zotam a es dedoa lo a don , zevewod et adnove owd ada neawsed noldoennoo edt teddo add ot baal víedalbemmt don bio eno eda teno doaslb enà yd bejallened ed od mubs-amoq nandamia dizon deslt edt -SIZI) aenza omoT dodoA Jon ,leenß anw eoomfaM to llet edd ud donada day ed dud dedoA to doom daidd don bib (drdi nebboe eds nlaigza ca galyza nI laaaq lo eoneiugo gntwong sad moosfah eonla".., madimy ed eband allasat lo nolenmqxe a2 seat to mobgat2 eds , zaw da al mlbeS bma bedałmug coed dada dolbenq os no seog nedd e ".,.aoomeqeonq gnimooed benaqqad dadw dgwosda berlecet oeat doldw dnemevongal sids" bna bemzotes el moosfaM nedw belfeonao ed Illw "aooafaM di (iilw ba) bha edade mommol a2l os nzuden fltw veal..," dadd SPa.mibeg.
to ebabeb bnooes eda ni lmasß al abard lo Ievlves edt bedivoas vitoeslb ad , ezalozedt , tam yawdnoo dáneedxła oda ensamwe dánok .eaangudtót eds yd mooniaM to omudgeo ens ad od ommo bdw asnadonem eds so't evldaazadla fasudan a saw os no avo da gnkizwau etew dud deew edt mont ejsanobal dowa eulav dmoqxe daeng lo stoubotq bad mstamuß mooalmk ban esunt biog bae nzosned ,zodqemo alla maqqeq ma mondneo esom no eno qu dea ot aidamua ddzop baídano syawía of international trade as minor competitors to the great emporium of Malacca.
At the beginning of the sixteenth century the two big centres of trade In this area were Pedlr and Pasal. Padlr was the more Important of the two for It was not only a flourishing port but also a notable political power exercising dominion over a number of states of north Sumatra. One would naturally expect Pedlr and Pasal to take full adTantage of the dislocation of Moslem trade In the Straits region caused by the Portuguese seizure of Malacca. The new trader« who reaorted to north Sumatra preferred to go to Pasal Instead of Pedlr because the latter was at war with its neighbours. They could not have possibly come to Acheh for Acheh was as yet unprepared to receive them. It was only when the Portuguese Ihterference with the trade of Pasal caused a second exodus around 1520 that Acheh could make good use of It.
There cannot be any doubt that the Portuguese conquest of Malacca gave rise to a new situation which mightily aided Acheh1a rise to power. But the important role of the external atimulus should not be overatressed to obscure the fact that, at the initial stage, Acheh was much more the handiwork of its Sultans than the product of external circumstances. The Portuguese presence in the Straits of Malacca was a constant challenge to all the Mohammedan states of Western Indonesia. The typical response of Acheh to that situation can only be dmeng edd os azosldegmoo vonlm aa ebana fanoldanzedał to accaiaM to mabéoqme gid owz edd godnvo dáneedxła eda to gninniged eda aA slbes ,lssat bne zlbet ezow soza aldd al ebeas lo sazddeo a yino don tmw dl zot owd odd lo anadzoqml etom eda san -texo zowoq feoldlloq eldadon a omla sud adog galdalmwoit sidamue ddmon to sedada lo zedmsn a tevo molnimob golelo -ba Iiet edas od leset bns gibeß dongxe yilasuden biuow ano salaid2 edd nt abazà mefsoM lo nolsaoolalb add to egadasv wen edt scoalak lo ewales sneugudnot edd ud baawao nolget as og of bezzotonq asdamua dánon od bedtcees odw szebasd dalw law da eaw seatel ada esueced slbes to beodant laest dedoA od amoo vidlasoq evad son blwoo tedt ewoddglen eal saw al moda eviecez os bezeqengau dey ea saw dedoá sot lnnasazo ebana add dalw sonezelieddl easnguanot edt nedw yino Boog ekam bimoo dedoA Jana os2l bnwoza ambaze bmooea a beapmo. 1.a1 1o 0an
daoupnoo eaavgudzoq adt dada dduob yne ad donneo ezent babia glladglm doldw goldautle wan a ot elt oveg mooalal to Lansedxe edd to elos dnestoqmt ada duß mawoq od esls a'dedoà dadd doat eda anwoedo oa bessendetevo ed don blnoda aulumlsa lo dzowlbnad edd etom donm saw dedoA ;ogade Ialzzal sds da odt sbonajmmuotlo Iagzedxe to donbonq ens madé enatiut asi dosdanon a aaw mooalam to aclande edt nl sonesenq seaugcdics. aleenobal nzedsew lo eedasa mmbamedok sda Iia od onelledo ad vimo nmo moldavala Jada os dodoA to senogsar Iaolgys edt understood in terms of the internal components that went into the making of the state.
Towards the end of the fifteenth century the Acheh valley had been unified by Sultan Shamsu Shah. At that time Pedlr was the atrongest power in north Sumatra. The expansion of Pedlr towards the northwest had forced the rulers of Lamrl to transfor their capital to Makota Alam In the Acheh valley. -* Possibly It was during the reign of Shamsu Shah that Pedir made an attack on Acheh. According to the Portuguese writers this Incident took place In II4.97 when the extreme north-west of Sumatra submitted to the authority of Pedir. Sultan Harif Shah of Pedir then made two of hla former slaves the Governors of Daya (west coast of Sumatra) and Acheh. According to the same source Raja Ibrahim, the son of the Governor of Acheh rose in rebellion against Pedlr's OK
authority and made Acheh independent In 1521. favor of Raja Leila, who ascended the throne around 1516 and
There is substantial agreement between this account and what we know from indigenous sources although It is difficult to identify the former slave of the Sultan of Pedir who governed Acheh. Shamsu Shah had two sons, Raja Leila and Raja Ibrahim. We have seen that Shamsu Shah abdicated power in anew jadd adnenoqmoo faazadal eda lo amzed ni boodazeboa etada edt lo gnliam eda oaal denoa edt tawades dineedlti edt to bae ada abzewot amlt dadi dà dada uemada nadiuz ud belllnu deed bad tollay -ze edt .sitemuß dizon al zewog daegnostz eds saw słbet szelus eds beozot bsd daewdazon ods abiawot tibel lo molaneq ods nl malA sJiaN os fatigao zledi melenend oa lzmelulo pemada to ngler edá galwb saw at yidlmaoq (e.yeffav dedoa eda os golbrocoà dedoA no doadda ne ebam zibeq sadd dada ada pedw Teáf nl soaig doot dneblaat slds azedimw sneugudzol to yalzoddua ada ot bazjlmdus endamua to deew-djzon emezaxe ald lo owt ebam meds slbe5 to dada algaM nadiua ,vibat (ansamw8 lo denoo Jaew) etal no ezonzevo0 eds eavmim zamzot eda mldandI atal aomos emas eds od gnibaoooA .dedoA boa stslbel fanlaga nollloden al eaos dodoA to nonmevoi sdd to noa uP.Is2I al anebnegobal dedsk abam bna koltonaok baa dnocooa aldd neewded anadeesga laldnajadua al ezedt ajuoliilb al at dguodaia soonuoe eponegibal mozl wonk aw dadw -voa odw albes to natiua eda lo avala zemmot eds vltinebl at staß boe aflel eteß anoa out bad lad& uamadE dadoA bente al gewoq bedaolbda dad8 uamad& Jadd neea svad eW młdandI baa dizl bnuoze onoeda eda bebnesea ode , alled ataß to zoval took the title of Ali Mughayat Shah. It was during his reign that Acheh became an independent power and began to expand along the seaboard of Sumatra. His first achievement was the conquest of north Sumatra.
All Mughayat Shah was able to harness the native fearless spirit of the seafaring and piratical Acheneae to an effective military machine. The coming of the Portuguese helped him in two ways. First, the Portuguese brought with them superior artillery which he never missed any chance to seize. Secondly, the Portuguese antagonised Moslem merchants trading at Pedlr and Pasal by Indiscriminate seizure of 96 Asian ships.
The Portuguese first came into contact with Acheh in 1519 when one of their ships, under the command of Gasper d'Acosta, was wrecked on the island of Gomes, off the northwestern tip of Sumatra. The survivors were overpowered by the Acheneae and taken prisoners. The Govornor of Malacca, Garcia de Sa, was finally able to secure their release ald galab amw ai 20 dade davadguk lia lo alala eda dooa od naged bna mawoq dnabaeqabul pa amaoed dedoA dada ngłet anemavoldoa vavit alm .andemwß lo bnaodmee ada gnole bnaqxe aztemu8 dason to daoupaoo eda aaw
-zeet ovldan edd seonzed os efda eaw dade dayadgud lía na os esonedoA faoldaziq boe maimalasn adt to almiga asel ezengudzot eds lo galmoo edt .anldeam geaslilm evidoalle dalw adguond aeeuguanos eda ,detis .ayaw ovt al mld beqied ot eonado yna besalm saven ed doldw krellidía nolmequa mada sdnadonem melecM boslmogasns eaengadmot edt ,fbnooe8 .ezlee
to ezualen edanimltoalbat yd laaat bne zibet da galbazd de.sqida nalaA
al dodoa dalw doadnco osnl amao dasit saengudtos edt tegeed lo baammoo edd sebao eqida slada lo sao nedw Pizr -divon and to ,samaß lo baalat eda no beloetw Kaw ,adacoA'b yd bozowoqievo esew ezovivwe edt ,kgdámu2.jo qłd nzedeow sooaieM lo zonzevog edt ,alonosluq noiad bna esenedoA edd
osnelen slods etwone os elde gffanlt eew ,at eb alomad
ejab ed atel evad evoodmoov bna llodngut .95 aguae os sntoq gont nego dade degadgu lía to dolaéopan eda to a saw adw ,dedoa lo gołk a os oonasalez a'eezis smot Immad bezaupnos cde bde "anwodáglen ald gnome nam vladglad" ,eldt slbet hna dedoA neawded bmal oda ,,e.I ,tal8 bna dade dayanguk llA of eonameles a ed hlwoo ,meds of gelbznooa (.C " doltA" , eveodzoov baa Ifodayut)
-IdorA nedoelefaM neb al ezeogonot ed" ,.A .4 ,efezzae V-BE .TEE .TT .IN ",10 through the Intervention of the Shahbandar (superintendent 97 of the port) of Pasai.
Another Portuguese ship commanded by Diogo Pacheco arrived in Daya, a town on the west coast of Sumatra, in quest of the "Gold Island." He was caught in a storm and lost his brigantino near Barus, a port on the west coast, famous for 98 its gold trade with Indian merchants.
About the same time, the Portuguese began to make their influence felt in Pasai. After the fall of Malacca to the Portuguese, many Malay and Sumatran states made peace with the new masters of that city and offered to acknowledge the overlordshlp of the king of Portugal. Pasai'was one of them." In 1520 In a letter to the king of Portugal, the king of Pasai complained against Portuguese interference with ships trading with Pasai. In 1521 the Portuguese set up their own nominee on the throne of Pasal and built a fort at 101 the mouth of the river on which the city stood.
In the same year Jorge do Brlto arrived near Acheh with seven ships on his way to the Moluccas. According to most
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.TOE-DDE ..bIUIIO1 of the Portuguese writers de Brito went straight to Acheh to demand satisfaction for the goods taken by the Acheneae from the Portuguese ships. Gaspar Correa, however, makes an interesting deviation. He made de Brito arrive first at Pasal where messengers from Pedir met him and invited him to help Pedlr against Acheh. De Brito agreed. Supported by the Pedirese army on land the Portuguese ships sailed up the Acheh river and destroyed a "great city" and carried away a large booty. Then they returned to attack the Kraton but failed. In the end the Invaders had to beat a retreat in the face of a fierce counter-attack. Tiele admits that Correa's account givea a better insight into the purpose of de Brito's visit to Acheh, although the account may not be entirely dependable.102
Whatever be the real story, the important thing to note is that the Portuguese were gradually extending their power over north Sumatra. They had already built a fort at Pasai and they had made a direct assault on Acheh. The establishment of a Portuguese fort at Pasal meant that Pedlr, the traditional enemy of Acheh, could now easily draw upon Portuguese help against Acheh. So even If Correa's story is doubtful, the alliance between Pedir and the Portuguese against Acheh was a possibility which Acheh could not afford to ignore.
dedoA os adglaza dnew ojine eb anedlnw eaougudnos eda to esenedoA ads vd nxat aboog eda mot noltostaldam bnameb os seiam , tevewod , serzos maqead aqids eceugudzol eds mozt da daztt evlsza oslzß sb ebam eh noldalveb gałdaonesnl na ot mid badlval bna mid dem ztbet moit szogneasem avoda lanat td besmoqquß beorge oslra od dedoà tanlaga zlbet qied edá qu ballas eqlda eaéuguazoß edá bnal no yaza eseslbas edg a tawe belzvso bne "yalo Jaena" a beyondeeb bna zevlz dedoA jud nojenÀ eda doadda od bonzuzez yedd nedt ydood egzef eds nl deosdet a daed os bad azóbayat eds bne ens nI bellat a'bazzod dada aslmba efoit .doadda-zednwoo eomelt a to eoat e'otlaa ab to esoqznq eda cdpl dngtant medded a sovtg anwooos -eb klenlane ad don vem Jnwoaon oda dauodsle dedoÀ os elaly bos,eldaprog
adon oo gnlds anatmogmł edd tnote Iaes eda ed gevajadw zewoq zledd yntbdedxe tflaubang enew eseuguisot ads dads et laeat da diot a aflud ybaatia bed tedt .aidamua divon sevo -dadas adt dedoá no viuaaaa doezlb a ebam bad teda bna end albet jads dunom lesaß de Jmot oaeugudgos a lo dmomdalí nogo waib yílazo wón bíuoo , dedoA lo ymene fanolatbaza el taods a'bevmoß it mave oa' ,dodoA danlaga qied emsugudnol eneugadmot ads bme mibet meewaed eonallla eds ,lutdducb beotta don biuoo dedoa doldw galildlesoq a kaw dedoa denlaga .ezongl of
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In I52O the expansion of Aoheh began. Raja Ibrahim, brother of All Hughayat Shah, conquered Daya In that year. In 152I Aoheh threw off Its allegiance to Pedlr and the next year attacked the city Itself. The city was easily taken by bribing the principal officers. In l$2l\. Pasal fell to the Achenesa. The Shahbandar of Pasal was already In Achenese pay. Acheh had by that time enough artillery to take care of Pasal's Portuguese allies. The Portuguese garrison under Andre Henrlquez put up a poor show and abandoned the fort along with a considerable amount of artillery. The Achenese seized the fort Immediately and turned their own artillery against the Portuguese. The taking of Pasal marked the end of the first phase of Acheh's expansion. •*
J
Tlele points out that the Portuguese Interference with Asian shipping off Pasal Impressed upon the Asian merchants, particularly the Mohammedans, the need for protection agalnBt their European competitors. The only possible place In north Sumatra where they could have found such protection was the rising state of Acheh. The rapid expansion of Acheh can, therefore, be partly ascribed to the support of the Hohananedan traders. ?7 Apart from that, the very conquest of north Sumatra brought Acheh the rich commercial heritage of Pedlr and Pasal.
midandI els anged donoA lo nolanagxe eds Os2f nI vasy dana dl avaG bezaupnoo dane dayedguK IfA to neddond dxon edt bna s2bet oa eonalgella e3l tto wenda dedoA Is21 nI nenad kilane eaw yalo edt Mleadł yalo ods bekomdde vaey eds os flet leent uSzl nI azeoltlo Iaglonfaq odt galdind yd eaenedoA nl gbaesia maw laest to tabneddada edt esedadol to eteo exed ot kialilana dguone smla sens yd bad dedoá yeq mebnp notlsnag ozaugudtot edt metlla seengudios e'leses diot ens benobnads bas wode zooq a qu sug zouptaneß ezbnà beanedoà ent yaeiltdna to dauome aldazeblenco a dilw gnole tialltaze mwo tledt benwd hns Vledalbemal asot edd bostee bne edt baizam lenat lo gnlkad adt esangudzot edd denlaga £or nolanagxa atdadoa lo onadq denlt eda to
dalw eonezelmesal seeggudtoq end dadd duo ejatog sfolt admadodam daleA edi doqu baseenqal Iaaet llo galqgide naleA denlage noldoadotq sot been ons , anabemadon edt vizaleoldzeq dazon ni esaiq eldlenoq vino ent , ezodidegmoo nesqonua lleda eda sew noldoejotq dope bnwo't evad bipoo todd azadw ezsamwz smáo dedoa lo nolenaqie biqat adt dedaa to ezata antalz nabemaadal ods to ddoqqus eds os bedinose gidíaq ad aiolatods dázon to tenupdoo yvev ada , dedd mos't dlaga dog, szebass slbes lo egadinad Ialozeioo daln and dodoà adguond sitsadre Zesat bna
Before 1510 Pedlr was a great port. Ludovlco dl Varthema, the Bolognese traveller, who visited Sumatra around 1508, thought Pedlr to be the best port of the whole inland. It had enough pepper to load annually l8 to 20 ships "all of which go to Cathal."10^ It had raw silk In great quantity, the annual value of the produce being worth 100,000 ducats. Most of It was bought up by Gujaratl merchants. It also had benzoin, three kinds of aloeswood, lac and abundant timber 107 good for making ships. Prom the Interior came gold. Many merchants came to this port from Gambay, the Cororaandel coast, Bengal, Pegu, Tenasserlm, and Kedah. Varthema saw 500 moneychangers In one street, a fact Indicating the large volume of trade transacted there.
Pasal too, as we have seen, was experiencing a revival of trade aTter 1511. It became the main outlet for all products of Sumatra. Among the foreign merchants who came to trade with Pasai were Turks, Arab», Persians, Qujaratls, Kllngs (from Coromandel), and Bengalees. Traders also came 109 from Pegu, Slam, Kedah, and Bruas.
1b oplvobnd vazog daong a aaw sibes or2s ezoted bawona ardkwß bedlalv odw mellavaza eaangolod edt , mmedazav .bnalet alonw adt to dnoq taed eda ed os mibas ddgwoda .8021 to lla" aqide os os Bf tilaunns beol os reggeq dguone bad aI Kslomaup Jeeng nl klla wat bad a1 2oln.luddao od og dolda edaopb 000,0or danow gnled ooubonq ond to eufav faunns oda cefe aI dof eanadozem laaratuo yd qu ddgued eaw a 2o saon medmid anabauda bne oaf ,booweecle lo aball eezdd aloaned bad ynak for,blog emao nolzatnt eda mont .eqide gallam sot boog deaco Iebaamozo eda tadma moct azog stdd oó smso adnadotam -tedom 002 wes amadazey .dabel bns ,misebaanet ugel fagneß to empiov egtal ena gntdaolbnl Joal a tesnda ado nl ategnado Bof,ezade bejomadamd ebend
faviven e galonelieqxe eaw ,nome avad ew as oot lmens Ils tol seldvo nlam add ommood aI .Il2f vaila aband lo emao odw aadadozem ngtetot edd gnomk. cattamat to edoubonq eldazntuo zanalenet ,adana ,saint,ozew lmeat dalw abans ca amzo oais elabant .eesfegneß bms ,(fobnemonoD moz?) egnlln Por, zauns bma ,dabea ,mal8 ,uaet mont
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The prosperity of Aoheh In the l6th century should, therefore, be very largely ascribed to Its capacity to draw away the former trade of Pedlr and Pasal. The exodus of Moslems from Malacca was no doubt an Important factor In the making of Acheh but Its Impact was much greater in the sphere of religion than In trade. It would be a mistake to think that Portuguese Malacca had nothing to do with Moslem traders. In fact within a short time Malacca regained its contact with Mohammedan merchants. The exodus of Moslem scholars and religious teachers, however, appears to have been a permanent one. The capture of Malacca by a Christian power inevitably made Acheh the headquarters of Indonesian Islam.
The incorporation of north Sumatra Into Acheh's dominions meant a virtual defeat of Portuguese arms and diplomacy. It meant the elimination of what may be called a Portuguese outpost in north Sumatra. Never again could the Portuguese find a foothold on the Sumatran side of the Straits of Malacca.
Having beaten the Portuguese in Sumatra, All Mughayat Shah did not have to wait long before he could launch an attack on Malacca Itself. In 1528 he got a fresh opportunity of capturing some Portuguese arms. In that year the Portuguese commander Simao de Souza Galvao was forced by a storm to seek shelter In the port of Acheh. The king of Acheh Invited Galvao to land but the Portuguese.refused, suspecting treachery. The Achenese then attacked the ship and killed almost all its men including Galvao. The few survivors were bíuoda ywaneo dadl ans al dadoa lo talneqeona edt
waib os yalomgao ejl od bedizosa vlegtai yiev ed ,ezolozeda lo euboze edt .lasel bna slbeq lo eband temzol eda Vaws eda nt sodoat dnajnogał ne dduob on aaw aooslah mont amefaok avedge eds al tejeeng doum eaw doeqal atl dud dedoa tó daldem anidé ot eledelm a ed bioow aI ebasd al padt nolglfoe to azeband mefsoh dslw ob o galddon bad aooalaM esenguanot sad dilw domdnoo sil benlaget mooalaM emls drode a aldjlw doat nl -ez bas eiafodos mafaoh to suboxa ont . sdnadozem dabemmadoM Snenaszeq a need svad od ezaeqqa , Tevewod , atedoast auolgil yidadlvent zewoq neldaladd a td mpoalaM lo ezudqao edt ,eno malal nalsenobal to azatiaupbaed edt dedoA ebam anclnlmob a'dedoA otal andanw2 dizon lo nolsazogzoont edt dI -taemolqib bna amze ezengudzoi to Jaeleb faudilv a Jnaem -duo sesugudno't e bollgo ed tam dsdw to noldnlmile eda doaom balt esewgudmes eds blvoo alnge deveß ,esjamra Hdnon al deoq .mooalaM to aslasa2 ada lo ebla naztbw2 eda no blodaool a JayadguM liA ,atjamwa at eseuguamol edd cetned gnivan
de donwal biuoo ed ezoled gnol alew of pwed don blb dadß talmwozoggo deatt a Jog ad Bszi aI llestt aooaleh no dozdze -namos oda maag dano ml .emza eseugujnos omos gnlmutqao 2o mtode a td bestot saw osvlao aamot eb ckmte sebaammoo eaaug al dedoa to gald adt dedsA lo diog edt at metIede dese ou gnldoegeve beautet,ebouguamos ens dud baal os osviko badlv bellid bns qide eda bekomotacmodd oeonedoa edt yiadonesa atew ezevlviwa wel ont .baviad mntbafoał now mat Ila Seomla taken prisoner but the king treated them with extreme kindness and expressed regret at the death of the brave commander. He sent one of them, Antonio Caldeira, to Malacca with a proposal of peace and friendship. He offered to release the prisoners and return the ship and Its artillery and even those seized at Pasal. At this time Acheh was having a war with the kingdom of Aru, the country lying to the east of Pasal. Aru had been trying to get help from the Portuguese, something which the king of Acheh was very eager to prevent. Luckily for Acheh, Caldeira was able to persuade the Governor of Malacca to accept Acheh's offer and not to help Aru. Caledeira was killed on his way back to Acheh so that no news reached the Sultan of Acheh. The king of Aru was naturally very much disappointed with the Portuguese and after fighting a minor battle made peace with Acheh.
All Mughayat Shah came to know through secret messengers that the newGovernor of Malacca, Garcia de Sa, was favorably disposed towards him. This prompted him to send ambassadors to Malacca who brought back with them representatives of the Governor, empowered to negotiate a treaty of commerce. These envoys wore lavishly entertained and were allowed to leave the port after having settled all business to their complete satisfaction. When this news reached Malacca It dispelled much of the former suspicion towards Acheh. Meanwhile the Portuguese mission had been overtaken on its way to Malacca and the envoys were all slaughtered. Malacca did not suspect emenixe dalw medt bedsend gald ads sud zenoalng nakat -moo evand ods lo ddaab edd ss donges beasezqxe bne asanbala aboafaM os , anlebfa oldodna medd to ono dnea el tebnam -at od bezelto eß gidabnolit bne ooseg lo fesogorq a daly tzelflána adt bna qide edt ntudes bna azenoslaq eda essel galvad eaw dodoA emla sldd dà lasat de bosles esoda neve bna dase eda od gnłyt vidruoo edd wza to mobgals eda dalw zew s -ndmot eds mont qfed deg od galyns meed bad paA .laea5 to os legae yiey aew dadoa lo gnlk edt doldw galddemos ,seaug abevazaq os elde eaw asleblad dedoà mot yillond cdnevezq od don bna tollo a'dadoa dgeoos ot aobalaM to zonzovod edé on dodoA oj doad taw cld no bolilx eaw anlebelad utà qíed uíA to gnld edt tdedol to natfua edd bedoset owen on deda bua eseuguaiot edt ddlw bednloqqsslb donm ymev yifamwjen aaw dedoA dalw eomeq ebam efajad nonlm a gnlidgit teate ategceseem denoes dguonda wonx od omao dade, dayadgoK tfa kIdasovet saw ,es ab slozmo ,eobalaM tò tonzevoDwen adj dada atobaasadaa bnes ot mid bedgmonq aldt mid abzewot beaoqalb edd lo eevldadnezenqez meda ddlw doad ddguond odw aooalah od esadt eszemmos lo ydeetd a edaldogon oz bazewogss ,zonzevod odt svzsl os bawolls asew bne beniajzedne vidalval stew atovne ejelqmos steds od eeeniawd Iia belsden anlvad sedla dnoq beffoqalb di mooalaM benoset swen eldd medw smoldonlaldne ena elldumsoh dodoA abzawod nololqewe zemiot eda lo doum apoala os gaw asl no cakadmammneed bad nolaalm osenguszot Joegawe don bib sobalaM beveddguale ila ozew egovne edd bna any foul play as the Governor thought that his men had been lost in an acoident.
The king of Acheh then requested that a person of rank be sent to Acheh to take up his residence there. The Portuguese Governor agreed and sent Manuel Pacheo with a large ship fully laden with merchandise. Senala Raja, the Shahbandar of Malacca, who was secretly in league with the king of Acheh, Informed him that the ship had more artillery than the city of Malacca itself possessed at the time. All Mughayat Shah lost no time In seizing the ship with its artillery and merchandise. This made him so confident of victory over his enemy that he sent a message to the Governor of Malacca thanking him for his generosity and to tell him that he would soon trouble him for the remainder of the Portuguese navy. In 1529 he planned an attack on Malacca on a Sunday when most of the people of the town would be in church. The Shahbandar promised to help him from within the walls. This was not an open attack. Several ships secretly landed Achenese soldiers on the outskirts of Malacca. The plot, however, leaked out, the Portuguese were alerted and the Shahbandar was immediately punished with death.
The Achenese plan did not work. The whole series of incidents110 from the handling of the survivors of Galvao's ship to the secret expedition show that in crafty unscrupulous peed bad nam ald dada adguodt zobzavoD eda aa yaig Imot goa tnebloos ns al daol lnas lo noezeq a dadd bajaeupez mena dadoA lo goík ent -udzos ont .ezods eoneblaes ald qu eias od dedoA oz anaa ed egzal a dalw cedoaß feunek Jasa bns beenga zonzevoO saang -dada adt ,ataß slane2 oalbaadozom dilw nobel vllut qide gatk eda dalw eugael nl vlsazoes aaw odw asoalaM to zabnad nadt giefllaza erom bad qlda edd dads mld bemzolnt dedoa to IfA emlj sds da beanensoq Tiesil mooalaM 2o yaló es sal dalw qida eda galalos al emit on daol dade sayadgol to daebllnoo oa mid ebam aldt ealbnadozem bne tiellijne zonzsvoß edi oj egasaem z dnes ed dedí ymene ald zevo kzotalv mid fled ot bas yaleozeneg ald mot mld gnldnada mooafek to eds to tobnlamet odt zot mld elduond nooe bluow ed dada no aooalaM no Meassa ne bennalq ed Qs2I aI yvao eseuguddot al ed biuow mwod ada to aigoaq ede to daom dedw tabnu8 a ant aldslw most mid gied ea bealmozq mabneddada edt sdoudo vidonoes aglde lazevet doasda nego nn Jon maw aldt allew ent eogafaM lo sdzlxaduo add no szetbloe eaanedoA baboal bne betteia eiaw esouguanol eds duo bakael ,savawod ,dolg ddaeb daly bedalnwq vladalbekal anw tabnaddane eda to eelves elodw ndt azow don bib nalg onanedok edt s. a'osviso lo enovlvmue edt to gnllbned enz mosl Olraddeblont euelugutoanu yalato nl dads woda noldibegke tezoes edd os qide 7mo ,mobeaN ;0-1o ,8 ",eeogo" ,ofeimo1 TSβ-μs diplomacy the Acheneae were more than a match for the Portuguese.
In 1530 All Mughayat Shah died, poisoned by his wife. By the time of his death Acheh had grown Into a prosperous and mighty kingdom. It had all the characteristics of an Indonesian pirate state, periodically bred and fostered by the conditions prevailing In the StraltB of Malacca. At the beginning of the sixteenth century two new elements helped to make it even more formidable. These were the Introduction of European firearms and the quickening of zeal for Islam— for both of which the Portuguese were to be thanked.
The next great ruler of Acheh, probably the greatest In the seventeenth century, was Sultan Alauddln Rlayat Shah al-Kahar (1537-1571). One of his major achievements was the extension of the armed forces of Acheh. The king of the neighbouring state of Aru told the Portuguese adventurer Mendez Pinto that the basis of Acheh's military strength was the rich store of gold In Its possession which enabled the sultans to hire trained mercenaries from abroad almost continuously. Evidently the flourishing trade of Acheh was bringing a substantial Income to the royal treasury on which the sultans could depend In planning their military expeditions. Pinto, who claims to have seen the Achenese army In action, reports that It contained large contingents of Turkish, Camboyan, Malabarl, and Abyssinian soldiers.
-udzoq eds zot dodam a nada ezom ezew eaanadoà edd tommoigíb .e0oug .ellw eid yd bonoalog ,belb dada sayenguM Iia Og2r nI auozegaonq a odal nwosa bad dedoà ddeeb ald lo emld edz ya na lo aoldalzadosnado eds lla bad aI mobgnlk všdghm bme yd bozedao't bns bend vilaolbolseq , édada edazlg malmadobal edd dà mooslan lo kalazae edd al anlllavenq endlalbnoo eda od begfed ajoamele wen owa yudneo dineadxla eda to gnłantged nolzoubozanl adj erew esedt eldablmzol szom neve di ežam --malal to't faea to gnlnaiolup eds bns emteestl neegonia lo .besnada ed oa azew ezonguszos ant doidw lo daad tot al deetzong eda vidadong ,dedoa to selnt daong dxen edt dade deyalß albbualA naslue eaw ywdneo dandedneves eda eda amw adaemeveldom zotam ald to on0 .(iy2l-ftz1) zmdaà-te edt lo gatd ent .dedoA lo aoonot bomia add lo nolenedze sanuinavba eeebguasos end blot pia lo adaté gnlndoddglen eaw dignente ktatlilm a'dedoa to alend eda dada otntt zebnen ens beldane doldw nolaesaaoq mal ai biog lo srote dolm eda -noo Jeomie baoida mont aolnaneozem banlans ezld os anadfire asw dadoa lo abast galdalwolt ada yidneblva Vfavonald doldw no yiuseena lagoz eda oj emoont laldnasadua a gnlznlzd -eqxe yzatillm tledd gainnaiq at bmeqeb bíuoo amatiue éda yaze enonedoà eda dees evad os emlafo odw , odnlę anolazb To adnegaidnos egtal banlatdoo dl Sadd stzoqez ,moldos at ,azelblos nalnleayda bna lmadalaM nayadmaD delimut
Occasionally It also had aoldlors from Luzon and Borneo.
Another factor which strengthened Acheh's position In the middle of the sixteenth century was Its International 112 connections. x t Alauddln built up close relations with notable Islamic powers of the Middle East. Through the mediation of the Pasha of Cairo an arrangement was made with Turkey by which Acheh received Turkish and Abyssinian troops. In return Alauddln granted the subjects of Turkey a factory (commercial establishment) In Pasal. -* Prom documents In the Turkish archives we know that In 1563 the king of Acheh sent an embassy to Constantinople to ask for assistance against the Portuguese. The envoys said that many of the Southeast Asian rulers were willing to embrace Islam If Turkey would help them. After waiting for two years the embassy achieved Its objective and two ships with supplies and military technicians were sent to Acheh. ^ It was around this time that the rulers of western India formed an antiPortuguese league which Acheh was Invited to Join.
111 "oonzoß bna noaud mozt srelblom bed oala al yffanolamooo nl dolslaoq a'dedoA benediadesda dbidw zotoat zeddonA Ianoldmnzednł adl aaw yiwdneo danvetxla ads lo elbbim eds -Jon dalm anoldalex esofo qu allud albbuafa SIf,snoldoanmos nolaslbem ods dguozdt ,jaak olbblM eda to stewoq olmafal slds yd yoxzut dtlu sbem eaw dnomagdanza na osla0 to adaat edd 2o al .eqoons nalnlaayda bne delktt bavlenet dedoà dolde grodoat a tokwt lo adoet due eds bednang nibbuala audes ai esnomuoob mont Lif.leant al (anemdatidatae falozommoo) dedoa to golk ada gazl ni dads wonl ew sevldoze delkwt edd vonajatsss to't Mas os efqonldnadano od yesedme na anes odi lo yoam dada blas aovoe ent veteugudmoß edd denlaga ti malal eoasdme ot gnllllw esew anelui nalaa davoddwoß add azaoy owd not gnidlew netta .medd qled blwow geiwt bellqque dalw aqida owd bne evidoeido esz bavaldia yaeadms bowote ssw az dff dedsa os dnee aiew anetolndowd veadllim bne -lána na bawzot albal azaseaw lo azelut adt dads emlà alns 111 [ntol os besival anw dedoa doldw eugael mseuguazot
a 20-10 ,1581 ", enaegomua" ,olaze11 Edt ",delda" , evoodzoov bna llodututli .P5d,a7oemva ,nobavak211
lo etnznevba bos Begayoy ent. (.be) gtadmav all
Strengthened by hlB international connections Alauddln bore down on his neighbouring states with his powerful army and navy. He made extensive conquests and styled himself the king of Acheh, Barus, Pedlr, Pasal, Daya, and Batta, prince of the two seas, and of the mines of Minangkabau. In 1539 he made war against the Bataks In the heart of Sumatra In the cause of Islam, and he conquered Aru. The king of Johore (Malay peninsula), however, managed to drive away the Acheneae from Aru In 151+0« But In 1561; Acheh conquered It again and In the same year Acheneae forces sacked Johore Itself and carried away Its king as a prisoner to Acheh. Malacca was attacked thrice, in 1537, 151+7 and 1568, with large forces. In the last attack 15,000 Acheneae and l(.00 Turkish soldiers took part and the Achenese had 200 pieces of artillery big and small. ' The Javanese and the Tamils were on the Portuguese side, as were Johore and Kedah.
During the rule of the successors of Sultan Alauddln al-Kahar an attempt was made to extend the Islamic alliance eastward to Include the Javanese kingdom of Japara. Malacca was attacked twice, in 1573 and 1575« The conquest of Perak (in the Malay peninsula) in 1575 marked the end of Acheh'a expansion In the sixteenth century.
nibbusfA snoldoennoo Ianoljaazeant aid ud benedagnente yaza futzewoq ald dalw medade galwoddglen ald no mvob ezod Tleamld belyda bna ajaeppnoo evfanadxe ebem el -yvan bna ,addaß bna ,ayad ,taeas lbet , autaa ,dodoA to gots oda drr wadeigneai lo aenłm eda lo bas , sase owd edo lo sonłmg to dmmad eda nt mwataß eds janlegs new abem ad ee2t al edt piA bezaupnos ed bua malaI lo eegeo eda el astemut svlzb os beganam zovewod , (aluanineq tafsN) szodol to yalx -noo dedoA pdzl nl Jua Od2i al uzÀ mort esenedoA eda tawa beñomn seono't esenedoA maog émas edd nl bne nlage di bezeup od senoalaq a as gabk asl yawa belmamo bna lfeadt azodol Bdzs bne T2i ,Sezl al oolndt boñoaddm ank mooafaM .dedeA bne esonedsA 000,21 dostde deml eda aI,seozot egnal ddlw 00S bad eaanedoA ent bna Jmaq Noot ezetbfoa dalimut 00d eda haa oeenavat edt Til.flmma bna ald gzalliana to seselq bas ezodot axew as , eble sssugudmos edż no ezew afima?
.dabex
nlbbuaiA nadiua lo smeameoona eda To slum eds gaitut vonsllla olmslaI adt boelze os ebam aew dqmedsa na tadaz-Ia mooafek ,eiaqat lo mobanlx meenavat ent sbufont oz Bisuzane kane9 1o daeupnoo ed2 .2y21 bna £121 ni oolwa banoadda eaw a'dadoA lo bne eda banzam Ztal n) (aluenlneg yalak odd at) tuanes daneebxis eda ni molknaqxe
Schrleke ascribes the Achenese expansion very largely to the desire on the part of Lhe rulers of Acheh to control •i -i A the pepper ports of the east and west coasts of Sumatra. This was probably an important factor. One should not, however, underestimate the role of religion In Acheh's expansion. During the military campaigns the sultans of Acheh whipped up a fanatical zeal for Islam which was the primary 119 driving force behind the army. The Portuguese In Malacca were regarded as the chief enemy of Islam and the wars against the fellow-Mohammedans of the neighbouring states were Justified on the ground that these at one time or another had aided with the Portuguese against Acheh.
It should be appreciated that the Sultans of Acheh were genuine patrons of Islamic learning. As the hostility with the Portuguese continued through the sixteenth century, scholars and theologians began to congregate in the city of Acheh. During the reign of Sultan Husaln (1571-1579) there arrived from Mecca a scholar named Muhammad Azari or Shaikh 120 Nuruddin, who taught metaphysics.
The next sultan of Acheh, Sultan Aluddin of Perak (Mansur Shah) was especially known for his patronage of Islamic scholarship. It was during hia reign (1579-1586)
tiégmaf tzev nolnnaqxo eaanedoA eda eedimoaa omalndoß Ioztnoo os dedoA to azelus edi lo diag eda no sslesh ada os 811 I, asdamue 3o azasoo daow bna zane oda to admog zeqgeg eda don biuoda eno zodoal tnainoqml na vidadozq saw aldt -xe aldedoA nt nolglien lo sfos end edamijaezabau hevewod dedoA to enadíus add anglegmas gtaslllm ada galand molanag traminq eda aew doléw malal zot laes faaldanal a qu beqqidw sposiaK ni esengunos edt ert 4, ymse eda bnlned eozol galvlab alaw ond bne melal to ymeme leldo edd ea bebzage's enew medate gainuoddglon eds tó anabemmadoK-wollet ads danlaga -ne te emłd eno da esedd sade bawong end no belllaaut ezow dedoa deolaga eneugudmoß oda dalw bebla bad madso ezow dedoà lo anadlue eda dana badatoanqga ad blmode aI dalm valilseod edd aA -gnlonmel olmalel to smostag entudeg. .aaneo daneeaxla eds dguozda beunlimos eseugodmoq edd lo yolo ads al edagetgnoo ot nagad analgoloanz bna acalodoa enedi (evr-fyel) atesan naclua to ogłet ada galmud dedoa dálede mo ImasA baamadun bemen zalodoa a sooaX most bavlmia Sagaß to ntbbula najlue ,dedoa to nasiua dzen edt to oganostag ald tol mwonk vifsloegee akw (dedà wanaM) (d82i-Pr2i) nglet aid galmub maw aI cqldemalodos olmelal .ys ,os ",emeogon" , elolt :Ed,T .eeI , onelado8rr ..20 ,02n19 .v2odmayP11 ,521 ",adolanev0" ,dargnlatbelatqoSI that a certain Shaikh Abul Khalr lbn Shaikh ibn Hazar came from Mecca (1582). He was a specialist in the field of dogmatics and mystics. He was followed by Shaikh Muhammad Jamaml, a specialist In the "doctrine of foundations." A third scholar named Shaikh Muhammad Hamid came from Oujarat. 121 He taught logic, rhetoric, and the "science of duties."
Sultan Alauddln of Perak died in 1586. His daughter was married to the king of Johore. Their son now became the heir to the throne. In 1588 this boy king (Raja Buyong) was done away with and the chief nobles of the state chose Alauddln Rlayat Shah (1588-I6OI4) , son of Pirman Shah, as the king of Acheh. With his accession the dynasty of Dar al-Kamal was re-eatabliahed on the throne of Acheh.
Johore waa a traditional enemy of Acheh. Several times In the sixteenth century there had been claah between the two atatea (1539, 1561+, and 1582). In 1587, when the Portuguese defeated Johore In an engagement, Acheh sent congratulations to the former. In 1588 the murder of the boy king (Raja Buyong) opened a new phase of Acheh-Johore hostility. Sultan Alauddln Riayat Shah put an end to his country's war against the Portuguese. He waa more Intereated In getting the Portugueae on hla aide aa allies against Johore.
emao tazeß ndi dklade ndl sladk fudA datadà nladteo a Jada to blelt odd at dslfaloege a amw eß (S82f) soooM mont bammadon dllada gd bawolffot saw el moldaye bne sotdamgób A ",anoldabiwo2 lo enlsdoob" edd ni delfaloege * , Imamat tenatud most omao bimaß bammaduk dxlade beman talodos bilda ISIn saldub to aodelos" edd ba olzodedt ,olgol dgrad e Teanguab el8 .882I nt belb kazet lo nibbusfA nedlue edd smaped won nos tledt .esodot to gnlk ant od belvzam eaw say (gnoyua alan) aold god 'elds B8zf aI .enonda ada od słed esodo ejads ent lo sofdon leldo edj bne djlw yawa enob eda be ,dad2 nami29 te nos . (dódf-8825) dane dmyall nibbwafA IemeX-la med to gaeanyb ada noleamcoe ald diiw dedoà to gaíd ,dedoA to enondd edt po bedalfdadao-es anw zomia Iazeve8 ,dedoa lo pmone fanolalbana s saw ssonot ada neawded dealo need bad eredd ywdneo daneedxia ada ai -womo9 mds mede 58ef aI .(s82r bam ,uaz1 .Pc1) wetate ona -noo Jnek dedoA , fnemogaane nm nl azodot bedaetab eseng tod eds to zebwm eda 8zl nl , temmol eda oa anoldafudang -sod evodot-dedeA lo enedq wan a banego (gdoñua ataß) anid sld oj boe ma dug dane dayain albbuala maafus gdllls bedsezedal enom kaw em emeugudnot add Jenlage law e'gzdnubo senlegs aazila as able azd no enouguamot eds antjdeg nf
.stodol 1a1-001 ,bidrxSI
According to the Hlkajat Atjeh, two Portuguese envoys named Dong Dawls and Dong Tunis came to the court of Sultan Alauddln Rlayat Shah. They requested the king to let them have the Acheneae fort Blram. The king said In reply that the Portuguese might have some other fort but not the one they had 122 asked for because it guarded the mouth of the river. DJaJadlnlngrat points out that Frederick de Houtman has a similar story to tell. According to him a Portuguese "Pope" from Malacca came to Acheh on November 15. l600 and asked for the fort Lubock, the strongest fort of Acheh, In return for which the Portuguese would help Acheh against Johore. Sultan Alauddln said that If the Portuguese would first hand 123 over Johore to him he would not refuse them any fort. It was at this point when the king of Acheh was still looking for an ally against Johore that the Dutch and the English arrived.
atovne esougudmot cwt det JA SatektH ene os gntbzoook neslua to twoo ada ot emao alaut anot bna elwad gnol boman medt del ca gals eda betaaupet yenta deda deyaiß ntóbpaía edá tada kíget al blas gnix ant manla duot ssanedoa oda evad bad vedd ono edd don sud daot nedso emos avad ddglm aseugudzos
SSJ tevin eda to diwom ont babiaug ai sevased mot badae a bad namsuoß ab kolzabent dana duo santoq dangnlnlbatàjo "eqos" eaeuguttos a mlh of gnlbaoooA .Ifes os Vmots zeflmle badaa baa OodI I modmevol no dedoA od omao aponlaM most nnwdet nt , dedoA to dzot dasgnonda end ,koodul ozot eda vot etodot santaga dedoA qied bivow eseugudmot eds dolde tot boad dentt bluow eeougudmot ona ti dads blan aibbuala naslug aI ESf.iso? yna mods eautex fon biuow ad mld od mrodot mavo galkoof fllds saw dadoa to gnlk edt nelw dalog aldd ta aw dallgna eda bna doaut eda deda ezodot dealaga kila da tot .bavitie
",adolamev0" ,Jagalalbalal4 10d-02 .A. tabnakezsS1 .edr OI "dtanevo" daatabelalgE
8 6 B. Schrleke, ISS, I, 37; Q. Blrdwood, Report on the old Records of the IndTa office, 1091» 157«
87i. A. Macgregor, "Europe and the East," The New Cambridge Modern History, II, 1958, 591.
(ID C. R. Boxer (ed.), South China In the Sixteenth Century, 1953» xlx*
89Maogregor, NCMH, II, 593-
90Ibld., 596.
91Schrleke, ISS, I, 1;2.
92Corteaao, Tomé Pires. I, lJ|2-l!|4.
93Iskandar, HA, 32.
9l+Ibid., 35-36.
°^Supra, 27. Juynboll and Voorhoeve have left the date of the accession of Ali Mughayat Shah open. They point to Tomé Pires's reference to a king of Acheh, who was a "knightly man among his neighbours" and who conquered Lamri and Biar, i.e., the land between Acheh and Pedir. This, according to them, could be a reference to All Mughayat Shah. (Juynboll and Voorhoeve, "Atjeh," 714-3«)
9^Tlele, P. A., "De Buropeërs in den Maleischen Archipel," BKI, IÔ77, 337, 38U-385.
97Ibid. , 363-36I4.; Marsden, The History of Sumatra, I8II, 412.
98*ri«iÄ, "Europeërs," l877, 36U; Marsden, Sumatra, l|.n.
99cortesao, Tome Pires, II, 282.
101Ibld., 366-367.
102Ibld., 368.
1Q3lbld., 385-386; Marsden, Sumatra, lj.!9-l|22.
10^Ibld„, 385.
105o. P. Badger (ed.), The Travels of Ludovlco dl Varthema, 1503-1508, I863, 22«; Cortesao, Tome Pires, I, II4.0.
lOoTiele, "Europeers," 1Ô77, 333, noto 2.
107ßadger, Varthema, 235, 238; Cortesao, Tomé Pires, I, 140.
108Corteaao, Tome Pires, I, l)ki Badger, Varthema, 239.
109cortesao, Tomé Pires, I, 1^2-U^.
110Tlele, "Europäers," 1877, UOI-I4.O3; Marsden, Sumatra, 424-U27.
A. Vambery (ed.), The Voyages and Adventure of Ferdinand Mondez Pinto, thë~Portugueae, 1Ö9I, 3Ü, 39. k2'. Tlele, "Europeers,n 1Ö77, 6I4.-65. "
U2schrleke, ISS, I, !&•
i^Tlele, "Europee'rs," 1677, 6I4.-65.
llJJ-Juynboll and Voorhoeve, "Atjeh," 7I4.3.
^^Harsden, Sumatra, 1+29.
U6lold., 1+28.
ir7DJaJadlningrat, "Overzicht," 1$3-15U-
ll8Schrieke, ISS, I, 1+3; Tiele, "Europeera," 1877, U27.
119Vambery, Pinto, 65.
120DJaJadlnlngrat, "Overzicht," 157.
Ibid., 160-161.
122Iskandar, HA, 59-60; DJaJadlnlngrat, "Overzicht,1 169.
123DJaJadlnlngrat, "Overzicht," 170.
Chapter II
The Coming of the English and the Dutch
1. The Coming of the English
On 1 June 1592 the English ship Edward Bonaventura, commanded by James Lancaster, appeared on the island of Gomes, at the north-western tip of Sumatra. Lancaster and his men rested for a few days at the island, hoping to find a Sumatran pilot. They were within a few miles of the city of Acheh, yet they did not visit that place. Instead they moved over to the Island of Penang off the west coast of the Malay Peninsula where they sheltered during the three months of South-west monsoon.
This was the first entry of the English into Achenese waters. The London merchants who had sponsored the voyage were seriously concerned to open up commerce with Asian countries "to assist the export of English manufactures, which were suffering from lack of markets." The need for new markets was more acutely felt because the opening of hostilities with Spain had closed down England's profitable dodud eda bas dellgoa edt to galmoó edt dallgo eds to adlmoo edt ,11x ..bidrs 2
eaedadoa odnt dallgak edd Jo yadpe jazll edd aaw alót
euanevanoa bsawbz qlda dalfgna oda sedr enut I no lo bnalal edd no bezmegqe , zejaaonad aemat yd bebnemaoo bna tejaaonsl .szdamua to qid nzedeew-dizon ana da , semod bait od galgod ,boalel ant sa stab wet a zot bajzet nem ald volo sds to sellm wet a nidalw ezow yont .soflq nszdaawß s toda bmedanI eoalg Jeda alalv don bib yeda aot dodoà lo lo desoo daow odt tto gasnes to bnalel eds os mavo bevom eendt eds galwb bezatlada keds ezedw aluanlnet talal eds I.nocanom deew-damo8 lo adamom
egayov edt bezonnoge bad odw ednadozem nobnol ent azetaw nalsa ddlv eozammoo qu dogo os benzeonoo kievolves ezew kanwdoalunam dalignz to azogxe eda selaas oa" selmónuoo tol been ant Se.aleniam to soal monl galgetlua ezew doldw to galnego edt eausced slet vfeduon ezow saw adenzem wan aldasllonq a'baaigna awob beeolo bad nlag8 daiw sslsllidaod
somal sle to sogeyov ent (l-be) dezeot mallliwf trade with Spain and Portugal, the Spanish Netherlands and Spanish-occupied Prance, and parts of the Mediterranean area.
Lancaster, however, showed no inclination to trade. Early in September he moved out of his shelter in Penang and began to cruise up and down the Straits of Malacca interfering with Portuguese shipping in that area. Before he finally sailed out of Indonesian waters, In November, he had seized and emptied three Portuguese ships. One of them, of about 60/70 tons, was from Martaban carrying pepper belonging to "certain Jésuites and a biscuit-baker, a Portugal." Another was a big 700 ton ship from Ooa belonging to the Captain of Malacca. In this ship the English found "... sixteene pieces of brasse and three hundred bats of Canarie wine and nlper wine,...hats, red caps knit of Spanish wooll, worsted stockings knit, shooes, velvets, taffataes, chainlets, and sllkes,...rice, Venice glasses, certaine papers full of false and counterfeit stones (which an Italian brought from Venice to deceive the rude Indians wlthall), abundance of playing cardes,...French paper."
bna abnalzedtal dalnage eda Iagudzot bas alage dalw sbasd É.keze naonatzotiban adt to adzaq bna ,eonaze belguooo-dalnage eband od noljanlfonl on bowode zavewod zejanonad
2n.neqaq doner9...,eobzao gnlyalq
baa gaanaß at zetiede sld lo tuo bavom ed zedmedgeß al víead -zejal mooafaM to edlarte edd nwob bns qu ealuto ot naged od ezotel .aena dadt nl galqqlda eaeuguatos daly gnlzat bad ed , zedmevoß at ,ezetaw neleenobnI lo duo bellas vifentt to , medt lo eno .egide eaeugutnol eezdt beldgme bna besles galgnoled zegqeq galyizao nadadnan mont saw , enod o od suode -nA 4".lagutso5 a ,zenad-3luoald a bna aesluaat niadmeo" os
adt os galgaofed mod moz? gide not 00t ald a amw neddo ..." bnwot dellgda ada qida eldd aI mooalam to almaqao slzana To ejad berbnud eanna bne essend to escelg ensesxle ,floow delnage to slni ageo bos ,eded.., onlw segin bna enlw ajelmado seadallad edeviey ,socode ,jlni agntkoode bedatow lo llut ateqaq entazzeo ,aastalg mclney ,moli..., beklla bnm mort ddguozd nallasl ae doldw) aanode tlelzednwoo bes eslat lo oonabnude , (ilanalw analbal abus adt evleoeb os eolney
.Tateoy .W 108s ;Idei ,bmalang zobut ,1lobala ,T .8E taeqmo slbnl deek dellana ena Jo tzodbat ent,jesaedX d cobnod ,elaant .G.ds bedalIdugau ,S8dl-Sddl ,madnad da
SU .11 <2030ap0a3 ,203a088
The main purpose of Lancaster's trip was reconnaissance. But he came fully prepared for prize-taking and he successfully made a break through into the rich preserve of Portuguese-Asian trade around Malacca. He did not, however, 6 aeize ships and goods belonging to Asian merchants.
A Dutch historian suggests that Lancaster's acts of plraoy "lowered the British reputation" and gave the Portuguese a chance "to discredit all foreign Europeans with the Indonesians."? It is difficult to see how this could have happened. Many Malays and Sumatrans in the Straits region were far too Involved in piracy themselves to consider it as absolutely sinful. Besides, the Portuguese were not particularly known for their Innocence of this form of maritime activity. Since Lancaster was cautious enough not to hurt Asian shipping, there Is scarcely any reason to think that his actions should have appeared very disreputable to the Indonesians. On the contrary, considering that the Portuguese were not very popular with the natives of western Indonesia, the news of the coming of armoured European ships which made prizes of Portuguese carracks must have been extremely heartening to the people of that area. Coming four years after the defeat of the Spanish Armada, Lancaster's exploits were likely to have made an Impression on the maritime states of Sumatra and Malaya.
6poster, Lancaster, 11-12.
7ß.H.M. Vlekke, Nusantara, I960, IO3.
2 n
edneaslannooet saw qind a'zatasonal to esoqiaq alam adt -esapoda ed bna goldad-ealzq sot bazaqesq vilut emao ed dug -udnot lo evzesesq dolz edd odal dguonda deond a ebam kllut Moyewod don bib em,sopafak bnwoza ebazd malaA-eaeug 8.ndnadotem nalea o gnlgnolad aboog bua aqida ezlas to adon a'zedaaonad dadt sdaeggoa nalmodald dodu A -uimoq eds evag bae noljatuqez dalalna ede besevol" goartq eds dalw ansegowz aglozot ile sibezoalb ot" sonado a esoug evad biuoo aldd wod oea od diuolitib al dI Ta.analeonobal molgez edlande eda nl anazdemuz bna agalaM goak .beneqqad sa al seblanoo od ssvleemedd toazlq nl beviovai ood xat ezaw -neq don ozow saeuguanoß eds ,sablned lotole vletwloade emlalzem lo mzot alds To soneconal nledt tot mwonk kimafuols dmud od don dguone apołduas baw zejaaonal epatz .ystvldge dadà dnlds od ncsaet gne gieotson el ezedd . ghlggida natsà edf os sídatuqezaib giev benaoqqe eyad bluoda anoldoa ald -udzos eda dadt galmablends tzasdnoo edd no vanaleenobal nvedaew lo sovidma eda dilw malugoq giev Jon esew esoug aqída neegoł bezwomze to galmoo ada to ken add aleenobni -xe need syad dmum azoatino eesugudzot to avzlng ebam doldw wot galmed .mosa fada lo efgoag edd of anlnesteed vlemasd s'zetanonad ,mbmmiá dalmagt eda lo dwaleb ena nesla azmat -liam edt no nolasezqmi ne aban.avad ot viekil evew etlolqxe myaian bna endamoß to bedade emla
That the Achenese, at least, knew about the Armada is testified to by John Davis, the first English visitor to Acheh. In 1599 he came to Acheh as a pilot of the Dutch fleet commanded by Cornells de Houtman. Houtman was not a little annoyed when Sultan Alauddln Riayat Shah kept asking him whether he was really from England. The king had heard of England but not of Flanders. When the king finally found out from Houtman that there was an Englishman in the ships, he immediately Invited him to the court and gave him a flattering reception. The old Sultan wanted to know all about Queen Elizabeth and wondered how England could beat Spain. To him, as John Davis found out, "Europe Is all Spanish."8
The report of John Davis that England enjoyed great prestige at the court of Acheh and that the English would be especially welcome there was very encouraging. The English East India Company received Its charter on the last day of the year 1600. In February I6OI Lancaster sailed again with four ships and a letter for the king of Acheh from Queen Elizabeth.
On 5 June 1602 the fleet arrived in the road of Acheh. The country people flocked to the English ships with their canoes, as was usual for them to do on the arrival of new al abamiÀ edd Juoda wenx denel da esenedóa edd dadt os modlalv daligna derit sds , slved adot kd os beltldsez dotut eda to dollg a sa dodoa os emmo ed ppt al dedóa a don zaw hamduoß namduo sb sllenzoß vd babnammoo seelt galxee aqox dadz daysłß albbuala natlue nadw bezonna elasti braed bad gnlk ent bosigna mozt kflees eaw ed tedaenw mid (ffanlt gaix ada dodw ezebdal4 lo Jon aud basfgnz to eda al namdelligoé ne saw ezedi dedt namdpol mott duo bnwot mid evaa bns dauoo eda os mid beslvat tiejalbemmt ed aqide fIn wook od bednaw natiua blo ent noldgesan anlzosdalt a seed biuoo basigna wod besebdow bas diedaslla deeno duoda fie at oqowa" , suo bouot elvad adot aa mld of nlage 8n.dalnage
inn
Jeeng boyotne bnsigna Jadt sival adot to deoqer ent ad blwow daligna eda dadt baa HedoA to dzuoo and de ealdeerq dallynk ant .golgawoone vrev saw ezedd bmoolew vilazoegae lo veb daal eda no setnado ati bevleoet tnagmo0 atbnI deak dalv nlaga bellas netasonal fodl giauidat al .oodI taoy eda heeud dont dedoa lo gnik ada zol sedsal e bna aqida suot daedaztia ;dedoA to baos add nt bevlnze deeli ada sodl enut 2 no aleda dalw eglde dalígna eda oa boloolt eigoaq vvzmwoo edt won to lavizze eda no ob bd medd mot laueu bnw ba ,seoneo ndot To exzoW bne amzavov ent ,{.be) madazaM .K . A8 ships. Some went aboard. Next day two Dutch merchants, who were at that time In charge of their country's trade In Acheh, q came and greeted the English.
Captain John Mlddleton first went to see the king to communicate the message that Lancaster had a letter from Queen Elizabeth for him. The king, the same person who had received John Davis In 1599, treated him well and expressed the desire that the General should have a day's rest after such a long voyage. On 7 June, Lancaster landed with 30 men. The Dutch received him and took him to their factory. Here the king sent six big elephants to carry the General to the court. The Achenese loved processions. A royal letter from England could not conceivably have been carried to the Kraton except In a procession. So the procession started out from the Dutch factory. The biggest elephant, about thirteen or fourteen feet high, had upon Its back "a small castle" (like a coach) covered with a canopy of red velvet. Under this canopy In a gold basin was placed Queen Elizabeth's letter covered by a piece of silk. General Lancaster followed riding another elephant. The attendants rode the other elephants; some went on foot. Trumpets and other music played all along. "And there was twentle other that carried streamers of sllke of divers coulours, according to that countrle manner."10 odw , admadozem dodud owd yab dzal bzeoda dnew emc8 aqide dedoA nt eband alyadnuoo nleda to agnado at emid dndd da ezew os aalk eda esa os dnew dezlt notefbbi adot aladqa) doend mon't teddel a bed zadasonal dadd ogasnem edd edaolnumsoo bevlecas bad odw noazeq emas eda gnid ant mld not daedasli ezłeeb ends beaaezqxe bna ffow mid bedeezt ppzi al slvet adot gnol a doua zedta deei a'yab a evad bluoda Iazeneù edt dadt dojnd edt nom Og dalw bebnaf tademonad enut S no ,agayov gald eda eiel yrodoat sledt oi mld ddea baa ald bevlobaz awoo edd od fazeneD add tizao od sinadqele gld xia dmpe buafgnd moit meddel Iagos A snolaceoonq bovol seenedoa edt sqeoxs nodazk edt os belzso need avad vIdavleoneo don bluoo end mozt duo badmade nolacesozq ens o2 .nolesesosq e al zo needalda duoda Jnadgele daeggid ent trodoet dodud akll) "gideao flama a" koed asl noqu bad (dgid deot needwol aldj nebnt .deviev bes lo vqoneo a dalv bezevoo (doscs e tedjel a'ndedaxlia meauù beoalq eaw nleed biog a al vgonmo bewoifot lejemonal lasened xile lo enelq e yd bezevoo -ele zeddo .ens sboz ednabnejda edt .dnadqelo teddons malbla bayelg cłaum menso bne edegmust .Joot no dnew emoa ;ajnadq belazao dada zeddo eldnewd baw eneda bna" gnoia lis jadz od gnibmooos swofuoo azevih to ekila lo avammords 05=.zennam elmanwoo
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When he was admitted to the king's presence Lancaster made obeisance "after the manner of the country" and declared his desire to conclude a treaty of peace and amity. He went on to explain more and the king then Interrupted him and asked him to have a seat and relax. The Queen of England's letter was then presented and received. After the exchange of presents the General was treated to a great 12 banquet and thon entertained with music and dancing.
In Queen Elizabeth's letter the king of Acheh was addressed as "our loving brother." It said that trade was beneficial to both England and Acheh and that the two countries could profitably unite against the common enemies viz., Spain and Portugal. J Would the king of Acheh conclude a treaty with England and would he accept under his royal protection the merchants of England so that they might trade freely?
The king of Acheh was greatly pleased and agreed to conclude a treaty. He asked the "chlefe bishope"1-* and another noble to confer with Lancaster on this matter. When, at the conference, Lanoaster asked for "freedomes for the merchants," the "bishop" asked whether he had any special reasons for demanding such privileges. A written agreement whereby a group of foreign traders would be allowed to trade without paying the customary charges was evidently a novel Idea and might have appeared somewhat odd to the Achenese noblemen since Acheh's principal source of revenue was trade and the collections at port. In reply Lancaster talked at length expounding the virtues of free trade and added that the English were also allies of Turkey and would readily hinder the Portuguese. Lancaster was making Elizabeth's England appear more pro-Moslem and anti-Spanish than it actually was. England's main need was trade and what Acheh needed was a strong ally matching the Portuguese In naval power. So the agreement was drawn up and signed.
The agreement of 1602 granted to the English free entry and trade; exemption from customs; assistance with ships to rescue English ships, goods and men In case of danger and shipwreck; liberty of testament to bequeath their property to whomever they pleased; stability of bargains and orders for payment by the subjects of Acheh; authority to OAocute
R 7
abufonoo ot beenge bna beemsfg kidaeng eaw denaa to gatx edt oldon deddone bam f"egodald eloldo" ada beiea am ydaord e -noo ods da , nedw .najdam sida no nedasoned dalw telnoo od ",adnmdonem eda tot somoheer?" to2 bekza tasasonad ,eonezet tot anosaes faloege gna bad ed zedtodw bexas "godald" end a tdezedw dnemeonge natdlnw A .eegefivlng dous gnlbnamab duodalw sbasd of bewoffs ed biuow azebazt nalezol to quong bna sebi fevoa a víanabíus maw segzado yzamojauo edd gniyeq nemeidon esanedoA eda ot bbo sadvemoa bezaeqqa eved sdglm odi bía sbesd eew eunevez lo estuca feqlonlzq s'dedoa eonłe dagnel da bodiad mesaaoned yiqez nI .Jzog Ja enoldonllon ent Jadt babba bna ebazs east to seutaly odd gnlbnwogxe zebald klibeet bluow bos texiot to sellfa cala erew dahfgns bnefgnd e'diedestia gnlkam saw zedseonel ,esevgadsoq eda asu yifandon 32 dada dainaq8-lina bna melaoM-onq ezom zaegqa e saw beboon dedoà dadw boa ebant sew been nłam a'bnsignt edi oß mowog lavan ni enongusnot ads gnldotóm gfla gooide bengle pna qu nwaib eew dnameange ynone eest daligoß eds od bedneng Soal To dnomaenga edt os sqida dtiw sonadslees ;cmojavo moit noldqwexe lebend bae bna zegneb to pama al nem bda ebooa ,agide detígna evosat támegonq sleds dimeuped os anemaieed to gdmedll ;kosmwqide azabno bne enlagtad to tallidada ;boaselq Veda zavemodw os ozuoaxe os yálnodaus ;dedoA to zzoeldue ede qd dnomyaq zot .2ama3 3o nibi'uama8 amoma7 ado aaw alns vidtaapa2l lare.n
Justice on their own men; Justice against injuries from the natives; freedom from arrest, staying of goods or pricing them by Aohenese authorities; and freedom of conscience.
These were no minor concessions considering the Achenese background. The Portuguese and Dutch traders, who had arrived in Acheh before the English, did not enjoy exemption from customs. On the side of the English East Indian Company this was the first set of concessions ever granted to them by an Asian monarch. Por some time this agreement was looked upon as a model for similar agreements to be made 17 with other Asian rulers.
That the alliance between England and Acheh was meant to be directed against the Portuguese was demonstrated by Lancaster's acta soon after the agreement was signed. Lancaster was getting extremely worried to find that he could not load his four, ships with the little pepper that was available there and with the small amount of money at his disposal. Due to a bad harvest only a small amount of 18 pepper appeared in the market and the price was high. About this time an Indian egg-vendor brought news that the Portuguese had employed a Chinese to collect information eds mont melotnl dantage eoldaut snam nwo nledt no aoltast anlolnq do aboog lo gnlyate ,daatte mózt mobeast gmevidan dr eoneloanon 2o mobearl bme meldlmoddua eaonedeA td meda eaenedoA ade gnlzoblenop snolezsonoo zonlm on ezew eeedt -za bad ode , ezobaza doaud bna eaougoazoq edt ,bnwozgioed noldqmexe totue don bib daligna eda ezoled dadoa ai havin nalbnI den daligo3 eda to ebla edt no .amojave most bednang teve enoleseonoo To, dea Jezlt edd eaw slds vhaqmol dnemsenga słda emtd emoa no dotanom nalaA na yd meda od abem ed os adnemsenga zaflmle mot fobom a as noqu balool asw SI.arelut asiea reddo dalw tosem aaw dodoA baa boslgoß neawded sonallla edd Jadt
td bodandanomeb saw seaugudtoß edt danlega batoenib ed os danß eds vd bevleooß eresded (.be) eravmed .0 gd
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bangla asw dnemeetga edd sojle noce sdoa a'zodesonal ed dadd bntt oj belnzow tdamezdxo galadeg baw zedesonal sada maqqeq elosil add dalw agide wol ald baol don blvoo da yenom lo tnuoma flama eda dilw baa ozodo aldallava aaw To dawoma Ifama a tino faayiad bed a os sud leeogalb sid 81 I, dgld eaw solnq edy bns deszem edd nt bezaeqga tegqeq adt dadd awen adgwond sobnay-age nalbnl na smld aldd duada noldammolat soolfoo od asenidt a begolgme bad eaougudzot about the English ships and all that they contained. He further reported that two messengers would be sent to Malacca with the information to get reinforcements. Lancaster brought it to the notice of the king who had the messengers intercepted when they actually tried to leave for Malacca. Lancaster now hatched a plan for seizing Portuguese ships in the Straits and getting his supplies by piracy. The king had recently turned down a Portuguese request to settle a factory and build a fort In Acheh. He was considering a proposal from the king of Slam to make a Joint attack on Malacca. Lancaster's project won his full approval and co-operation. He played his part exceedingly well by delaying the departure of the Portuguese ambassador to Malacca. Lancaster was Joined by the Dutch captain Spilbergen on the promise of an eighth of the booty. Early In October they seized the 1200 ton Portuguese ship Santo Antonio coming from St. Thome with a rich cargo. More than 950 bales of Indian cloth were col19 lected from the ship besides other valuable merchandise. Lancaster's problems were solved. The king of Acheh was mightily pleased. The Dutch had not been able to give him effective naval aid when he had asked for It. At last he had an ally who surpassed the Portuguese In naval power.
Prize-taking was not, however, the main purpose of Lancaster's visit. This time he came to explore the eß benladdoo veda dadi Ila bna agide dalignS ada duoda mooalak ot dnea ed blzow ezegneazem owd dadt bedzoqoz zeddiut tetemonal sdnemeozolalez deg od noldamzolnt eda dálw asegnesaew edd bed odw gałí ada to soldon ana bs at ddgvond sooafan nol svael od belnd yiíudon tedd nodw badgeozezał aqide esougutmos gnlalos not maiq s bedaden Won netaponed zalk odt voaslq ud seliqqua eld antadeg bne edlaiaa edà al a elddea ot daoupes eneugudzoß a mwob benzwd vitaeset bed -ozq s aalzablanoo aaw sß .dedoA at auot a bfiud bas vzodoat moosfa no Momtia dntot e elam co mate So galk edd mont legoq noldazego-oo ban Iavozqqe Ifut ald now jselozq a'medasonal emiátéqeb add galyafeb yd llow vígalbeeoxe dzaq ałd beyaíq eß sew redasonal soosfak od tobasesdme ezengutzoq eda to ne to salmonq eda no negtedfige niatqmo dodud ads yd benlot 005I eda basles teda zedods0 at kimas ydood ede to dadgle dalw emodt 2e most gnimoo olnoinA otnaß gida eeeugatzot nat -los etew dtofo malbal to mefad 02e nadt szoM vogtao dols a er anlbnadoram eldaulay meddo aeblked qida eda moz badoel aaw dedoA to gnik edt .bavloa ezow emeidomq eizedasonel mid avlg od alda need don bad dodud adt bessaíq vllddgłm ed deal dA il mot bekaa bad ed nedw ble favan eyldoelle zowoq lavan al eseugudmot odi beneaqiwa odv yile na baí lo azoqwq niam edd ,tavewod ,don aaw galkad-eslzs ada esolgze ot ammo ed emla eldt alelv almetasonal 1 posfllbllity of opening up new areas to English trade. In this he was less successful. The English bought a stone house, safe from fire. While Lancaster was busy visiting the king and harassing the Portuguese, his men were trying to do some trade. Pepper was selling at 61| Rials a bahar (387 1/2 lbs.). Sometimes it went up even higher. This unusually high price was partly due to the bad harvest of the previous year. Partly It was caused by the Influx of new European buyers — the English, the Dutch and the French. At Acheh the English were able to collect about 210,000 lbs. of pepper which along with some cloves and cinnamon were 21 sent home In the Ascension.
Lancaster had already sent the Susan to Prlaman, a port on the west coast of Sumatra, where pepper was cheaper. Now he too sailed In that direction with the Dragon and the Hector.
Acheh did not appeal to Lancaster as a suitable port for English trade In the East Indies. The high price of pepper made an unfavourable Impression on him. So he left Acheh with all his men and things, giving away the stone 22 house to the king.
20Ibld., I32, 13U21H. Stevens, The Dawn of British Trade to the East
Indies, 1886, 2J4.7.
nI pbazt delignz od esazs won qu gnlnego to walfldlasog pnoda a adgwod dalfgoß edt fulaseoova eael aaw ad alda gnldlaly veud aaw zedsaonel ofidw enll most etaa ,espon anlgad esew com eld , onongudmot ada gnleeatad bna gnty eda sadád a afalß dò da galifos saw meggeg ebamt emoa ob os alnt OS, nodgid nove qu onow dt cemidomoß, (adI S\r y8g) to deevzad bad edd od oub vlamaq maw eolnq dgid yifavannu lo xoftnl edd kd boavao eaw al vlazat naey anolveng edd donerš adt baa dosul eds dalignl edt-azovud naegozwa wan adI Oo0, OrS duode doefloo of alda enow dallgnà eds dedoA 3A szew nomannlo bna aevolo emoa dalw gaola doldy zeggeg to Is
nolaneosd edt nl emon dnes
droq a , namalsq ot nesu2 odd anee ybaenie ban majanonal ,teqando saw teqqeq ezady andamw2 lo deaoo daew dds no adj bns nogesg ond dalw noldoenlo dand nl ballas cot ed wom
dmoq eldadlue a ee zedamonal os Idegqe don bib dedoA to eolnq dald edt ealbal deea odf at eband delignà zot diel ed o2 mid no nolesamqat eldezwovatnu ne ebam geqgeq anode eda tawa gnlvła ,agnłdd bna nem eld Ife dalw dadoA SS anik eda od esvod
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It took Lancaster 17 days to reach Prlaraan, where the Susan was found to have collected 600 bahara of pepper at a much cheaper rate.2^ Having ordered the Susan to sail for England Lancaster moved on to Bantam. Here pepper was still cheaper. The terms of trade so impressed Lancaster that he set up the first English factory there and left for England In February.
Despite a good agreement with the king of Acheh, the English did not come back in the lifetime of Alauddln Rlayat Shah, who died In l60U. One reason why the English did not follow up their early gains In Acheh was that Bantam, with cheaper rates and a plentiful supply of pepper, appeared more attractive. Another reason was that this was the exploratory phase of the East India Company's penetration of Asian trade. The Directors of the Company were still Interested In finding a place where English goods would find a market.
add ezede namstat donet od syab yI medeeonel koos aI da seqqeq to aradad ood bedoelfos evad of bauot asw gasut tot flae ot desue ent bezebio gnlvam £S edat tegeado doum a Iilde saw tegqeq ezeß mejnad od no bevom mažaabdal boafgoß ed dadé zejesonel beseezqmi os ebait lo eutad edt tegaedo boalgnß sot dlel bne ezedt yrodoat dalfgnd,dsilt edt qu des
edt dedoA lo galx eds dólv anemeezge boog a edigeed
nibbuala lo emlsetll edd nt koad omoo don blb dalfyns dellgnk eds pdw doszet enó godi al balb odw dada dayalß madneß dadt aaw dodoA at mdlag tinse mledd qu wollot dom bib banaeqqe zeqqeg lo víqque lutlonaíq a bne setas zeqaedo dalw -xe edt ezw elda dedd sew noazet teddonA .svidomzada siom To noldardoneq a'ygaqmo0 albal deaß sda to eaadq tzödazolq -nt llide anew vaaqmoß edt to szodpeztd ent .ebana daleá balt blucy aboog dallgna ezedy aaig a galbalt atrbadaezet
,doxiam a EII bEagCS
^•William Poster (ed.), The Voyages of Sir James Lancaster, 19i|0, 10.
2Ibld., xii.
v3s. T. Blndoff, Tudor England, 1961, 286; W. Foster, England's Quest of Eastern Trade, 1933. 127-128; see also D. K. Bassett, The Factory of the English East India Company at Bantam, 1602-1682, unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, London University, 1955, 3«
^•Foster, Lancaster, 11.
^A. H. Markham (ed.), The Voyagea and Works of John Davis, I88O, U4.I-II4.3.
^Foster, Lancaster, 90, 129« lOlbld., 91-92, 130.
Hjohn Davis says, "before any man can come to the king's presence, he must put of his hose and shooes, and come before him bare-legged, and bare-footed, holding the palmes of the hands together and heaving them up above his head, bowing with the bodle, must say, Doulat." (Markham, John Davis, i860, 1I+9-)
l^The arrack served was too strong for Lancaster, who asked leave to mix water with It, which was granted. The dinner was served with "two or three hundredth generali dishes of meate, baked, roasted and boyled. The dlshea and cuppes wherein they were served were most of goulde...every dlshe covered, some with purslain of China." (Poster, Lancaster, 93» 131•)
*3ln 1580 Portugal and Spain were united under one crown.
Poster, Lancaster, 9l|-95»
15posslbly this was the famous Samsu'ldln of Pasal. (C.A.O. Van Nleuwenhuljze, Samau'1-dln van Pasal, 19il5» 17» n. 37.)
P. C. Danvers (ed.), Letters Recolved by the East India Company from its Servants in the East, I, 1Ö96, 1-lj..
17w. N. Salnsbury, Calendar of State Papers, 1513-I616, 1862, 279.
^"Poster, Lancaster, 100.
Poster, Lancaster, 107«
Ibid., 113.
11. The Coming of the Dutch
The coming of the Dutch to Asia was prompted by economic as woll as political motives. The theory that the closing down of Lisbon compelled the Dutch to seek a direct passage to the East has been discarded In favor of a pluralistic explanation. In the first place the Dutch attempts to seek a passage to the East predate the closing of the pepper market of Lisbon. Secondly, the Dutch expansion to the Far East can also be seen as a continuation of their struggle against Spain. The Dutch were as much interested in trade as In attacking the overseas possessions of Spain and Portugal, which became one empire after 1580.
The Dutch started out to the East with greater resources than the English and their enterprise in Asia was on a much larger scale. In the period preceding the formation of the Dutch East India Company, I.e., between 1595 and 1602, an Impressive number of ships were sent out to the East in quick succession. They went to almost all ports of South-East Asia some of which they visitôd many times over. Naturally the Dutch influence was stronger in the Indonesian archipelago than that of the English. In the Initial period the Dutch thus acquired a lead over their English competitors. Acheh was no exception In this respect. Although the English navigator James Lancaster preceded the Dutch in Achenese dodud eds to gatmot edt.11
-one td bedqwonq aaw aleß ot dodud adt lo animoo ed? edd dans yzoent odt nevłdom fanlaifoq sa flew na olmon doarlb a deee ot dodud eds belfeqmdo nodald lo mwob palmolo -wiq s lo tovat nt babzscelb need sed danß edd od ogeesaq edqmessa dotut ens eosig dertt ens nǐ doldenaigxe olaalfe ads to gntsofo add ejabanq dess ond od egasesg a dees od od nolanaqxe dodod edt .tfbnooaa nodetd to dekzam zeqqeq Mlodt lo noldauntdnoo a ea nees ed omís neo dead zat add bateezodnł doum aa szew dodod edt nleqa danlaga ofgguzda nłege to anolaeosmoq smostevo end gatiomjda nl es ebanà ai
.08í toila szłqma edo emaoed doldw , Iaguanot baa soonwozet zotasng dałw dea eda ot duo besnade doduß ent doum e no saw sleÀ nl ealigiedee mtana bne dalfgna edd nadt edd lo noljamzol eds gnlbesenq bolzeg ens nl .eísos zegiaí na, Sodl bna 2e2l noewded .,a.I .vnegmo0 albaI Jamk dodul Molop ni dand edt os duo dnee etow egide to tedmon svleseiqal aleA deaz-djuo2 to edzoq fia dsomia os Jnow tent nolaseosua eds vflamudaw tavo semld tnam baslaly yado doldy lo emon ogafegidote neleenobnl edd ni zegnonda aaw eoneullnl dodut dodud edt bolneq Ialalal ada nI deligna ona to dand dada dedoA .anotltegmoo dalígol slens nevo baal a bezlugoa euds dalfgna eda dguodaiA doeqeez alna nl moldqeoke on maw esenedoA nl dosud add bebaoonq zedaasnal asmat zodmgivan waters, the latter were the first to arrive at the city of Acheh.
On 30 June 1599, two Dutch ships, the Lion and the, Lioness, commanded by Cornells de Houtman, anchored In the Bay of Acheh.*4 The king of Acheh, Sultan Alauddln Rlayat Shah, Immediately sent his officers to measure the length of the ships, and to take stock of their armaments and men. Houtman sent two of his men with those officers with a looking-glass, a drinking glass, and a bracelet of coral for the king. They returned the same day bringing news of 25 "peace, welcome and plenty of spicery." Two days later the king Invited Houtman to visit him and sent a nobleman as hostage. Houtman was given a friendly reception and honoured after the country's manner, I.e., was offered a suit of Achenese dress of good calico and a krls. Within a few days the Dutch were permitted to buy pepper. They collected 2$ bahars at the rate of 8 tael per bahar, which was a good 26 amount at a reasonable price. The king gave them a house to vtlo eds da evlmaa od dazl't edd ezow mesdal edd ezadaw
,dedoa edd bna gołd edt , aqide dodud ows (Ppzi enat OE no eds nt bezodona namtuoß eb sllento td bebasmmoo , saedold dayall albbualA nadluz dodoa lo gald edt 4s.dedóa to yag to ddgdel eda ewaaem ot azeoltto eld Jnes viajałbemai , dade nem bna adnemamia slodá to kooda eiad od bna agłda edt a dalw aleolllo ebodd dalw nem ald to ovs dnea namauoß zol fazon lo dsfaoazd a bas ,emafg gnlinlzb a ,ssafg-gnlkoof lo awon gntgalzd yab omaa eds bonwdes gedt galk ada mojal ayab owt ?Su,yreolge lo kanelq bnz emoolow ,eoaoq" ea neméldon à doas bne mid alalv od nemduoß betlvat nií eda bawonod baa nolsqecaz kíbaeltt a nevia sew nemtuoß egadmod To Jiue a bezello asw , e.t ,Tonnam aiyidavoo eds setle ayab wat a nlhsiw .almk a bda colfao boog lo ssezb esenedoA 25 bedoelloo yedt .zeggeq tud os besalmieq etew dedul eds boog a anw doldw , adad meq fons 8 lo edas edd da azadad asvod s mont ovag galk edt ds.solzq eldanosees a da dnuoma
ajebu0 ed int "namauo eb kolmebaz nav Tesntev zmon"s td baalbk) jodi-8ea1 elbnl-jeoo vaal nowuset eb nev nezleß a'slved ndot od eub al edab al tonagezosib ent .ppal onet is ayab net lo aonezettib a sevłg doldw anlnonoez bio edd gnlen ", doldk ed aamtuen eb Molmebansn , elott .A ) won enda mont
In the city where Jacques Boudons and four other men took up residence. Houtman's brother, Frederick de Houtman, was next invited to Join the king's bathing party, which was a great honour.
While the Dutch were being thus entertained things began to take a bad turn. The Shahbandar Interfered with the buying of pepper by the Dutch by forbidding any sale below 15 tael per bahar. An appeal to the king did not help. The king said he had nothing to do with merchandise which was entirely the Shahbandar's affair.
Within a few days, however, the king changed his mind and Invited Houtman for a discussion. To allay all suspicion he sent three hostages: Poosl Poule, Posi Laba and 27 Katzong, the latter a son of one of the Shahbandars. The king now proposed a firm alliance between his kingdom and the Dutch. The Dutch were to help him with two ships against Johore In return for 2,000 bahars of pepper. A document was 28 written up and sealed.
The growth of friendly relations between the court of Acheh and the newly arrived Dutch traders was something which the Portuguese did not like. As we have seen before, Sultan Alauddin Riayat Shah was at that moment favourably disposed towards the Portuguese. The previous year (1598)
sood nem zeddo twot bna anobuoß saupoat ezanw válo édá at aew ,namduon eb kolmebons ,zeddord a'namdpo eoneblaez qu a aaw doldw vázaq galdsad a'gnls edd niol od betlval dxen wonod saeng
naged agnldd bonladzetne auds galed etew dodud add alid galyud eda dalw bezetzeanl vebnaddade ent nwt bad a eias os 2o tawon end neowjed anolusles yibnalnt to dawotg ant
.ST .-bIdISS .ET-ST .,b10185
fead 2I woled efes yna gnibbidzot td dodud adá td megqeg 2o blas gnid od't qied don bib gnid ens os faegga dA zaded zeq ads viatldne eaw doldw ealbnadozem dalw ob of gnlddon bad ed mlalla aizabuaddade
balm ald begnado gald sdd , savewod ,ayab wet a aldalw -mos lfa valfa ot .moleauoslb a mot namjuoh bedlvnż bne bnn adal laos , efuo teoo3 raegadaod eezds daea ed nololq ant 'S.atabnaddade eda to eno to nos a zetsal eda gnoatal edd bns mobgnid ald neawved eonallla mil't a besogonq won snla danlage eqide ows dalw młd qied ot ezew dosut edt dosud ssw dnemvoob A .Teggeq to asadad o00,S zot mwjes at erodot 8s belas bna qu detalmw
gatdaemon eaw azabait dotul bevłtva tiwen edý bna dedoà ,ezoled neea avad ew eA .bill zon bib eavugudzot ens doldy vidanmovat anemom Jmda da eaw dade dayalß nlbbualk neslue (8p21) zaet muolvezq ent, -eaeuguazot ens abzewos benogelb hls envoys to Portuguese Goa had been given a very honourable reception and they brought back with them Affonso Vincente, a resident of Malacca, as ambassador to Acheh. Affonso Vincente was present In Acheh when the Dutch ships arrived. Prom the very beginning he tried to poison the king's mind against the Dutch, whom he described as nothing but sea-robbers, and urged the king to seize the Dutch ships. The king was finally persuaded and on the pretext of supplying arms and provisions to the Dutch ships for the expedition against Johore the Achenese made a surprise attack and killed Cornells de Houtman. Frederick de Houtman, who was In town at that time, was taken prisoner along with several other Dutchmen. The two ships, however, managed to sail away to Pedlr where they were attacked again by Achenese galleys, which had Portuguese on board. The king of Acheh then sent back Lafort, one of the prisoners, with the message that ha was prepared to make peace If the Dutch would surrender their biggest ship. The Dutch not only rejected the offer but kept 30 Lafort and sailed away.
That was not a good beginning. The first encounter created In the Achenese mind an unfavorable Impression of the Dutch. This was followed by a succession of events which only helped to confirm the original view.
20 .0-51 .1881.01 ,leP
-mwonon yeev a navla need bad mod esaugutzot ot syovne std osnolià mods dilw kond anguond keds bna noldgeoet efda dedoA oj zobeasadma as ,soosfan lo Jneblaez a ,ejneoniv aqida dotpl ods nedw dedoa at apesanq eay edneonly cenoltA end nosloq os balas ed galnalged trev eds mort ,bevliza galdaon as badlioeeb ed morw dodud eda danlage balm s'gntk eqida dodut ed eslea os gnlá eda begtu bna , sreddoz-mea sud galyfgqua to axedeng sds no baa bebauezeg vilanll eaw gnlk edt nolilbegxs eds zot eqlda dodud sdd od anolalvosq bna amza beffhk bne doadda eslnqwa a ebam esenedoÀ edf ezodot jantage awos al esy odw naaduo eb kolzebant namduc eb ellanzot todto fmzevee dilw znole senoalzq noiad saw, omly Jads da od tawa flee od beganam , zevowod eglde ows edt nendodud ,eyeflag bsapedoa yd plega beloatse ezew yadd ezedw sibat dnea nedt dedea to gold ant .bzaod no eaaugutzoT bad doldu ed fant eghesem edd dslw ;avenosliq ads lo ano Jzotad koad sledt nebaeiwa blwow dodud eda it soaeq edam os bezagenq esw dqeš dud zetto eds betpelex tino Jon dodud ent qide daaggid Of.Kawe bellmm bae arolal
zeshuoone dsztt edt .gnlnnlged boog a Jon aaw dad? to noleaeagal eldazovatnw na bnlm emeneneA edt al betmeto doldw eonave to nolaseoova a yd bewoflot eaw slnt dotud-ans welv faniglmo eds mrllnoo of begled vino
In July 1600, Jacob Vllkens, the next Dutch visitor, appeared before Acheh. Possibly he had a letter from Prince Maurice, for Frederick de Houtman came to learn at Pedlr that such a letter had been delivered to the king of Acheh. The king had sent him provisions and was preparing to receive him. Just at that moment Wllkens was secretly Informed by one of the Dutch prisoners of the fate of the Dutch ships which had come before. This unnerved him so much that even though he had promised to come and visit the king he now sought excuses and the next day, after firing a few shots, sailed away. The king took It as a great affront and suspected that the main purpose of Wllkens' visit had been to pick up the prisoners.
In November 1600, Vlce-Admlral Paulus Van Caerden representing the New Brabant Company arrived In the road of Acheh without any knowledge of the previous Dutch visits. The king was polite but reserved. A letter from Prince Maurice which van Caerden tried to deliver remained untouched, because the Portuguese had warned the king that the parchment was made out of pig leather. The king, however, let him hire a house In the city and carry on trade.•> The Shahbandar took up with him matters of trade and on 28 December I6OO an agreement was drawn up according to which I8OO bahars of
3lTlele, 10, I88I, II4.9; De Jonge, Opkomst, II, 236. 3^De Jonge, Opkomst, II, 231-232.
,zotlelv doded axon eda aneifiw dooet , Codl viut nI eontis mott mesdel a bad ed vidlazoß dedoà azoled benaegqa dadt vibas ta mzeel od amao namduoß ab kolzabozs not oolmwak edt .dedok lo gnlk eda cs bezevlleb need bad zessel a dous mld evlepet os galzagenq eaw baa enotalvozq mid saee bad gala to ono yd bomzotnl videzoea aaw anekliw anomom tads ès duut bad doldw eglde dodud eds lo ezat add lo atencalag dodut eda ed dguodt deve dadt donm oa mid beviennp aldt ezoled amoo avauoze adguos won ed gntd edd ałalv bna emoo os boalmozq bad yava beflas adoda wet a gnlmit medis zeb dzon adt bna add dadd bejoogaue bna dnontte deong a ea at kond gnlk adt . add qu kolq ot noed bad alaly 'anedfiw to esoqiwqrnlam SE.smemoalnq
al
-erqez mebrasD naV eufuaq IarlmbA-eslv .00dI zedmavoK mI dedoÀ to beot eda dt bevlste vaagmot snadanß wen edt goldnes edt sslalv dodul avolvanq eds lo ogbalwook yaa duodaly salmmaN eonlng movt neddel A .bavmanet sud adllog asw anld -ad ,bedouodau benłamos sevifeb ca belad mebzeaD nav doldy dnemdonaq edd dand gnik edt benzaw bad asougudzol eda sauao mid deí ,sevowod gald edt sodiael alq to duo ebmm aey tabnaddade ent SE.abena no tizao bne valo eda al eavon a ezid ne Oodl sedmeosß Ss no bna ebasa to aneddam mid dálw qu dooa lo aradad 008l doldv ot gnlbrosnk qu mwath sow onemeetge
.dES .II .2moNgO .08moT oa 19S.,1881 .DI .0141215 .SES-IgS .II ,ammongo ,ogaoT oaSE pepper were to be delivered within four months at the rate of 8 tael per bahar. The Dutch were to pay 5% export duty. Payment was to be made on delivery.^ Within a few days, however, the king asked for advance money and van Caerden had to pay 1,000 Rials and more. Suspecting an Achenese plot, van Caerden seized a number of foreign ships at the harbour. Three of them were from Constantinople, three from Qujerat, two from Bengal and one was Portuguese. Van Caerden's acts confirmed the Portuguese allegation that the Dutch were nothing but pirates.
In June 1601, the Portuguese Captain of Malacca, Andrea Furtado de Mendoza arrived In Acheh and asked for permission to build a fort. This was refused.•" The attempt on the part of the Portuguese to acquire a fortified post In Acheh brought about a change In the king's attitude towards the Dutch. Consequently, when on 23 August 1601 four Dutch ships sent out by the Mlddleburgh Company arrived In Acheh they received a very friendly welcome. Laurence Bicker and Gerard Le Roy, the chief merchants of the fleet, carried on negotiations with the king. They too had a letter from Prince ejat eds da sddnom wot nldiw banevileb ad oj ezew teggeq goub azoqze k2 kag dd arew dodnd edt madad zag lesi 8 no ,egab wet a aldziw Ef,gvovileb no obam ed os saw dnemyas bad nabzeso nav bna yanom eonavba zot bezas gazk eds ,tevewod dofq esonedoA ne galdoegenß .ezom bna afalß o00,I yaq od muodiad eda da agide nglozol lo medaia a beslea nebzead nav Jaietuo most catda ,efqonidnatsnol most ezow meda lo eaznt ejos alnebdead nav d,asaugutmot eak eno bna Iagne mozt owd szew dotuß edd jand noldegalls eesugudnol eda bemtllmoo astastq dad galdion satbná , mooafen to alatga esaoguanot eds , Ical anat n) goleslmzeq mot bexen bne dedoA al bavlzza azobnel eb cbadat eda no dgmotia adt t.beautet amw eldt .dnot e biznd od dedaA nt dacg beltlasót a enlupoa ot esaugudnot ena lo diaq ada abiawod sbudldda e'galá od ni egdado a duoda ddguozd eqida dadul uo't fodi daagoa £S no nedy vVianeupeanot dotuß tada dedoA al bevlaia gaaqmo0 dásydeibbiM eda yd duo daes bas sexold sonemal dE,emoofaw víbnelt grav a bevisoes no balztao seelt eds lo ednsdatem leldo edd syoß ed beeze oontzt mozt saddel a bad ood yent .gntk eda ddlw acoldaldogen TOPI.mwoibnT-obnafreal muotjamolgtd augroo eetoehetf
-OS-S-
dEs ,zI ,gemongo. ,eanos oqk Odd ,II .etbnI dombnefzebe nav slnobeldoseo Lagase damdelbbi edtees.II ,Jamongo,bnot a0d ai yaaqmob boaleeß edt daiw bealnw amlá elda da saw woaqmot
Maurice which was now reoelved and read. Maurice had requested permission for the Dutch to trade In Acheh and pleaded for the release of Frederick de Houtman and other Dutch prisoners. The prisoners were Immediately set free. This ended the detention of Frederick de Houtman who had used his 26 months' stay In Acheh to write a valuable dictionary of the Malay and Madagascar languages.
Trading was still somewhat difficult. The price of pepper was high and the Portuguese had spread the rumour that the Dutch used counterfeit coins. The king no longer trusted the Portuguese as much as he had done before. He had about 37 300 coins cut open one by one and found them genuine.
In order to strengthen the alliance the king resolved to send two envoys to Holland with a letter and presents for Prince Maurice. On 29 November I6OI Abdul Samad and Sri Muhammad left for Holland reaching their destination on 6 July 1602.38
The Dutch were allowed to set up a factory, which they named Zeeland. The king even helped them to establish trading contacts with Gujarat. In l602 two Dutch merchants sailed to Cambay In native ships with a letter of lntro39 ductlon from the Sultan of Acheh.
37unger, De Oudste Reizen, p. II4.O.
38lbld., II4.I, ll|4; P. J. Veth, Atchln en zijne betrekkingen tot Nederland, 1873» 71«
-ez bad esłmwal bhat bae bavlecen won saw doldw eolswak bna dadoA al abast ot dotut edd zot nolealmieq bedseup teddo baa namduom ab dolzobezt to essefan eda sot Babmeiq éent dea gíedelbemml azew enonoalnq edt szenosłiq dodut bad onk namduoß eb dolnabers lo nolsnadeb edt bsbne aldt -olb eldaufay a atlmw os dadoa al wada ladtnom ds ald basu
,segaugnal mmonagabaM bnm tafsM ads to guanold to eolzq ent .dfuollllb daduamoa flide saw galbast tadt swomus edd beenqe bad eaougudzot eda bns dgld mew seqqeq. bedauzá zegcol on gnłx odt ;enłoo aletzednuoo bean dodug edd Juoda bad all etoted anob bad ed ea donn as eaougudnoq eds TE ealuneg madt bnwot bna eno yd eno nago duo aaloo O0g bevicaes gnis edd eonalíis edt nedignezia od mebzo al zo't ajnesazq bna zejdef a ddlw bnallol of syovne owd baea ot Iz2 bae bamaE fubda Lodl nadmevoK (S n0 eolwah sonlat no nolaanldeab nledd galdoaez bmellol zol dlal bammsduß 8E.soa1 vlat à
Kedt dolde , ytodoat a qu des od bewolila ezow dotul edt delfdadse od madd begfed meve gnlé edt .bnaloeß beman adnadozem dodud owd SodI al dazatud dalw adoadnoo galbazs -ordat lo tetdel s dalw agide evlsan nt vadmaó os bellas PE.dedoA to neslut edt mori nolsoub
Meanwhile, on 15 December 1601, Jan Grenier, VlceAdmlral In Jacob van Heemskreck's fleet, had arrived. Before his very eyes the factory Zeeland was destroyed In a fire. Dutch trading, however, continued and Grenier bought about 100 bahars of pepper. He then left for Tlku, a pepperport on the west coast of Sumatra (19 February 1602).
On 16 September 1602, Admiral Spilbergen, representing the Zeeland Company of Moucheron, appeared before Acheh. This was a few months after the English fleet commanded by James Lancaster and the French fleet under De la Bardellere had arrived. On 17 September, Spilbergen went to see the king and deliver a letter from Prince Maurice. The king gave him a warm reception. Friendship between the Dutch and the king of Acheh was reinforced. As has been mentioned before, Spilbergen Joined Lancaster In an attack on Portuguese shipping In October 1602. He moved In and out of Acheh several times, staying there for the whole period from 25 December 1602 to 3 April I603. During this time he had excellent relations with the king. The price of pepper, however, continued to be high, each bahar selling at 2\\ tael (l.e 96 Rials). He left behind Cornel (l.e 96 Rials). He left behind Cornells Specx with two other men to look after the pepper trade
^ De Jonge, Opkomst, II, 266-267.
^ D e Reis Van Joris van Spilbergen naar Ceylon, At Joh en Bantam, De Llnschoten-Vereenlglng, XXXVIII, 1933. 65-79.
ed
-eoly ,melnent nat , fodl zedmeoed ZI no , alidunaem -eß .bevłnza bad Jeeft a'koemlameeß nay donat dt Lazlmba s nl bayondneb eaw bnafeoß vzodoat add seye yzev ald ezol adguod zelneno bna beunlanoo ,tevewod .galband doaud .eslt -zegqeq a uxit tot alef nedd em zegqeg lo azadad o0f auoda Od.(sodi graunde ei) adakw8 to damco dsam ed no anog galamesezgez ,negnedllga Ierlmba ,Sodr zedmeagee di n0 dadoA ezoled bazeeqqe nozedavoM to taagmoD bnaleaß ada yd bebnemmby deelt dalfgnß edd zatle addnom wel a anw aldt elelfebzad al ad zebnd geelt doneng adt bne zadssonal esmet eda eea of dnew negtedilge ,nedmedge2 If no .bovlana bad evag galx adt ,solmuaM sonlat mor2 zadjel a tevilab bom gald eda bna dotud ada neewted qłdabnalaa .nolaqesez wiew a mid sasoted bonoldnem need aad aA .beotolales maw dadoh lo gold eseugúdnoi do kasse na nt medeaonal benlot nagzediige dedoa to duo bas at bevom eß ,Sodi madosoo at gaigqide mont bolzeq alody eds sot esadt gnlyade ,semld fazeves bad od omis aldd galmui .godl flaqA E oa Sodr medmeoea ds -wod ,toqqeq to eblmq edt gnlk eds dalw anoldalez dnelleone Ioas us da anlflea zaded dose dgid ed os bounldnoo ,zeve owd daiw xoege alleamoo balded alel eB [4. (elaln de e,2) .obasa meqqeq end mesle dool od nam zendo
.105-305 ,11 ,2amo2gb ,=gnot e004
With the departure of Spilbergen on 3 April I6O3 the period of trading by Individual Dutch companies ended. On 20 March 1602 the Dutch East India Company had been formed. At the beginning of the seventeenth century It was the biggest of Its kind, starting out with ten times as much capital as that of Its rival, the English East India Company. Already on 17 January I603 the Vllsslngon and Per Goes, belonging to the first fleet sent out by the United East India Company (V.O.C.) had arrived. In March I603 four more ships of the same fleet had arrived. When Vlce-Admlral Sobald de Weert arrived In Acheh on 10 February I603 he found there seven Dutch ships Including two under Spilbergen. He found the faotory established by the Zeelanders In good condition. It had established trading connections not only with Gujarat but also with Calicut In Malabar.^2 In I603 the Portuguese no longer enjoyed the confidence of the king of Acheh, but the Gujaratl merchants, well established In Acheh, disliked the presence of so many European armed ships. Raja Muda, the heir apparent, shared their feeling.^-3 De Weert, however, succeeded In acquiring a house with a compound near the river, where he established a factory. This was the first factory set up by the Dutch East India Company In the Par East. The attempt to put a fence around the house aroused so much opposition that It had to be given up. Jan de Decker was left In charge of the factory when De Weert left for Ceylon on 3 April 1603.^
In December l60lj. the Delft brought back the Aohenese envoy Sri Muhammad from Holland. Abdul Samad had died in Holland. In the estimation of the Dutch, Acheh was quite an important centre of Asian trade. They would have made it one of their major ports of call If the Achenese king had shown greater trust. Had Sultan Alauddin Raiyat Shah lived longer he might have tried to accommodate the Dutch. As it happened, he died in I6OI4. and the political confusion that usually went with a new succession in Acheh did riot encourage the Dutch to settle there.
In February I605 the Delft sailed from Acheh to the Coromandel coast. There with the help of a Jewish resident of Golconda named Assalan the Dutch secured the right to trade at Masulipatam.^ Already in August I603 a factory had been established at Bantam. The Dutch now developed a trade between Bantam and Masulipatam in which Acheh beoame an intermediary port of call. On l8 March I606 the Delft stopped over at Acheh for about a fortnight on its way to the Coromandel coast.^"'
Wibid.
^Veth, 71.
4°T . Ray Choudhuri, "The Dutch in Coromandel, 160^-1690," unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Oxford University, 1957, 26-27.
^ 7De Jonge, Opkomst, III, lj.1.
Is 61014
ledoad eb nat -qu noviá ed oà bad al tadt noldlaoqgo doum ca tot dlei dieaw ed denw trodoat sdt to egrado ni dlef aaw 4.god5 IlagA E no noitao eeenedoa eds doad sdguond allol oda lodi nedmeced al nI balb bad bamae fubdA .bnafloH most bammaduk lie vovne eslup aaw dedoA dotut ena lo noldamtdae edd nI 2. baalfom di ebam avad bivow yadt .abazd nalea to esdneo dnatuoqal na bad gnid esonedaa edd tl flao lo edzoq solam aleda to ano bovil dade seyłan nibbualA nadfus beh .deund medaona mwode al eA dsdud edt atabommoooa od belsa evad ddalm ed tegnol dand nolezlnoo lmotatloq odt bne dodi al betb ed ,benegqad -ds soh bib dedoa nł nolaseooua wen a daiw daew tifauau ozend aladea od dosud eda egenuoo oda od dadoA mont belles alled edd Zodl vaauzdet aI onablest delvet a to qled ed daiw evedt Jeeoo lebnamoto) os adgls eds baswoea dodud edd nalaasA baman abnoofoß lo tmozoat a godi daugua nl kbaesiA dumadaqlivean da oband à begoloveb won dodud adt madnaß da bedalldadae need bad amaced dodoA doldw ni medaglluaaM bna madned deawded ebaid glieg ede dodi dovah 81 no .flao to droq gaalbemmedal ne of yaw asl no ddglnazot a duoda tot dodoa da zavo beqqoda T.desos fabamodo edd
In the same year Admiral Cornells Matelieff directed the first major European assault on Portuguese Malacca. The failure of the expedition led the Dutch to seek new allies. Vice-Admiral Olivier de Vivere was sent by Matelieff to Acheh to form a new alliance with the new king, Sultan Ali Riayat Shah. On 17 January I607 an agreement was signed. By the major provisions of the agreement the Dutch were to receive from the king of Acheh a secured and permanent place to build a factory. They were also granted exemption from customs and freedom of trade to the exclusion of all other European nations, except those who had passes from Holland. Even the vassals of the Dutch were to enjoy freedom of purchase and disposal of goods without any payment of customs. Furthermore, the two parties were to be united in alliance against the common enemies, viz., Spain and Portugal. The Dutch agreed to supply the king of Acheh whatever arms he needed at their purchase price in Holland.
Thus in I6O7 the Dutch acquired rights similar to, but somewhat more favourable than, those granted to the English in I602. But while they received important concessions they became treaty-bound to give arms aid and naval assistance to Acheh against the Portuguese.
S5
bejoozib llelfedak ellenzo0 fenlmbA zeey omas edd nI edt mooafam etauguazot no alubasa nasqonna notem dezlt eds molife wen deee os dodud edd bol nolslbegxe ads to ewftat of llelfedaM yd dnea saw ezevlv eb selviló fazlmbA-eolv LIA dasloß ,gnlk wen end dalw eonsllla wen a mzo't os dedoA .beogle eew dnemeevga ne fodl gzannet TI no dada Jayalß od azew doduq eds snameatga ads do anolelvonq zotam eda t8 asalq anenaateg bne bezuoes a dedoa lo anls edf mort evleoet mont poldqwexe bednang oaia auaw yedt yzodoat a bilud of teddo fIa lo nolanfaze ont ot ebazd lo Nobeect bne emodauo bmalfoß mont seanaq bed ody emodt aqeoxe , anolsan naegowz To mobeent yotne os esew dodud ont lo afassav edd move amodaua lo dnemyeq yne Juodale aboog to fasoqelb bna eaadonuq sonalila at basinu ed od ezew seldzeq owd edt ezomzodfmrt ent fagudzot bna alage zly eelmene nommoo edd Janlaga ed emza nevetadw dedoa to anls eds tigqua os beenga dosul bnalloß nl eolnq emadonuq zlena sa bebean sud ,od naflmla ednglm benlupos dodud ont yodt at andt dalign3 edt ad bedneng esoda nand eldanwovet ezom decwemos anolemeonoo dnadmoqmi bavleoet vada allde suß .Sodl nt eonadalasa favan baa bin amta evłg os bawod-ydeana amaoed yedd .ssewguinot edt janlega dedoa od
^•"Cort Verhael van Frederick de Houtman" in: De 0ud3te Reizen van de Zeeuwen Haar Ooat-Indlo 1598-I60I1. (Edited by W. S. Unger), 191+Ö, 69. According to John Davis this was on 21 June 1599. The discrepancy in date Is due to John Davis's using the old reckoning which gives a difference of ten days from the new. (P. A. Tiele, "Frederick de Houtman te Atjeh," IQ, I88I, I, U4.7, note 1.)
Markham, John Davis, llj.0.
">Unger, De Oudste Reizen, 19U8» 71« One Achenese tael was approximately equivalent to four Rials of Eight.
27lbld., 72.
28Ibld., 72-73«
2<?Tlele, 10, I88I, 1U7-H+8.
30w.arkham, John Davis, lkk-lb$} De Jonge, Opkomst, II, 215.
33Heeres, Corpus Dlplomatlcum Neerlando-Indlcum. 1907, 19-20.
3^De Jonge, Opkomst, II, 22k3->stapel, Geschiedenis van Sederlandach Indie, II, l|l|f>-
36oe Jonge, Opkomst, II, 251+-25?. The Mlddleburgh Company was at this time united with the Zeeland Company In the United Zoeland Company.
^ D e Jonge, Opkomst, III, 9-
U3jbld., 9-10.
Chapter III
Iskandar Muda--Hia Resources and Objectives
1_. Accession to the Throne
Iskandar Muda was the grandson of Sultan Alauddin Riayat Shah (1588-I60I4.) by his daughter Putri Raja Indra Bangsa. The Malay chronicle, the Hlkajat Atjeh, which is full of miraculous tales about the extraordinary powers of this king, refers to him as "Perkasa Alam." "Iskandar Muda" seems to be a posthumous title used for the first time in the Bustan us-salatln, another important Malay chronicle written after his death. According to the Hlkajat Atjeh Perkasa Alam (Iskandar Muda) was ten years old when the two Portuguese envoys, "Dong Dawis" and "Dong Tunis" came to the court of Acheh.2 Since Frederick de Houtman reports a similar event taking place in the year I6OO, Djajadiningrat suggests that 1590 could be taken as the date of birth of Iskandar Muda.^ Marsden says that Iskandar Muda was twentythree years of age when Alauddin Riayat Shah died (I6OI4.).
llakandar, HA, 17.
2Ibld., 59.
3DJajadiningrat, "Overzicht," 170.
4-Marsden, Sumatra, U3Ö«
III nedqadO
sovldoeldo baa soozwonsß slm--sbuM zabnmial
enozdt end od nolaaeceA .1
nlbbualA nasfuz lo noabnang eda eav abuM tabmzisI azbal stan lmsu3 zatdgumb sld vd (jodr-8821) dade deyalß al doldw .delóA tatanig edd , slolnordo yalak ent ,magnaß to azowoq yranlbzosstxe end duode eolas awoluoarlm to flut "aboM mabnaxal" ".maíA maasmes" an mid od arelez .gnld aldi ai amid dailt edd zol bean eldld avomuddeoq a ed od amees elolnozdo yafak dnadzoqml zedtone nltalae-ay najaug eds deldA Jalekim end od gnlbroooA I ddssb ald zetta napdlnv owa ens nedw bio szeey net saw (abuM nebnaśal) mafA aeakze? os emao "alnut gnog" bna "alwad gnog" , eyovne ezeugujzot a adzoget nemduom eb kolzabers sonie S.dedoA to dtuoo add dangnlalbatata , oodl saey add nl eoalq gnikat dneve malimla So datid to edab edd aa neiad ad biuoo Opdi dans ednegaus -yanowt saw sbuN sabmakeI Jadd eyea nebanak &abuM zabnašal d. (lodl) belb dede dayain albbuala nadw ega lo aimey eezda
.2 .bidrs .091 ",sdalazovo" ,Jangnintbatetge
If this is true then the date of his birth has to be pushed back to I58I. This agrees exactly with the statement of Patrick Copland, who accompanied Thomas Best in I6l3i that the king was thirty-two years old at that time.-5 It should be noted that the report about the coming of the Portuguese envoys is not accurate. As DjaJadiningrat points out, "Dong Dawis" reminds one of John Davis, the English pilot of Cornells de Houtman's fleet, who could not have been one of the Portuguese envoys.
The reign of Sultan Alauddin Riayat Shah came to an end in the year l60l^. In that year or the previous one he was removed from the throne by his son Sultan Muda, who assumed the title of Sultan Ali Riayat Shah. He was not a strong ruler and there was great confusion and disorder in the 7 kingdom during his reign.' To this were added the ravages o
of a famine caused by a drought.
Ali Riayat Shah had a serious difference of opinion with his brother, the ruler of Pedir, over their nephew, Iskandar Muda. To escape punishment from the king of Acheh, Iskandar Muda went to Pedir to seek the protection of his bodauq ed od mad dasid ald to edab oda neds ouzd al aldd iI to dnemedade eda ddlw Vidoaxe seezge aldt .f8i od doad dads .Eidi nl seeß samont belnaqmoosa onw ,bnalgot xolzda? bíuode aI 2,omla dada da bío ezaoy owd-yánldd maw gnłk eds esougudno? ada lo gnlmoo ant duoda daoget eds dada badon ad anot" , duo adnloq Jargntnlbatatl aA ejamooe ton el stovne to tollq dalignß odt słvel adot to eno abnlmes "alwat to eno need evad don biueo odw , Jeelt atnamduom eb elfonzo ay bne ne cd emao dade dayald nibbualA netluz to nalez ent saw ad eno auclveng edd no tast dadd nl .godi nasy eda al bemuaes odw , abum nadiuß nos eld td enondt ads mont bevomet Bnosda a don eaw em dade davaln tIA nstiue To elsza eda end ni tebzoelb bns nolaulnoo teezg saw szedt boa selus aegavas ada bebba ezow sldt ot T,ngłes ald gniub mobanlá 8.ddguozb a td beauao enlmal a lo notnigo lo eonazellib auolnea e bad dade Jayalß IA wedgen mleda zavo ,slbei to rolun and , veddond eld dalw ,dodoA to gnlx eda mout inemralnug eqaoee ot .abuh zabnasal ald lo noldoedozq edit deoz of slbeß od dnew abun sabnekal teteo ni ", bdaigo dolnsa .veß odt lo avidazma edt? EIS EPI Jee Bamodt To ensyov odt.(.be) .ofr ",ddolanevo" ,Jananintbatatad ryI alveg ndot madinaM (Bgd-YE , asamne nebezan ",adolanevo" demgninibatata8 other uncle. The king of Acheh marched on Pedlr, brought Iskandar Muda back to Acheh and held him as a prisoner. In June 1606 a Portuguese squadron commanded by Margin Alfonso de Castro appeared before Acheh and attacked the city. The Portuguese wanted to punish the Achenese king and his subjects for having welcomed the Dutch, their arch enemies. The Achenese failed to put up a good resistance and began to yield ground. At this point Iskandar Muda begged of his uncle permission to lead the army saying that he much preferred to die on a battle field than In prison. The king agreed out of fear of the Portuguese. Iskandar Muda led the Achenese army successfully against the Portuguese and turned defeat Into victory. His reputation was so much enhanced by this achievement that It became very easy for him to seize the throne after the death of All Rlayat Shah In I607.9
Iskandar Muda Inherited a prosperous city and an extensive kingdom. When he ascended the throne the Portuguese were still the dominant power In the Straits region. For about a century Malacca had held Its own against repeated attacks by the Achenese, the Malays and the Javanese. Their Influence over Asian commerce was far out of proportion to their military strength. At Malacca there never
Jdguond , sibas no bodozam dedia to galk ent efonu zodio aI zanoaing a aa mld bled bns dedoA od dond sbun zabnaial oanotlA nlgzeM gd babnammos nozbaupe sesugusnot a dodr enut ent -galo ena benoajas baa dedoA ézoled betsegqe ozdas eb -dua eld bne gnlk esenadok eds delndq os bednaw saeugudzo? belmane done tlend ,dodud edd bemoolew gnlvad zot adoet od naged bns eonajafset boog a qu dug os bellal esenedoA ent ald to beaged abon tebnesel dnfoq alds dA .bnwozg biely -eng doum ed deds gnlyas kmia odt basl of doleslmzeg efonn golk edt nosliq nl nadt blelt slsdad a no olb od bestel edd bel abuk tabnaial ,veougudzot end lo taet lo duo beotga benzus bda eaougudnot eda danlaga kifulensooue ymte eeodedoa beodedne doom oe saw noldasuqen al -yzodolv cdnt Jaeleb od aild zot tane kray ameoed di dads ademeveldoa aldd td ai dane sagaln Iia lo dimeb ods zedla enonds eda ezlea e.yoar
-xe na bna yalo suozeqaozq a bedizenat abuk tabnaxal eseugustos eda enondt add bebnebes ed nadw mobgati evladet zog nolger sslezdę eda nl zewoq dnanimob sdd Iflde ezow bejeegen sanlaga mwo atl bied bad aoosíaß ywdneo a duoda easnavat end bos egelal edt , esenedok edd yd eibadsn -osq to duo sat saw eozemmoo naleA sovo soneuitnl sledt zeven ozeda wooalaM da danetta ynadlllm slena ot noldzoq were more than 600 Portuguese at a time. An average during a 111 month period amounted to only 200. The Portuguese naturally had to depend heavily upon local help. Yet the handful of Portuguese soldiers were able to offer sufficiently effective leadership In times of crisis to avert calamity. It Is, to say the least, remarkable how the Portuguese with their limited resources managed to work themselves Into the most strategic sectors of Asian maritime trade and exercise an overall Influence over Its vast network.
Por about three decades after the capture of Malacca (151I) the trade of Malacca suffered because of a faulty commercial policy. A reform In the customs policy around 15^4- brought change. By 1587 the political situation had considerably Improved; Malacca's trade revived and its rivals 12 suffered. Alauddln Riayat Shah (I588-I6OI4.) had made peace with the Portuguese and All Riayat Shah (I60i;-l607) was a weak ruler. It remained for Iskandar Muda to renew the traditional struggle against the Portuguese in Malacca with fresh zeal. He had all the qualities of a great war-leader and he had immense resources at his command.
Copland describes him as "a proper gallant man of warre, ay
galmub egazeva dA .emld a da eaeugujzot cod nant ezom ezew eseugudzo edt Of oos vino od bedmwoma bolzeg dinom i a edd jot gled laool nogu vflveed bnegab od bad yifarwjan Vlanelolllue tallo os elda szow szelbfos eseugudzot lo fulbnad -gaimaíao dzeva os alalso to somis at gidasobeel svidoalte dalw eseugudnoß edd wod eldannames , denef edd yan od . al dI ens csnl sevfenmodd szow ot begenam seotwoses betimii sloda oalozexe bns ebaza emidłmem naleA To azojoea ołgejana jaom .azowjen desy atl zevo soneultnl ffazevó ne aosalaM lo awjqeo edt gedta mebaoob eszdt duode nog -moo ydfuat a to emueoed bezeltua sooafek lo ebatd ans (irdi) dár basons yolfoq emodauo eds al mzoles A -vollog Iatozem -noo bad modausła lmotalfoq edd TB2i va I.egnado dduoid alayls esl bna bavlvat eband atmooalaM ;bevozqml vidatebla abem bad (dodr-8821) dede davalA nibbuala S4.bezellue (yodr-jodr) dede daystß tiA bna eeeugudzot ena dalw ssaeq wanet os abun nabnekal zol banłamer JI tefut keow a aaw asoalaM ni emengudtoß eda danlege efgguzde fanoljlband edt Jeera s 2o eofalfsup edd Ila hed oß fees deent dslw ,bnammoo eid Je eeomvonez vaneami bed ed bns sebeef-sew essew To nam Jnalfag legonq a" es mid sedlzoeeb bnafgoß
ai esapguazog ana no medok" .sogevgoan .A .101 8 OEPI , (S) VIX, ZARMNL ",aYmImM .Ie .ZE9I ,avaleM To vzodalH A .abedanlw .0 .gf of thirty-two yeares, of middle size, full of spirit, strong „13 by oea and land.
It la difficult to know what specific objectives Iskandar Muda set before himself. Prom what he did during his reign one can see that he was a man devoured by ambition. A man of atern character and ruthless disposition, he was, like the great sixteenth century monarchs of Acheh, full of hatred for the Portuguese. To make Acheh great by land and sea, to wipe out Portuguese Malacca and to stand like a colossus astride the Straits of Malacca wore the grand objectives of his policy. Much has been said on the commercial motivation In Acheh'a expansion. Without underrating the role of this element It may be said that in trying to understand the history of Acheh In the first half of the seventeenth century one cannot afford to miss the fundamentally warlike nature of Iskandar Muda's policy. The resources of his extensive kingdom were used primarily for military purposes. There cannot be any doubt that Iskandar Muda loved to possess wealth and hardly missed any chance of drawing more money to his personal treasury. He was reported to have piled up an Immense amount of gold and treasure within the royal castle. Beaulleu saw some of it and heard a lot more about It. Sealed chests of gold had been handed down from the predecessors of the king. These were not opened customarily.
TT
gconde alaige lo fiut cosle ofbblm to ,eeamet owa-gaalda 2o Cln,bal bna aea γo zabnaxsl cevldootdo oltloega dadw wonx od dluolttib el a agłet ald gnlwb bib ed dadw mozß lloemid eroted dee abuM nam A ,nolaldma yd bawoveb nam a saw ed deda epe nao ano eíll , saw ed nolalaogelb eaeldjuz bne setoazedo nzeja to banded To ffut ,dedoA lo edotanom yudneo daneetxła daesa edd ot , mee bna bnaí ud daeza dodoA eiam ot esouguanol eda zot apeeofoo a axif bnate ot bna sooalal eaeugudzoß duo aqiw To aavidoetdo bnaia edt ezow aosalaM lo edlazde edd ablzdes noljavidom falozemmoo edd no blse need sad douM -yolfog ald atdd No elot eds goldastebnw Juodalw nolenagxe a'dedoa al add bnatezebow od gałyis ał dadd blaa ad gam al dnomefe dinevdnovea edd to llad daslt end nl dedoA lo Vtodald extlnaw tllatnemebnut eda aalm oj biolle donaao sno tudneo -xe eld lo seomvoset edt golloq a'abuM zabnaxal to ozudan nozoqiwq vhadiilm zot vilzamliq boau ezow mobgalk evlanes eaossoq od bevol abuM zebnexal dada dduob yas ed donnso ezed? ot Yenom ezom gnłwanb lo vonado yas heaelm kibzad bna ddlaew ns qu beflq eved od badioget saw om ysuasezd lanoozeq aid .eldeso fayon end ninslw ewazens bua biog lo smwoma eanemml .d1 duoda ezom dof A bzaed bna dl To emoa was uellnael -ebeng odd monl nwob bebned need bad blog lo edeedo bafeeß yilmamoJano benego don ozew esent .gnlk sdd lo escabeo
The king had a good Income from the ports of his kingdom and also from his own trading.
Iskandar Muda had enough resources to fight the Portuguese alone, but the presence of the English and the Dutch as anti-Portuguese forces strengthened his hand. At the turn of the century the Dutch-English assault had *begun. The Dutch Admiral Matellef made a big attack on Malacca in 1606. Had Malacca fallen to the Dutch the situation would have been very different for Acheh. But the Portuguese still held their own and there followed a struggle for about half a century between the European powers: the Portuguese, the Dutch and the English. Had the Dutch and the English united their strength against the Portuguese the latter would have found It difficult to survive. Fortunately for them and fortunately for Acheh they remained serious competitors in Asian trade and power-politics, giving Acheh a great strategic advantage.
Iskandar Muda expected to get substantial military aid from the enemies of the Portuguese. In this he was not very successful. He fought almost all his wars alone. The new Europeans, however, brought him some good cannons once In a while and they regularly brought gun-powder. But their participation In Acheh's trade proved to be a source of even greater profit.
8r
bna mobaalx ald lo adtoq ant moat amoont booa a bad gntk edt galbaid owo ald morl dala -udmot edt adgit od seowodet dguone bad abu tabnmisl dodul eds bae dellgnz edd to eoneserq eda dud , anola esoug ada dA .bnad ald beneddgnezda seozot sbeugudzo-ltna sa nwged bed divasea daligaa-dodud edd kwaneo edt to awa dl mooafaM no Moadda ald a ebam lelfejaM IerimbA dojud ent biuow moltadsle odd dodul edd ot neffat sboafaM baß .dods ossugudzot eda dud .dedoA tol dnezeltib yzv need eved duoda zo't efggutde a bewollot siedd bna mwo sieda bled Iiida delfgnl edt bae dodud enda baß dallgoa edd bna dodud edé zesjal edd esengudzot edd danlaga dagneide vłeda betinu zol yledmmaios .evlvve ot sluoliiib st bnwot ovad binow -moo suolies benłamat yedé dadoA zol yiedanuttot bna moda a dedoa gnivig ,solulioq-zowog bae ebend nalaa ni atoaldeq .egadnsyba olgejenja daeng
bis yzadlilm faldnajadue deg od bedoeqxs abuM tabnakel don asw an elds nl .ozevgudnot add to selmene edt most ent .onofa szaw ald Ils daomia adgbot ol iulaesoone yzev eono adonnao booà emoe mid sdguozd zevewod ,aneegozoz wan sładt dua vebwog-neg ddgvond wimalogen yed bna elldw a al nave lo vonwoe a ed od bevozq ebass e'dedoa al nolsaqloldzaq .213074 2038878
In the following Sectio 13 wo shall make an assessment of Iskandar Muda's resources and then go on to see what use he made of the opportunities offered to hlra by the coming of the English and the Dutch
y ^ É
Pr
Jnemeseasa na eñam Ilade ow enoldbes galwollot eda nl eau dmdw oss od no og nedt bna Beozwoaot e'abat zabnaisI to anlmoo ent td mid ot bezotlo seltinuszoggo eds lo ebam ed .dodud ods bne daligna ent to
^"The Narrative of the Rev. Patrick Copland," in Foster (ed.), The Voyage of Thomas Best, 1931+.. 213.
^DJaJadiningrat, "Overzicht," 170.
^Marsden, Sumatra, I4.37-I4.38; Markham, John Davis, I7I.
8DJajadiningrat, "Overzicht," I7I+-
9Ibld., 1714.-175.
1 0 I . A. Macgregor. "Notes on the Portuguese In Malaya," JMBRAS, XIV (2), 1936, 6.
1 1R. 0. Wlnstedt, A History of Malaya, 1935, 91.
12Schrleke, ISS, I, J4.S.
13p0ater, Thomas Best, 213.
11. The City of Acheh
The city of Acheh, as the European travellers found It, was situated In a wide valley, some fifteen or sixteen miles In circuit, "formed like an amphitheatre by lofty ranges of hills." The city stood on a river of the same name, two miles from the sea and about three miles from the foot of the hills. The river ran through the city cutting It In two, the Important part lying on the north-west side. The houses were mostly of reed and bamboo and some were made of stone. " They were usually built on bamboo posts, six to eight feet high, with free passage under them. This was because every year rain and tide flooded the town and people had to move from house to house In boats. The houses were not Joined 17 together; most of them had a fence around them. John Davis described the city as one built In a wood; the houses dedoA To yalo edt .1
di bnuol eleffevasd neegorurada ea dedoà to vale edt cellm nesdxla to needtit emoa .vellay oblw a nl bádeudle aaw To segaet vatol yd ozdmodaldgma na exll bomzol" ,sluonto al owd , aman omaa ada lo zevle a no boode wslo edt ".silld add lo dool add mott eollm cendt duoda bna ses ena mont eellm edt owa nt al gnlsduo vato ada dguonda nai mevin edt .aifid azew zeauod ont ebla jaow-ddzon end no galyf dieq tnettogml dr enota lo ebam ezaw 'amoe bna codmad bae bees to yideom Joolt sdgle ot xle , adaog oodmed no allud kilauau azew yodt yleve esuesed saw aint 2I.medd tebnn egaeeq sost dalw dald avom od bad efgoeq bna nwod end beboolt ably bas ales taey benlot don arew sesvod ent dr ajaod al esuon oi eavod mort ndot T.meda bnuoza eonat a bad mena lo ssom ;zedjegot eesdod ena zboow a nł allud eno as ydło eds bedlmoaeb alvad
Janl eds od uellueed ezobommo0 lo nolsibeqz3 antmif yd alovant bus megevoV To noljoelfoD edelgmoo A nt "aetbnI -o A.(.b) elqme5 ;S-1slaza not asdamu2 naberak tobs .c0e1 .terwo8 samont vd,Pyor o3 Pad] leaso eb sualook nav nosle.Nonlanzaw.U.0.L ;P .SIOEPI
df zlvag ndol madizeM ;SI ,laano ab Monlanzawr BoevoV .(.be) nomntkfiW .O ;tI ,lleezd eb Monlenzawdl EOI ,IEPI .nolgmad melriiW yd-eelmovoostd bna
.d edon ,SSt .yetvod namont eIqmetir could not be seen from a distance because of the thick foliage. Beaulleu thought It was more like a village than a city, being an open place without walls, nor even a ditch 18 around it.
Acheh was one of the most populous cities of Indonesia. It had about seven or eight thousand houses in the closing 7 In Iskandar Muda'a decades of the seventeenth century. time the city and Its adjoining areas were populous enough 20 to enable the king to raise an army of 1|0,000 men.
There were a number of mosques In the city. They were of moderate size, "generally square built and covered with Pantile," but with no turrets or steeples. The Great Mosque, believed to have been built by Sultan Iskandar Muda, was a centre of attraction. There were many schools where the 22 pupils were taught the Arabic way of writing and arithmetic. There were two main markets, one In the heart of the city and the other at its northern end. The market area consisted
^Temple, Thomas Bowrey, 293; Wilkinson, Dampler, 90.
20Harrls, I, 7U5-
Noldd add lo sausced eonadelb a mott neea ed don biwoo nadd egafliv a sitf etom saw st adguond welfuseß egallot dosib a deve zon , aifew duodalw saaig nego na gnled .yálo e 81.a1 bauoza
.alaenobaI to aelalo euofugoq saom eds lo eno aaw dedoA gnleoio adt ni setvod bnasuods ddgle to devea duoda bad I alabuM mabnskeI nI Pr.yudnes dneednevea add lo eabeoeb dguone euofuqog ezew smeza gnlnlotba sjl bna yalo edt emid 05.nom 000,0d to ymza na amlet of anld ed aldane of atew yent .yalo odd nl seupsom to sedoun e esew elent dilw besevoo bne dilud ezaupe vifaseneg" , sale edatebom lo ,eupeoM Jaez0 ont ,ssiqeede so adeswd on dilw dud ", elldnaq a aaw abuM sebnaxal nediu& yd silod need evad od bevalfed ads ezedw sloodoe ynem ezew ezent IS.noldoatdta lo endneo SS.oldemdalva boa anlatnw lo kew oldetA eda adguas enew ellquq yało ada lo duaed eda nł eno , eseitam nlam ows otow etedt bedalanoo asia Jesiam edt .bne niendzon edl da teddo edt bna Op,zelgned
.00.melqmed ,nonnlkltW ;Ees yanvon emmont, elgmetel
nt vbnuk Isdeq lo elevast edt , (-be) elqmet .0 gis t .9 ;SSE .yonwoß eamod? , IgmeT ;0P ,zelgmed nonntl of a few streets with a row of houses closely joined together. 2 3 The markets were well supplied with rice, fruits, vegetables, fowl and fish from the adjoining areas. ^
Pishing was a flourishing industry and a large number of men were engaged In it. There were also carpenters, shipwrights, weavers, tailors, hatters, potraakers, cutlers, blacksmiths, gunfovtnders and goldsmiths. Many of the goldsmiths were foreigners. •" Money-changers were mostly women. They sat in the markets, at street-corners, with their piles of cash, a coin made of lead.
The noble3 and big merchants usually sent their slaves to the market to buy rice. Even the less wealthy people, who did not own slaves themselves, hired a slave to carry rice for them. Slaves were also hired to check the money 27 from the money-changers.
In Acheh there was a large concourse of foreign merchants. Traders came from Constantinople, Venice, Aleppo, the Red Sea area and Arabia. They came from Gujarat, Dabul, Malabar, Coromand.el, Bengal, Arakan and Pegu. Others came from the Malay Peninsula, Slam, China, Borneo, Macassar,
-ot benlol vlecofo esavon to woz a dilw sdeesds wet a to edlust eolm dalw baldgqua flew enow sdaksam ent ξS,geddeß S,eaeza galnlotba nd mori deli bna Iwo? meldadegew tedmon egtal a bna tzdeubal galdelwolt a eaw galdalt -qide , azednegzao oefa szow esedt ,jt ni begagne esew nem lo -blog edt to gaam ,adtlmabiog boa szebnuolaug ,adtlmakoaid nomow yftsom enew szegnado-yenon S, ezenglesot ssaw adtima sellq sledd dila , ezennco-deonde de ,edeizam edd nl des yedt ds basl to abam nioo a daao lo sevala siedt dnes kflevau ednadonem ald baa aeldon edt elgoaq ydslaew eeel ens nevá eołs vud os sednem ads es yazso oj evaía a besid ;zevleamenć sevale nwo don bzb odv Venom add doedo od besłd oela atow savafa medt sot eols S, eregnado-ganom eda mor? nom nglezet lo eanuoonoo egiai a saw ezadt dadoA aI oqqefA ,aolneV ,efgoalanesano0 most omao ezebant eJnado [ndal , JaraluD mont ommo yent .aldezA bma meze se2 beß edd emeo szedao .uget bne nakanA ,Iagneß ,febnamozo0 .zadelaM ,masemoaM cenzod , enldo mela , afwantnat valaM eds mont 20 Jnuo0oA GA .TeNoo .0 :EI , 2Taz0 eb .MonlanzeWES .St.II albal nt obant ond 59-19.202gmal.monb12wS
Java and the other parts of Sumatra. In the sixteenth century came the Portuguese; in the seventeenth the English 29 and the Dutch and following them the French and Danes.
The Asian merchants lived In little colonies of their 30 own which stretched along the river leading to the town. These were more crowded in the trading seasons. Captain Forrest's (1752) description of the settlements of the Chulia traders from the Coromandel coast gives us some idea of the traditional manner of living In these karapongs:
On their arrival they Immediately build, by contract with the natives, houses of bamboo...very regular, on a convenient spot close to the river, to which their large boats of 8/10 tons have easy access. This spot is railed in and shut at night for fear of thieves.31
The Chinese formed one of the major trading groups. John Davis collected his information about Acheh from a 32 Chinese who could speak Spanish. The Chinese section of Acheh stood at the northern end of the city, nearest the sea. Some of the Chinese lived there all the year round.
Others made annual trips from China. They arrived In June dinesixie en at 8s azjame to adzaq zeddo ede boa avat dalígaa ada daneedneves adt at leseugudiot eda emao vmudneo es.eenad bna doner ad med goiwollot baa dodnd eda boa stedd lo estnolos eldjlf nt bavlf adnadozom daleA ent 30 nwod eds od gntbael vevls ads gnola bedoteida doidu nwo nlajqe .snoesoe gnibazs edd nt babwoso ezom azew eaedt alluno eds to ednemolddee eda to noldgltoseb (Szi) a'daeztoß edd lo eebl emoa en sevla dssoo febnamozol edd mort ezabait :agnoqmax acedd ni gaivll lo zennam famolaiband
-noo yd , bllud vledaibammi yoda laviine nledà no tisy..,codmad to ededod eevldan edo ddiw doazd oj ,zovln eda os eeoio doge snelnevnoo a no ,taiuget tene evad enot Ds 8 to ajaod agtel tlont doldw dngło da suda bna ni bellan al Joga aldt aaeoos IE.sovelda lo nae't zot .eguong gnlbant totam ent lo eno bemiot esenldo edt à moit dedoa duoda noljammolnt ald batoelfor alvad adot to noldose eeenldD ent SE.delneqe daaqe biuoo odw esenldo edd deolaon ,ksto eda to bne nredazon ena da boods dedoA bnwoz teey eda ffe enedd bevil aeonldo eds to smoe see onut nl bevisze tent , anldü mont eglns faunne ebam aledjo
ser-rar tir ,elvat ndot manimam 1S.1 ,f\ors ,pqua85 ;88s-18s yotwo8 eamont, sigma2 ;2e,zelgmed noentifiw Op ,zadesoned ,zedaot
de ,zolgmeg noentkliw tEdr ,etved adot maddzenes .EOI..DIdIOE
JuploM ede ot eJsuoled mont enayov A Jeetzot samodtit Id ,Sest ,pgelegidosA
Lr slval ndol ,madinast and stayed till the end of September. They brought with them several mechanioa, carpenters, Joiners and painters, who set themselves to work the moment they arrived. They made chests, drawers, cabinets and a variety of Chinese toys, which they offered for sale in their shops and doorsteps so that:
...for two months or ten weeks this place is like a fair, full of shops stuft with all sorts of vendible commodities and people resorting hither to buy...and as their goods sell off, so they contract themselves into less compass, and make use of fewer houses. But as their business decreases, their gaming among themselves increases....33
When the Chinese set up their market the business of all other nations slackened, "all the discourse then being of going down to the China Camp." The Europeans too went there for diversion, especially "to drink their Hoc-clu, at some China merchants House who sells it." ^
The Gujaratis, took, kept shops, acted as brokers and had a large business in Acheh. Gujarati cloth had a big market In the whole of Sumatra and the Gujarati traders who came every year with several shiploads of merchandise from Cambay, Surat and Broach enjoyed a position of great Importance in Acheh's traded-*
The Europeans, when they arrived, were allocated one long street near the river. Their factories were close to meds ddlw adguond tadt madmodqeß to bne eda flia boyata bne des odw , enedalag bna atenlot , szedneqzao , solnadoem fezoves stsedo ebam vedt .bevłmza yedi dnemom edt kzow od covfeameda toda dotdy , sod enonido to vdelmav a bns adonidao , azewaib ;dsda on sgedezoob bna eqoda tlana ni eles mot bazalto
axis sl eomiq alds axmow ned to sddnom owa vot... eldibnav lo admoe lla dalw dluda agoda lo Ilut ,alat a bua,.,tud ot medald gatazoset efgoeq baa selatbommon eevieamedt doazdnoo yend on , llo ffes aboog mledd ms dua .eeawod mewat to eau eiem bna ,abaqmoo kesl odnt -meda gnoma gnlmeg tlodt seaeezgab aaenłaud tłedt za (....sessozont bovfen
Ila lo eeenlaud ada dedzam stedt qu des ebenldo edd nedw to gnled nedd oswopslb add fla" ,banekcale anoldan zeddo azeda dnew cod snaegozuß ent ".qmaD anld0 ada os mwob galog omos de ulo-col aleda anlab od" vifalosqeo ,nolazevib tol dEn.3l alloa odw eavom adnadotem anldo
bna kzexond ma bajos , agoda dgek , Mood ,eldamatuo edt -ml tasng lo nolsleog e beyotae domond bna damue .Vedmeß .29.,zalgmeg ,noanlkitw d1o -o
ald a bed dsolo idanatuo dedoA al evenleud egzal a bed onw azebaza Idazatu0 eda bna ssjamo2 to elonw edd nł texzam mort ealbnadonom To abeoigida faveves ddlw zeoy ttave emao
RE.ebesa atdedoA nt ebamanog ano bejaoolla esew , bavlaze Keds nodw , anaegozus ent of emofo ezew eslzodoel sledt zevlz eds zaen doande gnol one another. A typical factory consisted of a few bamboo houses and godowns, all built on piles In a wide compound enclosed by a fence. The land was low and was often under water so that long-boats of the ships could come up to the very gate of the factory. Several times high tides washed away parts of the factories, causing great damage.-' Within a short distance of the town was the Kraton, the royal palace. Sailing up the Acheh river one could find a small river, called Kreung Daru, branching out to the right giving access to the palace. The palace was made of stone, built In "the Indian style." Beaulleu found It no more fortified than any ordinary gentleman's house. It had a circumference of about two miles, of an oval shape, surrounded by a ditch of 25 to 30 feet deep and broad. There were no fortifications around the Kraton except on the side facing the Mosque.37
John Davis remarks that one had to pass through three guards before one could reach the king's apartments and that there was a "great greene between each guard."3 The gates were 10 or 12 feet high and were made of strong wood, being
Warnslnck, de Graaf f, I3; Harris, I, 7l|ii..
oodmad wal a to bejalanoo yrojoal feolgys A .zedsone eno bnwoqmoo eblw e al aallq no allud Iia anwobog bna saauod sebnw nedlo asw bae wol eaw bnaß edt .eonat a kd beaofone end os qu omoo biuoo aqlda eds to adzod-gnol dads os nedaw bedeew sabla dald zemlt fazeve8 .vzosoet ads lo ojay kzev aidilw df.egamab deesy mnlsuao belzoaoal ed to adiaq yawa
Iavos edd ,nodesž eda maw mvod eda to eonadalb azoda a fIame e bait biuoo eno nevlm dedoA ans qo gniliaE, ,esmleg gnlvly ddgla ena ed suo gnldonend uzad gnuenk belleo ,sevit dlind , onode lo ebam aaw eoafaq ent .opsfag edt od saspoa bellistot ezom on al bnwol velfuseß " alyte nalbnl ada" al eonenetmwosio a bed dI eevon s'namsláneg kzanlbio yna pada dotib a yd bebawosgwa ,egade Lavo na to sellm owd duoda To -lildrot on erow ozont .baond bne geeb deet 0f od ks to ada gnloal ebla edd no Jgeoxe nodanX edd bnuoza anoldeo VE oupBoM
eezdá dgvonda aseq ad bed eno dada axzamen elveg adot Jads bna ednemigaga e'gnik edd doset biuoo ano ezoled abzang selag ent DEn,blaug dose neewded eneeng Jeag" a eaw enedd galed ,boow gnosds to ebam ezow bna dald deel SI to Of arow
veloD T .H ;TE ,slbnI nt obenT ,Toydool :Eor ,,bldrdE atis anezdmó goblenoced neo0 . zenetel1 net, (. be) mebnand
dilralvad ndot,madizamBe shut on the Inside with two cross-bars fixed In the wall. On either side of each gate there was a stone wall, as high as the gate, with a terrace on which were mounted a couple of brass guns. One of these yards had the King's arsenal. The yard was large enough to hold 3OO elephantB at a tlme.^9
The river Kreung Daru ran through the castle. A large stone fort commanded the point where the river entered the castle area. Nearby stood the king's pleasure-house, where there were "fish and pleasant walks," the whole area being enclosed by a strong entrenchment made of turf.
Each gate was guarded by about lf>0 slaves. These slaves were generally foreigners taken young and trained up In the use of arras. They were strictly confined to the castle and were not allowed to talk to anyone. All the punishments inflicted within the palace were executed by them.^
The king's household was large. The great yard which had the royal apartments was guarded by eunuchs, of whom the king had about five hundred. The Interior contained about 3,000 women, many of whom were guards. They were grouped under several captains and had their civil judges and nlghtoffleers. They, too, did not stir out of the castle and had a market place of their own within the walls. A large number d8
.flaw edt nt bexit azad-seoso owd dalw eblenl ads no tuda dald sa ,Ifaw enote m aaw ezeda edam doee lo ebla tedtlo no efquoo e bednwom ezew dolnw no esazzet a ddlw etag ena as faneeza e'gnlx ent bad abzay eeedt to eno .snug ssezd lo PE, omid a da sinadgele oog blod ot duone egtaf asw biey edt egzei A .eljaso ens dguondt nai piad gnwezl zovli edt end benatno zevia ada azadw dnloq eds bebaasmoo dzot enods szodw ,escod-enweaefq s'gnid edt boode ydzeel meze eldeso goled eeza slonw edd ", exiaw dnasselq bne dalt" ezew oteds
o4 Ou.taus lo abam dnemdonerane gnonta a td besofone Bevels eeedt ,sevals O1 Jnode yd babzaug baw ejeg dosß eds nl qu benlazs bna gawoy nešed ezengłezot vilevenez ezew bns efjaso odj oj benltnop ylsolate ezew yent ,amis lo eeu
ejnemdalnwg eds iiA enoyna od dfad od bowofls don asew Iá mada yd beduoexe prow eoalaq eds aldalw besolltal doldw biay deesa adt sgial asw bfodeanod a'gnlk ent ent modw to ,adounue yó babzaug saw sjnemszaqa fayot adt bed juode bonladnoo zolzesnt edt .berbaud evit duoda bed gald bequotg ezew gedt ,ebzang evow modw To ynam , nomow 000. -adgln bns segbut Ilvlo nledi bad bna enladgao lameven vebou bad bne eldeao add lo duo zlse jon blb ,cod yent ,azeoltto tedmun egtel A allaw eda nidalv mwo meda to eoalq leliam à
-dds .I .elaamPE
.310 .0014 of artisans worked In the castle, Including 300 goldsmiths. The king had many wives and concubines. Among his wives were twenty "lawful daughters of the kings whom he has pillaged."^
The Orangkayas or the nobles who lived in the town were entirely under the control of the king. They were formed Into throe companies, each one of which, in turn, had to keep guard at the castle, unarmed and surrounded by slaves.^-
The Orangkayas were also entrusted with the administration of the city. The Laxamana was the chief municipal governor. Several law-courts sat dally In the city. Civil matters were dealt with In a court which sat under a great Ball,1^ near the great Mosque. One of the richest Orangkayas presided over It. The court dealing with criminal matters sat near the castle gate, also presided over by the chief Orangkayas, In turn. A third court took care of the violations of religious practices. Here the Cady presided. Finally, there was a court for the settling of differences among merchants, both native and foreign; this was held In the Alfandica, or the Customs house, and was presided over by the Laxamana himself. There were four officers under the Laxamana, known as Pengulu Cawalos who took care of things done In the night time. Each of them had a quarter of the
Sedmablg 0g ibufen elde ed l bezow esd to ezew seviw sid gnomà seniduonos bas sevlw knem bad gałd edt Ede begafliq ead ed modw egalk ada to szeadgueb lutwal" yanowa stew nwot edd nl bevif odw eeldon adt zo sayakgnazt edt bemzol erew yedt .gnlš eda to fozanoo ans sebow kieslane of bad , aud nt doldu lo eno dose ,selnaqmoo eenda odal u eovale yd bobnnorwa baa bomzanu elasso end da braug qoex -slnlmba eda dalw bedauidne cefa ezew eegaignezó edt Isqlolaum leldo edd eaw enamaxel edt ytlo edt lo noljans fivio yiło eda al vílab das elmwca-wal Iazevee .Tonzevog deeng e zebno dee doldw dwoo a al dalw dineb azew azeddem -gnez0 dsedolz eda 1o en0 .aupeoM deong ens Taen 2, 11e8 Ianlmimo nalw galleob drwoo edt dl tevo bebleenq eegan end td mevo beblaszq ceís ,edeg eljaso edd zeen das eueddam edt lo esao Nood dmuoo baidd A .nws al ,sateignezo leldo .beblaonq ybe edd avom sosldoanq evolglles lo anoldafolv seoneselllb lo gnlidjos eds zol jmwoo a eaw erens .tilanlg al bied eaw elds ;nglezot bne evlten dod ,ednadozem gnome tevo bebleenq saw bme , oauod emcdews ena so ,mblbnatia end edd zebmu ezeoltto wol anew ezent .lleemld anamexel eds yd egnlds to ezao doc odw eofawat ufogned aa nwonk , anamaxed eds lo ledzeup a bed mods To doma emls ddgla eda nl enob
.EIs ,lemso ob ,dontenzeW ;ddT-Eus .,blarsd
.310 .000841
310 -00014
-dieg ollduq dolów mebno loot a al ,lafaß no , ffagtd eomig oxed biuoo agaime city under him. At night a watch of 200 horsemen patrolled the city and the surrounding country as far as the seashore.1* 6
Sultan Iskandar Muda was Immensely rich. He had large incomes but very small expenses. The royal household was furnished, free of charge, with rice, meat, fish, oil, and sugar by the king's subjects. These were the king's collections In kind. The surplus was sold In the market. His servants were given only rice and If they wanted anything more to eat they had to buy It themselves.^' Similarly, his clothes were supplied by gifts of his officers: on a certain day of the year all the king's officers, or whoever held a position In the city, presented the king with one or more garments or materials for women's clothes.
His own rice fields were tilled by his subjects, who were obliged to supply him every year a certain quantity of rice whether the harvest was good or bad. This rice was kept up In huge storehouses and hoarded until the price roBe high, when It was sold. He had many slaves who took care of his herds of cattle and elephants, cut wood, built houses and worked in quarries. Skilled slaves were allowed to commute their labour at the rate of 5 pence a day which Inli'Q come supported three or four overseers of the slaves.4"
U^Harris, I, 7k3-7kh>
^ 7Ibld., 745.
l+8Ib_ld., 7I4.6.
bellordeq nemeanod Dos to dodaw a adgtn dA mld vebau valo -aea eda ea zat ea yiánuoo gntbawotwe edá bna ktto eds 8μ.tode egtal bad eß .doln vleanemmt saw abuh zabnexaI nedlue saw blodenod fayoz ent eeaneqze Ilama yzev Jud eomoont bas ,Ito delt , daom ,ecln dilw egzado to sait ,bedalnzwt -Ioo azgnikl eda ezew evedt edoetdua a'gnid ena td mague elH .sentam edt al bloe aaw euiqiwe ent .bnik nt anolanel galdjyna bejnaw yedt t bae esia gfno nevlg ezew adnavzes vivallmie Teevioemeda at vud os bad yedi dao cd erom à no rateoltto sid lo ajtlg yd baliqque ezow eeddoio eld zevoodw to ,ezeollto e'gnłk ent lla seet end lo yab nledteo no eno dale anik eda batneseng talo odd nl noldlaoq a bied 8p.saddols a'namow zol slaledam zo ejnamiag etom onw , edoeldue aid yd ballld ezew ablelt eslm mwo aiß to yilonaup nlatteo a zaet yteve mld víqque os beglido azew sew aolt aldt ;bad to bocg saw daevnad bdd meddedw bols eson eolnq edt Ittnu bebzaod bna eesvodozode sgud at qu aqes To ezmo Nood odk aovale tham bad oß bios eaw sl nedw ,dgid aszuod sifud ,boow duo ,ednadqelo bna elddao lo ebred ald os bowolls szew sevele belfhne selnsaup ni beinow bne -dl doldw tab a eoneq 2 lo odei odd da wodal slede edummoo eu, sevale end lo alenesevo wot to semnd bednoqque emoo
.- .I , ald .3415 ..b16281 .320 .00384
The king was heir to all his subjects who died without a male child. Unmarried daughters of the deceased were put in his kraton. The king also took over the property of foreigners dying within his country, excepting that of the Europeans. The possessions of noblemen whom he had punished with death were confiscated.-5
Another source of Income for the king was the rich presents made to him by all foreign visitors. No licence or permission of any kind could be secured without a present; foreign traders could hardly do any business without making presents at every step. The rich trade of Acheh yielded a good Income from anchorage and customs duties. And above all the king was the principal merchant of the kingdom and his own business brought him large profits.
e8 .0108 .00.02
-dalw belb odu adostdua ald fla of mlod eaw gali edt ezew bonnejab add to azaddguab belszemnt ,bildo efam a duo to vanegong edt vevo Nood oaía gnlx edt .nodand ald at dog eda lo dada gnlagooxe .yidavoo sld alddle gniyb ezenalezot -auq bed ed mody nomefdon lo anolatesaoq ant ansoqorwß 02,bedaoalnoo ezew djmeb dalw bedal dolt eda saw galk edt zot emoonl lo sowos zeddonk soneoll on szojlalv ngletot fia yd mld of abam adneesig a Juoddlw baswoee ed biuoo balk yna To nolaalmzeq no -dilw aaonland yas ob yibran biuoo arsbazd aglezot ;dnesenq dedoá to abass dolt edt -gete vreve da adnazezg gallem duo -meljub emodauo bna egezodons moit emoonl booa a bebfaly eds lo Jnadonom Iaqloulnq edó saw gnld edt fia avoda boA .aallonq egzal mld ddguozd eaenland muo ald bna mobgald
^"The Expedition of Commodore Beaulleu to the East Indies" In A Complete Collection of Voyages and Travols by John Harris. I, \7hk. 7U1-71;2; R. C* Temple (ed.), A Geof raphlcal Account of Countries Round the Bay of Bengal, 669 to 1679, by Thomas Bowrey, 1905, 2d6; Marsden, Sumatra, 397; J.C.U. Warnslnck, Reisen van Nicolaus de Graaff, 1930, 12.
^^Warnslnck, de Graaff, 12; Markham, John Davis, ll|.
^•"Warnslnck, de Graaff, 13; C. Wilkinson (ed.), Voyages and Discoveries by William Dampler, 1931. 103.
^'Temple, Thomas Bowrey, 322, note 1;.
l8Markham, John Davis, llj.7; Harris, I, 7Ui+ ; Wilkinson, Damp1er, 90.
R. C. Temple (ed.), The Travels of Peter Mundy in Europe and Asia, 1608-1667, III (1), 1919, 121, 121+, 13U; Wilkinson, Dampler, 90; Temple, Thomas Bowrey, 2,22; P. J. Veth, 1873,~T3^
22KITLV Neg. 219/1 H I6I4. Artikel van Leupe over Atjeh, P.1A; Markham, John Davis, IJl; Harris, I, llj.3-
23warnslnck, de Graaff, 13; C. Lockyer, An Account of the Trade in India, 1711, 37.
2^Wllklnson, Dampler, 90.
2%bld., 91; Markham, John Davis, l£l.
26Wilklnson, Dampler, 91-92.
27 Wilkinson, Dampler, 91-92.
?8 LeuRu» 219/1, f.2; Markham, John Davis, li±3, 151-152; Wilkinson, Dampler, 95; Temple, Thomas Bowrey, 287-283; Foster, Lancaster, 90.
29Markham, John Davis, llj.3; Wilkinson, Dampler, %.
3°Ibid., 103.
3lThomas Forrest, A Voyage from Calcutta to the Morgul Archipelago, 1792, lj.1.
3 Markham, John Davis , II4.3.
33wilkinson, Dampler, 95«
3^-Loc. clt.
3%>ld., 9U.
3 6IMd., 103; Lockyer, Trade In India, 37; H. T. Colenbrander (ed . ) , Jan Pleteraz. Coen Bescheiden Omtrent Zijn Bedrijf in India, I, 1919. 130.
37 Forrest, Voyage from Calcutta, k5', Veth, Atchln, 12,
39Harrls, I, 7!^.
^°Ibld., 7kk.
^ Loc. cit.
^ 2Ibld., 7l|3-7i*U; Warnsinck, de Graaf f. 213.
M L oc. cit.
U5ßall, or Balai, Is a roof under which public gatherings could take place.
^Loc. clt«
£°Loc. clt.
111. The Kingdom of Acheh
Iakandar Muda Inherited a large kingdom. The great sixteenth century monarch Alauddln al-Kahar (1537-1571) had styled himself "King of Achln, Barus, Pldlr, Pase, Daya and Batta, prince of the land of the two seas, and of the mines of Menangkabau." Beaulleu Includes among the "late conquests" of Iskandar Muda, Labo, Slngkel, Barus, Batahan, Passaman, Tlku, Prlaman and Padang--all on the west coast of Sumatra.52 This possibly means that Iskandar Muda had to reconquer much of the west coast which had at one time belonged to the empire of Alauddln al-Kahar. In hla letter to the king of Prance, handed over to Beaulleu, Iakandar Muda called himself the "subduer and conqueror" of Dell, Johore, Pahang, Kedah and Perak to the east, and Prlaman, Tlku and Passaruma (Passaman?) to the west.^ Snouck Hurgronje's remark that the conquerors were generally content with the recognition of their supremacy and the payment of dues helps to explain this phenomenon of "reconquest." Prom time to time the kings of Acheh had to reestablish their authority over an area once conquered but dedaA lo mobgail edT .Ill
dmong edt mobgnik egzei a betlzedal abuk nabnakal bed (1y21-VE21) vadaX-Ia nlbbualA dozanom vwdneo ddneedxla bna aved ,esat . slb1a ,aunad ,nldoA 2o gaik" llemld befyds aonlm eds lo bne ,zsea owt eds lo bmal eds lo eonlng madaß "noo edal" odt gnoma aobufont velluaed f2».uadaxgnaneM to nadeja8 , muzaß , fegnla , odel abuM tabneksI 2o "sdmoup denoo daow edd no 1fa--naba bna namalnt ,uklt .mamasass bad abuM sabnaxal tadd aneem vidlecoq sldt S2.andmmu2 to emid eno da bed doldw desoo deow edd to dowm taupnobez os zesdel ald nl tedal-Ia nlbbuala to enlgma eda os beghofed nabneisl welfueas oa mavo bebnad , sonart to gntk edt o Ifoq lo "motoupnoo bae teubdua" ena lfeamid befleo abuß namalat bna ,dane eds os danes bne dabel ,gnades , etodot Kouone E2. deew edd od (foemmeaas) amoteseat bna pait gilazeneg ezsw alozeupnoo eds dadd kzamet z'stnozgwl edd bma voamozque slodt lo noldlagooet eds dalw dnednoo -es" lo nonemonedq aidd nlalgxe od aglad eeub to anengeq -es ot bad dedoa to egnld edd emis os emls mont ".jeenpnoo dud boñoupnoo eono sane ne sevo valnoddua slens delldadae
.545 ,I ,a1mamS2 .dET .I ,81a7a8E2 whloh had made Itself Independent since then. The earliest conquest mentioned by the Bustan us-Salatln Is that of Dell (Aru) In 1612.^ The subduing of the west coast porta of Tlku and Prlaman must have taken place some time between I607 and 1612. Keeling (1608), Bradshaw (1609) and John Jourdain (1612), however, do not talk of any expedition. They seem to have got the Impression that those ports were under the sphere of Influence of the king of Acheh for otherwise he could not have possibly barred the Gujaratls from trading there. Possibly this Is a case of establishing direct governmental control over this area rather than of regular conquest. Beaulleu's observations confirm this view. He says that the king of Tlku Is subject to the king of Acheh, who sends there a new Governor every three years without whom 55 the king of Tlku cannot do anything of Importance.
The long series of conquests began with the taking of Dell (Aru) on the east coast of Sumatra in 1612. This place once belonged to the Kingdom of Acheh but had freed Itself during the reign of Sultan Alauddln Rlayat Shah (1588-1601;) . In I6I3 the capital of Johore, Batu Sawar, was attacked and Its king Sultan Alauddln and his brother Raja Sabrang were taken as prisoners to Acheh. In I6II4. Iskandar Muda sent
1e .P5T .I ,012mm2<2
daelfsee ent nedt eonle dnobnegebnt feat ebem bad doldw lled lo dent at nldaía2-eur najaud end yd bonoldnam deaupaoo to sizoq Jenoo deew eds To galubdue edt 42.sidi at (usà) neewded emlt emoa eomiq noxat evad daum namalnt baa miit ndot bna (godr) wadabane ,(Boor) gnllesł .Sral bna foàl .nolsibegxe tas lo kfat don ob , tovewon , (Srar) alabmwol etew edtoq eaod dedt nołanozqmt enj dog evan od meos tedt -sedso tol dodoA lo gnik edd to eoneufint lo eredge ona sebau mont sldazeluo end beszad yidleaoq eved Jon biuoo od eslw anidalidadeo to emao a el slds vidlesog ezens galband to adt meddat sete slds zevo Iosdnoo fadnemnzevog Joezlb welv eldd millnoo enoldavnendo e'velluaeß Jaeupnoo maluget dedoA to gnlk eda od doetdue el wiit to antd eda dand eyaa eß mode duoddlw alsey eendt yzeve nonzevod wen a eiedt sbnes ode 22. eonadmogml to galdaya pb donaeo uxlt to gald eda lo gollat ent dilw naged adeeupnoo To aslzen gnoí edt aomlg alnt .SfdI nl sudamuß To Jemoo deme ens np (uza) lled Tleadi been't bad dud dedaA To mobgnil edi of begnoled epno 22 (lodr-8821) dad2 Jayałn albbualA nasiue to cales ada galtub bne beloadja mew Tawa2 pdeß ,evodot to lujigeo edd Eidl nI etow gaazda2 mtal medtozd ald bne nlbboalA matlua galx atl Jnee abuM tebnakal pidf nl dédoA ot auenostng as neias
.Pyi-Byr ",odolanevo" ,dergalnibatata
.1y1 ",anolanavo" ,sengainibatatod?
back the king of Johore with a fleet carrying many Achenese workmen to rebuild the city of Batu Sawar, but shortly afterward, in I6l5, Iskandar Muda appeared before the city of Batu Sawar with a fleet of 300 ships carrying 1|0,000 men and destroyed the city. Perhaps the reason was that the king of Johore was unwilling to help Acheh In Its war against 57 the Portuguese. In the same year, and again In 1616, Acheh anc 58 attacked Malacca but without success.
In I6l8 Pahang (Malay Peninsula) was conquered. Kedah and Perak (also In the Malay Peninsula) were taken In 1619 and 1620 respectively.-'" In 1621 a naval expedition was sent to Tlku to suppress a rebellious chief. A fort was set up there to guard against future outbreaks of rebellion. The king's dominions now extended to Aru In th east and all the way down the west coast of Sumatra to 6? Padang--a stretch of about 1100 miles. In 1623 Johore w broken.63 in 162U or 1625 the Island of Nias off the west coast of Sumatra was conquered. ^
60Harris, I, 729.
6lSchrleke, ISS, I, 52.
"^Marsden, Sumatra, l|l|2; Henry Yule, "On Northern Sumatra and especially Achln," Ocean Highways: the Geographical Review, I (5), August I873, 179.
se .dES .8SS .EIS-SIS .III ,.B. .(.bo) MoSeoy82. .081 ",adolsmevo" ,dengnlalbetataP2 .PST~,I ,altzenOd
esenedoA vnam galyztao deeít a dilw etodot lo anid edd dosd viatode dud , zawa& udaß lo tilo ena bfludez of nemizow vało eda ezolod bazaegge abuM zabnakel . Zrdr nt bzawzetts 000,0d gnlyzzeo eqide 00g to deelt a diiw zawa8 ude8 1o erd deda aay nomeel eds eqadge ydlo eds bayozseab boa nem janlaga saw adl al dedoa gied od galfllwnu saw ezodot to gals dedoA dlal al alaga bna , zaey emae eda aI Ve paeugutmoq eda 82 seeooua Juodsiw jud mobafak bexoedde dabaX .bezeupnoo emw (aluenlnet yafeM) gnadaq Brdl nI Plal nl nenas ezew (aluaninet valeM eds nl pela) dazes bne saw nolatbegie feven à ssdI nI 92.vlevldoogeer Oso1 bna aaw drot A 08.leldo auollledet a baenqqua od vlt od Jnes -an lo eleendduo emwdut denlaga beaug od ezedd gu des end nt uaà ot babnedxe won enolnlmob a'gnik edt Id, golfled oj ademwę lo denoo daew edj mwob yaw edd lfa bna dame eaw ezodot gsdi ni Sa.sellm 0oll duoda lo dodeula a--gnabaq deow eda não sall lo bnalel adt 2sdl to sar nI Cò.nenond à bereupnoo eaw attamus 2o 2e805
0p81 xat2 ne todota al enobnafzebek eã , zodozsel g1 .OE-BS
asdemu8 nzonazok no" ,elut tnoh ;Sdd , azJamwe nebazaMSd -eR feotdqaigool eda :eyawdgln nasoo ",nldoA yilelooqae bna P(8r dga , (2) I woly
The biggest attack on Malacca by Iskandar Muda came In 1629. The Portuguese managed to get reinforcements from Goa and won a complete victory, virtually destroying the Achenese fleet. Meanwhile Pahang had made Itself Independent and had to be reconquered In I635.
Iskandar Muda had a powerful army. Its core, under his direct command, consisted of his palace guards and a cavalry force of 200 horsemen to patrol the city.
The rest of the army was probably raised whenever occasion demanded. Wars were not very expensive for Iskandar Muda, for his subjects were obliged to servo and carry three months' provisions with them. Only after they had served for more than three months did the king have to support them. The soldiers did not own fire-arms or powder; the king stored these in the palace. He had about 2,000 brass guns In his galleys and forts and in two houses, "where they are heaped one above another." The soldiers were given fire-arms by the king but a register was kept and the men were obliged to return the guns at the end of the campaign. Extreme methods of terror were employed to make good soldiers out of the Achenese. Their wives, children and parents were answerable 67 for their behaviour on the battlefield.
EP
ameo abuM zabnexal yd ajoalaM no koajda Jeeagid edt sonemeszolnles deg od begenam eseugudnos ent Psdl nł antyozdseh vilauaslv .gzojolv etelgmoo a now bna mot most -nI lfesst ebm bad gnadas elldunaek Rà Jeelt eaenedoa eda dd.ggar nt bezeupnoer ed oz bed baa anebaeqeb tebnu ,eroo ati .ymia lulmewoq a bad abuM mabnaiel a bns abiaug eopfag ald to bedalanoo ,bnammoo joeztb ald yilo end fozdaq os nemeazon oos lo sozo't vrfaveo tovenedw bozlez yidadonq esw yata edd lo daer edt tabnakel zo? evienegze tnev ton ezow atew .bebnameb nolasooo eandt yinab bne avzes cs beglido esew afoatdue eld zot , abum beviez bad yeda nedla vino mede dalw enolalvonq 'edjnom meda azogque ot evad gnii eda bib adinoa asids nada esom zot bezoda gnix ods ;sebwog to emta-erit nwo Jon bib azelbiee edt ald at sndg asand Ooo,S duode bad eß lejaleq ond al esedd begeed eza yedt ezedw" seewod owt ni boa sizot bna eyelfea td amza-ezlt nevig azew azelbfoa edt ",zeddons evode ano oj begiido siow nem edt bna agox enw zejelgo a aud gold ens abontem emezdxa ngleqmmo eda to bne edt da snua eda azujez ens to Juo ezelbfoa boog exam od beyaígms ezew zozzes lo eldenowans erew esnezag bne nazbildo ,tevlw zlent .seenedoa Tà.bielelsdad edd no muolvaded sieda mot
.SES-0SS ,II ,albaI al esepauamo9 enT ,azevnaga .[81 ",sdolavevo" ,dergalatbatatadd .2NT .I ,m177890
The king's galleys were fitted out by his orangkayas (nobles). After their return from a particular campaign the orangkayas took good care of them. The king had at least one hundred good galleys. Beaulleu remarks that, of these, 68 one-third were built much larger than any ship in Europe. Galleys were broad and high, the largest of them carrying from 600 to 800 men. Beaulleu specifically states that the crew consisted of poor people but not slaves. ' When the king felt the need to repeople his country he brought them by force from the neighbouring countries. Thus after conquering Deli, Pahang, Kedah and Perak he transported about 70 20,000 people to Acheh. It should be noted that deportation was a common practice on mainland Southeast Asia, e.g., In Cambodia, Slam and Burma.
The kingdom of Acheh thus consisted of a number of petty kingdoms brought tqgother by force. Snouck Hurgronje thinks that at no time in Acheh's history had a programme of thorough centralisation been carried out. He admits, however, that only in brief periods such as the reigns of Alauddln al-Kahar (1537-1571) and iBkandar Muda (I607-I636) 7l had these attempts been temporarily successful. Even these
68Loc. clt.
6 <5LOC. clt.
70lbld., 71+8.
'Snouck Hurgronje, Achahnese, 1|.
de
sayaignazo ald yd dwo bejslt ezow agelfog s'galk edt edd nglaqmeo zaluoldzaq a mort nwtez aledd mestà (esldon) desel da bad gnlk edt medt lo evao boog soot savaignazo eaedd lo dedd sizamot polluaoß ayellag boog bezbnud eno 88 egowa al qide tne nadd geazaf doum aflud erew balda-eno golyazao medt lo seegiel edt dgld bns baond enew eyellnd edd dada sejads tilaottlooga uelfuee8 mom 008 o.00d mon2 add nenw Pò, seyals don sud elgoeq moog to betalanoo wezo modd ddgvozd ed vidavoo ald elgoeges od boan edé alel galk -noo zedla sudt aelaamwoo galmwoddalen edt mont eozo? yd doode betzoqadana ed Xaset bna dabel , gaadat ,lled ynlzenp -zogeb dads bojon ed bIuode 3I OT. dedoA od olgoeq 000,OS .-Bre ,steA desodtuo2 bnainlam mo eoizoesq nommoo a asw nolta aaus bne mel , albodmal al vadeq lo medmwa a lo bedaladco euds dedoA lo mobgalk ndt elnlda eldovasul donone eózet gd seddegoa sdguond amobgolk To emmangonq a bad yaojald a'dedoA nl emls on da Jada -wod , atlmba ek suo belmiao nood nożdzalfendneo dyuozodi lo anglez eds aa doua ebolzeg lelid al víno dada ,tove (dEdl-Todr) abuH mabnexal bas (iyRi-YEZf) nadaX-fe olbbuafA stads navk ft.fulomooove kllmemogmad neod sdgmadda oaodd bad
.310 .0088
210 =00.190
.845 ..b20105
bended, n attempts did not achieve much. The traditional chiefs, although they paid tribute to the king, remained virtually independent in their own territories. They were the military commanders and Judges in their own areas and they continued to perform their traditional role. These chiefs were known as Ulebalanpjs, which means "military commander." Regarding the origin of this name Snouck Hurgronje writes, "It is not inconceivable that this name was given them under one of the most powerful of the port-kings, who endeavoured to render them subordinate and allowed them the command over the fighting men In their districts, while he tried gradually to 72
monopolize the supreme power for himself." and were near one another they formed a township or Mukim.73
The Ulebalangs and their subordinate officials ruled a territory (Ulebalangship) the basic unit of which was the kampong, the village with its elders. Between the kampong and the Ulebalangship there was another association at the middle level--the Mukim. When the number of free male adults in a community reached the figure of forty they formed what Snouck Hurgronje calls a "Friday Association." This group could now offer the Friday prayer at a common place. For this purpose a big mosque was built called the Friday mosque (mas.lld Jaml) . When the kampongs which together formed a Friday Association were few in number (not exceeding four)
-Io ateldo Ianoltibazd edt doum oveldoa don bib edgmedda vilaudatv benlames gnís eds ot ejudiet błeq vedt dawodt tzadlilm odd ozaw vent selzodlnzes mwo sledd al snebgegebał Bounitnoo yedá boa eaega nwo aledt ał aagbut ba azabnammoo nwonk azew eleldo ecodt afor Ianołslbazs sledd mzolzeq od gnlbzegeß ". sebnemdoo vrasilim" zneom doldw ,egnaledely es Jon el ai" , setlmw olnongeuh dovonE oman sldd lo nlglio eda edd lo eno zebnw medd devls ssw smen sldd sadd aidavłeonoonl zebnas oz bewoveebne ody , egal-dnog sda lo Iulzewog dsom eda zevo bnammoo ent meds bewoffe bna edanlbzodua meds od vlleubang belad ed elld sdolideld sleda al nom galadglt STn.leamid mel sowoq emanque eda eslloqonom e belut alalolllo ajanlbzodue slons boa egnafadeiU edt edd eaw doldw lo dlow slead edd (gldagnaladarU) trotlazed gnoqmak eda neewded .eseble asł datw ogallly and gaoqmal end da noldaloozaa zentona eew ezedd qidagnefadelu edt bne eslube efem ees? to nedowa add nodW mldoM end--level elbbim tahe bemuol todé yanot to eugil edt bedoaes ydlnuamoo a ai quorg slnt ".noldaloceeà gablas" a affmo etnovgruh sowone moß eoelg nommoo a de zeyana gabint ena velto won bluoo eupsom.gablnt edd belIao jilud eaw eupaom gld a emoqwq elds a bowriol zedtegoz doldw egnogmal ant nedw - (lmat bilaam) (wol gnlbevoxe don) zedawn al wot ezew noldeloceea yablzs ET.mikuM mo qidenwot a bemmot gedt soddona eno zeen azow bns
The Mukim was headed by the Imam, who was always In close touch with the mosque. He was entrusted with the task of enforcing the law of God and taking care that the prescribed rites were not neglected. According to the chronicles, the division into Muklms was the creation of Iskandar Muda.-^" He built a number of large mosques which served as the head mosques for a number of Mukims.'-* In this one may see the efforts of Iskandar Muda to unify the people through greater zeal for Islam.
A more direct way of extending the authority of the king over the Dlebalangshlps was the creation of Waqf lands. These were territories placed In a peculiar legal position by the sultan by being withdrawn from the territories of the Ulebalangs. Every Ulebalangship thus contained little pockets directly controlled by the king--a feature comparable to the royal manors of English feudalism. The Inhabitants of these areas were not supposed to take part in local disputes be76 tween Ulebalangs, but to remain neutral.
The king maintained a grand court at Acheh to create an impression upon the Ulebalangs. Rituals and ceremonies were evolved which required the attendance of the Ulebalangs
f de
ni ayawie aaw odw mamī ond yd babaod ssw młku edt kaat eda dilw bedeusdns aaw el eupeom edt dalw donos eaoío a -ezq ada dadd enao gnzdas bae bo0 to wal eds gnlonolne lo sefplnondo eds os galbzoooß bedoalgen don ezew seslt bedlzoe ATabuM mabneiaI no noldaeno add naw amlkuM odal aolalvib eds baed end aa bevzea doldw saupeom egnal lo zedmun a allud ol edt oea yem eno slda aI 2T, smión lo tedmun a not maupeom tedeeng dgvozds efgoeq add gtlnu ot abuh nebnaxal lo sdzolle mafeI not foos
adt no yalzoddus ena gnlbnetxe lo taw doestb elom A ,ebnal lpaw to coldeeno eda eay agidegnafadeld edd nevo gala moldleoq fegef talluonq a nl bensig seluodlmned enow enedt end to estsoslites end mos't awesbddlw gnled yd nadiua odd td ejedooq eladlf benladnoo sudi qidagnaladel0 tieva ,egnafadelD eds os eidategmoo ewdaol a--gnls ena gd ballondnoo vldoaslb ssodd to edaatldadat edt meliabuet dalignd to anonam lagon -ad asdugalb fmvoi ni jiaq aiad ot besoggue Jon mnaw eaets
dT.fatauen nlamei ot dud segnaladelU deewd adeenó oj dodoà da daudo bneng a bealadnlem anld edt selnomazes bne sfausla cegnaladalU eda noqu noleeanqal ne egnaladelt eds lo eonabnedla add betlupes doldw bavlove esew
.OPE ",munfeedejaad8 odometdA" ,oegnaJ naV .8.N.x
.TOE-OPE ..bIdI2T at the court. Edicts were issued by the king dealing with 77 the observance of these ceremonies on solemn occasions.
Several royal edicts dealt with the lawB of the port. They fixed the shares of certain officials in the income from the port of Acheh. It appears that almost all the port officials derived an Income from the charges collected at the port. These regulations concerned only the city of Acheh, to which place the foreign trade was confined for a long time, and were naturally strictly enforced. The very fact that foreign trade could be diverted from the smaller ports of the kingdom to the metropolis Is evidence of ef78 fectlve centralization, at least in commerce.
It should be remembered that the kingdom of Acheh stretched along the coasts and that because of the terrain the king's authority could not be extended towards the interior. A coastal kingdom la much better policed by a navy than anything else. Iskandar Muda was stronger by sea than by land and as long as he was In power all the smaller ports of the kingdom were directly under his control.
re
dilw gnllaab gnłk edt ud bousal ezew adolby dmwoo eda da T. anolambeo nmsfos no zelnomazeo esedd lo bonavzeado ed .dnoq ods lo awaf ent dalw dlaeb adolbe fayos fazeve8 omoonl eda nl efalottto alatneo lo senada adt bextt vedt droq edd Ile deomim dana amaeqqa dI dedoa to szoq eds most da bedoelloo megzano edd mont emoonl ne bevlzebéfalollto to ydlo end vino bonzeonco enolsafugez esont , drog eda a sot benlinoo saw abaid nglezol eds evalq doldw os dadok tzev ent beozolne kisolnte vllezodan ezew bna emlt gnol mellama edd mont bedzevib ed biwoo eband dglezot dadd deal -le lo eonebive al alloqontem aßt od mobgnik oda to adzoq
8y.aolemmoo ai semel da noldmallardneb avizoal dedoA lo mobgnld ena Jadd bonadmeman ed binoda aI nłastes add to esuabed dadd bna adamoo eda anola Dedodezds eds abiawod bebnedxe ed don bfueo yálmodtpe a'gnls edt a yd baolloq zesfed doum al mobgall fadsaoo A .toltesnl bes yd zagnozde maw abu zabnañal oafe gnlddyne nadt yvan tellame edt fíe zewog at aew od ae gnof ea bna bnaf td nand fonánoo eld vobnu gljoerib enew mobgażk end lo aszoq
5 Marsden, Sumatra, lj.2'8.
^Harris, I, 7I4.2.
^Harris, I, 736.
^DJaJadlnlngrat, "Overzicht," 178-179.
^Harris, I, 729-
£ 6DJaJadlnlngrat, "Overzicht," 171.
57E. Netscher, De Nederlanders In Djohor en Slak, I87O, 28-30.
5 8Po3ter (ed.), L.RVI III, 212-213, 228, 236.
59njajadlnlngrat, "Overzicht," I80.
63Netacher, Djohor en Slak, 31.
%)jajadlnlngrat, "Overzicht," 179-l80.
^Danvers, The Portuguese In India, II, 228-232.
6^DJaJadinlngrat, "Overzicht," lol.
67Harris, I, 7^5«
72ibld., 88.
73ibld., 82.
TC.F.H. Van Langen, "Atjesche Staatsbestuur," 390.
75lbld., 390-391.
"^Hurgronje, Achehnese, 121-123.
7Ibld., 125-126. 7
78Ibtd., 5; O.W.J. Drewes and P. Voorhoeve, AA, VKI, XXIV, 23r5o\
Chapter IV
The English, the Dutch and Iskandar Muda In Achenese Trade
i_. Acheh in Asian Trade
The kingdom of Acheh had plenty of rice, meat, fish and wine. It had a wide variety of fruits including durlans and mangoes and the country was well supplied with livestock. These, however, did not attract the foreign traders. The commodities In which they were chiefly interested were: pepper, silk, benzoin, pitch, lignaloes, camphor, sulphur, saltpetre, petroleum, gold, tin, lead and elephant's teeth. 2 The elephant too was an article of export. These were native to the country. Cinnamon, cloves, nutmeg, mace, sandalwood, Indian cloth, and Chinese porcelain were also collected by foreign traders at Acheh.3 These, however, came from outside. Cinnamon grew primarily in Ceylon, and also in Java, the spices In the Moluccas and the Banda Islands, and sandalwood in Timor.
ICorteaao, Tomé Pires, I, 139; Markham, John Davis, II4.6; Harris, I, JW.
2L.R., I, 7k; Harris, I, 729, 730, 714-2; Temple, Peter Mundy.TTl (2), I4.Ô5; W.Ph. Coolhaas (ed.), Jan PleterBz Coen, VII (2), 1953» l45l.
3po8ter, Lancaster, I3I4.; L.R., I, 76; Schrieke, ISS, I, I4.3; Temple, Peter Mundy, III (277 337-
VI 203qad0
abuM zabneial bna doduß eda daliynß edt abaiT esenedoA al
abart nalaA at dodoA -A
bna dait , Jaem ,oola lo tonofq bad dodoà to mobanix ent bns enalub galbufonl atfuat lo vlelnav eblw a bad aI ealw I.Xoodaevil dalw bellgque flew asw yadnuoo ed baa seognam ent .azebaid natenol ent doaiide don bib ,zvewod , emed? :onaw bejaazetal vileldo ezew teda doldw ał selslbommon ,modqlua , zodqmao , seolanall doalq , alozned kfle , zeqqeg .dieet a'dnadgele bna baol als blog ,welozdeg endeqaina ezaw osedt S.jnoqze lo elolama na eaw ooa doadqele ed? ,eoa ,gomioa ,bevolo , nomennl0 .sanuoo edd oj aviden oala azew nlafeozoq esonido bns daoío dalbal ,boowfabnae ,sevewod ,eeent E.dedoA da ezeband nglezot yd bejoelloo bns , noltet at viliaminq wena nomannio eblatuo mort emao abneß edt bna aaooufoM edi al seslge eda , avat nl oele
zomit al boowfabnsa bne ,abnafsI
elved adol madaza ;PEl .I , sailq emot omsaanoul S0zajel9 nat ,(.bo) smadfoo0 d9.W :20d , (S) II1 ybnuM SEE ,(S) III VonM ModeS olgmat :E
Of all the native products by far the most important article of export was pepper. Lodewijcksz (1596) described papper in South Sumatra as growing upon little boughs or sprigs, "als de Oeneverbeslen doen" (as Juniper-berries do). John Davis (1599) found around Acheh pepper gardens of one square mile area where "It groweth like Hops from a planted root, and wlndeth about a stake set by It untlll It grow to a great bushie Tree."^
The best contemporary description has been left by the French traveller Beaulleu (1621), which deserves quotation:
The pepper plants grow In a flat free soil. They are planted at the root of every tree, round which they creep and twist like hops. The way is to take a shoot or sprig of an old pepper-plant, and plant It under some shrub,...it will bear no fruit till the third year, after which It bears every year six or seven pounds weight of popper.
After the first three years, writes Beaulieu, the yield
begins to decline and after the twelfth year It does not
produce any mere. The garden needed a great deal of attending:
...for the first three years the ground about them must be kept very clean or they will not bear, and even that requires a great deal of pains, for the climate Is moist,...when the plant begins to bear, the branches of the tree, through which it creeps, must be lopped off, lest they intercept the rays of the sun, which, above all things that plant stands most In the need of. When the clusters of this fruit are formed, care must be taken to support them with poles, lest the weight should draw down the
^ 0. P. Rouffaer and J. W. IJzerman, De Eersts Schlpvaert, 1915» I» 69.
•'Markham, John Davis, llj.6.
dnajzogmł daom sdd zat yd edoubozq evldmn edd Iia 30 bedizosob (dpi) zekotiwabod maqqeq eaw fzogxe lo eloláze no adguod sljell noqu gnlwong ea szdsmwe dsuoe nl zeqqeq (ob melzted-zeqlmut ) "neob neleedzevemo ab ala" lqe eno to snebzeg zegqeq dedoA bruoza bnuo? (pęzl) alval anot bednaíq a mont sgoß eill ddowota ai" ezedw mene eflm ezaupe of wong al fiidn dt ud des eiede a duode däobalw bne ,doot 2=,caiT eldend derg a eda td flel need esd poldqlzoseb yzazogmesnco dasd edt :nolsatoup sevzeseb doldw (ISdr) uelfuaed zolfevazs donez todt .llos sezt dalt s nl wong sjaalq teqgeq edt Kedd doldw bnwot , eeza giave lo doon edd sa badnsíq ens Jooda a enat od el taw sdt aqod exil dalwż bóa qeezo zobnu dt dhaiq bns ,daefq-zaqqeq bio na lo giiqa yo bilda eda fild dlunt on saed fllw st..,dunde omon covee to xla tmoy yiove aiaed dl doldw mesle ,taay tegqeq lo ddglow abnpoq blely and wellvaoß eatlaw , steey dendd deatt edd geatk don aoob al taet ditlows eds sesla bna enlfoeb os anlged -da to Ieeb deeng a bebean nobnag adt szom yne soubozq :anibnes -gido ejaze og .namiestI . .t bns zeatuoß .q .od
ddí slvat ndol ,madinan
mordt duode bnwong edd azesy eerdd daiłt eda zot... bna , taed dón Iilw veds zo neelo yzev dgan ad daum eda mot ,anlaq lo faob deeng s menlupet dads nove teed od aniged dnalq eda nedw.,dclom at stamlio ,ageezo at doldw davodt vezd ant lo modonasd edd lo avat edd dgoozedal yeda deel ,llo haggol ed daum abnade dnalq deda agnida Ila evoda ,doldw nwa ada alda to ezedeulo add nedw lo been eds nt daom medd aogque os neiad ed duum eiso bemiot ete dloit edd nwob wezo bíuoda adgłew edd deel aeloq dalw plant,...care must likewise be taken that no buffaloes or oxen or large animals get In amongst them.... They must be planted at a convenient distance one from another, that one may get round them with a ladder to prune them after their fruit Is gathered, for othervise, they would grow too high, and so bear less fruit...when the fruit Is ripe, th.y cut offtha clusters and dry them In the sun, till the grain falls from its stalk, which It does not In less than ""ee n S?!,...and during that time they must be turneg from side to side, and covered up In the night-time.b
Beaulleu goes on to remark that pepper did not grow so easily as many are apt to think and that It needed many hands •7 to take care of a plantation.
Beaulleu's description of pepper plantations In Pulo Lada, near Kedah, agrees In detail with the accounts of William Marsden and William Hunter, who made an Intensive study of the pepper cultivation In the west coast of Sumatra In the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. This shows that methods of growing pepper have remained substantially the same through the conturles.
There are two kinds of pepper-black and white. They both came from the same plant. About the white pepper, which was In great demand, Beaulleu writes:
Of late years the lnhaoltants observing that foreigners wanted them for the same use, have found out a way of whitening the black ones, by taking them when7they are yet red, and washing off the red skin with water and sand, so that nothing remains but the heart of tue pepper which Is white.o acofsttud on dads nelat ed eelwextt daun enmo.. dnaiq .medd degnoma n! zog elamine egtel no nexo zo ono oonadalb dnelnovnoo a da badnaíq ed saum yent sebbel a dalw medd bnuoz teg tam ano dads toddone most -zeddo zot ,bateddeg al alunt slodt tedte meds enuvq os esol taed oa bns dyld oot wong bluow todd oalw eda tlo duo veda eqts al aluit eda nadw.olut ellet nlang ona fiis mwa edd at madt yab bne azedaulo neadtit neda enel nt don meob at dold ,llada edt mont mont honzud ed taum teds emta sada galtub boa..., eyab à emla-ddgłn eda ał qu bazayoo bna , eble od able
os wozg zon blb teqqeq tadt szamez os no seog wellwaeß abned ynem bobeen dl dada baa inida od dqa ete ynaw es vfleno T.noltadasiq a to ermo elat of
ofuq al enoldadnafq zegqeq to noldglnoceb atpeliuasß .BET ,I ,0lgza8d .310 00 .020 .0038
lo ednwoooa edt dilw Ilateb at sessga dabeß tmen ,abal avlenedal na obam ory , tesnal mallfiw bna nebanaM malfliw azjamuß To deaoo deew ads nl noldavlsfuo neqqeq edd to zbude eldt ,éelzuáneo dénestenin vinee bna dánessdgle eaal edt al -due benlamat svad zoqqeq snlwong To abodaem Jeds ewode eelmudnuo add dguodt emas edt yslatdnata
zedt edlde bne doaid--zeqqeq to ebnid owd ara evedt doldw , teqqeg esidw eds duodA daalg amee eda mort amao diod
-zot dand gnłvieado ednaaldadat ond aimet sisi to duo bnwo't avad ,oad omas ads not meds bednaw atengle moda galkad yd ,aeno Koald end anlnatldw to taw a nlke bot end gño gnidenw bae bei day ena tadt nedw ada dud enłamet gatddon dedd ca boaa bna zejew dalw B.sstdw al doldw neqqeq eda To drand
In Beaulleu's time this variety sold for double the 9 price of the black sort.
A piece of land newly cleared for rice cultivation would often be chosen for cultivation of pepper. Sometimes fresh grounds were acquired by felling and burning of wood. The most coveted sites for pepper gardens were of course the flat lands along the banks of a river, for the convenience of 10 transportation of the produce by water.
There were two harvests, one In December and the other In April-May. The two gathering seasons were so close that the collection continued at a stretch from December till August.11
After being harvested pepper had to be winnowed and dried. Through this process It lost most of Its weight. Hunter found that 100 catties of green pepper, with the 12
stalks, yielded 35 catties of clean and dry pepper. Transportation of pepper from the gardens to the porttown at the mouth of the river was done mostly by water.
Small boats or praus were used for this purpose.13 Marsden
9LQC. clt.
13P.A. Tlele (ed.), Bouwstoffen voor de geschiedenis der Nederlandera In den Malelschon Archipel, 1,TS90, 167-lböto vonelnevnoo eds zot ,zovls e to ainad edd gnofa abuaf Of.zajaw yd eouborq oda lo noldatzoqenazs zeddo odt bnz zadmopel nł eno ,sjeevzad owt eiow azedt sana veofo ca ezew anosaan gnłzeddag owd edt -KaM-flzgA ni Iila tedmooel most dodesde a Je bounidaoa noldoolfoo edi
-210 .003? vandamue ,nobata mallliwor 31000
edt elduob zot bioa vdelzav elde emls aivelfuned nt Pazoa koald ana ta ealq bivow noltavliluo eols zot bezmelo viwen baaf lo epelq A daett semidemoę .zeqgeq lo nolsavisfuo sot nesodo ed nesto edt .boow lo gałowd baa gnlflet vd beztupoa ezow abawoza dait eds sawoo to ezew snebzag zeggeq tot assla bedevoe dsom
bne bewoanlw ed os bad leqgeq bejesvzad galed tedta .adglaw adt to deom daol al szovozq afds dguondt ,belto odd dalw .teggeg neong To selddeo Obr aads bnwol nedau8 St.magqeq yab ba madlo to selalao 2E beblely ,ealmda -dnoq eda od enebzag eds mon't tegqeq lo noldadtoqadait zedaw yd yídeom enob eaw zavín edd lo ddnom adá da awod nebazak Ef,onoqtuq alds sot besu azaw auenq to sdmod flame
Teqqeq To seloeqa eds no axzameß" , Tetnom mallliwff ofdalsA ",bnafal a'celaW lo eonlat no banot aza doldw .08E.P081.XI.mdoeae
sInebeldoeeD eb zoov nellotawuog ,t.be) elalt .A.gf Bor-Tal , Opy ,I ,Iogldozk nedoelelan nob al evobaalzebel zeb describes the use of a raft made of rough timbers or large bamboos, having a platform of split bamboo, to keep the cargo dry.^
In the second half of the eighteenth century the average garden managed by a single person had 500 trees, while those taken care of by a family averaged 1,000 trees.*•' We have no Information about the size of an average garden In the seventeenth century and we know almost nothing about the ownership of pepper plantations In the back country. In Indrapura Raja Hltam had 30,000 men under hlra working on pepper and rice plantations. It la possible that the lords of the central tablelands of Sumatra sent, their own men with boats to the river mouth, If not the port-town, to sell the pepper. ' It Is also possible that the men who actually transported the pepper down the river were petty country traders who had bought the pepper from the owners of the produce. The precise relationship In which these men stood to the owners of the pepper gardens Is not clear. In some ar'-as, It seems that the merchants met the Inland carriers half-way and Intercepted the merchandise before It could
^"Marsden, Sumatra, U|5«
I5lbld., 132.
16Tlele, Bouwstoffen, I, I67-I68; Schrleke, I, 51-52.
l^H. Macleod, De Ooat-Indlache Compagnie als Zeemogendheid In Azle, I, 1927. 106: Tlele. Bouwstoffen, I, 169.
egtal so azedmit dguot lo ebam dlat a to eau eds eodizozeb edd qeek ot . oodmad alige lo aroltalg a galvad , soodmad .gab 03ta0 egazeva eda ywdneo ddnseddgte edi lo llad bnoces edd nI esons vfidw ,ssens 00z bad nomzeq elgałe a yd beganam nebzag avad aw 21.meeza 0o0,I begazeve vilmal a kd to szao nexad edi al nebzag egazeve na to exle ent duoda noltamzolnl on and Juode paldton deomia wonx aw bde gwtneo daneadnevss nI -yidnuoo koed edt ni anoldadnelg tegqeq lo qidavemwo no galxzw mid zebnu nem 000, 0L bad matin ataß azuqatbnI abrof ans deds oldleeoq st aI df.anoldaamaiq eota bam meqqeq daiw new nwo zloda dnee mnjamuß lo abnaleldad Iasdnso edd lo eds flen od awod-azoq odd don il , dduom nevis edd od adeod tllonjom onw nom eds deds aldlemog oels al al TI reqgeq taanooo yiseq ezaw neviz edd mwob zoqqeq edd bedzogenest and lo stonwo add mos't gaqqeq ads ddguod bad orw ezebazd booda nem eseds doldw al qldanoltaier saloenq edt .eaubonq amos nI .neelo don st edebieg meqgeq edt lo alenwo edd os azelznao bneinl edt dem sdnadozem edó Jads amees dt , sasza biuoo ti etoled eelbnsdozom edt bedgeotaant bna yaw-lfad
-bnemomeeS sfe alngagmoD odoelbnI-Sac0 ed ,boefoeM .mTI Pdl ,I gellodewwo elelT ;obI SSel I .elA at bled
.SEI ..b1a121
.s2-r2 ,I ,oneladoe :8ar-yas .I .nellodewuo8 .ofeltol enter the port-town. In Jambl the Chinese were employed by the Dutch and the English to buy up pepper from the lnterlor.1 In 1617 Abraham de Raslere was Instructed to row up the river to Indrapura to see whether the king was willing to deliver pepper according to the contract he had made with 19
the Dutch In the previous year. At the port-town, pepper was sold by the Sultan of Acheh, his officers — the Shahbandar and the Laxamana--the orangkayas, foreign traders such as Gujaratla and a multitude of lesser folk who also took part In the trade under the restraining hands of the more powerful figures.^0
Van Leur estimated the total amount of pepper produced annually on the west coast of Sumatra at l|.0,000 bags or 2,lj.00,000 lbs. (at the rate of 60 lbs. per bag). The king of Acheh, according to his calculations, handled about 16,000 bags or 960,000 lbs. The total for the kingdom of Acheh thus
comes to 56,000 bags or 3,360,000 lbs.21
The Dutch merchant Cornells Comans estimated In I6l6 the annual yield of Tlku and Prlaman at lj.,000 bahara or dodok to nstiue end yd bies snw saqqeq ,mvod-anoq edé 3A -anazo edj--snemaxed eda bne tabnaddade edt--szeoltto sid to ebustflum e bne sltatatuo aa doua erehend nglezot ,saga -en eds sebno obasd odd al dzaq kood oafa ondw dfot zoesel Os eemwall fulzewog ezom ada to abaad gnfalests beoubonq zogqeq lo snuoma fajoj ads badamidae mued nav Is, adI 000, 0dt.t to eged c00,d2 od zomoo didl nł bedamldeo anmmoD elfenzo0 Jnanonem dodud edt SSavadad coo,d da mamsint bam uilt lo biely faunna edd 20 .02 .1 .281 ,0kelado281 (1) IIv neo ,emadloo ;d8r .bledbneomeS ,boslommer PS-8S III ..J :PPS .oK :ET .OK ,oonebnogeezToO IantlOOS ZETIINVZOSPVITES
td begoiqme ezew eaenldó eda zdmat aI awod-azoq edd zežne -ni ada moií teqqeq qu tud oa daligoa oda bae dodud edd wos od bedonstent maw ezeleaß ab madazdå yidr nI Bf,golzet gallllw taw gnís eda sedjedw eea os azwqazbnl os nevis eda qu dilw ebam bad ed doananoo edd od anibgooos zeggeq seylleb os Pl,maoy auolveng eda ni dodul edi
no dgad o00,Od je azdamut to deaoo deow end no gflaunne - golk edt .(gad nog .adi 0à lo edet ena da) adi 000,00k,5 O00, bI Juoda beibnad anoljaluofao sld o gnlbiosoe denoa lo audd dedok lo mobgnlk eda tot Tatod edt .adI oo0, Ode zo egad
2291 ydeloo2 bne obant nelsenobn1.uel daV .0.15 al ejamlfas tedgid edd ;detdà to anid ens sol agad buaanods ezed beeu
1,500,000 lbs. (at the rate of 375 lbs. per baharjf"5 The estimate of the English merchant Nlcolls agrees with lt.2^ Indrapura, another pepper port on the West Coast of Sumatra, had at least 2,000 bahara (750,000 lbs.).2^ The total annual yield of the West Coast thus comes to 6,000 bahara (2,250,000 lbs.). Acheh Itself had little pepper—not more 26 than 500 bahars. Assuming that some 500 more came from Pedlr, Pasal and Kedah, we get a total figure of 1,000 bahar (375,000 lbs.) for Acheh. Before 1620 the annual volume of pepper controlled by the kingdom of Acheh may, therefore, be put at around 7,000 bahars or 2,625,000 lbs. This Is much less than Van Leur's higher estimate. We do not know, however, what period he had In mind when he made the estimate. A higher figure for the next decade would be quite In order.
The small amount of pepper produced In the Acheh valley In the early seventeenth century Is perplexing. North Sumatra had Incredibly large amounts of pepper In the sixteenth century. Tomé Pires (1512-15) found that the two ports of Pedlr and Pasai together produced from U+ to 16,000 bahars and that formerly Pedlr alone had 15,000 bahars.2?
edt ES (sadad tog .sd1 29E to edax oda am) .ad1 000,002,1 ¿s.al dolw aeenga alloslk anadotem dalignn sdd lo edamitee aidemw8 to taao0 daew ent no dtoq zeggeq zeddona , awqaibnI In2o ed 2S. (.edI 000,021) atadad 000,S daaeI J bad azadad Coo,d oo somoo zudo deao daew and to blely faunne exom don--zegqeq sfadi1 bad 2ieed1 dedoA (.sdl 0o0,02s.S) mort amao ezom 002 omoa dada gnimuaeA ds, ezedad 002 nadd taded o0o,I to ewgll fadoó a dog ow ,dabel bne lmmat ,mibag To emvlov Tmunna ena OsdI ezole8 .dedaA sot (.adi 000,21E) ed sezotozeds ,tam dedoA to mobgalk ena yd bellozdnoo zegqeq doum al eldt .edf 00o, sd,S no aiaded 000,y bnuota da dug -wod wonl ton ob ew .etamideo zedgld s'gwel nav nada esel .etamijee ads ebam ed nedw bnlm nt bad en bolzeq dadw ,tove .zebzo al adlup ed biuow ebaoeb dxen edt tot enwglt tedald A Velfav dedoa ods al beoubong zeqgeq lo dnuoma fIame edt dazol galzefgieq el taudnen dinesdnevea vícaa eda al -xla edt al zeggeg lo ednwoma egzal vidibatont bad enzamwe ow edt Jeds bnuot (2r-Sr2I) eesis amot ywsneo dsnsed 000,dl os mort booubong tedjegos lesat bna albes lo assog
TS.ezedad 00o,2I bed enols sibeß vizomzol sadd bna azaded ,sdI SI t8g boa odg neowied dedoA nl balvav ganad entES mednaß et ozeatlud ellenzob . (.be) nammestI .w .tS .2sserBrar-dtar S4ę ,I ,02ma0S
A century later, In I6l8, the English merchant William Nlcolls reported from Acheh: "...heretofore for certayne 10 thousand bahara of pepper hath yearly been laden sence by Ougerattea, Dabulla, Pegooea and Klynge ahlpplnge, besides what hath beene brought from Tecco and Pryaman..."^ Beaulleu (I62I) too heard about the fabulous production of the port but he also heard a story which explained how It began to decline: "...one of the klnga observing that they minded nothing else, and neglected the manuring the ground, cut down 29
all the peppor-plants..." Thla measure Is Incomprehensible unless the trees belonged to someone else. Was It a punishment Inflicted upon local chiefs whose main source of wealth was pepper? Prom the sixteenth to the seventeenth century there Is a noticeable shift In the movement of pepper within Sumatra. Pepper did not move towards the north Sumatran ports any more. It reached out to the West Coast and to the South-east. One wonders whether this had any connection with the turning of the Indian trade around to the West Coast of Sumatra after
the fall of Malacca. produced In Pedlr and Pasal.™ Barus on the west coast was
Of the other products of the kingdom of Acheh silk waa mallfiw aadozom daligoa eds Brèt al , netal woutnen A onyadzeo zol ezolodezed..," tdedoA moul bedioget elffoolk eones nebaf need vizaay daad seggeq to azanad bnaavont or Bobleed ,egałgqida egnyi bma seccgeß ,elfudat ,eetsazegoo yd wellused 8se...nemayit bna coseT mott adguond aneed diad dedw dzoq edd to moldoubozq apolßdat eds snode braed cos (isdi) od naged al wod banlsiqxs doldw ynosa s bzaed cais ed aud bebala todt tadt gnlvzeado agaix ent to ono..a tentfoeb nwob tuo , bngozg eds gnlzudam eds bedoalgen bne ,esfo galddon PSn...adnaiq-zoqqoq eda 1la -ed aestd edd seeínw eldlanedezgmoont al a'sesom aldt noqu badolitat dnemdalniq a al saW eafe ancemot of begnol mont fragqeq saw dalsew to oomroe nlsm esodw sloldo Issol -soldon a al ezend gwdneo ddneednevaa edd os danoedxle eda teqqet endaauß nindlw zegqeg to dnemevo eda nt aitda elda aI . etom kna edmog nasaemue danon ada ebzawot evom don bib end daae-dduo8 edo os bna daaoD dzeW edd ad duo bedomet to galnnud eda dalw noldoennoo yna bad sidd sendedw atabnow zedia sidamwe to demod deow edd od bnwoza obara natbal end .8coalaM lo Ifa2 eds aaw kfla dedoa lo mobgali oda lo adpubong tedto eda t0 eaw jason Jaew eda no muzad 0E.laeat bne slbeq at beombotq
.ESd ..0.085 .SUT .7 .8254889S famous for benzoin. It was also found In the neighbourhood 32 of Pasal.31 Pitch came from the Batak lands east of Pasal. Camphor was to be found In and around Slngkel, Barus and Batahan. Edible camphor came from the Batak lands.33 Sulphur was a product of Pedlr and Pulo Way. Beaulleu says that Pulo Way was the main source of sulphur for gunpowder for the whole of the Indies.3^ Saltpetre came from Perak. In the land of Kataun near the head of the Urel river (West Coast of Sumatra) are extensive caves which yielded saltpetre.35 Dell on the east coast had petroleum, the "Inextinguishable oil" with which the king of Acheh once burnt two Portuguese galleons.J
One of Sumatra's chief attractions was gold. Tome Pires (1512-1515) reports that gold was mainly obtained from two mines in the Minangkabau area of central Sumatra. Of the three Minangkabau kings who could collect gold from these mines two were heathens, and one had turned a Mohammedan about fifteen years back (I.e., about 1500). According to the law of the land, however, Mohammedans were not allowed to go to the mines. Tome Pires writes:
31lbld., 7I4.3; Cortesao, Tomé Pires, I, ll^-lól.
3l4-Harrls, I, 71+2. 35L.R., I, 79; Marsden, Sumatra, 173- 36HarrlB, I, 7l|2.
32cortesao, Tomé Pires, I, I36, llj.6.
33Harrls, I, 730, 71+2-7U3; Cortesao, Tome Pires, I, II4.6.
dE,nncolleg .dNE .dEI ,I .BoT1q omoT,omBedToDSE .ddr .I oiq omot oBenoD sE-ST .DES .I elmmmEE ,Sur ,I ,alammmde sks ,I ,alrmande
boodwoddglen eds nt brwo't osfa eaw aI nloaned tot avomat SE.tanas lo dmmo abnal lajaß end mort emao doalq lE.lamat to bna anzaß feigale bawoza bna nt bnwo't ed ot saw zodqmaß mudqiue EE.abnal lateã eda mort emao zodqmeo sidlba .nadasaß oluq dada eyae welloee8 yaw ofut bna sibet lo dombonq a zaw ads zot tabwoqnwg tot wdqíva to eoswos nlem edt aaw yaw eda nī kazet most emao erteqaiet dE.aslbnI eda to elodw To Jemo taoW) zevla letU edd lo baed edt maod nuataA to boal Ilog E.erdeqjíea beblely doldw sovao ovlanodxo eza (azdamu8 "Ito oldadalugnldxenl" odd mwefozdeq bad demon dase edt no esongutiol ows daiud eano dadok to galy adt doldw dalw
soliq emot, .blog msw anoldostide laldo elanjamua To end ows mont benłesdo vinlam enw blog dadd etzoqen (Zrzi-Sr2i) adt to .endamwe lasdneo to pote vadaigdentn ent al eenim esent mont biog toelloo bInoa cdw egalk wadaignanin eezda dabemmadoM a benwt bad sno bne enedtsed ezow owt eenim of anlbtosoA .(0021 duode ..e.t) Nomd azeey neajil? duode os bawolfa Jon esew anabemmadoM zevewod ,bnal edt to wai edt tastliw sanlq emot .aenim oda of og
Only the heathen lords have the gold and from there It Is distributed to the kings of Minangkabau and from the three kings It Is distributed to others, and (as for) the amount of gold which Is obtained from the said mines every year, they say that they get two bahars of gold, and more according to the Moors.37
Prom the Minangkabau highlands gold was taken mainly to Tlku, Prlaman, Cotatlnga, Padang and Selebar, on the west coast and to Indragiri on the east coast.3° Much of It was drawn to the city of Acheh. Towarda the end of the seventeenth century the gold of Acheh attracted many ships and traders. By that time, however, the control of the mines had passed to the Mohammedans. Dampler was told that
...none but Mohammedans were permitted to go to the Mines. That It was both troublesome and dangerous to pa3s the Mountains,...that In some places they were forced to make use of Ropes, to climb up and down the Hills. That at the Poot of these Precipices there was a Guard of Soldiers to see that no unclroumclsed Person should pursue the Design, and also to receive Custom of those that past either forward and backward.39
The mines were very unhealthy and many of those who went there never returned. Yet some made a regular profession out of making trips to the mines once a year. As one could make about a 2,000# profit out of this trade, no thought of danger could hold them back. Rich men, of course, never went themselves but always sent their slaves with cloth and wine to the gold county. If three out of six
37cortesao, Tome Pires. I, l6i;-l65-
38LO C cit., Harris, I, 742-7U-3-
39wilklnson, Dampler, 93eteda mott baa bfoa eds ovad abzol nedteed edt yígo most bna uadesgnanlm lo agais edd ot bedudimaslb al al aa) bne , szodde od bedudlatalb al az agałk eenda onà blea edd mont benladdo al dolde blom lo dnuoma edd [mot lo azadad owt deg vodt dadt taa yeda taey tzeve eonlm TE,asooß edt od anlbzoooa ezom bna blog
vinlam nołat mmw blog abnafdgld uadangnanłN edt mont deew eds no ,zadefo8 bos goabat ,egntdado0 ,namalis palt of saw 3t to douk BE jason damo edt no lalgambaI os bna daaco dtneedneves eda lo bne oda apmawot dedoa to talo eda od awarb azebana bma mglde tnam bozomsida dedoA to bíog edd paudneo of besaaq bad eonim edd to fondnoo edd ,gevowod ,omlt dads vá Jada blod aew melgmad.anabamiadoß erls
oj og od beddlmrieq etew anabemmadon oud enon... -nab bna edoselduona daod aew dl dadt menth eds maoaiq emos nz Jadd...,anlajnuok eda aeaq ad euozea qu dmlls ot ,segoß lo ens esam ed beozot azew yodà ebods lo doot eds da Jadt .alltk adt owob bna dadd eem os aselbloa to bzewa a eaw evedt soolgloest nglaod edd auauq biuode noazel bealomgotlana on tedale denq dand emoda lo modaud evlooet ot cela bna BE.biawload ban bnawzot
ody eoodt lo yaem bne ydtlsednw yzev eiew manłm edt -onq zefugez a ebmm emoa dey .benawdet zeven azeds jnew eà .taey a eono senlm edd os aglad galkam to duo goleset on , ebazd alds to duo sllong Koo0,S a duoda edam blvoo eno eazuoo to unem doin xoad mens blod biuoo zegnab to dáguods diiw savala sleds doss ayawie Jud sevieawedd daew zeven xla lo duo eozda lt ydnwoo biog edt of enlw ban daolo
.201-dd1 .I .mesis amoT .o8neamo0TE - .1 . .-1 -8 returned they thought they had made a profitable Journey for h-0 their masters.
The city of Acheh, known to the Achenese as Bandar Acheh .Dar-ea-Salara, was the principal port of the kingdom. Several Islands off the mouth of the Acheh river formed the Road of Acheh. Between Pulo Gomes In the west and Pulo Way In the east a number of small Islands bent In a semicircle to shelter a spacious bay which had room for several hundreds of ships at a time.1*-1 Ships of 60, 70 or 80 tons could sail up the river about two miles to the point where the Custom House stood.^
To the east of Acheh were the ports of Pedlr, Pasal, and Dell (Aru). To the west of Acheh and along the west coast of Sumatra there were the ports of Daya, Slngkel, Barus, Passaman, Tlku, Prlaman, Padang, and Selebar.
The ports of the kingdom of Acheh were visited every year by merchants from many countries of Asia. They brought with them a variety of merchandise and took back Sumatran products and also such commodities as were available In the markets of Sumatra but which had come from elsewhere.
The Gujaratls brought different types of calicoes, cotton and cotton yarn, coarse painted cloths, quilts, and zot vanzuot eldadllong a sbem bad god ddyuoda yeds beatwdes 04.8703em m2eda dedoA vabnaã ea esanadoA edá oz avonk ,dodoà lo yalo edt fateveß mobgalx edd lo droq feglonlaq eds aaw mala2-aa-zat. to baoß edd bemzot zevli dedoà edd to dduom ads tlo abnalal eda al kaW ofuł bna saew eda al somoß olus neowdeß .dedoA tesfeda os ofoilolmos a al dned abnaiel lfame lo dedmwn a dame aqida lo abethoud Iazeves zo't mooz bad doldw yed añoloaqe s end qu llam biuoo anod 08 to 05 .0à to eqide 1d.emid a 3a osvo modau and eiedk dnloq sdd os asflm owa duode tevia Sd.booja
bna ,lmsat ,llbet lo adzog odo atow dodoa to desa edd ot Jesoo deek end gnola boa dedok To Jaew end of . (unà) Ileg ,auzaß ,falgnl8 ,eyel lo adzoq ens ezow eledi msdaue to -zadele2 bpa.anaba9 ,namaliq ,ukit .namasnet trave bealely esew dedoà lo mobgnld edd to adroq ont adguond yent ,alaà lo selstnwon yaam most alnadozem yd neey nandamu2 koad koot bna balbnadozem To kJelnav a meda dalw eda nl efdallava ezow es selalbommoo dove onla bna afogbonq .eledweale mont amon bad doldw Jud axdamw8 lo adexiam ,Beoolleo lo mogys daezelllb adgnond alsanatud odt bns eallup ,addolo bedmleq estaoo nuay noddoo bos noddoo
21010004 .38-28 ..b1d1fd carpet». They took back pepper, gold, silk, benzoin, llgnaloes, camphor of two kinds, wax, honey, petroleum, spices, tin, sandalwood, Chinese porcelain, other China wares and Rials. ^
The merchants from Malabar and the Coromandel Coast brought rice, butter, and oil In Jars, white and blue salarapoorees, ^ fine Chlnt^ of Masullpatam, striped stuff, cushion carpets, plntadoes (painted cloth), steel, and slaves.^" They took back pepper, brimstone (sulphur), camphor, dammar, benzoin, llgnaloes, raw silk, sandalwood, Chinese porcelain and other China wares, tin, Rials and some li9 Gujaratl cloth.
Prom Bengal came rice, wheat, oil, butter, sugar, stick lac, cambayas (a kind of calico), elaches (silk cloth), oromals (handkerchiefs), mulmuls (muslin), slave boys and
^Temple , Bowrey, 288.
^Cortesao , Tome Pires, I, l6l; Temple, Peter Mundy, III (2) , 337, lj.85; Schrieke, ISS, I, 1|3; Pleter Van Dam, Beschryvlnge van de Ooatlndlsche Compagnie, 1931, 261; Harris, I, 733«
^ A kind of calico.
T A sort of painted calico.
^•'Cotton cloth Interwoven with gold and sliver.
temple , Bowrey, 289; LJR., IV, 5-7.
^Temple, Peter Mundy, III (2), lj.85; L^R., IV, 5, 7; L.R., II, 278; Harris, ï, 733aloshed kila biog megqeq Moad doos kant Ed,edograo mwofozdeq .tenod ,xaw ,abnld oud to zodqmmo seolangil anido zeddo nleleozoq esentdo boowfebnes ald, seolqe ddeinin boa sezaw
dbaot Iébnamoto0 edd bna tadalan moit adnadozam edt -malas ouid bna edldw eial nt Ilo bna , zedtud ,vols adguond TH uda beqtde madegtiueam o ddanid ent d, ceezooq bna ;fesse , (djolo bednlaq) seobadalq ,edeqzmo nołdeus ,(udgloa) anotemind ,seqqeq Noed doos kent 8d aavala boowfabnae dlla wat , esofsngil , nlozned , gemmeb , modqmeo amos bna efatß nia ,sezaw anidù seddo bna ntslepzoq aesntdo Pd.daoto Idanatuo
Molde ;vagoe , sesdnd ,flo , taenw , volt emao lagnea mons (ddolo síta) eedoafe , (oozfeo to bnta s) seyadmao oaí bos egod avale , (allaum) alumfum . (aleldoneibned) afamoto
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50 51 girls. The Bengali merchants took back pepper and silk. 52 Prom Arakan came rice, cotton wool and cotton cloth. Traders from Pegu brought rice, Martaban Jars, stick lac and 53 gansa (bell-metal).
The main commodity that came from Tenasserlm, Junk Ceylon, Perak and Kedah to Acheh was tln.-^ Prom Slam were Imported tin, copper, China wares, rice, plain and lacquered writingcases. ' Among the Chinese products that were brought to Acheh were roots, porcelain, striped and flowered silk, gongs, gold and sliver coins and steel pots and pans. The Chinese en were big buyers of pepper. They also carried back elephant's teeth and Indian cloth.' Rice, sugar and cassia fistula (a kind of cinnamon) came from Java. From Borneo and Macassar, slaves were lmported--men, women and children.
5°Temple, Bowrey, 290. '^Tomé Plr.es, I, I3I; L.R., I, 76. 5 2L.R., Ill, 103. 53Temple, Bowrey, 290. 5%,oc. clt. 55LQC. clt. 56LQC. clt. 57schrleke, ISS, I, 29-30, I+3. 8Temple, Peter Mundy, III (2), 337, 1+85; Temple, 5 Bowrey, 290-291; Schrleke, ISS, I, U3; Coen, I, 63. 59Tempio, Bowrey. 291.
da ba zeqgeq doad dood ednadomem lagne edels S?.dofo noddoo bue foow noddoo aolm omao nalazA most bna oal Molsa , eial nadadzaM , volm ddguond uget mont azebazt t.(Jajom-Ilod) manag
noíyo0 lnut , minosasnet mont ameo sada ydlbommoo ałem edt betzoqal srew male monß R.ntd sew dedoA os dabeX bna dates -gnldlme bezaupoal bne nlefg volt ,sozaw anldo zagqoo ,ala od ddguozd stew dand adoubonq eaanido eds gnomk 22. seaao ,egnog kile bezewoit bna beqłmde nleleozoq ,adooz ezow dedo easaldo edt à2 anaq bna adeq loala bna anloo tevila boa blos -ale koad bolsnao paia yodt. ?,megqeq to aseyud gld ezow alewao bna zegue , aoln 82,ddolo nalbnI bnn ddesd mtdnadq penzoß mont .evát moil emso (nomanalo to bnls a) alutat P?.neiblido bna nemow nem-bejmogmi ezew sevaie , taeamnak bne
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Trading with groups of foreign merchants took place In definite seasons fixed by the monsoon winds. The northerly winds brought the Indian and Chinese ships to Sumatra. The Oujaratls came In March and April, Just before the onset of the southwest monsoon in June. The Bengalis came around the same time. The Chinese arrived a little later In June. The trading season for these groups lasted until September when the Chinese and Bengalis left. The heaviest trade was In July. The ships from the Coromandel coast came down In August and September and returned In February, usually the voyaging took place during the narrow period of the turning of the winds, when the monsoon had lost its force and the opposite winds had not set In.
About the Indian ships that visited Acheh Peter Mundy writes: "Except a man knew what they were, he would hardly Judge them to be other than some Europe fleete by their forme, «61 beake heads, toppes, rigging effects.
The Gujaratls touched at the Maldives and Cannanore on their way to Sumatra. It took them five days to cross over from Cannanore to Pulo Gomes (off Achln head). From Pulo Oomes they went to Barus, Tlku, Prlaman, and down the west coast of Sumatra. Sumatra was not the terminal point of soafq doot ajnedozem nalazol to aquona dalw galbert
edt abnlw nocenom ent td bexit sgoeaes ejlnlteb al od egida eaealdó baa nalbaǐ edd adguozd abaiw vísedazon ezoted eut ,flnqA bna dozeM al emao aldazatuD edt andamue slfegneß ent ,enut nl nocenom daewddmos adt lo deano eda siajll a bevlnze esenldi ed? emlj emae eda bnwoza emao bejeel aquong oeend tot noaaee znibazd adt ,enut al tejal edt dlel ellagneß bna eseald3 edt nedw madmadgeß Ildau [ebnemozo) eda most aqlde ent -xlut nl saw obant dselvaed nł beniujet bna sedmetqe2 bns JauguA nł meob emao deaos wozvan eds galwh eoelq dood galgayov edt vifawall -gzaundet bad nooenom edd pedw ebnlw eda to galntws eda To bplzeq od al des dón bad abnlw adlaoggo ads bna eotot att daof tbpuM wedét dedoA bealelv dada eqide nalbaI edt duodA yibvad biuow ed , ezow teds dadw wonk nem a dgeoxg" ;medime emzol sledá yd edeelt eqomua emos nads zeddo ed os meia egbut id "adoalle galgals aeqgot abaon edeed no ozonannat bna aeviblak edd da bedonot sldaiatu0 edt tevo saoto oj ayab evit mans kooj aI ezdamuß od taw sledd ofus mot3 .(bmed dldoA 27o) eamoD olus of etonahna0 most Jaow odt mwob bon ,namelnt ,ailt , suzeß os dnew gadd eomod lo daloq Ianimiej eda don aaw anjamue andamua to jasoo
Oujaratl overseas trade In the east. They passed through the Sunda Strait to emerge on the north coast of Java and went as far as Japara.62 There was a colony of Oujaratl traders on the Banda Islands.63 The Oujaratls did much more than simply making a round trip voyage to Sumatra. They picked up such commodities as were consumed In Indonesia and 6k could dispose of much of It as they moved from port to port.~*+
The traders of the Coromandel coast sailed to Bengal, Arakan, Pegu, Tenasserlm, Kedah, Perak, Acheh and Ceylon. Traders from Bengal regularly went to Coromandel coast, Ceylon and Acheh. Arakanese and Peguans made direct voyages to Acheh. Acheh was thus linked with the trading complex connecting the countries around the Bay of Bengal Just as, through the Oujaratl trade, It was tied up with western India. On the other side, the Chinese, the Siamese and the Indonesians from Borneo, Java and Macassar connected Acheh with the trade of the Far East.
No foreigner could trade at any port of Acheh without the permission of the king. Sometimes the rule was not strictly observed but even then one needed permission from the local governor to land. When a ship arrived In the Road of Acheh, Its merchants had to wait until the Chap came. The dguondd besanq yedt dane eds ni eband mmeazevo ldazatut boa avat lo deaoo dazon edd no egzome es dlande abnuß add Idnzatuo 2ó ynoleo e enw eted2 Sò. sraget am zet ne duow ezom doum bib eljazatut ent Eà. sbnalat abnaß edd no azebast Vedt eitamre ot egayov qlad bauos a galkam vigmle neda bna slaenobnI nl bamuanoo ezow es selslbommoo dowe qu beiolq 40.szoq os 3zoq most bevom yeda es at lo doum to ecogelb bluos fagned ot bellas Jeeoo Lebnamozoj odt To szeband ont Jabgo fabnemozoß ca daew vizaluget fagned most ezabaut segsyov Joezłb ebam enaugeq bna eaanaxazA dedoA bne golyeD xofgmoo gnlband edd dalw beinłl euds aaw dedok dedoA os ea deut fagneß to yaß eda bnuota selmanuoo edd golsoennoo ntedeow dalw ge beld amw dl ebazd ldezalu0 eda dguozdd eda bna eaemal2 eda , esoaido eda ,able zeddo ada n0 albal dedoa bejoennoo zeassoaM bna évet canzod mozt analeenobni daas nat eadá to ebans odé ddlw Jpodtlw dadoa lo dzog yne de aband bluoo nongłenot oß Jon eaw aluz end somldemo2 gnls end to nolenlmzeq edd mozt nolaelmteq bebeen eno neds neve dud bavosdo pIdolids beog ada nl bevizía qlde a nedw bnal od nonzevog lmool eda adt -amao gado ada stanw slew oa bad etnadozem adl , dedoa to
9I eberT naleanobnI wel navt ini ,I , senly smot ,oaned2oad
Chap was a dagger with a gold handle and scabbard belonging to the king; it signified that the person bearing It was commissioned by the king. -> A small boat carrying the port officials with the Chap was rowed to the ship and the officials came on board. The persons carrying the Chap had to be given presents.
On landing the first thing to do was to go to the Customs House (Alfandlca), visit the chief officers there and pay fees for the Chap. Usually the payment was made In kind with pieces of calico. The most Important officers to be met were the Shahbandar, the Superintendent of the port, and the 67 Orangkaya Laxamana, the Governor of the city.
In the Alfandlca (Customs House) an exact account was kept of the customs dues, gifts, fines and commodities belonging to the king. The officers of the Customs House also drew up a master list of all the persons who traded with the king or paid duties or offered presents to him.
King's officers were present at the landing of all goods. Bales were opened and whatever was due the king was galgnofed braddaoe bna sibnad blog a dalw teggab a saw gado saw dl galmmed noazoq edd dads beltingle ai tgnlk eda os dzoq ads galytnao daod Ileme A Rd galk and ad benoleslmmoo -to edd bns qide add of bowoz saw ganó eds dálw aialoltto ot bad gedt edt galktzso snoazeq ent brmod do ameo afalolt .adnesedq nevlg ed amotant ans os og et saw ob of gałds dazlt eda gnlbnal no taq bda ezeda eteoltto lelno eda sfalv . (motbnaliá) eanol dalw. bald al ebam eaw ddomgaq eds vifaweV .gadó edd zol eeet dem ed of stesltlo snadzoqml deom edt dà,colles lo sebalq edd bna, dnaq eda to Jnébnetalzegua ena , rebnaddeda eda ezew tò.gato end lo mnzevod ens snamaxad avaignano baw andooba Josxe na (espoß amojau) solbnetiA eda nI -àd estjlbommoo bna menit ,attlg ,eeub emodeuo ent to agex onis esvoß emoteat edd to azedllto odt -gnls eda ot gntgnol eds dalw bebaid odw snoeteq edd flm lo dell teteam a qu wezb Bò.mid od adaoeeng batello to meldub blaq zo gnik fia to antbnal eds da dnecazq ezew ezeolllo a'gnik . sew gnld end eub saw zevejedw bna beneqo ezew sefaß .aboog
abam eew gadp enz dads etes yorwos .OEs .I ,algmayd dionego doldw eoaé a exlf" bna gnol eadoni ol do 8 zevita lo yenwo, eigmet) "benofona st dengla adt ezedw qqot eda no TOOE
Sof ;xenwog ,elgmatdd
:Be , zelgmad smomnlkizw icog ,.bidITà .5 ,1 ,8l77880 taken out. The remainder was stamped and freed for sale in 69 any part of the king's dominions.
The foreign merchants who came to Acheh proper had to be prepared to pay a large number of dues. There were In the first place the charges for securing a stamped permit to stay at the port. Besides the cash payment, taxes in Indian cloth (the adat kain) had to be paid on arrival. Thus a ship from Gujarat had to pay seven pieces of silk (kain tjlndal) or 5 cubits length. These were for the court, the Panglima Bandar (the head officer) and the Penghulu Kawal (the head of the garrison). It was customary on the part of the captain of a Moslem vessel to deposit a cargo-list and the key to the ship's hold at the citadel (the fortification known as Kuta dar ad-dunia). When the captain wanted to discharge the goods he could get back the key by giving a present to the head of the garrison in the citadel. Then there were anchorage charges, fees for the guardsmen, and finally 70 clearance duties. The European ships were obliged to present the Sultan with a roll of cloth and a keg of gunpowder. 71 The Shahbandar in return gave them meat, oil and rice.' Besides the harbour and clearance duties there were charges for
weighing and setting up stalls.?2
"^Forrest, Voyage from Calcutta, I4.I. ^Drewea and Voorhoeve, AA, 2h,.
ni elaa tot boeat bas begmade saw zebniamaz ent .dno neiet Pà,scolalmob a'gald eda lo dzaq t oj bad segozq dedoA od emao odw ednadozem nglezol ent
al etew ezodt , soub lo zedmua egzal a yaq ot bezaqezq ed os dlmzeq beqaata e galwoes sot segtado edt esalg dasit eds nalbnl nl aoxas dnemyaq demo edt seblaed .dzoq edd da vade qlde a aadt faviana no bleq ed os bad (nlex jaba eda) ddolo (laballj nlex) kfls, to secelg noves teq ot bad satatu0 mont amllgaas edd , smuoo ada sot enew eeedt dignel adlduo 2 zo basd edd) laweX pfudgnel edd bns (zeoltlo baad edt) sabnad
eda to dzaq edt no ytamodavo saw aI . (nosłmzeg ada lo eds bne datl-ognao a slaogeb os feasev melack a lo nładgas noldesllltsot, edd) lebadlo edd da bíod a'qlda ond ds tei -alb of bedaaw aladgao edá nedw .(alwb-ba nab eduz aa mwoni dneaesq a anlvla yd god ada koed deg bivoo ad aboog end egzado asew ezedd nodt .lebeslo eda at noalsneg odd lo, baad edt os
vilanlt bna ,domabzaug eds zot aselt aegzado egazodona -erq oa beglido evew aqida aeegow3 edt of. eeldub eonezselo. nebwoqoug to gex a bne diolo to flos a dalw natlua ada dnee -aß Iy.solt bna llo , Jaom meda avag nruder al mabnaddede ent tol engvado asew etedd aolaub eomazaalo bna wodtad eda eoble ST.sifade qu aniddee boe goidglew
.Id ,adanolao mort egevov ,JeeztogPa US , AA eveodzooV bas BewazQ0 .ES ..bROIIS .PS ..bIdIST
Duties had to be paid on both imports and exports. The Mohammedan traders did not pay anything for exporting goods from Acheh but the Import duty was heavy, about 10$ In gold. The officers of the Customs House generally over-rated the value of the goods about 50 par cent. '•* On the west coast the king received 1S% of all that was sold. In addition the traders paid 25 Rials to the king of Tlku for every hundred bahars of pepper and a quarter part to the weigher and they had to give little amounts of pepper to about ten or twelve persons more.'^
Having paid the Initial duties the merchants took up houses In the town. Each national group had Its own particular kampong to go to. Many of them built temporary huts for the few months of the trading season.
In the smaller ports, especially on the west coast of Sumatra, the foreign merchants were received under the Balal (a ohed for public gatherings) by the local governor. There in the presence of the principal merchants of the town the licence from the king of Acheh was read out and prices were settled for the incoming and outgoing commodities.'-'
Small amounts were bought and sold at a time. The English merchant William Nicolls called It trading "from hand adt edzoqxo bna edzoqał ddod no bíaq ed ds bad seldul aboog galtzoqze tot gnidigns keq don bib arabart nabemmadoh blog nt zor dwode Kveed anw vdub azoqmł edd dud dedoA mott edt bedaz-zevo vifareneg eauol amadeuó odd lo azeoltto edt deaoo Jaew ens no £5,dneo zeq 02 auods eboog eda to eulev odd nolalbbe nI blos sew Jadd fle lo kzi bavleoet gnld ads bezbnud tieve vot uitt lo gaid edt ot afalß 2s blaq azebeza yedó bns ladglew edd od diaq vedzaup a baa teqgeq lo ezaded avlowd so nod duode ot zeggeg to adnwome elsalf evig os bad uT, szom anoszeq
qu doos eddadonew sda sétaub lalaini eda blaq gnlvaß -zaq awo asz bad quong Ienoldan doaß mrot edt al meauod adud viatogmet aflud meda lo ynal ' .od og od gnogmai maluold nosaea ghibazd ens To adtnom wet end vot lo demoo deaw edd no vllalowqee edzoq mellamn eda ol Islad edd rebmu bevlever ezew eshedozem nglezol eda azlamse azedt zonzevoz laool ena yd (agnlzeddeg oliduq sot bode a) edt mwot edd lo adnadonem Isglontiq eda to eoneaang eda ní ezow seolnq bns duc baat sew dedoà lo galk edd mozt eoneoll 2T.selslbommoo gnlogduo bus gnimoont eht zot baladea odt emid e aa bloe bon ddguod etew ainuome Ilam8 boad mort" galbant al belfao alloolk mallliw dnadotem daligna
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«76 to mouth." The city of Acheh was better off than the ports of the west coast. John Mlllward, the English factor at Tlku, wrote that at Acheh "what Is to be had Is suddenly gotten, whereas at the other places the merchants are but 77
peddlars."'' Goods were exchanged directly by barter although the use of money was also quite common. Pepper was much cheaper when bought In exchange for Indian cloth, dearer when bought for Rials. The Rials were valued as much as a commodity of trade as as a medium of exchange. The traders from Surat and Masulipatam bought large quantities of Rials every year.' Although money was widely used as a medium of exchange the foreign merchants preferred to be paid in unwrought gold and "quantity for quantity." Whenever they received large sums 79 of money they always took It by weight.
The participants In Acheh's trade came from different layers of society. In the first place there were the poor vendors who sold fish, fowls, vegetables and fruits in the open market. Then there were the slaves. A striking feature of Acheh's economy was the varied occupations in which the slaves were engaged. They bought things for their masters ainog eda nada 22o zedded aaw dadoA to vilo eda atn djuom oa Ja todoat dallgn edi ,brewlll adot .Jaaoo daow edt to vinobbua al bad ad oz al dadu" dedoa dz dada adozy ,uilt dud eze adnadozom eda moomig meddo eda ds esezedw ¿nejdog TTu,smalbbeq
een edt dguodsla setzad yd vídoazlb begnadoxe ezew abood nedu zeqaedo doum saw zeqgeß nommoo adlup oala saw genom lo tot ddguod nedw zezaeb ,ddofo nalánI tol egnadoxe al ddguod ebana lo vilbommoo b mm doum ae baufav ezow afatk adt .afalß bna dazua moil amebazs odt ,ognsdoxe lo aulbem a as as 8y.many vzave alaln To elalinaup egmal adguod madagiluaeM oda egnadoxe lo mwlbem a as bean víablw saw yenom dgroddía bna biog adguonve al blaq ed od bazzelenq etnadozem nalezol emue egzal bevlenez yoda nevenadk "-Kaldnaup zot yaljneup"
eT.adglew yd at koos syawis yodd yonom to Jnezelllb moal emmo abans a dadaA al ednagloldnaq edt zoog eda azew ezadd eoaiq dezlt ads al -ydeloca lo aneyal ada al adlont bna peldadegev ,efwol dalt bloa odw szobney e'wdaal gmlxlmta A .sevale eds ezew ezeda nedt .deizem nego ads doldw nl anoliagusoo belzav edd eaw ymonooe a'dedoà to arodaan slend zot egnlda ddguod yedt begagne ezew sevala
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,Se .2olgmag ,moalxye5 and checked the money for them. They were employed In the gold trade. The women money-changers were mostly slaves. The orangkayas of Acheh had many slaves under them. They enJoyed a different status than what we ordinarily expect of a slave. They had separate houses at a little distance from their master's houses. Even slaves had their own slaves. Enterprising slaves were encouraged by their masters with a loan of money so that they might take up some trade.80
Besides the poor vendors and the slaves, most of whom were peddlars, there were the shop keepers, accountants and brokers who filled an Important sector of Acheh'a commerce. Many of these shop keepers and accountants were Gujaratis. The Europeans always preferred to employ Gujaratl hrokers because the latter were experienced and well informed about Acheh's trade.
At the head of the mercantile community stood the big merchants. The nobles and king's officers took part In trade, especially In the cloth and pepper trade that went on between the capital and the west coast of Sumatra. On the west coast most of the officials of the king and the big merchants together carried on a profitable trade with the Europeans. Often they prevented the poorer traders from edá nl bayofqme ozew yadt moda zo't yonom end bexoedo bas .Bevafa víteom ezew alegnado-venom nemow ant robazs biog -de vent medt sebnu sevela tnam bad dedoA lo eayaignazo ent a lo doeqze wifzanibzo ew Janw nadt apdaje dnovelllb a beyot mott eonsjalb elfali a ds eesuod edazaqes bad yadt, ovafa aoveia mwo sledd bad cevele nev2 seowod a'medeam tlodd a dilw ezedaam słedd yd begawoone ezew eavafe gnlelzgzadnz 08 sbazd emoa qu elad adgla Kand ded oa venom to naol moriw lo Jaom movafa edt baa ezobnov zooq end sebleea bna sjnntnpoaoa ,szegead qoda edd anew etedd azeibbeq ezow oolommoo aldedoà lo zcdoes Jnadvoqal na bellll onw szesond alsazatuo ezew ajnažauooos bna azeqeol qoda eceda to vnah atesozd lsazalut yofqme ot bestelenq syawía enaeqonß edt duoda bemzolnl flew bna beonollegke evew taddal edd oausoad. 18,abeza a'dodok
ald eds booda ylmuamoo alldnaozam end to baed edd aa nt diaq Mooi steoltto a'ánik bna esldon ont .adnadozem no anew dada sbaná meqqeq bna dsolo edd nl kilalbeqae gabant edd no S8. asdemo2 lo daso deew ens bna ladigeo ed deewded ald edé bna gnix eds lo slafoltto eda lo deom demoo deew end datw eband efdasllonq a no belmmao teddegod atnadotem mont szeband zezooq end bedneveng vent nesto .snseqoms
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.ST .VE ..A.S8 trading directly with the Europeans. 3 Tho Oujaratls were among the richest merchants of Acheh. Some of them were evidently residents of Acheh and the ports of the west coast.8^
"But the greatest dump upon the trade," writes Beaulieu, "is that the king engrosses It all Into his own Hands; for what Commodities he buys, he must have them under a market price, and what he sells rises to 50 per cent above It... The king thus not only derived an Income from the ports as the ruler of the kingdom but he earned a large profit by direct trading. When the king's agents bought In the markets no one dared to buy or sell until the king's buying was over.86 Royal trading was, however, not a peculiar feature of Acheh's economy; it was characteristic of the whole of Southeast Asia.
Prom the picture of Acheh's trade as sketched above it appears very clearly that the port-towns were the centres of economic activity of the coastal region. The kingdom of Acheh stretched along the coastal strip and never included much of the Inland territories. All our Informants speak of the coast only and it is difficult to guess what was going etew elaraluo odt t8,anego edd dalv Vidoazib galbara ezew modd lo dmoß .dedoA to adnadozem deadola end gnoma deew end to adzoq edt bna dedaá lo adneblaez yfanebive 18. 16800 welfueeß sodlnw ", abaid ede noqu qmub dtedaeng eds dua tot zabnal mio sid odnt lfa di meeaonane galk end Jadd al" Jextam a taban meda aved daua ed eyud ed eeldtbómmoj dadw 28.,,3t evode dneb seq O2 o aaelt sllee ed Sadw bna eolzq ea atzoq edd mont emoont de bavizeb víno don aodd gold adt yd ailonq egzal e benzee ed sud mobgnlk ond to zelui ada asezem ends nt ddgvod ednege a'gnlk ent nenw -galbant Joostł caw golvud a'gnlk edd fidaw fles no yod od berab eno on edse relfuoeq e don revewod ,eaw gnlbed layo d8zavo to elodw end Do oldeltejoszado kav di ;ymonose e'dedoA to .alma Jeaodjuo8
d avods bedodene ea ebavd sinenoA to erudolq edd mon lo sezaneo eds ezow snwoj-szoq ods dadd víteefo yzov szaeqqe Jo mobgnlk ent holges fajeaoo ent lo vilyraoa olmonooe _bebulonł zeven bna qlvse Iajeaco oda gaoia bedotenda dedok lo deega eonemzotnl wo lIA eslsoslatat basinl sdt lo doum goloà baw wedk saeug od dlooltlib el di bne yino deeoo eda
.2dr .vI ..8.c8 .8d1 .201 ,-b1a188 .0MT .I ,02778828 .2E1..b20108 on In the back country. The staple food of the people was rice. Unfortunately the European travellers do not give us any information as to the rice estates of the Interior. We have seen in the section on the city of Acheh how the king's own estates were managed very largely by slaves. But It would be a mistake to describe Acheh's economy as based entirely on slave labour. There la hardly any evidence of chattel slavery in Acheh. The slaves of Acheh are comparable to the serfs of medieval Europe.
If we may use the term "feudal" In a very general way, we may say that Acheh's economic life showed a closer resemblance to a feudal type of economy than to anything else. The population broadly fell into two divisions: the nobles and the poor villagers and townsmen. The latter group Included a large number of slaves. Only In the cities of the coast could one find a significant middle stratum composed of shop-keepers, scribes, accountants, captains of the ships and lower officials. The coastal towns were entirely dependent on trade. In Acheh proper there was not enough food for the whole population and rice had to be Imported from abroad. The supreme importance of the port of Acheh lay in the fact that, on the one hand, It controlled the pepper trade of all the ports of the kingdom through a system of licences and that, on the other hand, the Indian cloth needed for common use by the people of the kingdom passed through it.
saw sigooq ada to boot eígasa edt yadnuao doad adt at no an evty don ob azelfevart neegows edt vfodanudzotaV ,cais ew zolnednt eda lo sejatao eols edt od em nołtamzolnł yae a'gakk edt wod dodoA To valo ens no noldoes eds nl dees eved dl duß .devafa yd kiegzal yzev boganem ozew aadetes mwo -no benad es ymonooe e'dadoA edizoaah od eiajsim a ed bioow to eonebive yns vibzad al event ,wodef evafe no vleslé sIdalaqmoo ete dedoà lo sevala ent dedoÀ nl yzevala Ieddado ,egomus favelbem lo etzes ods os Yew lazaney yiov s at "labpet" mies ond eun yam ew I -as tesofo a bewods slll blmonode a'dedoa dadt yek yam ow osfe gntddyne od nadt ymonose to eqya labuel s os eonaidmes seldon ena tenolalylb cws ptal ilet v(baozd nolsafugoq edt -nt quezg maddel ent nomanwoj bna azogallly zooq eda bne ads lo meldlo oda al vino .zevafe lo todmun egtal e bebufo lo batogmos mudasde elabim daastllagis s balt ego biuco daaoo bna egida add to antadqmo ,adnadnuccos ,sedlzoa ,szegeex-gore no dnebneqeb vietltne szew anwod Iadanoo odt sfałolllo sowol edd zol boot dguone don azw ezeds geqong dedoÀ nl eband 18 beorda mout badnogml ad os bad eali bas noldafugoq olodw doat eds at gal dedaa lo atoq edi lo sonadsoqal amarque edt fís to ebazs seggoq eda belfosdnoo al ,baad eno edd no ,sadd bna seoneolf lo madage a dguosdd mobgnix edd to admoq ada nommoo zot bebeen daofo nalbal eda , bnad zaddo eda no , dand al dyuonda beasaq mobgnid end to elgoeq eda yd eau
^Harris, I, 738«
'Loc. clt.
8Loc. clt.
lOwilllam Marsden, Sumatra.
^William Hunter, "Remarks on the species of pepper, which are found on Prince of Wales's Island, Asiatic Researches, IX, l809, 388.
Tipe, clt.
l8Schrleke, ISS, I, 56.
19Macleod, Zeemogendheid, l86; Coolhaas, Coen, VII (1), 2I4.8-249.
ZOprlginal Correspondence, No. 753; No. 799; L.R., III, 237; IV, 92, 165; V, 17I; Harris, I, 735-
t iJ. C. Van Leur, Indonesian Trade and Society, 1955, 370, n. 30. Van Leur actually estimates eight to sixteen thousand bags for the king of Atjeh; the higher estimate Is used here.
22Kolonlale Archiven, No. 98O.
23The bahar varled In Acheh between 36O and 387 1/2 lbs. 2*+L.R., VI, 72.
2->j. w. Ijzerman (ed.), Cornells Buljsero te Bantam 1616-1618, 1923, 25.
26Harrls, I, 71*2.
27Cortesao, Tomé Pires, I, II4.0, Ikh.
2 8 o.c, 623.
29Harrla, I, 7U2.
30Harrls, I, 7^2.
^°Loc. clt.
^Ibld., 85-86.
^Temple, Bowrey, 286.
^°Van Leur, Indonesian Trade, 121; W. H^ Moreland, India at the Death of Akbar, 1920, 225-229; Corteaao, Tomé Pires, II, 269, 272 and I, 93; Wilkinson, Dampler, 95; ETR., VI, 27.
62Cortesao, Tome Pires, I, 159-162.
63van Leur, Indonesian Trade, 195«
^Cortesao, Tomé Pires, I, 161.
^Harris, I., 730. Bowrey says that the Chap was made of sliver 8 or 10 inches long and "like a Mace which openeth on the topp where the Signet is Enclosed." (Temple, Bowrey, 300).
Temple, Bowrey, 302.
° 7Ibld., 303; Wilkinson, Dampler, 98.
68Harrls, I, 7W+-
71lbld., 23.
72ibid., 29.
73Harris, I, 7ÎJ.6.
7Uibld., 730.
75Ibld.t 729.
7 6 O.C , No. 753-
77L.R., III, 227.
70Harrls, I» 730.
7^Wllklnson, pampler, 92.
80Ibld., 91, 93, 9k, 98, 99.
81 Ibid., 91+.
62L.R., IV, 72.
8 3L.R. , IV, 165-
fllUbld., 165, 168.
85Harris, I, 7^6.
86ibld., 735.
87Harrla, I, 7^2.
11. The English Trade in Aoheh
After Lancaster had departed In 1602 the English had no contact with Acheh for several years. The directors of the East India Company were, at this stage, Interested in exploring the different sectors of the Asian market to find out whether there was much demand anywhere for English manuQ Q factures. As Acheh offered no such prospects It had little attraction for the English. The needs of the pepper trade were met by the factory at Bantam. Yet the expectation of getting a good lading of Prlaman pepper occasionally drew English ships to the west coast of Sumatra.
In August I605, Sir Edward Mlchelbourne, the "first of the Interlopers," appeared before Prlaman with his ship, the Tiger. He could not do any trading because the town was In the grip of great political confusion caused by the seizure of power by Sultan All Rlayat Shah (I60ij.-l607) . The Governor of the town dared not even talk to the messenger of Michelbourne In private for fear of being suspected by others. Mlchelbourne therefore sailed on towards Bantam. On his way he seized a Gujaratl ship of about 80 tons which he took Into the Road of Selebar, evidently without encountering any opposition there. ° dedoA al ebast dallgna ent
bed dallgnß eds Sodl al beilageb bad zojasonad zedtA lo azodoetib edt .ammet fazeves sot dedoA dalw foajmoo on ał bedsezejal .egeje aldt da , ezew ynaqmol albaI daaa eda balt oj deizam dalaA ady lo stodoes Jmezalllb edd galtolgxe -unam dallgol sot etadeyas bnameb doum ask ezodt tedtadw duo eiddl bed dl adoegaorq doda an bezello dedoA a Beadoal ebart zegqeq adt to abben ent .daligns edd zot noljoazaja lo noldmdoeqxe ena Jey .madnaß da vaodoal edi td dem ezew wesb vilanoleaboo soggeq namalas lo gaibal boog à galajeg estamuß to dasco deaw edd od aqida daliga to Jaxl1" ena ,entvodledoiM brawba r1a ,20dI JanzuA al edd qida eld daly namalas ezoled beseegqa ",szegolseval eda ni aaw nwos ena eevebad gnlbaid yns ob don blvoo a .zeglt owslee ent yd besuao nolowlnoo feoldlloq Jéong to qltg odd zonzevoo ent .(foal-jodl) dade detaln IIA neslua yd newoq to -Iehol to tegnessek eda os kfat neve Jon bénab awoa eds to ;stedso ad bedoegaus goled to taet not étaving ni aniwod Kew ald no metnad abzawot no bellas stotetada enwodfedeth dood on doldu ands 08 duoda to qtde ioasatu0 a beslen ed tne gnizednvoone duonslw gianabive , adelee to baoß edt odal P8 .azedd noisisoqgo
slbnI deez dallana edt to vrodony edta 2desae8 .2 .g88 ,eleent G.da bedalidugnt ",S8dr-Sodl ,medmaß at voegmoD
The next English visitor to the west coast of Sumatra was Captain William Keeling, the commander of the third voyage (I6O6-I6O9) of the Company. He had Instructions to set up a factory at Prlaman. On 26 July I608 the Dragon appeared before the port. The previous year Sultan Iskandar Muda had seized power and William Keeling happened to be the first English visitor to his kingdom. Keeling, of course, had no chance to visit Acheh to see the king and get his permission to trade at Prlaman. Instead he secured the permission of the Governor Nacado Paatombo by offering presents. Keeling gave him three yards of stamel, one blue calico, a musket and stock, one barrel and two sword blades. This was not bribing for It was customary, on the arrival of new ships, to present something to the Governor, who In return sent meat, oil and other provisions to the ship. Even If he had had a licence from the king of Acheh he would have been obliged to do the same. The Governor sent him a goat. He had no authority to grant trade to Keeling. The fact that he did grant it, however, shows that at least there was no express command from the king to exclude the English from the ports of the west coast as there was with regard to the Gujaratis.
Getting permission to trade was the first step. The next and more Important thing to do was to fix the price of pepper with the Qovernor and the principal merchants. On 29 July, Keeling went ashore, firing six shots in honour of erdase lo dánco daew odt os zodislv dellgna dxen edt bilds eda to nbaamoo ens anifeeX malllzw niadqeß sew of anolzoisdent bad em -yaaqmad edd lo (Podl-dodf) egayov -qa nopatl eds 8odl vlut ds no nmmalzt da vzotoat a qu des TabnaneI najluć seey enolvanq edt avog odt enoled bezaeq ode ed ot beneqqed galfooß melfliw hna mowog bexles bed sbuM eazuoo To galfeeX mobnlk ald os modlalv delfgn daiit sld deg bna galk edd ees of dedoA dialy of aonado on bad -seq odt bonwoés ed baojant .namains da ebpzs os nolaslmzeq .adnesezg galzelto yd odmosaaq obaoal zonzevod edd lo nolealm a collmo ouíd eno , lomade to sbzay eorda mid evag golleok aew aldt .eebaid browa owa bna fozzad eno ,koode bae deśaum aqida wen lo favlaza edd no ,tzamodauo sow di not gnldlnd don daea naudes nł ony nonzavoß eda ot anidjemos dnesezq os bad ed 1l nevà qide edé od anolelvong zedjo bna flo deem geed eved bluow ed dodoà le golk ens mort eonsoll a bed o .daog a mid dnea tonzavoD adt .emse edd ob oj boglido ed deda doat edt gnlfeeß of ehana dnang of tilzoddua on bad on sew oteds deael da dadd awoda ,tevowod ,dl dnang bib edd most dallgnà end ebuloxe os gald edd mont bnammos anesqke edd ed breges ddlw sew aseds es demco Jeow edd lo adzoq
aldanatoD
edt .qeda danlt ona saw eband os nolaalmmeq gnłdde To aolnq edt xit od enw oß od gnlda dnadgoqal azom bna dxan n0 admedosem laglonlnq ede bna tonzevod ede daiw seqqeq to mwonod nl adoda xle gnluit , etodaa dnew galleak .xiut eS the Governor. Sixty chief men of the town had gathered at the Governor's house to confer on the price of pepper. At first they demanded 50 Rials per bahar (about 387 lbs.), which was an unusually high price for the west coast. Naturally Keeling did not like it. He had been privately advised by an Achenese merchant not to offer more than 16 Rials. The Achenese, however, was trying to keep Keeling out of the trade so that he himself could collect as much pepper as he wanted and later sell it at whatever price he chose. Finally, after much debate, the merchants agreed to sell at 22 1/2 Rials per bahar and Keeling agreed to pay 6% customs. The agreement was drawn up in writing.
Keeling spent about two months in Prlaman and sailed for Bantam on 15 September I608. During his stay he had been able to collect I385 bahars of pepper and some gold and benzoin. He could not leave a factory there but strongly recommended the setting up of one. He found that Prlaman itself did not have more than 500 bahars of pepper, but all the pepper ports of the west coast together would yield yearly about 2,500 bahars. This could be bought reasonably In exchange for Surat cloth which was In great denand in the area. Keeling had picked up some calicoes at Socotra (off the coast of Africa) which he sold at Prlaman for three or four times the price he had paid. Merchants from Acheh and Java were the main buyers of pepper on the west coast of Sumatra, the Oujaratis having been excluded from the trade.
ja berediag bad mwos eds lo nem teldo váxie .zonzevo0 eda 3A .tegqeq 3o eolag eds no telnoo os eauon a'zonzevo0 edt (.adi f8g Juoda) madad seq afei8 02 bobdamob podt dartt dezoo deow edi sot solzq dald yifaveund na eaw doldu pfddavinq need bad oß .al eall don bib galfeel yilazudak di nand ezom zello od don ananozom eaadadoA na vd bealvbe golleen goek of gnlyis anw tovewod ,seonadoA edt .sletk doum sa doelfoo binoo lfeamid ad Jadt oa ebans edt To duo ed eolaq levejadw ds dl fles naial bna bednaw ed sa zeqqeq od beerge admadonem edt , edadeb doum setle .tilant ,ssodo kò yeq od boenge anlleeX bóm sedad zeg slelm S\I Ss da floa gnlilmw nl qu meaib eaw Jnemeetga odt emojapo beflas bua namalet al adinom owa duoda daeqe gnlleeß bed ed kade eld aalzod ,Bodl tadmesgee 2i no madneß not bna bíog emoa bne seqgeq to azadad ßgr doellos od alde need tianozaa dud eleds yicdoat a eveof don bluco en nloanad namalnt jadd bnwot en .ono lo qu anlsdes eda badnemmoset 1lm sud , leqgeq lo aladed 002 neda ezom eved don bib 1leadl blelt biuow tenjegot sagoo deow end to sjzoq meggeq ens Kidanoemei adguod ad biuoo eldt .eiaded 002,S duode vimeey ada ni baanab daeng al saw doldw diolo dawe not egnadoxe al 1lo) aidooo8 da seoalíao omoe qu bekolq bed galleeß .ssza to oazdd tol namalmt da blos ed doldw (mslula to famoo eds bne dedoA mont adnadozoß .blaq bad ed oolnq eds eomls tuot to Jeaoo deew end no nogqoq to ezeyud nłam edd azew evat ebana eda mont bebuloze aeed gnlvad aidasatuo ada ,eltamue
Keeling «uggeated that the English should try to collect Surat cloth and bring It every year to Prlaman. For safe trading In the west coast a letter from the king of Acheh was necessary and the English should try to procure it.90
The coming of the English merchant, Samuel Bradshaw, to Acheh in the Union on 17 June 1609 marked the revival of official relations between the English and the king of Acheh. The renewal of the contact was, however, accidental. The Union, belonging to the fleet of the fourth voyage (1608) of the Company, had no instructions to call at Acheh. Having rounded the Cape of Good Hope the ship tried to reach the island of Socotra, but failed due to strong winds. It dared not move in the direction of the west coast of India because of the onset of the South-West Monsoon. So it made for Acheh with the expectation of finding Gujarat! merchants there.91
On arrival Bradshaw found that the Dutch were still doing business at Acheh. They were not at all happy at the return of the English. Albrecht Willemsz, the representative of the Dutch Company, tried his best to obstruct the trade of the English.9 This attempt to keep the English out of Acheh's trade, however, did not succeed. The English were
Joelloo os yaa biuode dallgnt edd dada bojaeggus galfeek élas sos namalat os meot vhave 21 galtd boa ddofo deiwe dedoA to gnld odd most zotsel a tamoo deew edd nt galband ot wadabazá Ioumae Jnadozem dallgna eda lo gnłmno edt
To favlvet edt bexzam PodI enot Tí no notnU ods nl dedoA dodoA to anll odt bna dallna edd neowded enoldaler Itotito adt fadnebloos ,zevewod saw doatnoo edf lo fawenot ent lo. (Bodl) egagov diwot edt to teelt sdt pt antgnoled noint gnlvah dedoA da fIso od anoldouttanl on ban tnaqmoO edt end dosez ad belvá qíde eda eqol booß to eqaã ads babnwoz bozab si .aßnhw gnozja os ebb bellat dud ardoooß lo bnafal eauaped atbni lo dsaco deow ens to doldoezlb ads nt evom don dedoA tot ebam al c8 nooanoM daoW-dauo& ena to deano bds to 1e eteda sonadozem ldazatod gnlbolt lo noldatoeqxo edd dalw
Iitde etew dodud edd dañd bnuot wadebaza leviiza n0 edt de yqqed Ila de don ezow yedt dedoÀ da seenlaud gnłob svłtadnesenqen eds ,zemelfiW ddoezdiA delfgna oda to nrwdan To ebazd eds dopijedo ct deed sld belza tnegmoß dodud eda to
to duo dellgna eda qeek os dqmoada aidt SP, detlgna edt ezew dalignk edt beesowe don bib ,zevawod ,ebans e'dedoá
I..8.J :912-82 .20e1 .21 .mmtm19 e1H adm90P nlebroot nnot to fanzoot ent. zajaod .w :ks ,I , -A.gie 1 azonxx2oe1 7a1-80d1 - . R .T ...
admitted to royal audience within seven days of their arrival. This was the first time that Sultan Iskandar Muda had received English merchants. We have no information as to how the meeting went. Evidently the English encountered serious competition from the Dutch In offering more valuable presents to the king. In the end the English were able to get what they wanted. Bradshaw happily reported "by gifts they sought to prevent us but by gifts we obtained." He had to spend a good deal of money but he was not prepared to be outdone by the Dutch.9^
Having secured the king's permission to trade in the kingdom of Acheh, Bradshaw opened business with the Gujarati merchants. He bartered EngliBh cloth and lead for Gujarati cloth. He could sell a fine Scarlet, some of the best Stamels, a few Venice reds and Popinjays, green and harecolour. The Gujaratls liked the hare-colour ones most. The cloth was sold at 6 l/2 Rials per yard and lead at 20 Rials per Bahar. In exchange, he collected 125 corges of black and white Baftas (calicoes), 300 corges of Sealas (a kind of calico) and Kanikeens (a kind of bafta) and 1+50 corges of Chirams (striped cloth) and Cocimbows (a kind of bafta)-- 9k in all 875 corges or 17,500 pieces.71+
Bradshaw was not interested In sending the Gujarati cloth directly to England for sale In the European market.
Iavlaza nlada To kyeb neves nidclw eonelbda Iayoz od betflmbs -et bed abuM nabnaial naslu& dada amlt dazit eds anw aldt wod ot ea doldamzotnł on evad ew msnadozem dallgoß bevleo enołzes bezejnucone dalign eds vIanablva .jnew gnlseom adé adnesezq eldasíay orom galzelto al dosud ada mozt dolsldegmoo dady de of slda azew dalfgom edt bne edt aI gald add o sdguos yedt salła yd" bejnogez vllqqed wadabazß ,bejnaw tedd a bnega ot bad eß ".benladdo ew adttg vd dud en dmavenq os td enobauo ed os bazagezg gon aaw ad dud yenom lo Leeb boog EP.dutua eda
.RS .I ... .sooelq yanowa 1o adalanoo egroo A .25 .05 .I ..8.ju9
add al sbatt os noleslmieg s'gnli eds bezwoos galvaß ldanaluo edt dalw seenlaud baneqo wadabasa , dedoA to mobgntá Itazelud zo2 bael bne daolo dalignz bezeszed aH -atosdozem seed eda To emon Jeizag8 enit a ffea bfuoo os .ddolo -elad bna neesg ,eyatnlqof bom abes aolney wel a ,afomata edt Jaom seno wofoo-etad eda beili alaavalud ent wolos elsin 0S dm baef bna bzay zeq afalß S f à da bios sew daolo Noaid to megsoo ?si bedpslfoo ed , egnadoxe aI madaß zeq batd a) emles2 lo eagroo 00g ,(scootleo) satta8 edldw baz seavoo 0 bna (ested lo baix s) eneexlanM bna (ollao to -- (adlad to bald a) awodalood bas (ddolo. beglsta) amesind to we .m0oelg 002,11 2o m0gto0 218 11m m1 Idazaloo end ynlbnat ni bedeazedal Jon eaw wadebazß jeizem naegozdt end al efas sot boafyna od viaoeilb dsolo
He wanted to use them to collect pepper. So he went to Tiku and Priaman, the pepper ports of the west coast of Sumatra. A year earlier, Keeling had found that the Oujaratia had been forbidden trade In this area but they must have managed to secure permission again, for Bradshaw met with Gujaratl merchants there who were willing to buy his English cloth. Both at Tiku and at Priaman he could sell the remainder of his English cloth at a cheaper rate (Ij. Rials per yard) to Gujarat! merchants and he collected In all 11,000 Rials worth of Oujarati cloth. This whole amount he now bartered for pepper. Pepper was selling at the rate of 13 1/2, ll| and 15 Rials per bahar when bought for Rials which was quite reasonable. It was much cheaper when bartered against Oujarati cloth. To take one example, a variety of the white Baftas of Surat cost 60 Mamoodies per Corge (20 pieces) or 3 Mamoodies per piece. Bradshaw found that 6/7/8/9/ pieces of these would fetch one bahar of pepper at Tiku and Priaman.96 In other words, the price of one bahar of pepper varied from 18 to 2? Mamoodies, or, 3 3/5 to 5 2/7 Rials 97 (5 Mamoodies make 1 Rial).
Bradshaw used hia stay to make a deeper survey of qg Acheneae trade and prepare a valuable report.^ He listed 9^L.R., I, 25I4.. Lancaster had to pay 61^ Rials at Acheh. Keeling~päld 22 1/2 Rials at Priaman in I6O8. 96L.R., I, 7U. 97ibtd., 76. "ibid., 7U-76.
gilt of dnew ed oß ,zeggeq doelfoo os meds esu os beanaw aß .azdamuß lo denoo deev edá to adaog meqqeq edd .namalnq bne bad aldazetuo edd dadd bawot bad galfeeÀ , lelfnee zaey A beganam eved taum yeds dud maza alda nl sbezt nebbidzot neod lástaluo dtlu dem wadabazs not , nlage noleslmzeq arwosa od dtofo daligoa eld yud ot gallllw ezew odw ezedt adasdozem lo nabalamet edt Iles biuoo ed namalal da bna uilt de doo8 os (bzmy zeq afaln d) edax zegaedo a da ddolo dalignz sld alalg C0o,lf fla al besoelfoo ed bne adnadozom Idazatuo bozetzed won ed snuoma elodw sint. daolo Idazsłuo to danow bna lf .S\f £r to ozaz eds sa galifem emw zoggaß ,zoqgeq zot edlup aew doldy alald vot sdguod nedw sadad noq alalß-21 denlaga bezeited gadw zegeedo doum aaw iI Ze.eldanosses edldw ens lo vdalzav a algmaxe eno elat ot .ddolo Idazaluo zo (accalq 05) egto0 teq selboomaM 0à Jaos damu2 to amslad easslq. \p\8\r\d Jadd Snuol vedabezß .ecelq Teq selboomak £ bna balt da teggeq lo gadad eno dotet bioow esadt lo
tegqeg lo adad eno 3o ealng ad , abzow zadio ni de.namaizs eIa18 T\S 2 os 2\E E ,2o ,salboomeM 'S as 81 most balzav Te.(Ialn I eiam selboommM 2) .U5 ,1 c..d .05 ..blarse .dr-dr ..bzar8e
to yevnua zegeeb a exem od yeja eld bean wadaband betalf ell Be,dioges eidaufav a ezeqenq bne ebend enenedoA dedoa dm sieln da zeq es bad medaaonel as .I .H.g9 .8odI nt namatma da aialg S r ss błaq antloak commodities which were in demand in Acheh and on the west coast of Sumatra. It showed that for the kingdom of Acheh the medium of trade par excellence was Indian cloth from Gujarat, Coromandel and Bengal. According to his estimate, about 17^,000 pieces of Indian cloth of various kinds were sold annually on the west coast of Sumatra. He also prepared a list of the commodities which one could pick up in Sumatra for sale in Gujarat, Coromandel, Bengal and Arakan, which Included, besides pepper, brimstone (sulphur), nutmegs, 99 cloves, mace and tin. All this was well known to Asian merchants. In the seventeenth century the English had begun
to discover the pattern of the Asian trade for themselves. It was clear that establishment of direct trade between England and the pepper ports of Sumatra was not an easy matter. Acheh and the west coast of Sumatra formed integral parts of a well-established trading pattern to which the English now had to conform. Bradshaw stressed the point already raised by Keeling that, In order to be able to trade in Sumatran pepper the English must have access to the highly strategic Cambay-Broach-Surat region of India. He predicted that if the English succeeded In establishing themselves in the Gujarati trade, the Dutch competition in Sumatra would be a minor matter and that "they shall, to their grief, find that others will trade as well as they." In February 1609
Bradshaw left for England in the Union.100 deew ont no bas dedoA nt baameb al ezew doldw seldibomoo dedoa lo mobgnll adt tot dads bewode I . stdemia to denos mont dolo nalbal waw eonelleoze naq abana lo mulbem edd edamldee eld ot galbzoooa Iagneß baa LebnemozoD Jezatu edew abnłk suoltav To dtolo nalbnI lo evcelq o00,pff suode -ezq cela en aijamu& to saaoo deow edd no vflainne blos al qu doiq biuoo ono doldy zelsiboamoo ens to dall s bezaq nakanA bne Iegnoß , lebnamozo0 ,Satató0 nł slae tot antamut egemdun ((udqfée) enodemind , zoqqeq mebleed bebulont dolde daleA os mwond ffow saw alds lIa PP.nls boe eomm ,sevolo neged bed daligna eda vwddeo dineednevee eda al etnadozem ,eevfeemont zot ebaid nalaa ods To nvesjaq edf.sevooelb od deowded dbait toeslb to dnomdalldajee danj tseio eaw dI teee ns don asw asdesoz lo edtoq zegqeq eda bne baaígnd Iangodal bemzot ansamw& to Jsgoo taew eda bne dedoA .zedomm edd doldw os niesdaq gofbens bedelidasee-llew e to someq doloq and beszerda wadabanß mtolnoo ot bed won deligns aband of éfda ed ot vebto ni sads gallee% yd bezlat ybeenfs tidgid eda ot ssesoa evad dana dalignd edt meqgeq natdemwse ał besolbeng en .albaI to nolget Jazwe-doscnd-yadma0 olgedanja al sevleamens galdalfdadee nI bobeeoove dallgnà edo ti sada bluow aidamwß al nolaldeqmoo dosut edd ,ebend Idatatud onà bolt ,lelng sleds oa , Sfada tona" dedd bna medaem zonlm a ed podi tlmunde't al ".yedà ea llow as abato fllw ezendo dads 001 molnt ena at bnafgn3 sot alel wedabaza
In the year 1612, between July and December, seven English ships visited the west coast of Sumatra. One of these, the Pearl, belonged to the interloper Samuel Castleton. The six oth«ra belonged to the fleets of the different voyages of the East India Company. The crowding of so many ships at one place was the result of a lack of co-ordination between the different voyages. Very often the ships found themselves competing with one another.
The ships of the sixth voyage (1610) and the eighth voyage (l6ll) commanded respectively by Henry Middleton and John Saris were busy, in the early months of 1612, in blockading Mokha (Mocha), a port at the mouth of the Red Sea. In May, I6I2 Henry Middleton sent John Jourdain with the Darling to Sumatra to collect pepper and to forestall Saris who had been planning to go in that direction. Saris Immediately sent the Thomas which arrived at Tiku earlier than the Darling but was refused trade. The two ships then tried to come to an understanding to avoid spoiling one another's market. The men of the Darling set up a tent in one of the islands of Tiku and the Thomas went to Priaman.
On 26 September the James of the ninth voyage (1612)' arrived. It was soon followed by the Hector, another ship belonging to Saris' fleet. The Hector wanted to buy up the Darling'a pepper but the latter did not want to sell. On 9 October the James and the Hector left.
novés madmeoel bna tlut neewaed Sidl zeay ods nI lo eno azdamue lo daaco saow eds betlely egide delign nodefdss foumae megofmasal eda od begnoled Iaaes ons ,sseda eagatov dnezettib eds to sjeelt eds os begnoled zzeddo xia edt de agide vnem oe to gnlbwozo ont ynagmoD albnl Jaea ads to neawded nottanlbmo-oo to Nosl a to diveet eda saw eosiq ono -meda bnuol sqíde ada netlo yzev .eegayov dnezelilb edt zeddona eno dlw gnldeqmoo seviea dádgte edé bas (ozdr) eaatov dixla eda lo eqida edt bnz nosafbbiM yaneh yd gfovidoegeer bebhaamoo (Iiàl) egatov -xooid at Sidl to edanom éiiae ena al ;tend ezew alzaß adot nI sea beß oda lo divom andd da atoq a ; (adooM) adioM antba znlfiag eóa dalw alabwot ndot daee nodefbbiM yameß Sròl .tam bad pdw slnaz SIadaorol os bma égqeq doslloo os avsnmuß od pledslbemmi elzae noldoeezb sadt al cg od gnlnnaiq need add nand selliae uilt da bavltme doldw aemodt edt anee os belat nedt aqide owz ent ebans beanlet eew dnd gniiieg é'gedsona eno gnlizoga blava os gnłbnadazebno ns ot emoó edd to ene at anad a qu dee datimeg odó to nem ent doxiam nemalaq os anew samodt ada bna uxit To abnalal (Sral) egavov dtnla and to zamat add todmadqee ds n0 qida zeddons godooy eds td bewoffot noos aak aI bavltia edd qu yud os bednaw gojooß edt deelt alsaß os gnignoled no flon ot dnew don bib sezdal edt dud zoqqeq a'gnllneg -alef mosoem oda bna zomet add zedodo0 p
On l8 October the Thomas returned to Tiku from Priaman. It already had some pepper and wanted to take over some more from the Darling. At this point Henry Middleton arrived with the Trades Increase and the Peppercorn. He went ashore with some presents for the Governor and the chief men of the town. This was more than a customary visit, for the English were trading without a royal licence and were obliged to keep the Governor satisfied. Within a few days Middleton left for Bantam leaving Nicholas Downton to explore the market of Passaman, a pepper port lying further west of Tiku.
John Jourdain, who had been doing most of the trading since his arrival in July, was exasperated by the inconstant behaviour of the local merchants and officials. He complained:
...one dale they would trade with us, and put us to three or four dales longer; then wee should have them of annother minde, askinge an extreme price for their pepper, and nothing for our cloth; and some times they would have money for their pepper, and within two or three dales cloth was better than money.102
Merchants from Acheh had a large share of the pepper trade of Tiku.10^ By 1612 the frequent visits by the English ships made the local people keenly aware of the possibilities of gain from the pepper trade. The merchants from Acheh namalnt mozt wilt ot bentudet samont eda zedodoo 81 no azom emoe zevo elas oj bednew bne zeggeq emos bad ybaazía aI baviasa nodelbblM vineß dnloq aldi dA -galizad eda mont ezodaa dnew e nzoozeggel adt bna pasozonl sebant ent délw edd, to nem leldo eda baa zcazevod edt zot adnasezq emos ddlw delfgos eda zot , alalv vzamotauo a nedd ezom anw aldt mwot of boglido evew bns eonecll layoz a duodalw galbara ezew nodefbbiM eyeb wet a ntdaiW bellsldas sonzevoD odd qeed deizem eds azoigxe os ncsmwod eafodolé galveel matnaß zot siel for Iiilt to deaw zedimwt gnlyl droq teggeq e nemsstat lo galbara edt lo deom galoh naed bad ode alabwot qdot Inadanoonl edd yd bedazeqaaze sew Vlut nl lavltia sld eonla -moo e slaloltto bna ednadozem fasol oda lo molvaded :bantalq
ap duq bma yau dalw ebaza, bioow teda elab eno... evad blwode eow nedt ;tegnof selab swot to sezds of tol aolng omotixe na egnlgee , ebnlm teddonns lo medd anoa bna ;daolo wo zot gnidion bns , teqqeq młeds bne ,teqqeq mleda vol yonom evad biuow yeds semld nads nesded eaw ddolo emłmb eendd to owa nldalw sof, yenom
regqeq eds lo ezade egtal a bad dadoA mott adnadozeM dallgna eda ad eslalv anoupent eds Sidl va £or uslt to abaza aelsllidlasog edd To anawa víneok efgoeq faool ena ebam eglde dedoA monl adnadazem ent , ebasd megqeq odd mont alma to
.2091 nlabwol ndot , refaomf01
.SES ..BIDISOI .ES ..bIaIEOI naturally took advantage of the situation. They could use delaying tactics with great effectiveness against the English because they knew very well that the latter were eager to buy but could not afford to stay long. Jourdain could not get pepper at less than 20 Rials per bahar. ^
The usual response of the European traders to local obstructionism was to look for a less Important trading spot where the smaller trader would be relatively free from control of the big merchants and the officials. This was the main purpose of the trip to Passaman, a smaller pepper port lying to the west of Tiku. The place appeared to be extremely unhealthy. It had, of course, some pepper and the English could buy about 30 bahars.
Jourdaln's stay in Tiku confirmed what Keeling and Bradshaw had already experienced viz., Oujarati cloth was necessary for buying pepper in Sumatra at a reasonable price. Jourdain had some Oujarati cloth seized from Indian ships near the mouth of the Red Sea. But more was needed. Furthermore the English also stood in need of a royal licence from Acheh for safe trading on the west coast of Sumatra. Much of the difficulty which the English ran into at Tiku could be ascribed,to the fact that they did not have the necessary licence.
The coming of Thomas Best to Acheh (I613) marks a new phase in the English-Achenose relations. The previous year, eeu biwoo todt noltaudle ept to egadnavba doot tilawtan dalfgos oda danlaga maonevldoetle daang dalw aoldoat galgafeb of negee etew zetdal odd dadt flaw grav womi tedt eauaoed don bluoo nlabuot .anol yads oa brolta don bluco dud yud do1 radad zoq elaiß Os nad aaal de geggeq deg -do Issol ot ezebezt neegonud eds lo senogees faraú ent doga antbazt snadzoqeł eeel a nol loof od aaw mslnoltousda mont eent ylevltafet ed bipow teband tellama edt azonw edé aaw sint alelolllo edd ba sanadotom gtd edt to fonanoo droq seqqeq tollame , hameseat ot qlnd edd lo ezoqmq nlem -xe ed ot bezeeqqe poala edt udtt to deew edd os galyí eds bna reggeq amos eamwoo to , bad sI yntfaedow ylamezd szadad Of duode yud biuco dalfana boa gallesl dadw bowtllnoo ualt al vate a'nlabwot saw daofo Idaneluo alv boonalzegxe gbeedla bad wadabar8 .eolnq eldanosaes a da eijamig al meggeq gnlyud nol vreaaeban aqlde malbal mont bealee dioio lsazeluo emoe bad niabtwot -tediws .bebeon saw esom fu8 .so2 beß end 3o danom add zaen most soneolf fagot a lo been ni boode osla detigad edd ezom to doon wendanw& lo deeoo deaw ond do gnlband elas zol dedoA ed bluoo malt da cdal nes dallyaa eda doldw váluoltttb ada tiesseoan edi evad don bib yedd sena doal edd oj bedimosa 0008011 wen a mlzem (ElòI) dedoÀ ot daeß eamont To galmos ed?
Maet muolvanq ent anoljalet eaonadoa-dallgna eda nt emedq
In an engagement with the Portuguese off the west coast of India, Best had been able to strike a hard blow at the Portuguese naval power. The superiority of English artillery and their skill In naval warfare were well demonstrated before Asian spectators. The Portuguese were not absolutely beaten but their prestige was badly hurt. At the same time Best had succeeded In establishing an English factory at Surat, one of the main outlets for Oujaratl cloth.
On 12 April I613 Thomas Best arrived In the Road of Acheh with the Dragon and the Hoalander. He had with him a letter from king James I for Sultan Iskandar Muda. The king of Acheh gave him a grand reception In the traditional style, similar to the one given by his grandfather to Sir James Lancaster. Beat could not persuade the king to ratify the articles of the agreement concluded (1602) between Sultan Alauddln Rlayat Shah and Lancaster. The king was, however, especially kind to Best. He put an elephant at his disposal and granted him free access through the gates of the palace any time he wanted to visit the king. Sri Muhammad, who had been to Holland as an envoy, was aaked to attend the distinguished English visitor.
On 24 April Beat repeated his request for the ratification of the former treaty and this time the king promised to do ao. Por a long time, however, nothing was done. On lo damoo teew eda ato esouguazos edd dalw dnamegagne na al ods de wold biad a exlnde od elde need bad deeß , albnl yielllaze deligna lo volzolzeque ont mewog Iavad sseugudzo? -ed bedendanomeb flew ezow ezelzew favan nt filka zleds bna Xiejuloada don etew eaougudnoq edt .azodadoega nalaA ezot emls amas ods A ,dmud yibad maw egljmenq tleds dud nedaed da ynodoal daligna na gatdalidadee nl babeepoua bad daeg diofo Ljmnalu0 tot adefouo alem eds to ano tatue lo baoß eda nt bevlana daed mamodt £idi flzqA SI n0 a mld dilw bad eß . zebnalaoß eds bma nogezg ada dálw dedoà galx adt abuk gabnedal nadlua sot I aamat gnla most tattel efyda (anoldlbaia edt al noligeser bnara a mid evaa dedoA lo aemat tie ot zeddalbnang ald yá nevlg ono eda od nailmte ada vlldat ot galk ena ebauazeg don biuoo deeß .zejesonsl naslue neewded (Sodl) babplonoo dnemeenge add to eefolsze nevewod ,saw gols ent,lasaaonal bna dada deyalß nibbuala [anogalb ald da Snadqafe ne auq oß daeß os boll vffatoagee eoalaq eda to aedeg and dguosdt steooa eett mid badnang bua bad odw ,bammeduk laß galk edd dlaly of basnaw ed emlt yna -atb edd bnedja os bekes anw .yovne na ea baalfok od need 201 zodlalv-dalfgna bedalugnts -i3ldez ads mot deaupet sld bodaegor deed IimqA ds no bealmong gnla eds amla alde bna vjaend zomzot eds to noldmo no edob eew gntddon . sevewod .emld gnof e zos, ca ob od
.5 adon .2 .deer ,dees samodt , zeseogdor
15 May Best seized a Portuguese ship which had Just arrived from Malacca. This Incensed the king and he threatened to arrest all English merchants If the ship were not released. After much argument with the king Best yielded and gave up the ship, which pleased the king very much. He conferred upon Best the title of "Orangkaya Putl" or White Noble, and sold him his own benzoin at 25 tael per bahar although the market price was 35 tael. He also promised to give Best a nl06 "letter of favoure unto Pryaman.
Best found many Oujaratls at the port and the market glutted with Oujaratl cloth. This was because Sultan Iskandar Muda had excluded the Gujaratl traders from all places of his kingdom except the port of Acheh.10' When the Portuguese ship was threatened by the English, the Oujaratls warned them of the coming danger and offered to take their merchandise In safe custody for a small charge. On 27 May Mallm Oanl, captain of a Oujaratl ship and a friend of the English in western India, brought news of the granting of a firman to the English by the Mogul Rrcperor Jahangir permitting them to set up a factory at Surat.
On 20 June the king of Acheh seized a Gujaratl ship because it had been to Perak, the enemy of Acheh. The rich merchandise of the ship was confiscated and the men were deisam edé bns dnoq adt da aldazatud vnam bnuot dsoa tabnakeI natfuß omvased sawaldt ddolo taezatuo dlw beddulg eld To seomlg Ile most atebana ldazalud edt bobufoxe bad abuk eaeuguanoq eds nedW Sor,dedoA To Jroq ent aqeoxe mobgala bensaw éljazatuo edd ,dalfgna eds td beneseezds saw qide -tom ttedt eiet ot bezotto bns tegnab gnlmoo eda To mend mifaM yaM (S no égiado Ifama a tot tbodapo alee nI ealbnaño delfgn eda to bnelat a bna qida Idazatuo a to nładqeo luso nemilt a to galdneng edt lo awen adguond elbnl nzeteew nl moda gataslateg slgnadat toteqam Iugon edt td daligna eda os danda da gdodoat a qu dea od
bevisna Jast bad doldw qlde eseugudmot a beslea daed tam I os banedeordd ed bas gnld edt boanoont slnt mooafak most bonaefen Jon ezow qlda edt it ednadozom dalfgós fls deazza qu svey bus beblely deed gald ent dalw dnemwata doe vostà beszalnoo e doum tiev gnld eda besaeiq doldw qida edd pns eldok odldw to "tdut atangnszo" to elals oda Jaol noqu ads dguoddla fadad loq Iead 2s da alosned owo ald mld bios a daed evlg ot boslmosq cale eß leas E eaw eolzq dokzem dofe.namayiq odnu evevat lo zaddef"
qida Idazalu0 e beslea dedoA to gntl ods enet OS no doti ent dedoA to tmede eds deiet os need bad il eausoed azew nom edt bna bejmoallnos saw qide edt lo ealbnadozow
.02-22 1.brard0r .ors .I ...STor made slaves. The troubled Oujaratls sought BeBt's help. Best gave shelter to the son of the captain of the confiscated ship but his pleading with the Sultan for the release of four of the chief men failed. He even went as far as to offer the king two pieces of ordnance from the Dragon.10^ The king remained unmoved. Best redeemed one of the slaves, whom he called Mahmud the broker, who knew Portuguese, and took him along with him to the west coast of 1 Sumatra.
Meanwhile the king continued to keep the promise of a favourable letter to Prlaman hanging before Best and at the same time pressed him to buy some of the Oujaratl cloth which he had recently confiscated. Best agreed to see the goods and took along with him Mallm Oani for his advice. The English merchants and the king's officers could not agree on price and so the sale did not take place.
On 7 July came the promised royal letter for Priaman. Best was extremely disappointed to find that the king had not granted the exemption from customs which he had 11 2 « -, promised.
109L.R., I, 271.
8or qiod aissed sdguce sldazstuo beiduond edt sevaia abam -noo edd to aledqeo ed to doa edá os zedieda aveg deoß -es eda lot netfuå edd dilw galbaslg ald sud qlde bedeoalt tet aa tnaw neve el bellat nem leldo eds 3o muot to ezaal add mort sonanbzo to teoelg owd gald edd zetto os es To ano bemoeber dmed ,bevommu benlamen gazs ent Por.nogazt -udzol wenl odw , zeñond eds bumdal bellao ed modw ,tevala edt
to tesoo jeew edd oj mid dalw gnola mild koot boa , eseug orf,ardamue .d81.82.3ae8 8smonT , 7edaog801 .1SS .I ..B.JPO1 4à Jme8 bsmodt . zejaoqoll ETE DIDISES
a to eslmozq eda qoek os beunlanoo galk edt oltdwmeen and da boa feeß ezoled galgnad nemaint od noddef eidanuoyat doldw diolo tdazstuo edd to emos vud od mid beasezg omis emme aboog edt oea os beezge jaed .bejaoslnoo vidneced bad ed edt veolvba ald mot lnat mlleM mid ddiw gaofa Mood bés do eezga don bivoo azepltto e'gntk eda bna ednsdozam dellgoß II1 aoeiq oled don bib efas edd on bms eoinq namalat zot mediel fagoz bealmonq odt emao viut y no bad galk eda dadá bni? od bednłoggezlb viemazdze saw deeß bad ed doldw amojawo mos't nolsqmeze eda bednazg don JIS .beslmorq
Best left Acheh on 12 July 1613 with a reply to King James's letter and a few presents. •* He gave up the house and like Lancaster left practically nothing behind. ^ On the eve of his departure the king wanted Best to urge the king of England to send two white women. He promised that if he had a son by one of them he would make him the king of Priaman, so that the English merchants could go to their llÇ "owne English king" for pepper.
Best brought from India 3500 pounds sterling worth of goods for Acheh and Priaman.116 These however did not sell at Acheh. The market, as we have seen, was glutted with Gujaratl cloth. Only high quality fine white calicoes from Broach were In demand.117 Best, therefore, bought up about 600 Tael (about 21+00 Rials) worth of Oujaratl cloth at Acheh to take to Tlku.118 The king of Acheh bought from him I3OO small bars of Iron.119 Iron was greatly in demand at Acheh because the king needed it for his preparations for war against his neighbours.
113These were a krls of gold set with precious stones, a lance enamelled with gold, 1+ pieces of muslin, 8 camphor dishes (Ibid., 58).
1 %bld. , 171+, 213.
lo dizow antizeva abnuoq 002t albal mont adgoond dee8 Ifet Jon bib zevewod oredt dff,namalzt bns dedoA mol aboog zaw mo't anoldamagazq sid sot at bebesn goli edd esusoed snwoddglen ald tenlegs
gatà ot giget a dalu Eiòi giut Sf no dodoa dlel dasß eanon adi qu evag em Eff,aineserq wel a bne zesdel aleamst no diff balded golddon vffaoldommq dlel zoteaodad all bas ads egw od deed betnaw gníi edt awtnaqeb ald lo ave edt Jadt bealmonq eß nemow esldw owa bnes ot baaignk to anlk to yoix edt mid exam biuow ad mada to ono td nos a bad ed 11 zleda od og biuoo ednadozem daliana edi dads os ,damalnt 2ff,toqgeq zot "gald dellgn emeo"
dtiv bedjufg amw nege avad aw sa , teiiem odt dedoA de mont aooolfao esldw enlt tallawp dgld yino ddolo dazatuo Juode, qu adguod ezotezeda daed SII.baameb nt ezew dozon8 dedoa da ddofo ldanatuo to dañow (afata Oods dpoda) Ieat 00? o0gf mld most adguod dadsa to gazk edt brf miit od wlad os dedoa sa bnamob al visasng eaw nonl ell.nosl to avad Ilama
Bonode azoloozq dalw fea blog lo elmd a djow ementeff vodgmao 8 ,nllaum lo aeoałg à ,biog dalw bellamane eonal a .(82 .bidI) meda1b
.TES .I ...
.12 .0 emmod ,o9
On 7 August I613 Best arrived at Tlku, on the west coast of Sumatra. He was the first English merchant to come with a licence from Iskandar Muda. The governor of Tlku received him with due ceremony and the letter was read out to the assembled merchants. At first, Just as with Keeling and John Jourdain, the local officials tried to push up the price of pepper. They asked 20 Rials per bahar of pepper while Best offered 11+ Rials. Meanwhile the English were approached by local officials of Passaman, the nearby port which had already been visited by English merchants in l6l2. The Scrlvano (writer or registrar) of Passaman asked l6 Rials per bahar of pepper. The negotiations with Passaman brought down the price at Tlku where agreement was reached at l8 Rials per 120 bahar (386 lbs.). Best could also barter some of his Gujaratl cloth for pepper at reasonable rates. The Governor agreed to give 1 bahar of pepper for 8 pieces of blue Baftas of 3 1/2 Mamoodie a piece.121 Since 5 Mamoodies made 1 Rial the price comes to a little less than 6 Rials per bahar, which was about what Bradshaw had paid.
Trade was held up because the Oovernor demanded new customs and anchorage duties which Best refused to pay. On 30 October Best left the Hoslander to carry on trade at Tlku and left for Bantam.
Jenoo daew oda no ,niit da bovinia deoß Éids saugua T no dalw ewmo ot snadonom dalfgna sazlt ada sew eß artanwa to bevlenet pilt lo zonzevog ant mbu mabnaial most eoneoli s edd od duo baet mew neddef edd bns yoomezao eub dálw mid bns gnlleeX dolv ae daot , dazlt aadnadozom beldmenma estig eda qu dauq od belnd afalolito Iaool edt plabwot adot efídw zeqqeg to zadad moq síaln os bexes tedt , zeggeq to bedosozgqe ezew dalfgnz ent efldwnash sfaln kl bezelto deeß ald to gmos nednd oals bluco deaß OSI. (.adI à8E) tadad todmavo0 ed? .madas eidanoeden 2a zeqqeq vo2 ddolo Jdazaluo aadiad auíd to sevelq 8 sot seqqeq lo tadad I evig od baangs Ia18 1 ebem melboomaM 2 eont8 1S1,boelq a slboomaM S\s £ 3o madad zoq afain d nedd eael efddit a od somoo eolnq eds blaq bad wadabazß dady suoda amw dołdw wen baboameb zonzevod eda sauaoed qu bied saw ebast no yeq os beauten dseß doldi eeldub egezodons baa amotazo ux1t da ebatt no vizeo ca gebnelsoß eds dial daeß zedodoo Og madnaß zot alel bae
bad doldw dmoq ydzeon oda namassat lo alalolitto fmool td edt Slòl nł adnadozem daligoß yd hevlalv meod ybaenía zeq afaln di belza namaeaeß to (zmzdalgez so tedlmv) onavitos awob sdguond mamaseat dalw enoldeldogen edt .geggeq to sadad seq alalß Bí da bodomez aaw anemaezge ezodw wiit de eolmq odd
.da ..bldrsr
Best'B voyage from Surat down the west coast of India to Acheh and again from Acheh via the west coast of Sumatra to Bantam established a line of English trade which followed the route traditionally taken by the Gujaratls. The foundation of the Surat factory gave the English direct access to Gujarati cloth and thereby enhanced their Importance as traders In the market of Acheh. This coincided with a temporary rupture of relations between the Gujarati merchants and the king of Acheh. Already the king had forced the Gujaratls to confine their trade exclusively to Acheh. In I6I3 his honouring of Best and confiscation of a Gujarati vessel emphasised the contrast between the English and Gujarati position in Acheh. Then there was another factor.
In the same year, during the Achenese attack on Johore, the Dutch had helped Johore. During Best's stay at Acheh the victorious fleet returned with Johorlte and Dutch prisoners. The straining of relations with the Dutch, who had annoyed the Sultan by not helping him with ahlps against his enemies, made the alliance with the English all the more valuable. Yet the king of Acheh was not prepared to make any undue concessions to the English. He granted a licence to the English so that they might be induced to trade in Acheh but he saw no reason why he should ratify those provisions of the previous agreement which gave the English a special position in the trade of Acheh. The Sultan was courteous but inflexible in his determination to pursue an Independent policy.
os sibnt to daaoo teew odt awob daws most agayov s'daes oj azjamw& to Jazco deew adt aly dodoå mont niage bna dedoa adt bowoffot doldw ebass deligna to snlf a bedalidadee madnaß noltabnwot edt eltazatud eda td nedad vffanotsbans atuos os ceoooe doottb dallgnd end oves ttodaat danw8 end 2o ae eonadzoqml złedd beonadne ydezeda bna daolo Idazatod -mot a diiw boblontco sldt dadoa lo textam eds al stobais sdnadonam ljazatud sds neowded anoldafes to eudquz yzazoq eds beozot bed gnld eds pbeezfa dedoA lo gaik eds bae nI dedoA ot vlevleuloxe ebèzs slodt enltado os sldatatuo Idazatut s to noldaceltnoo bam deed to galwonod ald gfèl bna defignß eds deewded deandnoo edd besleadqme fensev modoat teddona saw ozedt nont .dedok nI noldlaoq Idazetud etodot no aoajda oeanadoA ena gnlwb , taey emea ans n dedoà da tase a'desa gntzut esodot beqlod bad daaud eds dejud bne ejlnonot daiw benzudet Jeslt amolsetalv ens odw dosul ent dilw anoidafoz lo galalaida ent azenoalaq danlaga sgida dalw mln galqied don yd hadiua ens boyonne bed ezom eda Ile dalign3 edd datw eonallla eda ebam , eelmene ald olam of bevaqenq Jon saw dedók lo ynld ens dey ,eldaniav enneolf a bedheng oß .dalignk edt ot eholaseonoo eubnw tna al ebaia ot booubnt ed angim teda Jadt da daligna eda os vozq esodd ktldas biuode ed ydw nosaet on was ed dud dodok a dalfgnK edt avag doldw Jnomoengs apolvenq eds lo anołaly aaw nadluß adt dedoA to abazd edd nl notdleoq fatooge na euetug ot notdanlmzadeb sld al eldixeltal dud svoetwoo .tollog Jnebneqabal
It took the English Company another year before It could take any advantage of the favourable situation at Acheh. Early in I6l5 the English had to fight the Portuguese again In the waters of western India before the factory at Surat could be put on a stable foundation. By that time It had been discovered that Surat was the only place which could take In substantial amounts of the goods brought by the English ships. English broadcloth was not much In demand but ivory, lead, tin, quicksilver, vermlllion, and sword122 blades were readily sold. In that year the English began to buy in Broach (west coast of India) certain types of cloth which were especially In demand in the market of Prlaman, Tiku and the Red Sea area.*23
The Hector arrived In Acheh from Surat on 15 April I6l5 with a large consignment of Gujarati cloth (6500 pieces). ^ John Oxwick, who carried on negotiations with the king, was not the right man for the Job with which he was entrusted. His rough manners annoyed the king and the issue of a licence was delayed. The other English merchants then approached the Orangkaya Laxamana, who first wanted to buy on his own account Ij. or 5 bahara of Iron, which the English agreed to sell. The Laxamana warned the Engliah that Oxwick should not go to di emoled maey zeddona yneqmoo dallgam add doot aI da nołdaugle aldamwovat ens lo agadnevba yna oxad bíuoo -uazot eda adglt of bad dellgnß ads Ziàl ai yisae dedoà Viojoat ads ezolod albnl nzejaew 2o azetav odd al alage esaug amli dana va noldabnuol aldass a no duq ed biuoo danw& de doldw eoafq yino ads eaw datuE dads bonevooalb need bed 31 ud adguond aboog eds lo adnwoma fsldnasadue nl elas biuoo bnameb at doum don aew djolobaond deligns ,eglda daligna edt -bzowa bns ,moilflmzey ,zevilakolup ais,baei troyl dud neged dallgnd edt sesy Jada nI SSr,bioa yiibaox ezew eabeld dofo To eegys nladzeo (albal lo Jeaco daew) domona ai yud o nemalut to dexzaw ena dt bnameb al vifaloeqae onaw doldw
(ST.mets aee beß eds bna palT
PrdI flaqA 2i do dazue mor? dedoA at bevlane modeel ent iSI.(mecelg.00zd) dielo tdmualuo lo onemnglanoo egzal a dilw aaw ghik end dalw anoldaldogen no betetao odw dolwxo ndot bedaugtoe aew ad doldy dilw dol eda tol nam ddglz edt don eonaoll a to euaal end bna gnlk edd begonna azannam dguoß alß edd bedoaozqqe pads adnadozem dellgnk medao ent .beyafeb aew -on owo ald no yud ot betnaw dazlt odw , bnamexed ayelgnasó lles od beerga dalfgna eda doldy , nozt to azaded 2 so dà dnveo od ca don bluode Kolwxó dads dallgok edt benzew anamaxad edt
de..blaresr
.E8 .9S1 ..brdx4SI the court any more and that with good words they might obtain 12Ç their desire but with bad words never. ~ Oxwick was removed from authority and Arthur Spaight took up the dealings with the king of Acheh. On 27 June the English finally got their licence but "it cost dear." A total sum of 150 pounds sterling was spent, besides an anchor, a gun, and some 126 powder. The English were granted permission to trade at le at 127 Tiku and Prlaman and were asked to leave a factory at Acheh
On 21 June the Thomas arrived from Bantam via the west coast of Sumatra. The merchants of the Hector tried to dissuade the men of the Thomas from landing as they had already secured a licence. A debate followed and finally the men of the Thomas decided to land and try to collect another licence for setting up a factory at Tlku. The rivalry between the factors of the English Company of course brought more presents to the king who finally granted a second licence to the merchants of the Thomas. At his Insistence Samuel Juxon of the Hector and William Nicolls of the Thomas were left at Acheh with some stock at their disposal.
The Hector arrived at Tlku early In October. The local traders, probably expecting the Thomas to show up, were not nłaado ddálm teda abzow boog daly tadt bna ezom kna dwoo eds -et ehw dolwxo 2SI.zeven abzow bad dalw dud ezleeb sleda agolfeeb edt qu Nood ddglaqB zudana bna vilnodaua most bavom doa xffanit dalfgol edt enut 1S n0 dodoa lo gall edd dala abawoq O1 to mre Iadod A "gaeb deoo a1" snd eoneolf steds ewoa bne nwg a , zodona na dblaed ,dnega aáw gnllzeda da ebana c molaelmieq bejnarg ezew dallga edt ASI zabwoq TSJ , dedoà da yzodoat a evaeí ot bexas ezew bna nadalal bns uil deew end alv madnat mort bevlnts gamont adt enut IS no -slh ot belns godooß eda to ednedotem edt .azdamua to Jeaoo gbeasfe bad yoda aa galbdal most eamont ede lo nem ent ebaue to nem eds vffanit bna bowoffol edadeb A ,éoneoll a bowoes bonepll sentona toeffoo os tis bna bnal os beblneb samodt eda eda noawded vaiavli edt .uilt da yaotoal a qu galadet zot adnecezq ezos ddguond eawoo to gaeqmob dallgnß and lo ezcdosl
add od opneoll bnooet a bednana vilanlt onw gntd edt ot to monut Iouma& sonedelaal eld sA anmodt edd to adnadotam de slol ezow aamont eds No alfoolk mallfiW bma zojoon edi BST.lasoqaib alada Sa Kocda emoe dilu dadoA [mpol ant tedodoo al vizae milt da bovltne gotonn odt jon anew ,qu wone od aamodt edd gntdoaqxa yidadong , ezsbasd
.101-Ze .IXX-XX .III ..8.3dSI 159-15 eager to open business immediately. They asked 50 Rlala as the price of pepper per bahar but agreed to bring It down to 15 Rials. At this point (27 October) the Thomas appeared 129 and immediately the price of pepper shot up to 30 Rials. Once more the factors of the Company engaged In a debate as to which ship should stay and which should go. The merchants of the Thomas claimed they had a better licence for they had permission to trade at Tiku for two years while the Hector could trade only for eight months. The Hector yielded and was about to leave when the local officials and the merchants informed them that the Hector's licence was as good as that of the Thomas and further that if the Hector did not want to take advantage of the king's licence then they would not trade with the English at all. This threat enabled the merchants of the Hector to compel the men of the Thomas to disclose the contents of their licence and compare the two. As John Hlllward of the Thomas did not have the original copy of the licence the English collected it from the Serivano (the writer). It was found that while the Thoraa3 had licence to trade for two years, the trade was to be confined at Tiku only. The Hector, on the other hand, was granted trade at Tlku, Barus and Prlaman and no time limit was set. The dispute was therefore finally settled in favour of the Hector and the Thomas decided to leave. ^ efaiß 02 boxee tent viejalbemmt aaentaud nago od zegae awob a1 galnd os beazga dud taded zeq taggoq lo eolaq edd ea bozmegqa mmmong eda (redodco TS) dnzog aldd da ,sIsin 2I oo PSI.efath OE od qu Jode zeggeq to olzg edd kievatbemat bas as eaadeb a ni begagne ynaqmo eda lo szotoat eda azom eono edcadotem ent og biuode doldw bha teas biuode qida dolde os bad yens tot soneoll naided e bad Yedt bemlalo bemodt edd to godoeß end eltdw ezaey owd zot wmilt da eband of noleelmmeq bne bebfely zosoeh ent adjnom ddato tot yfno ebatt bisoo atnadotem eda bna 'slelolllo Iaool edt nodw evael ot ducda amw fadd as boog as saw eoneoll aizodpeß edd Jadd meds bemzotal of anaw don bib gojoeß ent at dadd tedtwt bas aamont end lo Jon bluqw vedt nedd soneoll a'gnłk edt to egadnavba eiad eda baldano Jmemid alnt fla da daligna edd dalw ebait os samont edt lo nam adz leqmoo od zotoel edd lo adnanozem. .ows edt azsqmoo bne eoneslr miedd to asnednoo end eaoloslb [anlgtio eds eved don bib samont edt lo beewffiM ndot eA ent most al besoellon delfgnk eda eoneoll eds to kqoo aamont edd elldw tant bnwot saw al . (sellew end) onaviiel ad od ank ebazd edd , atsey owd to't ebasz aa eoneolí bed naw , baed seddo ena no gojoeß ent vigo uilt ss benltnoo simll amld on bna memalat boa aunaß ukit da obana beanarg zwovat ni balajes vllanlt enolezeda eaw ejugalb adt .des saw OEf,evesl oz bebloob eamont ens bna gosgeß edd to
.OSS ,.PIAIPSI .SSS .PIDIOEI
The whole episode showed that the Achenese officials and traders were getting accustomed to competition among European ships for the trade of Acheh. What happened between the merchants of the same Company could as well happen between nations and this was something which they always welcomed.
The English merchants at Acheh were instructed to send their accounts to Bantam, which was the headquarters for the southern factories. They were asked not to detail the ships beyond 15 September when the eastern monsoon set In. The ships had to assemble at Bantam around that time to get ready for the homeward voyage to London, which took place between November and February.
The petty rivalry between the factors of the English East India Company did not stand In the way of their establishing themselves in the trade of Acheh. The AngloPortuguese conflict in the west coast of India had temporarily dislocated the Gujarati trade with Acheh. In I6l5 the English noticed in Acheh that "the Gogeratta bring no goods thither as they were wont to do, whereby the town is utterly unfurnished."132 Between I6l5 and I6l8 the English drove a flourishing trade in Acheh. In July I616 Keeling renewed the licence for two years.
afaloltto esenedoA eds Jads bowoda eboelge efodw ed? gnoma doljijeqmoo os bemodanobe gnlddeg ezew szebais bna noowded baneqqad JedW dedoA To ebesd adé zolt sqíde neagorwz -ed neqqad Ifow ea bivoo ynagmoD emaa edd to sanadozem edd -fow agawfe yedt doldw gniddemoa eaw aldt boa anoldan noowt ,bemoo
baee ot bédountent ezow dedoÀ da sdnadozom dellgnd ent odd not zzettaupbaed edt saw doldw matnaß od sdnwoooa słend aqida edt fiajeb od don bedea ezew vent asłzodoat niedduce ent int Jea docanom nzedane edt nedw tedmadgee ZI bnoyed deg os adłd sans bnuoza masnaß da eIdmeeae od bad egída epsiq doót doldw nobnod os ogayov biawomod ads zot ybees IEE yzauzdet bns todmevok neewded delignà eds lo azotoal eda noowded vilavit vsjeg ed? -dajas słedt to yaw end az bmess don bib ynaqmoo slbal seeß -ofynA ent dedoA To ebard ent nt mevfeemadd goldall -togmed bad albal lo dasoo deew edd nl dalfinco obeugudnog Siòr al .dedoA dslw oband tdelatut end bedmoolalb vflma on aatid adjategot eda" dedt dodoa at beoldon dallgna eda al nwos ans ydevedw , ob od anow etow yedd aa zedtldt aboog dellgnß ede Bial bna Ziòl neewded Stfm.bedaldnrinw vizetdu zatfeex dldl vfut ni' .dedoa al abant ynldaltwefi a evorb Eeze ow zol donel en bawne
.P2 .12 1.bIGIIES .e ...
The growing Importance of the English In Acheh's trade directly affected the Interests of the Oujaratl traders. Mlllward wrote In 1615 that the Gujaratls of Acheh "live very slavish to the king, and yet many of them of great wealth and credit." He found them to be the greatest enemy of the English and "especially for our settling at Achen, a place which heretofore hath been very profitable unto them, which now they are like utterly to be deprived of."1^" It seems that In l6l6 they made an attempt to recover their lost position. In Acheh, the only way to do this was to win over the king by heavy presentation. We have no way of knowing what went on behind the scenes but from what the king said to William Nlcolls It becam«) clear that the Gujaratls were trying to stage a comeback. The king told William Hlcolls that the reason why he did not want the English to establish themselves permanently at Tlku was that It would hurt the Gujaratls. Nlcolls wrote In a letter to Bantam: "His drift Is that If the Gogeratts' shipping come hither and we remain at Tocoo we shall dlsposses them of their wonted reladlng of pepper by our continual buying It up."
The other argument of the king was that his nobles would also suffer, as they were accustomed to make a profit abant s dedaà ni datfgn? edt 2o eonadzogml gnłwozg edt
,emebazd Idazalue edr to adaazednl add bedootte vidoezlb evil" dedoa to sidazatud edo dand Ziòl al edonw brawilin deeng to modd lo tdem dey bna yoli edd ot dalvafa trey gmane deedaeng edd ed os meda bguo'l ek ".slbeno bne dtleew a medoA da aaliodes wo nol vllaloagee" bne deligna ada lo medd cda aldadllozq kzev meed ddad esoltotezed doldw eosiq dI dEfn to bevlnqeb ed od xizeddu ell eza tedd won doldw słeda zevovat oz dqmedda na ebem yeda dídl nł dadd amees alw ot eew alda pb od vaw vino oda dedoa dI nolalaoq deol To yaw on evad ow vnoldadnesenq yvaed yd gnlk eda sevo gatá eda dadi mont aud senece edd balded no dnow tadw gałwonł aldazatuo eda dads mweio emaood al alfoolé maliliw od blea malfriw blos galx ent doademoo a egata ot galynd ozew os dalfgnà edó dnaw don bib ed ydw noeaes edd dada elloolk biyow dl dadd eaw ulit da yiagonamieg nevleamodd dalidadue smatnaß os mejdel e nl edome slfoolk .aldazatu0 edd azud medild emóo anlgqlde ledsatego0 edd ti dadd al dllib aly" zleds lo medt senaoqalh ffads sw papet da, nlamet ew bas dElequ sl golyad faumidnoo wo kd reggoq lo galbaler bednow adídoo sld dada eaw golk adó lo dnemwgis seddo edt llonq a eknm oj bemesenooa evew yeda as ,seltue osis biuow
.BSS ,III ..H.UEI
.ST ,VI ..B.
out of buying Gujaratl cloth at Acheh and sending it to the west coast.
Meanwhile the Governor of Tlku and his subordinates were taking full advantage of tho English trade on the west coast of Sumatra. The English factors found them to be of an "Insatiable griping disposition" and feared that they will soon take the entire trade In their hands.13' Since they had the scale In their hands it was not at all difficult for them to interfere with the normal processes of trade. They prevented the poor people of the area and the local Gujaratl merchants from trading with the English and thereby put I38 pressure on the English to trade on their terms.
In September I6I6 the king of Acheh sent a new officer Addlck Raja to the west coast. With him came the richest Gujaratl merchants of Acheh. Mlllward suspected that they were "Factors from the king to buy up all the pepper and so divert the trade from this place to Achem." 39 Hl a auaplclon was confirmed when Addlck Raja advised the English to sell less cloth for money or pepper. The purpose of this move, as he guessed, was "to draw the price of English goods within
13É W . cit.
^ibld., 165.
1 38LOÇ . dt .
139Ibld., 168.
tuq gdazeds boa daligna eda dalw galbasd most adnadozem
eda os dt gnibnea bne dedoA da dools lsanatuo galyud to duo des .38000 Jaew ezow sedanlbzodua ald bna uilt to zonzevo0 edd ofldwneeß dssoo dasw edt no ebana dallgna eda to egadnavbe Ifut snliad a na lo ed od meda bnuot azodoat dellgnk ent ,asdemre to Iilw veda dada bezasl bna "nolaleogalb aniging aldaldesal" bad vadd eonia TEr.abnad sledt al aband esldne edt exat nooa modd tot diuolilib Ile ds don saw dl abnad tledd al efeoa ada -enq yedt sbant lo aesseponq lmmmon edd dilw ezolzetnl os IdazatuD laool edd bna eens edd To elqoag mooq edd bedney
BEE amzad zleds go eband os delfgnà edi do enueseng zeolito wen a anes dedoA lo gnlx ens didl pedmodqe2 nl deadołt eda emao mid daiw dasoo deaw add ot alaß plolbbA tena dads bedoegaue bmawillM dodoà So sdnadonem Itazatuó os bas doggeq edt lla qu tod os gnik ena moat anotoast enaw nololgava alB PEfn.medoA os coaiq alda mort ebart ada dmovib Iles od dalfyns add beslvba alel lolbbA nede bemillnoo saw evom elds to asoqoq adt .negqeg to yenom to? djofo eeef nldtlw aboog dallgnd to eolnq eds waib od" eaw ,beasang ed as
.310 -00J0E1
.281 ..DIOITES
10.8
.Bor ..blaxer the compass of those rates prescribed unto him by the king „IkO for sale of his own goods.
The sending of an officer endowed with great authority signified something new. So far the king was content with Issuing licences from Acheh. All those who wanted to trade on the west coast had to go to Acheh and give heavy presents to get the licence. Prom now on, however, the king began to draw away much of the pepper from the west coast to the port of Acheh. Royal Junks began to collect pepper directly from the west coast.^^ There Is no evidence of the continuation of the partnership between the king and the Gujaratls which Mlllward suspected. The Gujaratls continued to trade at Acheh but they could not regain the dominant position they had once enjoyed In the trade of Sumatra. The king went on extending his grip over the trade between Acheh and the west coast of Sumatra.
As for the local officers and big merchants Mlllward wrote that their aim was "to serve the country with cloth and the English with pepper."1^ 2 This was exactly what the king tried to do. He wanted to sell pepper to the English and supply the people of the west coast, his own subjects, with cloth. To get pepper was easy enough but to get cloth was gnlx edá yd mid odnu bedinozenq setaz eaodt lo amaqmoo eda Ojfn.aboog awo ald lo efee zol valzoddua daang dalw bawobne seoltlo na lo galbnea adt dałwy dnednoo eaw gnik add sat oß wen goldtemos belllagłe ebend od besnew odw enodd fiA dedoA mont asoneoll gnluaal adnpsezq vvaed evig bna dadoa oo og oa bed dasoo deew eda no naged galk edd , tavawod no won mots .soneold ede dog ot add od deaoo deew edd most segqeq edd lo doum kava wazb oj pídoemib-meqqeq dosffoo of naged annot fatoß ,dedoà to anoq -noo edd to sonebiva on at ezant fif desoo deew add most eda bon gniá edd neavted gidazenanaq edd lo noldapnta beunlsnoo aljatatuo edt .befoeqaue bnewlliM dotdw sldezatuo dnanlmab ada alages ton biuoo yeda dud dedoa da abaza o ent aidamua lo abazd edd nl begotne eono bad yeds nolakeoq dedoà naawded obasd edt vavo qłna sld golbnedze do dnew goti aijawa to dasóo daew ada baa brawiliM adnadozam gid bna ezoollto faool end mo't eA bda diolo dalw yianuo edd evzes oa". sew mle ziedi sadd ajonw gald ens dedw widoaxe eaw slnt Sifu, toqqeq dalw dellgnk eds boa delfgnd eda os segqeq flez od bejnaw aß ob od belad dalw , adostdue nwo ald demos daew ens to elgoeq ods tiqque eaw ddolo deg of dud dauone gase asw zoqgeq deg ot .ddolo
.310 .30.30
.IN1 .V ...1
.201 .b2dEsdr somewhat difficult. The Achenese could not got it directly from India. It had to be got mainly from either the English or the Gujaratls. The king therefore kept the door opeji to both the English and the Gujaratls. He blew hot and cold so that the English might not get full control of the cloth and pepper trade and yet continue to come. The king followed a policy of minor concessions and firm control. The English were disgusted with this policy but as long as they could not get enough pepper elsewhere they had to come.
Being the ruler of the country he had no difficulty in controlling the trade. His technique was "to prescribe a price both for goods and pepper and to give his officers power to constrain the people to buy and sell with him at that rate."1^
Meanwhile the English were becoming more and more aware of the possibilities of the trade with the Coromandel Coast. The Dutch had been exploiting this sector for quite some time. Having established themselves firmly on the west coast of India the English now turned to the trade between the Coromandel Coast and Acheh. In January I6l6 William Nlcolls reported that he had bought 6,000 pieces of steel called Besse Mallella, which sold very well at Tiku. Several types of Massullpatam cloth—the Tappie Chindas, the vidosiłb dl deg don biuoo esanadoà edt aluolltib dadwemon delfgnà eda zedtle mott vialam doa ed oa bad aI slbaI mort od nego toob eds dgod erolerads ghlk ent .slsasatud adt to oa bioo bna dod weid eß aldasatud eda bne datfgnd oda dáod bna ddolo sda lo Iortnoo fiui deg don adglm datfgnk edt aena à bowollot gnlk ent amoo os aunldnoo dot bns ebasd neggeg dellgnd adt ,fostnoo milt bns anoleveonob gonlm to volfog biuoo yedd sn gnoł ea vud volloq elna datw botmugetb ezaw emoo os bed yoda ozedwesie zogqeq dguone dog don nt vdluolitib on bad ed tianwoo edt to nolus odd anleß a edtmosenq ej" eaw euptadcét ei abans edd anlflozanoo stesttto ald avig of bne meqqeq bae aboog zot daod eolaq dn mid dalw ffee baa tud os elgoag eda nłastedoo ba novoq Edía.otan dana elawe ezóm bna ezom gnlmobad ezew delfgoß and elldwnne daacù Tebnamonoß eda dlw abano edd so aeldtlidlasoq end to emld emoe etlup mot todoea sids galdiolgxe nosd bad Hoduß ed? lo demoo deow edt no kimnit savlsemoda bedalidatee galval add noewded ebert edd os bonnwa won dellgnd edd albal elloolw mallliW drdl vzaunat nl dedoA bra daeoß IebnmmozoO beflao Jasdm to saoelg Oo0;ò ddguod bed ed dadd bedmoqes 山 Islove2 ullt da flew yuev blon doldw ,mllellak ensed eda . mabnido elqqet eda--ddolo madaqlluseak to Beqys
r ..
Selllmbot Irassir, and the Tappie Serrassirs could be bought at Acheh from the Massulipatem traders. Nlcolls reported 1^5 that these would bring "cento per cento profit" in Bamtam. Thus Acheh became the point of contact of the English trade in Gujaratl as well as Coromandel commodities.
Samuel Bradshaw (1610) estimated the total amount of Indian cloth that oould be sold annually in Sumatra at 150,000 to 17l4.,000 pieces.1^ Of the various types bought by the English, from 2,000 to 3,000 corges (lj.0,000 - 60,000 pieces) of coarse white baftas could be sold. They cost in Surat about 3 mamoodie (or 3 mas) a piece.^ At Acheh they sold for 9 maa a piece, so that the English made a profit of almost 3 to l.1^ Pine white baftas cost from 12 mas to about k.1 mas and the profit on these ranged from 2 I/I4. to 1 to 3 1/2 to 1. + 9 The type of cloth which was in greatest demand was Seala, a coarse cloth costing 1 mamoodie (1 mas) a piece. About 5,000 corges (100,000 pieces) of these sold annually. It is significant that, out of a total estimated amount of 17l4.,000 pieces sold annually in Sumatra, 160,000 pieces were coarse stuff.1^° We cannot generalize on the
U+5LOC. cit. 1^ 8Ibid., I87. 149LQC. cit. 15OL.R., I, 7U-76.
^L.R. , I, 714--76.
147L.R., Ill, 95-101. One corge was equivalent to 20 pieces.
adguod ed biuoo arleaazzea elgqat eds bns tlaaanl dodmifieß bejnoqez alloolk azebant mejaglfueaaM edt mott dodoA tm 24 madmáß at "attozq odneo seq odneo" gałnd biuow osadé dads ebans dalígné ods to doadnoo lo dntoq odt emaoad dedok audt eelalbommoo fobnamozob es llew es ldazatuo al To dnuome fatod end bedamljee (Ofdl) wadabazß Ioumaß da aijamwa al vlledana bios ed biuoo dads ddolo melbnI adguod aegys auolmev edd 2o ddr.sepelg 000,vI os 000,021 000,00- 000,0d) ea3too 000,E of 000,S mom1 ,dal(gnz eda d al deoo vent .blon ed biuoo sadlad esldw eazmoo to (asoelq yods dodoa 3A Tr.abalq s (eam £ no) elboomam E auode Jamue To dllong a ebam deligam eda dadd os ,soelq a cam P zot bloa ad bam St mort deoo atad edidu abl Blr.I od E daomía I os áaí S most baguat eaeda no allonq eda bns aam fl suoda deetaorg nt sak doldw daolo 2o ogud edt Puf.I os S1 É os (vam f) elboomam I gnldaoo ddofo eazaoo a , alasß aaw buameb b1os esedd 2o (asoolq 000,001) eegzo0 000,2 3uodA .soelq s bedemldas fados a lo duo dadd dnealllngle al aI vlfannna 000, Oàf , ezjamu2 at vllaunne blos seoetq 000, iy1 lo anoome ada no eallanenog dannao ok 021.uae esyaoo ezew Beoelg
520 .5032 .- , ... OS os Jaelavlupe eaw enoo eno .101-29 ,111 ,..JTaf .ne0elq
.981 ..b1a1841
.010 ,09 character of the Indian cloth trade with Indonesia until further research brings out the full picture of the trade, but on the basis of the above data one can suggest that a considerable part of the trade was In cheap coarse goods satisfying to the needs of the common people rather than In l5l "valuable high-quality products," as Van Leur suggests.
In 1619 William Klcolls claimed that 58,100 pieces of 152 Surat cloth would sell at Acheh. ' Of these, 30,000 pieces should be Kandikears which cost less than 3 mamoodles (3 mas) a piece. This figure of Nlcolls does not Indicate a contraction of Indian cloth trade In Sumatra since the days of Bradshaw (1610). We should remember that in 1619 the English trade was mostly confined to Acheh proper. Secondly, at Acheh the Gujaratls and Dabul merchants brought a considerable amount of Gujaratl cloth. What Nlcolls calculated was the amount that the English could possibly sell, while Bradshaw's report was In the nature of a general survey of the whole market.
Making profits on the Indian cloth trade at Acheh was not the main objective of the English trade in Sumatra. The English trade In Acheh should be looked upon as subsidiary to the trade between Bantam and England. As pepper
Ilóna slaenobal ddiw ebana dsolo nmlbel edt to tetoatado ebait eds to ezudolq Ilu't ona duo agnlnd dotaezes sedánal a tadd vbeggue mao eno atab evode eda to aland edd no dud aboog eevaoo qaodo nt ask ebatà eda to vtaq eidazabtanoa nl nadt zeddaz elgooq nommoo ona to abeen edt ad gnlylaldes 121 edeeggus zwed nev aa ",adouborq tallmup-dald efdaulav" To mooolq oor, By dads bemlmlo alloolk malifiw Pror nl eobelq.000,0 ,d o2.dedo dbiuaw dolo d celboomam & dadt seel Jeoo doldw ezaaitbnaž ed bfwods -n1 don aeob allooi to ermat eidr £21,eoelq a (nam () sonia azdamu& nl ebent ddolo nalbal to noldoaitnco a ejaslb hł dadt sedmomer blwode eW . (Ordr) wadabazß lo zyab edd Tegonq dedoA od bénttnoo viseom esu ebant deligna ada prài dguond admmdorem Iudel bna altateluo odo dodoA de , tibnooe8 -Iao affoolM sanw ddolo laazetuo to dnocma oIdezoblanoo a fleegidteaoq biuoo dalfgna end dana dawome ods asw bedalus Iareneg a lo enwdan edt nl aaw Jtoges a'wadebasß elldw .deisam elodk eds to toviue eaw dedoA Ja abana ddolo dalbnl edt no asllong gnldah andamué al abana dellgn edt to evldoeldo nlam eds son -due aa nogu bedoof ed bíuoda dedo al ebast dalignd edt zeqqeq aA .bnaigna bne madnaß neowded abant edd os yialbla
EEI , obarT malsenobnI mad nayi2r
.E21 .0K .0.0S21
.sod .ok .0.0E21 could not be bought directly with English commodities, it became necessary to take part in the Indian cloth trade. The profit could be reinvested In pepper which was carried to Bantam to supply the homeward bound ships.
Keeling's (1608) estimate of the total annual produce of the whole of the west coast of Sumatra was 2500 bahara. By 1617, pepper producers of Sumatra had begun to respond to the demand of the European buyers. William Nlcolls wrote In 1617 that with a stock of saleable commodities one could buy yearly "two, three or four thousand bahars of pepper and the more two years hence, the king having set five hundred men to do nothing else but plant pepper here, which In that time will grow to perfection." -^
The success of the English in the pjpper trade can be measured by Jan Pleterszoon Coen's regret that the English had collected from Tlku about 25,000 sacks (1,500,000 lbs. 155 or about 4>0°0 bahara) of pepper in two years (I6I6-I6I8).
In I6I8 the English began to lose their special position. The king's system of monopoly was pulling the trade to Acheh more and more effectively. The Bantam authorities thought William Nlcolls, the English merchant, had a hand In it. William Nlcolls, however, claimed that di selalbommmo deligaa dalw tidoazib dáguod ad don bipoo abant ddofo nelbnl edt nl dzeg exad od yzasascen emaced belsseo sek doldw veageg al bedsevnlet ed biuoo dllozg ent eqida bnood bzawemod edt viqqua od madnad os soubonq launna Iadod eda lo edamltee (8odr) a'gntleeX azadad 002s eaw azsnmw8 To tssoo aeew edd to elodw edd 2o bnogass os nuged bad asdamwe to azeoubozq teqqeq .fidí v8 adotw sffoolk mallliW .aretud naegonwß edd to bnameb ada od biuoo eno seldlbomoo eldaeles to dooda a daly dada fidf al zeqgeq to azaded bnasuodd wot to eezds owa" kiaey yud evlt-dos'gnlved antd ada eoned assay ows ezom edd baa doldw , ezed zagqeq saslq sud esfe galdaon ob os nem bezbnud Rin.nolgoelzeq ad wong lllw emia dade ni ed nao eband seggeq end nl dellgnd odd lo eaccous edt dallgnl eds Jarit zengez mimeod noozezedelß net yd benwasem adi-000,002,1) axoae 000,25 droda ul1t most bedoaffoo bad 221 .(8rdi-òiàr) essey owd al zagqeq lo (azadad 000, d anoda zo [aloega zledt eaof os caged dalfgnd eda Bidl aI ada gatifug maw gfogonom lo majage e'gatd ent dolalaoq matnad ont vievldoetle enom boe ezom dadoÀ os eband dnadomem dalfgak eda , slfooll mallilw sdguods selalmodana dada bemialo ,nevowod ,allonlk mallliw p2e al al boad a bad
.ST.IV ..8.RI
.DEE .I <00021
.292 .08 .0.0025 he had been trying his best to secure an extension of trade at Tlku. The king refused on the ground that his own merchants had become beggars because of the English trading on the west coast of Sumatra.157 The English first tried to get a two years' extension but later asked for four months only to recover their debts. The king refused, expecting, as Nlcolls guessed, the English to buy up his own pepper at Acheh at 12 Tael per bahar.15 Since I6l6 the Dutch had been trying their best to secure a licence for trade In the west coast. In I6l8 they finally got it for two years to the exclusion of the English.159 Meanwhile the Gujaratis and the Dabul merchants had grown into serious competitors to the English. The Dabul merchants were damaging English trade more than any other nation by buying up large amounts of pepper.1 ° Nlcolls suggested that the best way of bringing down the price of pepper was to interfere with Oujarati and especially Dabul shipping. The whole area from the Red Sea to Acheh must be policed to Impress upon the king the strength of the English "and consequently through feare...of cloth" he will be compelled to compromise. In this project the English eband to nolenedxe ne ezwoea od dsed ald gntgas need bad ad nwo ald fada bnuosg ont no beanton aoli adt malt da gnlbent dalfgná ent to eapased azegged emooed bed ednadozam ot belea Jarlt delgn ent T eama to taoo dew eds no adinom mwo't zot bexas tedal dud notaneixe, 'azeey owd a deg galjoeqxe , beanter yaik edt ,sddeb slada zevooat of yino da neqqoq nwo zld qu yud ot deligna eds bessoug effoolk ae bed doaud edt didl eonte B21 madad reg lest SI ta HodoA and al obait tol eoneoll a owone os teed tledd gniyad noed oda oo atmey owt dol at dog vifanit yond Bidl al jewoo dsew edi bna aljatatu0 eda elldvneah e2f.detigna edi to nolauloxe eds od ezotideqmoo suolmez osnl nwong bed adnadozom fudal abant delfgn8gnlgamab ezew edasdozem fuded edt dalfyn8 to edauoma egiaí qu galyud yd doldan zedto yna nadá ezom gatgniad to vaw dead eds dads bedeeagua alleolk Odf.meqgeq bae Idasatuù daly ezelredal os anw toggeg lo eolag add mwob as2 beß end mott mets efodu ent -gnlqqłde fudet gflaloeges dágnaida edt snił ena noqu eaezqal od beslloq ed daum dedoA os ed "diofo to,..elsel dguondt vIdneupaanoo bna" dellgnZ edd lo dellgna eds doetonq alda nI ealmoigmoo os belfeqmoo ad Illw
.S0a .m .0.021 slall d nada mael elaalI a amw Ieat eno .Sod .on .O.g821 .Rd .om .D.0P2I .P20 .0M .0.0001 should invite the cooperation of the Dutch.161 Besides the Asian merchants, who had always been there, there appeared the French. In I617 a French ship had brought some Gujarati and Coromandel cloth to Acheh.162 Even the Dutch had success In Surat and brought some Surat commodities to Acheh.16^
The king was now assured of a supply of Indian, especially Gujarati, cloth. With so many competitors at hand the king could safely set the price of pepper high. Nioolls offered to buy the king's own 500 bahars of pepper at 8 Tael In goods. The king told him that the Dutch had offered 9 Taels In Rials. Nlcolls then offered 10 Taele In goods. The king refused to take anything but Rials. Nlcolls bought 250 bahars at the king's rate. His only satisfaction was that he had deprived the Dutch of 250 bahars.16^ The price of pepper was thus rising and Nlcolls predicted that each year would be worse "by the Hollanders stepping in."l65
The licence secured by Keeling In I616 expired in July I618. For a long time after this the English continued to expect a renewal of the licence. Nlcolls felt frustrated that he had no suitable presents to offer the king. The
I6I0.C. No. 667.
l620.C. No. 595- '
163o.C. No. 667.
164LOÇ. cit.
165o.C. No. 753edé esblaeß fdf,dotul eda to nolaazegooo eda ealvat bimoda benzeqqa ezeds ,ezedd need ayawfa Lad odw , sdnadozem nalek Idezatu0 emoa ddguosd bad qida donest a Tidl aI donest eda scepoua bad dojul ada neva Sdr.dedoA os dtolo IebnamozoD. bna EdI deduA ot aolsibomo dawe smos dapord bas daue at -as nalbnI lo víqque a to bowase won asw gold edt bnad da etodlzegmoo ynam oa daiw ddolo Idatatud vilaloeg alfoolk dgld zoggeq lo eolnq adt des vlatas bioos gnid end Iest 8 ds negqeg to stadad 002 nwo sigald add yud ot basetto p bezelto bed dodzd ads dand mld blos gats edt aboog at edt aboog nl aloat Or bavelto nedd alfoótk .elall at aleat 02S adgnod alloolé elaln dud galddyna alad os beautes antx Jadd caw noldoataldas gíno aiß ,edan a'gnix edt aa asadad lo eolaq adt dar eradad 02s to dodud eda beviageb bad ed zeot dosp dada badslbezq ellooik bne galals auds asw toggeq Zdle.ni galgqeta ezebafioß eda td" eszow ed bluow viut nl beziqxe drdl nł gnłieeÀ yd bezwoes eoneoli edt of baunlanoo daligns da alda zeata omla anof a zos Bldi bedenjaunt dlel sfloolk .eoneolf ada to Iawenel s doegxe adt gnix edd nello od ednezezq eldatlue on bad ed dada
.fod .o .0.oldr
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.410 .0s
.227 .08 .0.0201
Dutch, on the other hand, were giving valuable presents to the king, hoping to get trade for two more years. They even guaranteed him help against the Portuguese In Malacca. Nlcolls still hoped to get a renewal of the licence by being "open fisted."166
On 8 April I6l9 Captain Robert Bonner arrived in Acheh. The presents which he brought with him—a big gun, spangles and dogs--did not satisfy the king. He still refused to grant any licence to the English for trading at Tiku. Finally he agreed to grant It for two months only. Nlcolls sailed with Bonner's fleet to Tlku to help in the collection of pepper for the Dragon.
The renewal of the licence for two months did not help the English at all. When the Dragon was almost fully laden the Dutch took It by force. The year 1619 turned out to bo a bad one for the English In Acheh. The English and the Dutch were competitors In Indonesian trade and right from the beginning of the seventeenth century there had been open conflicts on several occasions. The rivalry between them had so far been confined to the spice islands in the eastern part of the archipelago. In I618, however, the appointment of Jan Pleterszoon Coen as the Governor General of the Netherlands Indies and the arrival of Sir Thomas Dale from England with a naval force helped to extend the Anglo-Dutch od sdneeazq eldaufay ynlvla ezaw bned zedao eda no dodud deve gedt szeet etom owt sot oband deg os gnlgod , gnlk adt mopaiaM at eeeugudzoS eda dantage qled mid beednazaug galed td moneoll add lo fawenez a Jea of baqod ffisa alfoolk ddln,bedal nego"
dedoA nt bevlaza tennoß tsedoß alaaga0 Prar IlaqA 8 n0 aefgnaga nug gid a--mid ddlw ddguond ed doldw edneneiq ent
of boautet ffita eß ,galk eda ylatdes don bib-agob bna uiit da galbata mot dallna eda os eoneoll tna dmeza alfootk eino adinom owt zot al anang os beeaga ed yffants noldoelfoo and al qled os uxit of deelt stzennoß dalw beflme g0ga2g eda tot toqqeg le
qled fon bib adamom owt-sot eoneoll ede to Iawenet edt nebal vllut deomle aaw nogent ent nodw .Iis da delfgnß eda ed od duo benws prat zaet ant -aszot yd al loot dodad adt edá bna daligna edt -dedoA nl dellgna edt zot eno bad a mort adglt bns ebazt naleanobal ol anotijegdoo ezew dodug nego need bad ezedt yawaneo ddneednevea ena So galanlged adt
madt neowded tsfayis edt .anolamono Iazeven no alolllnoo nzotese edd at abnsfal solga edá os benitnco need mat os bed themdnloqqe ena , sevewod Biar nI .ogalegidone ada to diaq
eds 1o JazeneD monzevo0 end as neo0 goozazédelq aat 3o mott olad esmodt sie lo levisza add bns selbaI abnalzeddek dodut-oigaA edd baesxe os begIed eozot Isvan a dtlw bnefgnß rivalry to Sumatra. In October 1619 the Dutch took four Engllah ehlps: the Dragon, the Expedition, the Rose and the Bear off the west coast of Sumatra. Having seized them they bought pepper with the cloth and money of the English ships. Nlcolls went to Acheh with 2,000 Rials to "excite the king against the Dutch," but failed. 7 When the English complained to the king about the Insolence of the Dutch who dared to seize ships at his ports, the king answered: "Silence!" The English had lost favour with the king.
In April 1620 the Bull arrived from England bringing the good news of the signing of an agreement between the English and the Dutch In the previous year (23 February 1619). Both parties agreed to cooperate In bringing down the price of pepper and to share the product equally between them. The English, however, continued to complain that the Dutch were not faithful to the treaty and that consequently the price of pepper could not be lowered.^
The king of Acheh was greatly displeased by the reconciliation between the English and the Dutch. When the English and the Dutch together requested the king for the renewal of the permission to trade on the west coast of Sumatra the king angrily turned them down. He said his own people must also trade. He declared that he did not care wot doot dotud odd Pral nedotoo nl antamie os vrfavle sda bne eaol eds , noltibegxa ads ,nogaz edé taglda daligna vedt meds besłes gnlvah azemwa to jasoo daew eds tlo zaoß aqida daligna edd to yenom bna diofo eda dilw noqqaq adguod anid edd etloxe" os afeln Oo0,S dalw dodoA od dnew alfoolk -moo dallgna eda nenW Tdl,beltat dud ",dodud eda donisga bezab odw dotud edt lo oonafoant edd duoda gnti eds oj bonlaíq "leonelia" ;besewans gnik edd , sdzog atd de aqide exloa os -gnix eda daiw woval deof bad deligna ent gntgalad bnafgna most bevliia fiug ona Osdr flngA nI edt neowtod anameenge as to galngle eds lo even boca edd tzauzdo £S) zeey epolveng oda nł dodut eda bna daligaá meob golgnind al edazegooo o beorga aeldzsq daoß (Pld1 poowded vífaupe Joubonq ada ezada od bna zeqqeq lo eslnq edà eda tadd alalgmoo os beunlamoo , tevewod dalfgaa edt meda kfáneupeanoo sada bna kdeera eda od luhndlat don ezew doduß Bor.bazewol ed ton bluoo reggeq lo aolnq edd -hooez eds yd beeeelgelb vidseng eew dedoA lo gnld ent edt nodw dodud edd bna datlgna edd neewded noldetllo ens zo't gald edt badaoupet zeddegoz dodud eda baa dellgna to Jeaoo daew eds no ebazd od noleslwzed add to Iawenan awo sld blas al mwob meda benzwa viligna gnlł edd azsamwa azao son bib ed dadd bezafoeb em ebaid ckia daum elgoeq
.S8 . .0.0r .6101 .0M .0.0801 for either the English or the Dutch and If necessary he would fight; If the Europeans had 60 ships he would make 600.1 69
The expansion of Acheh around this time cannot be directly ascribed to the Anglo-Dutch agreement of 1619. The expansion of the kingdom had been going on stage by stage 170 since the conquest of Dell (Arn) In 1612.
The conquests of Pahang (I6l8), Kedah (1619), and Perak (1620), however, gave the king direct access to the pepper gardens of the Malay Peninsula. Coen was right when he wrote that the Sultan was trying to draw the entire pepper 171 trade of Sumatra Into hl3 hands. In late 1620 an Acheneae fleet was sent to the west coast of Sumatra and In 1621 a fortress was built In Tlku to keep the local people In check.172
In the face of the expansion of the Acheneae empire and the establishment of royal control over a large part of the pepper-producing area the Dutch and the English could not do anything effective. They could not withdraw their factories from Acheh as In that case the whole advantage would be reaped by the French and the Danes, who had already ed vzassooen ll bne dodud edà no dellgna eda zedtte zot exam bluow ed eqida Od bad anaegotwa edd t sddgit biuow edr.ood -1b ed donnao omld eldd bawoza dedoA lo nolenagxa edt ent Pidl lo dnemeenge dojud-olgnA eds os bedlmona yidoes ogata td ogade no gnloa nend bad mobgnía ada to nolanagne offstar ni (ata) liel to dmeupnao eda conle dazet bne , (Prdl) dabeA , (8ras) gaadas 2o eseupuos ont zeqgeq edd ot szeooa soesib gald end evag ,tavowod , (Osdl) ed nerhe Jdgls eaw neoD aluaninet gafaM edt to sdebzay neqgeq enldne eds wemb od galyad eaw nasiu? ans dads edome na osol etal al Iti,abned eld atal andamue lo ebant nł bne andewe lo samoo dask add od dnes aaw deslt esenodoà efgoeq fmnoí edd gook od udit at dilud maw smeidzot a Isdi bna asigma emanodoA edt lo molanagze edt to eosl eda nl eds lo dneq egtal a mevo fondnoo fayos lo dnemdalidetee ads ob don bíuoo daldgaß edt bna dadud oda sens galoubozg-zeqgeq -gal słod wanbdaiw don biuoo tedt .evidoelle galdáyas bluow egadnavbe efodw edd osso dads al se dedoà most setzod tbaotis bad ode , aanat eds bne donond edd dd begaes ed
.292 .1 .meopear
.OBI-PTI ",JdolazovO" ,JavgalalbatatqOTI :292 .1 .m11
(BdaI-Zdd1) uedaxanantM ne JankzeeW eT qmaxaeorX .gSTI
1 7^ entered the field. 'J Coen wanted, with English cooperation, to take stern measures against the king of Acheh so as to break his system of monopoly but the authorities In Holland would not let him.
Through these troubled days the English lingered on at Acheh for another decade. Iakandar Muda's arbitrary policy drove the English, the Dutch and even the Portuguese and the Chinese to seek pepper elsewhere. The only area In Sumatra 17? where they could go was Jambi. " In the twenties of the seventeenth century Jambl's pepper trade grew rapidly. When Acheh's expansion threatened Jambl the Dutch wanted the English to Join them In stopping Acheh. The English, although they had a factory at Jambl, wanted to maintain good 1 76 relations with Acheh and refused to side with Jambl.
The king of Acheh had not given up his policy of giving the foreign merchants Just enough Inducement to keep them In his port without granting any major concession. In 1621 George Robinson, the chief English factor at Acheh, reported that the king might withdraw the prohibition of ti>ade at Tlku 177 for 1,000 Tael. He soon realized that this was a delusion.
,noldeiagoco daligaa dalw , bednaw neob ETI.bielt edj bozedne od as os dodoà lo galx edd senlaga mezusmem nzede exad ot bnaffoß al aólsizoddua eds dud Vlogonom lo madage ald deend STI mid del son blvow de no betegnll dellgna adt eyab belduona eaedd dguoidt Volioq ttataldza a'abuM zabnakel ebacaß zeddona zol dedoA edt bne seaugudzot edá neve bne dodud edt deligna eda evozb sijamus nl meza vino edt ezedweals legqeq does ot esanld edt to beldnewd eda nl Rii.idmat aaw og biwoo yedd ezedw nedw .yíbiqes weig ebard zeggeg e'ldmat kiudneo danesjneves edt Dajaaw dodeg eds Idmat benatmenit nolanaqxe s'dedok -Ia , dellgna edt dedoA galqgoda ol mada alol os deligoa boog dladntam os badnaw , Idmat de yiodoat a bad teds dguodd df idmat daiw ebla od beaulet bna dedoa dilw amoldaler galvlg lo goifoq eld qo novig don bad dedoa to ald edt ni mens qeex os anameoubnl dguone daut adaadozem aglozot eda Isdl al .molssdonos sotam vne gnlansng Jwodalw dnoq eld bedzogel , dedaA da odoat delignl leldo edd ,nosaldon egtoed pait aa eband to dolsidtdonq eds waibdaiw ddglm gald edd dadd TI,nolaufeb a eaw aids sans besllmel noos oH ,foat ooo.I zot
.21 .1 .005 125 .ankdeoW.ag .mbkaoor11 azdamuß qo slngaqmoD edoalbnI-JeoO eq" ,bosloaM .MoT -CTS .3 .SS-CI0I ,(1) III ,(mveT) ab2000M X203omMTSI
The most Interesting development in the early twenties was that the king had begun to trade directly with Surat. George Robinson reported: "he hath formerlle sent 2 bahars of sliver to Surrat, and now this yeare II4.O bahars of tinne... In the Surrat ship, with order to buy all sorts of cloth, that he knowe vendable In Tecos." ' Since the English had a good deal of Influence in the Surat area, the king persuaded them to help him in this matter. George Robinson gave the king's agents a letter of Introduction to Surat requesting 179 the English factors to assist him. '
In I622 there took place a general contraction of English trade In Indonesia and the only factory which could be supplied with fresh stock was Jambl. In the same year the English lost a year's trade at Acheh because their ships had been diverted to Persian waters to operate against 181 the Portuguese. The English factory at Indragiri was igiri 182 burned down causing a loss of about 1,000 Rials,
In I62O William Nicolls, the chief English factor, had been replaced by David Wight.l83 After the death of Wight, 178Loç. cit.
179W. Foster, English Factories in India , 1622-23, 28. ^Bassett, "Bantam Factory," 67.
T-8lIbld., 67-68; Sainsbury, Calendar, 1622-162U, I878, 61. 1830. C. No. 881.
l^Ibld., 111.
selinewd vizae edd ał dnemqofaveb goidsesednl daom edt danwa dalw vidoosib ebazd os nuged bad gnlk edd dads saw azadad S dnea ellgemzot dand ad" ibaivoqet noanidoß agiceD . enalt to ezaded Odt eisey eldt won bna danwe ot mevila lo ddolo lo edzoa lle yud od nebno dalw .glde darwa edd al bed daligna eda aonle byin,scoet nł eldabnev ewonk ed dada -taq gntk edt , sete dszu2 eda nl eoneultal lo feab boog e evag nosaldoß egnoeD .zejtem elds at mid qied ot meda bobaua gatdeeupet dawt od noldoubondnl lo mejsel a etnega a'gald edt PTI.mid dalaba od azodoal dallgos eds
lo noltoasdaoo Iazeneg a soafq doos emona ssàl aI biuoo doldw yeodaat vlno edá bas alasnobai al ebans dalfgna o81 amas edt o1 Idmat eaw dooje deott dalw bellqque ed mlens sevaced dedo da ebans aizeey a dmol dalígnd eda meet danlaga edamego od asejaw nalesat ed bedmevib nead bed mqide amw Iilgasbnl de vrotoat dalfgnn edt 18r
ecougutzot eds S81 I. efatl o0o, r duoda lo meol a gnlevao owob benzud bad , zojoat delfgol laldo eda alfoolM malillw Osal al anglW To disob edd gadtA £8r,adglW bivad gd baoalgoz need
,rò .188 .0M .0 .0E81
.31b -20.3851 .8s .ES-ssar ,stbnt nt selzodoes dallnna . zedaos .wevr ya ",todom madna" ,3jomag081 0y8r , sor-ssar ,zebneluo .yzadenlae ;8a-yò ..bidrz8r
George Robinson became the chief factor. The king of Acheh did not like Robinson at all because, as the English thought, he was not as liberal as Nlcolls had been in his presents to him. The king forced him to go and he was replaced by Henry Woolman.181*-
The Amboyna Massacre of 1623 did affect the relations between the English and the Dutch seriously but It had little Immediate effect on the English buying of pepper from Sumatra, particularly from the kingdom of Acheh. The Elizabeth collected In that year 1955 bahars of pepper from Acheh. In I62J4. the English managed to collect more than 3,000 bahars (1,080,000 lbs.) of pepper from Acheh and the west coast. ^
Towards the end of the twenties the English concentrated more and more on Jambi and Bantam. In 1626 the English resolved to open negotiations with Bantam and In I628 they returned to Bantam. By I63I they had withdrawn from Acheh.
dedoA Ao gnid edt ,zodoal leldo eda amaved doanidoß egzoeD ddguoda daligna eda ba , eaveced jie sa nosnldoß eill son bib adnesenq ald al nood bad affooll aa fanadil aa don baw ed td benaíget saw ed bna og os mld beozot goli adt mid ot 481,namfooW yzneh enolzmlez eds Joella bib Esdr 2o ezoazaaM adgodmà edt efssll bad ai aud vlevolzee dodud eds boa dallgna eda posuded mont neqqeq lo galyud deligna eda no doslle sdalbamal ent ,dodoa to mobaald odd mont yfzaluoldneq araasse motl noggeg lo ezaded 22er saey dada ai bedoslloo ddedazlia nads azom voelloo od beganam dalfgna edd Sdl aI dodaA eds bne dodoA most zegqeq 3o (.ad1 000,080, 1) azaded 000,E 281 j -neonoo dallgnß edd selsnawd eds to bne end abzawot edt, dsdf pl matnaß boa ldmat no ssom boa atom botésa ai bne madnaß dalw aneldsldogen mego ot bavfosen dalignß mwaabdaly bed geda fgol ga vmatnaß ot benautez yeds 85al dedoA mot lil. The Dutch Trade In Acheh
Unlike the English, the Dutch managed to maintain a fairly regular contact with Acheh In the first decade of the seventeenth century. The agreement of 1607 between Oliver de Vlvere and Sultan All Rlayat Shah gave them a distinct advantage over all other nations trading In Acheh. Before they could make much use of this agreement Iskandar Muda came to power and the Dutch were soon to learn that the new king had no Intention of honouring the contract made by his predecessor.
In 1608 Jan Gerrltz Ruyll was sent from the Masullpatam factory to "discover» Acheh.186 Ruyll arrived on 8 May 1608 and found that Albrecht Wlliemsz was already there taking care of the Dutch Company's trade. There was at that time very little trade at Acheh partly because of a drought. The Oujaratl and Coromandel ships, however, continued to arrive, for Acheh, as we have seen, was an Important station on the International trade route.107
The Dutch had already established a factory at Masullpatam (1605) on the Coromandel coast of India. In the first dedoA nt obast dodut edt.11
.dust .gOPI .II .OI boolommoBr Boar tlut OS ,eslmzedtI eoupont of flyun aslated nat8l Nedmevok S , TeodteV IaslmbA od zemelliW Jdosidia ;Tdp ,,A.X
a nlatntam od beganam dodul odd dalfgna edt eilint eds to ebaoeb dazlt eda nł dodoA dalw dosdnoo tafugez víalel zevłfo neewded fodl to dnemeenge ent tudneo daneodnaves donldalb a mond svag dan& dayalß IIA dediuß bna ezoviv eb etoleß .dedoA nl galbazs enoldan zendo lía tevo sgatnavba abuk zabnakal Jnemeenga sldt To eau doum ekam bíuoo yedd won edd dedt nzeel os doos ezow dojud eds bna zewoq od omas ald td ebam toazdnoo edd galzwonod to noltnejal on bad gnik
madagliyeaM odt most dnea eaw ffyuß salszed nat Bodl nl BodI KaM 8 no beviazs fivuß d8r dodoA "zevooalb" od vrososl galkat ezedt gbaasfa eew zamelllw adoezdfa dadt bnuot bne emld sade da sew ezodt ,obend a'tnagmod dodud edd lo enao .Jdguozb a to esuased vidzag dedoA da ebazd slasll yiey of beumidnoo sevowod eqids IebnamonoD bna ldavaluo edt noldade dmajtogml na eaw nees eved ew aa ,dedoA lo't evitze for aduot ebamd Imnoldmnsednt ed no -IfuamM sa yrodoet a bedelldateo ybmezla bad dodud edt dazlt edd nI .albal to daaoo febnamoto0 eda no (20dl) madaq
SAP..A.X.B0d1 decade of the seventeenth century they developed a line of 1 88 trade between Masullpatam and Bantam via Acheh, comparable to the English line of trade between Surat and Bantam also touching at Acheh.
It was during Albrecht Wlllemaz's stay (I608-I6IO) that the English ship the Union arrived at Acheh (June, 1609)• As we have seen before, Wlllemsz's efforts to prevent the 189 English from trading at Acheh were of no avail. ' By Article Ij. of the agreement made by Oliver de Vlvere It had been provided that no other European nations than the Dutch would be allowed to trade at Acheh without a pass from Holland. But Iskandar Muda evidently did not consider himself bound by this contract and paid no attention to the 190 appeal made to It by the Dutch.
In 1609 Jacques L'heraiite, the director of the Dutch factory at Bantam, sent Willem Jansz and Arent Maertensz to Acheh (9 December I609) to consult with Wlllemsz about making a contract with Sultan Iskandar Muda. The Dutch were also Interested In stimulating the enmity of the Achenese 191 towards the Portuguese. They failed to attain their first objective. The king refused to recognise the old
To eall s begofeveb yodt yrudneo dánesdnavea edd to obaseb Magmoo B8r,dedo ałv matne boa metaqiluaak neewded ebaza Madneß bna datue noewded ebans lo enll dalignß edd od elde .dedoA as galdonot cala sade (ordr-Bodi) yade a'aemsliiw adoandlA anlwb amw aI (Podr enut) dedoA da bevltia polay eda qide dalina eds edd Jnevezq od ažsolle s'zamalllW , etoled nees avad ow aA ya P81.flave on lo erew dadoà de gnlbast most dallgna bed sl eaviv eb vavilo td obam anamoanne ons lo à efolttà doduã eda nadd anoldan nsagou zeddo on dads boblvonq need mott eanq a duodalw dedoà da ebans of bowolfa ed biuow -mld veblenoo ton bib yfaneblve abuM maboakel dud .bnallom ads od noldnedda on, blag bos doaidnoo aldt td bnwod tfea OP1,dodpd eda yd 3t of abem Iaoqqa dodud eds to vodeezib eds , eslmzed'd maupoat, Poal nta od zanejnoaK dnetà bna senet melliw anee ,madnnß da yiodoet duode semelfty dstu dlvenoo ot (Podi tedmased P) dedba esew dodud edt .ebuM zabnedal nadlu& dalw Joezdnoo e galkam asenedoa eds lo valmne eda galsalumlja nl bojeetedał oaía mtade alajia oa belal yedt IPr.eeougodmo3 eda abrawod blo edt eslngonet os bespler gnld ent evldpeldo danlt .PEE ,III ,demoNgo88r d-Esi ", dedoA al ebanT daligns edt" , ovoda eaePßi
.12 .III.S9moNg0091 .I\erS , equealer treaty or to make a new one. He was, however, polite and gave a reply to the letter of Prince Maurice which the Dutch commissioners had brought with them. The Dutch did not have to persuade the king of Acheh to fight the Portuguese. In his reply Iskandar Muda himself stressed the need for con192 tlnulng the battle against the Portuguese.
The Dutch were disappointed but did not abandon the factory of Acheh. In 1611 Albrecht Wlllemsz was replaced by Pleter Almeryn as the chief factor. He was asked to send a Ha t of prices of the goods available In the market of 193 Acheh and to attend especially the Oujaratl cloth trade. Por the Dutch, just as for the English, Acheh was the principal source of Gujaratl cloth.
Por several reasons the Dutch could not make any headway In Acheh's trade. At this time they were heavily engaged In the struggle over the control of the spice trade In eastern Indonesia. They collected their pepper from Bantam and some 19k from Patanl. ^ Bantam and Patanl were the two main terminal points of Chinese shipping and the two markets were very much oriented to the Chinese trade. The Dutch became more and more Interested In the Chinese trade and In this matter they were Immensely helped by their possession of a factory at bne edlfoq ,sevowod saw en .eno wen a enam od no ydeezd dodud edd daldw eolwak eonlzt to teddel edd gd viqez e avag evad don bib dodud odt medd dilw ddauond bad szenolaalmmoo aI * esengoánoq ens ddalt ot dedoa lo anlk edt ebauazeg od -noo zol been edt beasenda lleamld abuM zabnakeI wigez ald SPI .saougudzo eds denlega elsaud eda gntunłd end nobaada don bib dud bedaloqqealb ezew daduß edt beoalger esw aamalfiw Sdoendla IidI nI dodoA To yaotoal bnea od bexda maw ol todoat leldo add ea pyzemfa zedell yd lo Jaiiam edd al eídaflava eboog ada lo eeolaq to dall a eband ddolo laazajuo ods yifaloegee bnedda ot bns dodoa -nlnq eda say dedoà ,dalígaà eds nol aa daut , dotud edà tot ddofo Idezatud to eomuos faqlo tawbeed yne exam don biuoo doduq edt anossez fazevas zo? nt begagne yilvaed ezew teda emio alda da ebant a'dedoa nl asedaas nl ebasi eolge eds to Losdnoo add sevo eígauzaa edd omos bna majasß most seqqeg sladt besoelloo tent ,eleenobal Lanlmted nłem owt ent azew lnadal boa mednaß def,loatat mont doum yzev ezew adeśnam ovd edd baa galgglde essnidó lo etałoq baa ezom amaoed dosug ent ,ebent esenldO ędd od badnelzo tede sezdam alót ni bna abasd eeenid0 eda nl bejsezednl etom je yrodoat a lo noleseseoq tlodd yd boqiad ylesnemal ezew 2T .ET0r .lav ne poltledzev eteldosa Moned N .tSer .s\ess .equeaees
.R .I ,821 ,ekolmdo8Pr
195 Masullpatam (Coromandel Coast). " Cloth from Coromandel was In greater demand at Bantam than were the Gujaratl products. 196 on the other hand, Chinese wares sold very well on the Coromandel coast. The Dutch thus could take out cloth from Masullpatam and buy In exchange both pepper and Chinese products. Pepper could be shipped directly to Europe but the Chinese products could be sent to Acheh and the Coromandel coast. 9 7 At Acheh they could collect Oujaratl cloth In exchange for Chinese wares and take It to the Banda Islands and the Moluccas where Gujaratl cloth was In very great demand. Acheh fitted Into the pattern of Dutch trade In Indonesia as a source of Gujaratl cloth.198 But here the English competition was too great for the Dutch to cope with. As we have seen before the English pierced the line of Gujaratl trade between western India and Acheh around I613 and Thomas Best arrived in Acheh in the same year with the laurels of victory over the Portuguese. In the same year political developments made the situation worse for the Dutch.
In I613 the Achenese made an attack on Johore. The Dutch merchants who were present there helped the Johorites against the Achenese In accordance with a former treaty between them. The Achenese had tried to persuade the Dutch to remain neutral but the Dutch did not agree. The result was that when the Johorites were beaten the Achenese took a large number of prisoners including a nunber of Dutchmen 199 and carried them all to Acheh. When the victorious array returned to Acheh with the Johorlte and Dutch prisoners Thomas Best was already there to watch it.2 0 0
The English ascendancy and the decline of the Dutch In Acheh in the second decade of the seventeenth century can very largely be ascribed to the fact that the English had a good quantity of Gujaratl cloth to sell In Sumatra whereas the Dutch had little. The fact that the Dutch had arrived at Acheh before the English and had maintained a more regular contact with the place than the latter did not help them. Control over strategic areas and producta was the key to the control over a certain sector of Asian trade.
In I613 Symonsz Rijser was appointed the chief factor at Acheh.201 The next year the Dutch Visitateur General Hans de Haze came out to visit the Dutch factories around the Bay of Bengal. On his way he stopped over at Acheh (August l6lk). Rijser went on board the ship to welcome him.
-ad godend zemzot a dalv eonebzosos ał stanedoA ens danlaga dodut edd ebaueteq ot belnd bad esenadoA ent meds neewa dintey edt oonga don bib dodug eda tud fenáden nlames od Mood emenedoa edt nedsed ezow botlgodot eda nedw tada bsw demdosug lo edmun a gnlbufoal azenoslnq lo zadmun egtal a tava evolnodolv eda nedW PPf,dedoA od lle madt balmso baa atenoalaq dodud bas editodot eda dily dedoa ot bontudas 00S.al dadaw oj avend ybaerla eaw deog samod? ni dodud ada lo oalloeb edt bns vonabnesea delignd edt das udnee dáneedaeves eda lo ebaoeb bnooss pdá al dedok a bad dallgok oda dadd doat, eda ot bédlzoka ad vfogal grev. geazedw anjamuß nl flea.pa daolo Idazajud to galdnaop boog beytiua bad dodud ada dadd Joat ent .elsiil bad doduq edt malogat siom a bonladnlam bad bna datlgn3 edt esoted dodoÀ de mons qied san bib sedzal edd nadd eoalq eds dalw toadaoo adt os gad add aaw ajoubonq bna amona olgajaiza mavo fozamoß obasa naleA lo zodoes alajmos s tevo Lozanoo zozoat Teldo eds bedntoqqe saw destln senomye gidl dl Laneneo wedestaty dosul edd laeg dxen edt JoS.dadoA Je bawota selzodoat dojul eda dialy os duó omao esall eb snal dedioà de mevo begqove an yew ald no Iagneß to yad eda ald emoofow os qlda eda buaod no dnew teetin -(drdf taugua)
ys-ds ..blorper
.s\eis ,oquearos
At the request of Rljser, Hans de Haze went ashore accompanied by the former even before the king's boat bringing the permission to land had arrived.
The Sultan Immediately had Rljser arrested and in the palace yard had him thrown thrice before an elephant until the animal had broken his loins. Tho miserable Dutchman was 202 then allowed to be removed to the Dutch factory. The Rljser Incident convinced Hans de Haze that It would be difficult for the Dutch to continue at Acheh. He went on to Masullpatam and returned again In l6l£ (30 July) and found that the Sultan was holding the captain of the Dutch factory as a slave and was going to take him to Malacca. When Hans de Haze requested the king to release him the king asked for a few Dutch ships to help him against Malacca. The Dutch excused themselves, which made the king very angry. He said that the Dutch were an unjust nation who did not abide by their own treaty. Finally the Dutch handed over one of their 203 ships to please him.
Apart from what happened to Rljser the trading situation was very discouraging. The English had been allowed to set up factories in Acheh, Tlku and Priaman. The tyrannical behaviour of the king had discouraged the Qujaratis from coming to Aoheh. The previous year (I6I6) a big flood had
-mopoa ezodea dnow ezaß eb enan , zeetin to dzaupes edd dA gulynlnd tsod a'gald eds ozoled neve temtot eds yd belneq bevlzze bad boal oć nolealmzeg adé eda nł bna battezza zoatta bad vletatbemal nasfua edt Ilaan dnadgele na aroled eolnda nwonda sld bad biay eonleq saw nemdodud oldazoalm oat anlol ald noñond bad famlna ent edt Sos.grodost doaud ads od bevomes ed od bowolfa neda -Tlb ed bivow al Jada ezaß ab aanm beonlvnoo dnabloni teetin oa no daew eß dedoA da eualdnoo od dodud add to't dfuolt bawol bna (yiut Og) Zidl al nlega banzudat bua madegtfiunak zrodoat dodut eds to ntadqee qda galbiod aay natfua eda dadé nenw monefaß oó mld axat of gntog aaw bna evaía a aa badaa gnłk edd mid pkaefei od gnłk edt bejaouper eza eb ansh dodul adt ,aooaiaM danlega mld qied ot sqlde dodud wet a zot błas el tzgna vzev gnłk eda ebam doldw ,eevfetmeda bewroze gd ebida don bib odw noldan dautau na ozew dodud adt dadd leda to eno devo bebnad dodnd edt vffanls kdaena mwo słedi £os,mid esseiq od eqide
noljmutis aniband and neetin ot beneqqad tadw mont diaga Jes ot bewolla deed bad dalfgns ent gnlgezwooalb kzev saw -ad leolnnatyd edt namalat boa vilt dedoà at eelzodoat qu mont aldavatuo add begatwooslb bed gnld eda to swolvad bad boolt aid a (didr) neay avolvenq edt dedo od gnimoo washed away the Dutch factory causing considerable damage. In the past four years (I6ll-l6l5) the Dutch had lost about 10,000 to 12,000 Rials. In April 1616, the Dutch factory was withdrawn from Acheh. ^
The Dutch soon realised that they had taken a rather hasty step. To give up a settled factory was easy enough 205 but to return there proved extremely difficult. It took them two years to reestablish a factory at Acheh.
As the situation became more and more difficult for the Dutch at Acheh they began to look for alternative sources of Sumatran pepper. The English when baffled at Tiku had gone to Passaman; the Dutch now discovered Indrapura. The frequent voyaging of the European ships around the Island of Sumatra in search of less known pepper ports was having the effect of pulling pepper towards the sea. The rivers of Sumatra served as so many water-lanes down which the pepper moved towards the coast. Sometimes pepper was bought up by the big ships directly from the boats. This was the best way of avoiding the duties of the port and the arbitrary exactions of the local officials.
Almost Immediately after the withdrawing of the factory from Acheh the Dutch began to send out ships from Bantam to the west coast of Sumatra. In June I6l6 the Enckhuyaen was egemab ofdazebłanoo gnłavao trosoal dotud end yawa bedaaw swods deol bad dodud edt (Zrdl-lrdr) azeey swot dsmg ode nI Kzodomt dodnd edt dIdl I1zgA aI sImln 000,SI oa 000,01 105. dedoA moz2 nwaibdatw eaw seddas a nešad bed yena jadt bestleet noos dodud edt dguone yase eaw tzodoat belddea a qu evłg ot geta yásad Nood I 205.almolliib tlemerixe bevong orent awdes of dud dedoA da trodont a dalldadaeez os ezeey owd moda edt sot dluslitib ezom bne ezom emeoed noldauale edt eA to eeowoe evldenzedia tot dool os neged tond dedoA sa dodut anog bad uslt da befltad nodw delignß ént seqqeq nazdamw8 ent .anqeibnl benevpbelb won dosud eds ;mamasbzt os lo bnalel eds bnwoze aqida neeqows ent lo gałgayov tneupas? add gnlved esw sjzoq legqeg nwonk aeel lo dozaon nl azdamuł To asevle odt . moe end abzawod teggeg gallluq to doetls teqqeq eda dozdw mrob eenal-zajaw gram oe as beviee mudemus td qu adgued eaw zéqqeq eemldemoß .deboo edd sbzewos bevom deed ens eew eldt .sdeod eds mont vidoonlb egide gld ods trardidis ana bns daoq ody lo soldub ads gatblove lo yaw .elaloltlo fmvol end lo enoldosxe ttodeat ent lo ghiwazbdałw edt zeste vlejałbemal deomfA ot matnaß mott eqins die boes os naged dodul adt dodoà most baw neevunlon? ena dldl enwt nt atdemwe to Jamoo deew eds instructed to go to Selebar, at the southernmost limit of the kingdom of Acheh. Merchant Everard Deyns sailed up the river of Lammenjuta for about 20 miles and then travelled 18 miles overland to Indrapura. He succeeded In making a contract with Raja Hetara, the local chief, who promised to deliver 2,000 bahars at 1$ Rials per bahar. At the time of delivery, while the ship was lying before Selebar, many people gathered on the seashore. Fearing an attack the Enckhuysen sailed away without taking aboard the full quota of pepper.206
In July 1617 Abraham de Raslere arrived in the road of Selobar accompanied by a Junk of the Chinese merchant Slmsuan.20? The trade of Tlku was open only to the English. But the Dutch now tried to get some pepper through the Chinese. The Dutch-Chinese partnership in Indonesian trade is an interesting development of this period. Although the big Chinese merchants of Bantam formed a closed group which dominated the Bantam market there were always some Chinese who helped the Dutch. Simsuan was outside this group and was a friend of the Dutch.
But to go back to the west coast of Sumatra; de Rasiere came to know from local officers that two days after the lo dlmil daomazedtuoa snds ss ,tadeleß os og od bejouzdenl edt qu bellas anted bzasev2 dnedozet dedoa lo mobgnix eds belfovass nodé bns sefim OS dpoda tot adutnemmal lo tevle s gnlsam nl bebeeooue eß .ezugezbnt of bnefmevo solim 8r of bealmotq cdw Taldo fepof edt madoß alal dilw doandnoo to emia oda dA nadad zeq alalm 21 de anadad 000.S Tovlfeb tnam zadefe8 ezoted anlyl saw qlda edt elldw vievlfeb edy sonjds na antteet .ezodeees edt no batendag elgoeq atoup ffut sns bzeode golkas duodsiw tawa ballas nesyudiong dos. zegbeq 20 to bedm edt ał bevlzia ezeleaß eb madazda flòl viut al Jnsdozem eaenido edd lo Mnut s yd belnegmoooa nadefez daligoß edt os vlnó neqó asw uilt lo sbaid ent Tos navemię edd dguorda zeqqeq emoa deg ot belad won dodud edd dua galeenobal at qldesendzaq esenld0-dodul edt 8os essaldo dgdonala bolgey alds lo dnamgofevab gnidsezednl ne al ebent quong besofo a bemtot madneß lo ednadozem ecenldo ald eds amds syawia ezew ezeda delzem msdned edd batanlmob dołdw aldd ebleduo saw nausmle dodud edd beqied odw asenid doduß edd lo bnaldt a eaw bua quorg analeaß eb ;atsamu8 lo dasoo Jaaw edd od doad og cj Ju8 edd gedle eyab oud dada azeolllo fmcol moit wonx ot amao .dBI .I bludnegomeeS ,boedoaM (IS-OS .I .goodOS .42S .I..ogTOS
.e25-025 .II ..bidr80s
Enckhuysen had left fifteen large and small boats had come down from Indrapura and LamenJuta and were disappointed at not having found the ship. They sold their pepper to the local buyers and only 30 bahars were left. But even that amount had Just been bought by a certain Mandellka. De Rasiere appealed to the officer reminding him of the contract between the Dutch and Raja Hetam. The officer promptly cancelled the purchase by Mandellka and the pepper was delivered • 209 to de Raslere at 15 Rials including the duties and presents. De Raslere tried to persuade the men who had brought the pepper from the Interior to come again to Selebar with pepper. The country merchants promised that they would.
A Junk belonging to Inche Muda, the Shahbandar of Japara, was lying in the road of Selebar. The above mentioned Mandallke had been to Acheh as an ambassador of Mataram. The ship was now on its way back to Java carrying an Achenese ambassador Majlis Khan and was at that time waiting for the western monsoon. De Raslere did a little trade with the ship. He bought some Indian cloth, mostly Coromandel stuff, worth 762 l/2 Rials from Majlis Khan. Of this he paid only 100 Rials and expected the remainder to be paid at Bantam. From Mandellka and the captain of the Junk he bought some more Indian cloth worth 827 l/2 Rials. He now felt quite confident about the prospects of trade at Indrapura for he omoo bad adaod ffzma bma egtal nesdtit alef bad geayudion da bednloqqastb ezew baa sdelaemal bne awqazbnl mozt mwob eds oj neqqeq leda bios tedt qids eda bnuot gnlvad don Jada neva dud slel ezew anaded dÉ vino bna szeyed lasol el .exlfobnaM aladneo a vd adguod need daut bad dnuoma Joazanoo eda lo mld galbalmor mooltto end od befaoqqa eietseß -nao yidqmosq seoltto ent mateß ateß bne dodud edd deowded bazevłlob aaw zeqgeq eda bne ailfebnam yd eaedozuq edt belfeb POS edneeetq bae soldob edd galbufonl alatß kf da ezoleaß eb ot
and ddguozd bad ody nem edt abavazeq at belss ereleaß bd toggeq dalw ladele8 os nłags emoo od solzetnl odt mon? zeggeg bluow Yeds dadd beslmozq ednadozem tianuoa edt ezaget to zabnmddade ena ;abuk edonl o golgnofed knut A
banoldnem evoda edt zadeles lo baoi eds ał galyí anw edt mangiaN lo nobahaadmw na es dedoå os need bed ekllabnaM aesdedok na galyztao avat ot Moad taw esl no won eaw gida add zot gnłslaw emld dada de baw bns hedà aliteM sobassadma eds ddlw aband efaail e bib ozeleaß eß noosnom nzedeew Ilute Jobnemozod videom ddele delbnI emea adguod eß qida Vino blaq ed alds to nadn ellteK most alaln S\f Söt ddzow madnaß da błaq ed od nebnłamet eda bedoeqxe bns efatR 0or emos ddguod ed inot eda lo nladqao eda bna sxffebnan moté otlup siet won en alalß SI yS8 dazow daofo nalbaI ezom ed zot amugeibnI ja abaza lo ajoogaotq eda duoda dnebiinoo
BlS . (f) IIv peo ;Bdr-yaI ,nellosewuoß oletpPOs was told that the people there liked the »tuff he had bought. He also managed to collect about 800 bahars of pepper for which he had to pay cash. He then left for Indrapura and the 210 Chinese Junk went to Tlku.
Meanwhile the Dutch had been making serious efforts to get a licence from the king of Acheh for trading on the west coast. In October l6l6 Cornells Comans was sent to Acheh and was well received. Comans offered to pay annually 5,000 Rials to the king and 1,000 Rials to the Laxamana, as well as custom dues of seven per cent, for a licence to trade at Tlku. The king refused to grant the licence but said that his kingdom was open to the Dutch and that they should return. As a sign of his friendliness he returned to the 212 Dutch their old factory where the English had been staying. '
The second mission of Comans (August 1617) was more successful. The king was very angry when the Dutch asked for the exclusion of all other European nations and the Gujaratls.213 He said openly that as the English had given him since their arrival 2,000 Taels (about 8,000 Rials) as tribute, he did not know why he should not grant licences to them. The Dutch were given to understand that no licence sdguod bad ad lluda odd bexil ezedd elqoeq ada dada blot asw not requeq to araded 0o8 suoda Joalfoo os baganam osia a on boa asugazbal to't slel neda em daso taq os bad ed dolde OIS.uit oa daew daut akedido ot adzotte euoltes gnbkam need bad dodut eds elldumaak , odt no anlbend sot dedak to gatd edd most soneolf a dog os Jhes asw anesoD allentot drdI zodosoo nI damoo deew γifaunne Veq od bezetto anamoD, .bevlonet Ifew aáw bne dodoA sa , anemaxel end od efaln 000,I bna galk edd od alalß 000.2 ebazd od ebneoli a tot (Jaoo zoq noves to saub modans be Ilow blae sud conèbir edt dhana ot bozutot gold odt - Ifs, uxit de blugde teda deds bna dosud edt os négo saw mobgals ald dada end od ban'wdez ad abentfbneldt ald to ngle à aA awdes SIS gniyeda nead ban daligna eda ezede grodoat bio sleda dozud azom aaw (fidí daugua) enamoo lo dolaslm bnooee edt beñee dodud edt dadw vigae gtev amw gnłk odt .Iulasooona edy bhe anoltan naeqowa veddo Ifa lo notaufoze edd not devig bad daligoa eds ea sadd vinego blae em Crs.alsezatuo es (sfstn 000,8 duoda) aleat 000,S Iavlaza slond eonle add asoneozl doang don biuoda ad gdw wonk don bib ed adudiad soneołl on jana bnadazebnk od nevly ozew dodud edt .madt of
.Sy.,IV ..B.aiIS
.ESO .OM ..EIS vould be given. Within six weeks, however, he changed his mind and In an open assembly In the presence of the English representative, William Nlcolls, gave them verbal permission to trade In Tlku and Prlaman for two years. He said that he had sent 6,000 Taels (about 2k,000 Rials) to the west coast. As soon as tho money was Invested, the Dutch could begin to trade there.21^ When the Dutch asked for a written lloence the king said they should not distrust his words. The king then added that "hee being but wlze klnge, his nobles had made petition to him not to wrlght" which Nlcolls thought was "all spoken with skill and eye to put them by degrees out of trade."21^
The third mission of Comans (April l6l8) secured the much needed licence. The Dutch were granted trade on the west coast of Sumatra for two years to the exclusion of the English. At TlkU the Dutch replaced the English and even 216 occupied their former house.
The Dutch possibly expected to make good profit out of the trade of Acheh and the west coast of Sumatra. In June 1618 the Valk was sent to Tlku and Prlaman with 32,000 Rials and In the next month the Zeewolff was sent with 2k,000 Rials to Acheh.21? Their expectations, however, were not
2 ^Coen, I, 329-330.
2 1 ^ 0 . C. Ko. 667.
2l6çoon, I, lj.19.
217Ibld., 31+6-371;.
edt benuoes (Bror flagå) anamoD to noleslm belda edt add ho sbatd bednang evew dojud edt .eoneoll bebeen doum eds lo nołauioxe add os esaet owd zot esdamwe lo jasoo daew neve bae dallignd eda beoalgei dosut edd udit aA dallgne dis.eapod temiol zlens belquaoo to duo sllonq boog exam ot badoeqxa vidłesoq dodua edt onut nI ardama to damoo Jasw edd baa dedoÀ lo sband eda 000,SE dalw namslat bns uxlT od anee eew KieV oda B1di 000, ds dtlw dnes esw ilowees eds danom ixen end nt bas efelß Jon ezew , revowod , anoldatoegze alent Tis.dedoA of aIaln
eld begnado ad zevewod sxoow xla nidaiw nevłg ed bipow dallgnz edt ló eoneeezq eda nt vídweses nogo na ni baa balm nolealmreq Isdiev ment eveg ,slfooll maliriw , evljadnenenqel ed jadd blea eß .azeey out zot namslzt bna uitt nt abazt ot Jasoo deew eds of (sfatß 000,uS duode) sfoat 000,à dnea bad of nlged bluoo dásud ens bejeavat baw tenom edt se nooa eA eonsoll nesdlmy e sot bekea dodug eds nodw kis.ozodd abazd galí ent abnow eld dauztalo don bluode vads blae gnid eds bed soidon aid , egntk oslw dud galed eed" Jada babbe neda adguoda alfooik doldw "adgitw of don mid od nolsideg ebam seergeb td medt duq o ete bne lftia dilw nolóqe fla" new 215e.abart To auo
.OEE-OSE .I .DS
d . . .rs
.PIA .I MoDdIS
SPSE-ONE .IDISSS fulfilled. They entered Acheh's trade at the wrong time. By I6l8 the king of Acheh had established considerable control over the trade of the west coast. Consequently the Dutch could not get the full benefits of their licence. As soon as they arrived the price of pepper jumped from 12 Rials to 20 Rials per bahar. This was not too high a price for pepper, for John Jourdain had paid the same in 1612. But the price soon rose to 2i]/25 Rials in the west coast.219 It was during this time again that the empire of Acheh was expanding rapidly. The Malay states of Pahang, Kedah and Perak were conquered one after another. Coen remarked with alarm that like Mataram in Java and Spain in Europe Acheh was 220 growing into a powerful monarchy.
The political expansion of Acheh did not trouble the Dutch as did the interference with their trade In the west coast of Sumatra. Excessive tolls were demanded by the local officials. Coraans complained in January 1619 that they had to pay 365 Rials as charges for every hundred bahar of 221 pepper. Besides at Tiku and Prlaman the officials manipulated the weights to such an extent that only three-fourths bahar was given for one bahar.222 The greatest hindrance was
2l8lbld., 1+19.
221Çoen, VII (l), 396.
,emld gnotw edt da ebait aldodoA bezedne gent ,befliliut fozdnoo eldazeblunoo bodalidasae bed dedoA lo galk eda Brdi yá dodul edd vIdnoupesdo0 tanoo jask ods to ehanć edé zovo nooa sÀ .eoneoll tleda to asilened ffut edt deg Jon bipoo os efeln SI most begmut veggoq lo eolzq edt bavluna teds sa 81S not soitq a dgld ood don aaw alnt S.zeded zeq alstß OS dua Sidr nt smae ans bleq bed nlabiwot ndot not , zeqqeq SI PIS. damoo deaw end al, slal8 2S\uS ot eso%,noos aolzq eda -ze eaw dedoA to enłqmo edd dadi nlega emla elds gnltub saw Mazos bna dabaX ,gnedas lo zetata vafeM ent giblqat gnlbnaq mtaie ddlw belzamet neoj .zeddona zodte eno bazeupnoo ezew anw dedoA egowl nt alaga bna avat nl mazataé eiłl dadi
OSS .gdozanom fuitewog a odnt gniwong
.erd ..braters Tbrdiers dEdbIdIoSS OPE .(I) IIV , nogOISS .SPE ..DIDISSS
odd efduond don bib dedoA lo nolenaqxe feoltlfoq en? jaew oda ał eband slada dałw aonetelzojpl edd bib an dodud Iacol edt yd babaameb ezew silos avlaaeox3 .asjamu2 lo desoo bad vedt dadt Pidl yraunst al benlalgnoo enamoD alalolllo to madad bazbnud yreve nol segtado as elatß Zdg yaq od -uqinam alatolito ede namalns bne miit de meblees iss,neqgeg andmwot-eendd yino dada doedze na dous od sddglew edd batal baw eonazbnld deedaong ent SSS.maded eno got nevig eaw sedad of course trading by the king himself. In I6U4. the king sent three Junks loaded with cloth, which considerably undermined the Dutch capacity for bargaining.2Z-* The king not only collected heavy tolls, sold and bought at his own price but also physically carried away to Acheh large amounts of pepper. Jaoques Coetely reported in 1620 that the king's men had sharp orders to collect at least 1500 bahara 1 (540,000 lbs.).22*
In I6I9, when the Dutch were exasperated by the conditions created by the king's men, they were approached by local chiefs for military help. Two principal men of Prlaman, Maharaja Leila and Raja Setia Pahlawan, offered to help with men if the Dutch would fight the king of Acheh. Comans wrote on 28 January 1619 that Tiku and Prlaman could be taken with four or five ships and that local people were willing to help.225 Comans's proposals did not receive much official encouragement.
The king of Acheh was fully aware of what wa3 going on between the local chiefs of the west coast and the Dutch. But he did not take any steps except to send for the Panglima (Governor) of Tiku. At the same time he sent zołk eda áfdl al lleamld galk eda yd gokbazd eawoo to -sebou vídazeblanoo doldy ddolo dtlw bebzol sinuł sezda dnes don gald ent CSS. gnlnlagted tot yálosqeo dodul eda benim eolng nwo ald da ddguod bna blon mffos yvaad bedoelfoo yīno lo ednvoma egzal dedoA od gawa balzzeo gifmoleydq cala aud e'gnik eda dadd Osdl al bedzogas kiejeoß eeupoat zeqqeq azadad 001 dasel da doalfos ot arebto qrads bad nem d55.(ad1=000,04尺) -doo edt yd bedazegeaxe azew dpauß edt nenk Pidi nI td bodosozgqs ezew veds nem ałgnis edd yd bajaezo enozsłb lo nem, faglonisq owt qied yeasllim not slalds Iaool oJ bezelto nawaldaq slde8 alaß bme alfed eletadah nemalnt dedoA To galk pds adgil bluok dodud eda tł nem daiw gled blopo namalzq bna páít aada eidi yzannat Bs do sdome anamo) atew elgoeg faaol dada bna aqlde evit zo zoot ddlw naxiad ed avleoes don bib alasogong atanamoß ss.gled of gntlfiw .dnemegawoone Ialottto dom no galog eaw Janw lo ezsva yflut saw dedoa lo gnlk ant dodud edd bna desoo deew edd to ateldo faool add neowted sda zot bnée od dgeozo ageta yna elad Jon bib ed duß Jnes ad emla emea eda a oss.mitt lo (roateveD) mligna
.PRE .BIDIESS rod .fà(I) IrV goooss orders to his subjects around Tiku and Priman that they must plant banana trees so that when his elephants went there they might not remain hungry. Comans wrote that this news spread alarm among the people because they could not make out what it meant. '
Comana's plans were not approved, but within a year Coen himself began to think In terms of taking strong military measures against Acheh. We have seen in the previous chapter how the strained relations between the Dutch and the English led to open conflict in Sumatran waters. In 1620 the news of the Anglo-Dutch agreement (1619) reached Indonesia and from then until 1623 the English and the Dutch worked together. It was not a happy partnership and each suspected the other. The alliance between the English and the Dutch was something that the king of Acheh did not like. When the English representative Pursland and the Dutch merchant Casembroot requested a renewal of the licence, the king burst into a fit of anger and said, "Aren't you ashamed to come to me again like a beggar?" He went on to say that a beggar ought to go and beg from house to house and not return to one house again and again.
Jacques Coetely wrote in July 1620 that the Dutch had been forbidden to trado at Prlaman. They were told that daum todd dada namlnt bna wxlt bnwona adsat doa ald ot avebio szeda jnow etnadgele eld nedu dads cs eesss ananad dnaíq awan elda dada ejonw anamoj tugnwd alamet don tdglm teda duo ešem don bíuco godt esvaoed eíqoeq eda gnoma mzaia baezqe TSS.onsem al danw neoD saey a nidalw sud bevonqqe Jon szew analq atenamod tzadlltm gnozde gatład to emiss nl dalde oa neged lfeamid zedqado auolvezq edd ni neos avad ow .dedoA danlaga senwesem dalfgos edt bue dodud edd neewded enoldalen benłande add wod ewon eda osdi ni .ezedew nazdamue nt dolftnoo nego od bel baa sleenqbnI bedoaez (Pldr) Jaameezga dosuG-olgnA sda to -ot beknow dooud eda bna dalfgna end (Sdr Ildaw nedd mozt bedoegaue dome bna qlnezendmaq tqqad a Jon baw dI zeddeg dpdud ada bna dellgna add neewded sonalila edt zeddo eds eda nedw ,eiis zon bib dedoá to gazk eda seda galddemoa eaw Jnedozem dospd eds bma bnalatwt evlzetneaesqes dalfgnß Janud gnłk edd ,eoneoll eds to Iawanot a bejaeupat doozdmebaj oj emoo ot bemadan doy a'nesà" blea bna zegna to Jlt a odnl taszod a Jadd yes od no doew oh "Tzenged a entl nlega em of niaidet don bna eswod os eauod mort ged bne og ot ddguo BSS.nlaga bna nlege eavod eno bad dodud eda dada osdr vlut pl edomy kledeo) seupoat dada blos ozow tont mmmalns de oband ot nebbidzot nood .10 (1) IIV SS the king had granted the right to trade only at Tiku. At Tiku, he reported, trade had come to a stop because the Dutch did not have enough cloth and cash. '
As the higher authorities did not want to be involved in wars with Indonesian states, Coen could not take any effective measures against the king of Acheh. The English and the Dutch could not abandon their factories in Acheh as in that case the trade of Acheh would have fallen Into the hands of the French and the Danes. In December 1620 the French Admiral Beaulleu had arrived on the west coast. The next year he went to Acheh to see the king and to secure, if possible, permission to trade at Tiku and Prlaman. The king treated him with great kindness but did not grant the licence. The French did not appear as very serious competitors of the English and the Dutch but their very presence was advantageous to the king because it prevented the English and the Dutch from doing anything drastic and it gave him a chance to push the price of pepper still higher, to 64 Rials per bahar. *
The Dutch response to Acheh's policy was twofold. In the first place they tried to get as much pepper as possible from Jambi. Secondly they carried on a clandestine trade
A nlit de vino abana od adgiz nda badnang bad gold ada dodud edt eswabed qoda a ot emoo bad ebaza betzogez ed uxit ess, daao baa ddolo dguone evad don bib bevlovnt ed os dnaw don bib aslalzoddua nedgld edt sA -le tne eiat don biooo neo . asdate nalaenobnI ddlw azaw at bns dalfgna ent dedoA to gnlk oda Janlegs aozuaaem evldoet nt as dedoa at aelnodoat siedá nobnada don biuoo dodud eds sbnad adt odnt nellal avad biuow dedoA lo ebazá edt eano dada donert adt osdi madmooél al aenal edi baa donens ena lo dxen ent .dasoo jeew edd no beviaze bad pelfpaed lazlmbA -soq tl ,ewses od bne galk ena ees od dedoa os anew ad zaoy galkl ent namalaq bna uatt da ebazd os noleelmzeg , eldia edt daang don bib sud saenbnid daeng dálw mid bedaezd -egmoo euotzea ytov aa Taeqqe don blb dononq, ant looneoll aonesanq tiev mleda aud dotut edz bna delfgnß edd lo azodld dalfgna edd besnovenq di eawaoed gnid edd cd euoegasnavba esw a mtd evag a2 bas oldaazb gnldigna golob mont dodud edd bna afalß dd ot , tedgid frisa meggeq lo eolng eda danq os eonada DES madad teq
aI bíotows saw yolfoq s'dodoA os nanogeer dotul edt eldisaog an taqqeg doum ea deg od balzd tedd moaiq susit edd obana malduebnalo a no balnsas yadt Vibnooel Idmat mont
,118-010 , (1) IIV .meopPSS .EET LIES .I .BIMABOES with local merchants and officials on the wont coast of Sumatra.23*
Acheh's expansion along the east coast of Sumatra threatened the very existence of Jambl as an independent pepper port. We have already noted how the Dutch sought the cooperation of the English In protecting Jambi's Independence. •* But they themselves were not absolutely sure of their position. In January l62i; when the Achenese actually appeared In the river of Jambl, neither the English nor the Dutch were prepared to use their ships against the invaders. But the English representative Robert Johnson played his role so well as to be able to maintain good relations with the ruler of Jambl. -3 Possibly the very presence of the English and the Dutch deterred the Achenese from making an all out attack. They left in the same month to the great relief of everybody.2-^ The Dutch reconsidered their policy towards Jambi and thought that it was better to leave Jambl to its fate and maintain good relations with JJ This was because they were vitally interested in Acheh. the pepper trade and with the virtual closing of the Bantam to danoo Jeny eds no elaloltto bne sdnadozem fmoof dalw IES,8tsmmue
atdamu2 lo deaoo dese edd gnola nolensqxe a'dedoA dnebneqebnł ne es Idmat to eonedalxe vzev ens benedaendé add adguon dodud eds wod bejon ybeesfe avad ew dzoq zeqqeg -ebnt a'ldmat galdpedozq ni dallgaa edt lo nolsategooo amue vieduloada don etew soviebmedd teda sua SES.eonebneq -oa eaenedoA edj nedw usdf yzenmat nI noldlsog sloda to déligna eda zedalen , Idmat to zevlt ens mt betaogga viiaus and dantage eqide sledd eeu od bezagezq ezew doguq edd zon moandot diedoß evldedneaezqer dalign& edd dud .ezebaval -et boog nlajnlam of elda ed es es ffew os sfos eln beyalq -onq vaev eda vidiesoq CEs,tdmat lo telun ede dalw anolsal esenedoA eds baszadeb dodud edd baa dalígnß ena lo eonea danom, amee eds al dtel vent doaste suo Ile na gntkem mont betablagooas dodud ent Es.gbodyrove to leller daeng eda a3 as mejsed sew a dads ddguods bns Idmat abrawod yollog aleds dalw snoldales boog atadnlam bna etat esl od Idmat evaef at bajeezednl yiladly ezew yods eauaood eaw aldt, 2ES.dedoA madnaß eds lo gnlaolo fapaalv ods ddlw bna ebazd zegqeq edd
...2S .JewaJeoW ed .qmalaeoziEs .OE .I .blaneomeeS ,booonMSES
.tde ..biozees
.SHE ..b10INES
ade ..biardts market Acheh appeared as an Important alternative source of pepper.
In 1622 the Dutch factory In Acheh was virtually withdrawn23" but the relations with the Sultan were not particularly strained. At the request of the king Thomas Deyns, an assistant, was left at Acheh. In March 1623 senior merchant Colyn was sent to Acheh. He was particularly asked to see whether it was possible to buy a good quantity of tin there and also slaves. •*ƒ Colyn, however, met with an accident and returned to Batavia.
In I62I4. the English reported to the king of Acheh about the Amboyna Incident (February 1623). They complained that the Dutch were a proud and overbearing people and that they had been planning to move to Bantam and informed the king that the Sultan of Mataram was advancing with a large force against the Dutch and that ho had the power to drive the Dutch from that country. 3 The nows of an open breach between the English and the Dutch must have been extremely heartening to the king of Acheh. He Immediately summoned the Dutch representatives Casembroot and Colyn and pretended to be greatly outraged by this incident. He angrily demanded to know why the Dutch General was behaving In such an lo eowos evloanzetla Jnatzoqml ns as beteegga dedoA Jexzam reaqeq -dalw vileudrtv ew dedoA ni yuodoat dodud edi SSal nI -uolsdeq don alow nadine edt dalw anolgalet edd sud desnwarb na ;enyed eamodt gald edd lo Jeeupet ena JA banłaraa vIzal Jnadozom golnee ESdI dozaM aI denoA da stsI saw Snajelanm ses od beden tizalwoldzeq aaw oß dedoa od dnos esy nyloo enads ała to káldnaup boom a kud os oldlesoq saw tł tedtadw dnobloba na ddlw dem zevewod ;ngiob TEs. savala oele bna ,alvadad of bonzudas bna duoda dedoA To sals oda os beduoges dallgn edt dsdf al dand benlafqmoo yent .((sai vieütde) snebłonł anyodmA eda tedd deds bna efqoeq anlzaedzevo bna buozq e ozow dodud edt gold eda bamzolaf baa matnaß os evom ot anłnnafq neod bad eozot enel a dilw gnlonavba saw mazajan to natfuß ads Jadd add svínb es tewoq edd ben ed danj bne dojud edt danłage -ed dosetd nego ns lo ewon ent BES gatnwoo dedd mort dodud gfemezdxe need evád deu dodúd end bna delfgna eda neava benommua gledalbemmł em dedoa to gald edd ot gnlnadieed bebnojexq bna nyfo bna doosdmeen sevijadneeozqer dodut end bebnameb yflzgna oß Jneblonl tldt yd begesjuo pfdaena ed os ne doua nl gntvaded aay Iazenet dodul eda ydw wonk od
RSI,EOPI.II.DI, bOJOMBES
.310 .0038ES
-E\PIS ,nQUOJTES unreasonable manner; he had had so many complaints against him. Casembroot and Colyn pleaded the Dutch case and complained that the English had always tried to snatch the fruits of their labour. They then added that the Dutch were very eager to help the Sultan against the Portuguese in Malacca. The king's reaction must have come as a pleasant surprise to the Dutch for he openly deolared his sympathy for them. He said that the English were free to seek alliance with Mataram or whomever they might find favourably disposed towards them. So far as ha was concerned he would 239 maintain his alliance with the Dutch.
Prom this time on the Dutch position In Acheh began to improve. At Acheh proper there was much competition so they concentrated more on shipping to the west coast. During this period the buying of pepper was mostly done by the incoming and outgoing ships. In 1621; they collected from the west coast about I;,065 bahara of pepper. Prom Acheh they got 1|00 bahars and they lost about 1,215 bahars through shipwreck. The total purchase, Including the amount lost, came to 5.670 bahars (2,0^1,200 lbs.). In the same year the English had collected 2700 bahars. Thus between the Dutch and the English a total amount of 8,370 bahars (3,013,200 lbs.) were collected.2^ 0 We must remember that the merchants
Janlega-ainlaiqmob yomm oe bad bad ed ;zennam eldanomaonna -moo baa azeo dodut adi bebaslq myfot bna dootdmeasmid ena dojane od beims eyavia bad deligné add Jada benlalg ozew dasut ada aads bebbe neds yedt.mwodal zleda lo stlunt nt eseagudzos eda danlaga natfog edd qfed od zegme yiev tnasasfq a sa emoo evad daum noldoasz a'dnzk ent mooafak tdtaqaga sid benefoeb kinego ed nol dodul edd oa eałsqiua -fa Kooa os eont ezow daligna odt dedd blae el mada not tIdawovat bait adala veda zevemodw zo meiatal dslw sodall biuow ed bonzeonoo eaw ad sa lat o8 madd abzewot beaogetb oa naged dedoA at nolálaoq dodud adt no emid sids mozs toda ca nolsldeqmoo doum zaw esedi zeqozq dédoA dA .evonqmt aldd gniwd dasoó sasw eda os gnigqide no ezom bedazdneonoo gntmoont ens yd enob tijeom aaw zegqeq lo sałyod ada bolzaq deew end mont bedoelfoo yeds dsdi nI aqide gntogduo Dns tog yent dedel mons ssaqqeq to anaded do, d Juoda Jeaoo -qida dgoondá ssadad ZiS,I Juoda daof yedi bns szadad 00d emeo ,deol tavoma edd gnibuloni eaadomuq Iadod ent oenw eds saey omee eda nI (-edí 00s, Suo,S) eraded Oyd.2 o dotud eda meewsed sudt ataded 0oyS besoelfos bad dellgn8 00S. gr0,E) ereded Ore. 8 to dnwoma (ados a delfgn8 edd bne sinedozem edt Jadd tedmowei damm ew Ouis.betoalloo ezew [.ed]
.S\PrS ,.blarPes .815 .s15 .8r .à .82 .21 .E .esor-sdr .zodetmen-dgagous from India and China, Prance and Denmark were still buying *t the market of Acheh. By I62I4., thus, the production of pepper had definitely gone up.
In the second half of the twenties the English yielded place to the Dutch. Taking advantage of this situation the Dutch went ahead to draw as much pepper as possible from the west coast of Sumatra and Acheh. In 1625 they got l(.,l|12 bahars (1,588,320 lbs.), In 1626 about 3,223 bahars (1,160,280 lbs.) and in 1627 about lj.,158 bahars ( 1,1^.96,880 1 Ibs.).2^
In the two years of 1623 and 1621; the Dutch Company made a net profit of 250,000 florins (one florin Is equivalent to 2 shillings). But In 1625 alone they made 36l.l4.3i. Out of this, Acheh and the west coast accounted for 97,165.
One significant development in the trade of Acheh in this period was that owing to a heavy supply of Indian cloth by different groups of merchants the market was flooded and the value of cloth in terms of pepper fell. Formerly, as we have seen, Indian cloth bartered against pepper had always brought a greater amount of that product than was obtainable for Rials. In the latter half of the twenties the balance was turned in favour of Rials. In 1628 cloth could be exchanged for pepper at the rate of 25 Rials per bahar, while anlyud Illda erow dramned bna eonant,anldD bae albaI most lo noldoubosq ads , auda usàl ya dedaa lo deltam eds da .qu enog tledlnltab bad zegqeq bebloly dalfgna ed seldnewa odd lo llad baooea ada nI edt noldausls sldd to egedasvba paldat dodud eds od eoaiq edd mont afdłesoq sa teqqeq doum as wazb os baede anow dojpd Sidid dog tedt zsdi nI' .dedoA bna andamue to dasoo deew ezedad ESS,E duoda dSàI a1 (.nds OsE. 882,1) ezaded 088,deu,1) ezeded 82r,d duode ysd1 at bna (tedt 08s,odr,5) (.ndi
ynagmo) dodul ena dSdi baa £Sdi to azaey owd edd nI -lupe el alnol1 eno) antzoft 000,02S lo dllozq Jon a obam .lg,Idg obam vónd enola dsdf al dua . (agaliftda S ot dnefav STTS RaI, fP zot bedmuooos deaco daew eds bne dedok elda lo au0 al MadoA lo ebant ens at anenqofeveb dnaolllngłs ent ddofo anlbní to viqque tvasd a os gałwo dadt aaw bolzeq alnd bne bebocíl aaw daizam eda sjnadozam lo squong dneselllb yd as xíneasos .llet zeggeg lo emzet nl ddofo la euiav edd ayawle bad neggeq denlege bezadzed ddolo nalbnI , nees svad ow eídanleddo saw nadt dopbozq dada to anuoma zedseng a tdguond eonefad add eeldnowd adi lo liad seddal add nI sfalß not -xe ed bivoo diolo 8sat nl ,afaln lo wovat nt bentus anw elide , tadad soq alelm ¿s lo edas eda da neggeg not begnado
.IE VDOOD FOE,BSE2SESOE.OOPSPS.BBOSS .E .I,blodbnegomoes,boodoamSuS for Rials they could be had at the rate of 16 to 20 Rials 3 per bahar.2^
Iskandar Muda's system of monopoly was put to a hard test. The king complained to the Dutch merchant Casembroot that the English and the Dutch were buying up all the pepper of the west coast so that only small amounts reached Acheh.^^" As the Dutch drew away more and more pepper the Sultan's grip over the pepper trade of the west coast tightened. The customs charges were raised to about 185e while formerly they had been l!$. The king made Tiku his chief place of trade and of the total amount of pepper that was available there he took about half by coercion. He paid in cloth but about one-third less than the Dutch did. In addition he demanded from the local people certain old debts of about seven or eight years before; failure to pay meant arrest of persons and confiscation of goods. Indrapura, Ulakan (west coast of Sumatra) and their neighbourhood stood in constant fear of attack by the Achênes0.245
In I629 Iskandar Muda attacked Malacca with a large fleet. The siege lasted from July to November. In the end the Achenese were badly beaten; most of their soldiers
2U3ç_oen, V, II3.
^Leupe , 219/3.
2 H5W . ph. Coolhaas (ed.), Generale Missiven van Gouverneurs Generaal Raden aan Heren XVII dor Verenigde Oostindlache Compagnie, I960, I. 192-19^. ~~ sfaln os os dr to etat ena da bad ed bluoo tedd alalß not
Cus,madad roq bíad a od duq saw vioqonom lo medaya ataboM tabnedal Jodndmesa dnadozem dodud oni od benlalgmoo gnls edt dued tegqeq eds fia qu golyud atow dajuß edi baa dallgod edá dada dedoa badonat adnuoma flama vino dand os dasoo desw add to qlíg a'natiua ens teqqeq esom bna ezom yawa wazh dodaí edt aA edt .boneddgia deaos daew end lo abazd deqqeq ads tavo teds kfzomzot efidw kal duode os beslas elow kégtedo omodavo abant lo eosfg leldo ald wxlt ebem gald edt Kll noed bad enada oldallava eaw dáda tegqeq lo dnuoma Iados edd to bna duode dud ddofo al blaq ok nolozeoo yd tlad duoda doos ed bebnamab od noldibba nl bib dosud ada nedd sael baldt-eno to nevee duóde lo sddeb bló alatzeo elgooq Iaool ads mont andazeq lo deetze Jnmam taq od ezullel ;ezoled ezsey drigło To deado Jaew) naiaiU , awgasbal aboog to noltacallnoo bde To sest snatenoo al boota boodswodiglen mleda bna (asdaua Ris, ovenedà ena td doadde ogtsI a dilw mooalaM bezoasja abuk zabnakaI Psdf al end pI,tedmovol os víut mott bodeal ogets edt deslt avelbioa zlont lo geom inejaed kibad elow eaenadoA ads bno
EII VODES .E\ers , equoad4s were killed and their whole fleet was captured with all Its artillery.*^ This was a severe blow to the power of Acheh. The Portuguese armada under Dom Botello, which had recently arrived from Qoa, now tried to Impress the Malay and Sumatran states with Portuguese power. In April I63O the Portuguese made a raid on Jambl. On their way back the Portuguese fleet clashed with the Dutch near the river mouth and Dom Botello was killed.
In August I632 the ship Buljren under Dlrck Stadtlander was sent to Acheh to urge the king to renew his attack upon Portuguese Malacca and to offer help for that purpose. Stadtlander arrived at Acheh on 6 October I632. He was given a very friendly reception and the old English factory was assigned to the Dutch. The king sent two elephants and requested the Dutch representatives to come and visit him without the presents and the letter which they had brought for him. Stadtlander agreed and went to see the king, who was evidently very happy at the return of the Dutch. He said that he wanted to attack Malacca again and appreciated the offer of help from the Dutch Governor General. He further said that he would not have suffered the damage that he had If he had asked for help from the Governor General before as he was doing now. ^'
adl fle dalw benwdqeo aew deelt efodw sledd bna belllx azew , dedoA to mewoq ods od wold ezeves a saw sint dds. tídneoen bad doldw (ólfedoß mol tebnu abamia eaougudzol edt naidamuß bns yalek eda seeiqat od belid won , acù most bevlsza eeaugudmot onds Ogdi dlaqA nI .zewoq seeugodzos dsiw esdada Jeall azeugudnos edd dond taw vleds no Idmat no blat e abam offedod modl bne dsuom seyln sdd naen dadud edt dalw bedeslo .belflk anw
tobnafsbase donid sobno nosttuß qids eds Sgds daugua dl noqu soadda ald wenet od zald eds ogw oj dedoa od dnez sew ,esoquiq Jadd not qied zetlo od bna aaoalaM esaugodzot nevly eek en .Sgdl sedojoo è no dedoa da bevłana gobnaldbaje -emw yuodoat deliyna blo edd bne noldgeoaz vfbnelat trev a -en baa adnangele ows dree gold edt dodud end od bangless mid alaly boa omoo oa eevldaddenenqes doduß eda bpdsenp sdgbond bad tedd doldw tesdal edd bna adnesesq edd duoddlv odw ,gnlk ont oes od dnow bns bestga sobnaldbaje mld not el dodoß eda lo nutes eds ta yqqed vzev tidnebíve aaw bejaloengqe bne nłega aooaleß doadda os bednew ed dedd blea an IazoneD zonzevad dedud edd mont qled to nello add dedd egameb eds bazetlua evad Jon bfwow ed tadt blas teddzut Ialenel zonvevod edt mont qied tot bexas bad ed it bad ed Tue.won anlob saw en sa eroled
II 4e8I .albnl nl esouguazog edt ,'ezevnat .0 .gdds .558-83s (.be) emefoo0 :851 . ddr-Idr ,zedetge-dangTs .d8EI OdPInevloalM olazoneD
The visit of Stadtlander marke'd a distinct change in Dutch-Achenese relations. Iskandar Muda had never spoken to the Dutch with so much modesty. His defeat at the hands of the Portuguese In 1629 had definite changed the balance of power In western Indonesia.
Pour days after the first visit the king sent three big elephants to fetch the presents and the letter. A "convoy" of about $0 principal Orangkayas accompanied the elephants, followed by a thousand people. The Dutch envoys were ushered Into a magnificent hall and were entertained with dances. The happy old days had returned. It had been a long time since the Dutch, or for that matter any European, had been received with so much display of royal grandeur.^
The king agreed to grant the Dutch freedom from customs for four years In his kingdom and exclusive enjoyment of the pepper trade If they would lay siege to one side of Malacca 9 with ten ships.21+
To what extent the king was sincere is difficult to guess. The trading situation did not immediately change for the Dutch. They had to pay 10^ customs on outgoing pepper, besides a number of other duties. -*
In I633 Marten Valck was sent to Acheh to remind the king about his plans against Malacca. He reestablished the al egnedo donldetb a beizam zebnafsbata to dtaty ent ot dexoqa toven bad abuM zabnasaI enoldeles esonodoA-dodut To abnad odd ds daelab all -yjeobom doum oa dálw dodud edt To eonafad edt begnado edlnlteb bad (Sdi nt eeauguszot eda -elsenobnI ntedaow ni zowoq aid oondd aneu gnld odd alelv derlt eds tests ayab muot "tovnoo" A zosjel eds bna sdnesanq edd dodet od adnadgele adnadqele eda belnegmooos eayangna0 [aqlonlnq O2 duode to bezedau etew eyovne dodud ent elgoeq bnesuodt a yd bewoflo? ,boonsb dilw benledzetne ezow bne flad dneolllogam a odnł amilt gnol a need baf sI .bentudes bad eyab bio tqqad endt nead bad , naegonud goa leddam dadd zot so dodud end eoale 8IS webnavg fayoz lo talgelb doma oa dalw bvłaves amodawo most mobeent dosud edd dneng os beange gnlk adt add to anemgolne evlawíoxe baa mobgnik ald al anaey muel not avoafan lo ebla eno os egels tal blmow teda nl obaid zeygeq PuS.eqida ned daiw os afuolatlb al emeonlz aaw gnlk eds tnadxe dade ot not eguedo vledsibaml Son bib noldmudle galband ent acoug ,teggeg gatogavo no smodano kor yaq od bad yent ,dodud eds 025.selaub leddo 2o zedaun e sebleed enj bnłmat od dedoA os-dnes eaw xolav nediM Egdl al eds bedalfdajeeel ol asoafan fanlaga anaiq ald duode gnha .PS1 yI ,nevteelH efemene0 , (vbe) saadfoogBdS
.310.0009US .OEI ..bIdI02S
Dutch factory at Acheh but found that the king was no longer as enthusiastic about taking revenge on the Portuguese as he 251 had been the previous year. The king, however, threw open the tin trade of Perak to the Dutch. They expected to make a good profit from this trade, particularly at this time when the king of Acheh was In a state of belligerency with the Portuguese. They hoped to buy about I4OO bahars (1 bahar Is equivalent to 356 Dutch pounds) of tin annually In exchange for cloth. Ordinarily bought by outside merchants at 14 to 16 Tael (56 to &I4. Rials) per bahar, it sold in Acheh at 6 Taels per bahar.^52
In I634 Gerrltt Corssen, a senior Dutch merchant, was sent to find out whether the king of Acheh had any intention of attacking Malacca. He was instructed to tell the king that the Dutch fleet had already appeared in the Straits of Malacca and was expecting the arrival of the Sultan's fleet. Corssen was received with friendliness but the Sultan was still not ready. The Dutch envoy brought some Jewels as presents which made the Sultan very happy. He had a childish greed for all kinds of Jewels and had been collecting them for a long time. To Gerrltt Corssen he proudly said, "See, all the Jewels of the Company of Batavia are now In my possession."253 zegnol on eaw gald and dadd bawot dud denoa da tsodoat dojud ed na eaougudzos eds no egnoves zaldas duoda oltaslaudne sa wandd zevawod galk ant r2s.vay ewolverg adt nead bad od betoegxo tant dodud ada ad Mazes to ebaza nla edt nago alda de vízaluoldneg ,aband eida mont sllonq boog a exam tonetegllled to ededa a al eaw dedoÀ lo gnlx eda nedw emia szaded Ood suoda yud os begod tedt .eaaugudzol ena dily XIfaunns ala to (abnuoq dozud d2f od dnelavlupe al madad f) adnadonem ebladuo yd tdguod yfliaalbio ddofo aot egaadaze at dedoA al blos ai ,teded teq (afatn dd os d2) feat di oo dl 3s S25,zadad yoq sleat d de
aaw daadonom dodud zolnas a deaszoo dilined udl nI -al gos bad dedo lo gald adt taddedw duo bait oß ahes ffes os bedouzdant saw el aooafaM gnlkoajja lo nolsned end al benasgge vbsetle bed deol't doaul edt dada gnld eds eda Jo favlata edi antabeqxe eow bns sooslam to stlezde Jpd ecanllbnelal dlw bevlooen zaw nesezoD deeil alnadiue adgaond tovne dojud ent pbees don fllda eaw nesiu8 edt -tqded yzev neslnt edi ebaw doldw adnesezg ee elewet emon need bed bma afowel lo abniy fle tot boeng dalbfids a bad oß ed nesston salanet ot ,omid anol e zol medd anldoelloo slvateß lo ynaqmol eda to alewet edt Ife ,eot" ,blam vibnozq E2S".noleaessoq tm ni won eza
.BES-TES ..bIDIIZS
.PES I.BID.SS.
.27e15 , eque225
Although the opening of Dutch trade In Acheh was a major gain the Dutch seem at this time to have been more Interested In getting their Portuguese rivals out of the way. It was for that reason that they kept coming back to the king of Acheh with the same request. Iskandar Muda, however, did not live to see the fall of Malacca. He died on 27 December I636 without accomplishing his grand design.
88D. K. Bassett. "The Factory of the English East India Company in Bantam, 1602-1682," Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, London University, 1955» 3^
^Markham, John Davis, 171-172.
9°Purchas His Pllqrlmes. II, 1905, 518-519; L.R., I, ,., 17-10; Safnabury, CalendàF7^5l3-l6l6. 200.
JL 2 ^ ' W ' p ° ,,~o ?^t^*' 8tor f The Journal of John Jourdain, 1608-16T7T 1905, xx, note 1. "~~ "'
9 3L.R. , I, 25U.
9kL.R., I, 76, 25k. A oorge consists of twenty pieces.
° 9Loc. cit. l°°Ibld., 251+.
Poster, John Jourdain, 1905-
102Ibid., 232.
1Q3ibld., 235.
^•°5poater, Thomas Beat, 1931+, 5U» note 2.
106Ibld., 55-56.
10?L.R., I, 270.
108poater, Thomas Best, 58» 166.
HOposter, Thomas Best, 6J4..
Ullbld., 120-121.
112lbld., I73.
H5lbld., 213-14-
ll6L.R., I, 237.
H7lbld., 270.
llQlbld., 271.
11<'Poater, Thomas Best, $1.
120lbld., 65-67.
121lbld., 66.
122L.R., Ill, I4.0-U1. Uk; Liu-» I» 235.
l 23ibid.,5U.
l^Ibld., 127, 83.
125lbld., 115-
1 26L.R., Ill, XX-XXI, 95-101,
127ibld., 129-
I28ibld., 125-127.
129Ibld., 220.
130lbld., 222.
131ibld., 57, 59.
132ibid., 123, 125-126.
133L.R., IV, 14.69.
•^L.R., Ill, 228.
1 3 5L.R., IV, 72.
^Loc . cit.
IUL.R. , V, 171.
^ 2Ibid., 165.
^3L.R < I IV, 167.
U^Ibid., 5.
' Van Leur, Indonesian Trade, 133«
152o.C. No. 753.
^o.C . No. 602.
^L.R. , VI, 72.
155çoen, I, 330.
156Q.C. No. 595.
l570.C. No. 602.
^flo.C. No. 602. One Tael was a little less than 4 Rials,
159o.C. No. 654.
l600.C. No. 659.
l66 0.C. No. 753-
l670.C. No. 821.
l680.C. No. 1018.
l69ç_oen, I, 595«
l70DJaJadlnlngrat, "Overzicht," 179-l80.
171Çoen, I, 595.
1?2H, Kroeskamp, De Westkust en Mlnanflkabau (1665-1668), 1931, Zkî Schrleke, ISS, I, 52.
l'3Kroeskamp, De Westkust, 25; Coen, I, lj.75.
17q.Kroeskamp, De Westkust, 25«
175Schrleke, ISS, I, U9-50.
*76}j. Macleod, "De Oost-Indische Compagnie op Sumatra In de 17e eeuw," 10, II, 1903, I2I4.6.
177 Pactory Records (Java), III (1), 1613-22, f. 273.
l8^Salnsbury, Calendar, 1622-1624, 155, 207, I87.
l85sainsbury, Calendar, 1622-1621+, 3OO; Factory Records (Java). Ill (2). 12, Ik; J. E. Heeres, Dagh-Roglster, I62J4.- 1629, 8, 91, HÓ .
l86Macleod, 10, II, 1903, 12I4.6.
K â 1fl?an*?wrritf Ruy U t 0 Jacc l u o a L'hermlte, 20 July I608, I60é; Itl. , 96?! Wlllem3 z t 0 Admiral Verhoef, 2 November
l880pkomat, III, 339.
109See above, "The English Trade In Acheh," 123-i|.
190Qpkomat, III, 51.
19lLeupe, 219/1.
192j. E . Banck, Atchln's verheffing en val, I873, 75.
193Leupe, 219/I.
191<-Schrleke, ISS, I, 5k.
19^Coon, I, 28-30.
196L.R., II, 31k.
197Coen, I, 30.
198Ibld., 60.
199ibld., 26-27.
200pOater, Thomas Beat, 59.
201Leupe, 219/1.
202çoen, I, 129.
203john Mlllward, Memorial of a Voyage, etc. In Purchaa His Pllgrlmea, 1905, IV, 286.
20^Leupe, 219/1; Kroeskamp, De Veskkust, 18.
20^L.R., VI, 72.
0 Coen, I, 2lj.0-2!;l; MacLeod, Zeemogenheld. I, 186.
2°7çoen, I, 252|.
208Ibld., II, 258-259.
209Tieio, Bouwstoffen, 167-168; Coen, VII (D , 2I4.8.
210Çoen, VII (1), 214.9-250.
211L.R., VI, 72.
212çoen, I, 253-
213o.C. No. 623.
219lbld., I4.77.
220ibid., If36.
222ibid., 397.
223lbld., 399.
22^Coen, VII (1), 611, 401.
225ibld., 397, 401.
2260. C. No. 753«
227ç_oen, VII (1), 401.
228Çoen, VII(l), 611.
229Coen, VII (1), 610-611.
23°Harris, I, 731, 733-
3 Kroeskamp, De Westkust, 25.
232MacLeod, Zeemogenheld. I, 3I4.O.
2 33ibid., 341.
23l+Ibld., 3I4.2.
235ibld., 2kk.
2 3 MacLeod, 10, II, 1903, \2$\\.
237Leupe, 219/3.
238L0C cit.
239Ibld., 219/2.
^OpaKh-Reglster, l62l|-l629, 3, 15, 58, 6J+, 78, II7 , II8 .
^Ipagh-Peglster. 162U-1629, 129. 179, I89, 210, 219, 220, 288, 2Ö9, 2^5, 300, 302, 325, 328, 330; Coen, V, 3I.
2^2MacLeod, Zeemogendheid .1, 3I4.5-
^ P. C. Danvera, The Portuguese In India, I89I4., II, 228-232.
^Dagh-Reglster, I63I-I63I;, 128; Coolhaas (ed.), Generale Misalven, I960, I, 386.
2^°goolhaaa (ed.), Oenerale M/lsalvon, I-, 129.
25°Ibld., 130.
2^ 1Ibld., 237-238.
25 2Ibld., 239.
2 ^Leupe, 219/5.
Chapter V
Acheh under Iskandar Thani: the Beginning of the Decline
Iskandar Muda (1607-1636) was succeeded by his son-inlaw, Sultan Mogol, a prince of Pahang. He had been brought to Acheh as a young boy Immediately after the conquest of Pahang (I618). On his accession to the throne of Acheh he assumed the title of Iskandar Thani. About the circumstances of his accession the English traveller Peter Mundy writes:
The old tyrant perselvlngs the bad inclination of his owne only soune, then in Courte and waitinge his fathers death, caused this his successor and sonne In lawe to goe privily and well appointed in the nlghte to his owne sonnes howse and to surprise and slay him suddenly, which he said was the only means of safety for hlmselfe. And this beinge done, the old man Instantly declared him his helre and successor and 8oe Expired.1
This account Is confirmed by the report (12 March I637) of the Dutch merchants returned from Selebar (west coast of Sumatra), which said that about fourteen days before his death the old king of Acheh had his only son strangled to death and that he had chosen as his successor a prince of 2
Pahang.
Iskandar Thani was born around I6IO so that at the time of his accession to the throne he was about 25 or 26 years enlloeß ena to gnlonlgod ent ilnadt nabaeial zebno denea -al-noe sld yd bebeeooua asw (dgdr-yodl) abuM zabnaial of adguond need bad e .gnadaq lo sonlq a LogoM naslue . wal gnadal to Jeeupnoo eda gesla vfejalbammł yod gnwoy a as dediá bemuaea ad dedoa to enorns eds of noleeessa eld no .(Brdr) ald lo soonademozlo eda duodA InadT zabnadel lo elsis edt :aedlaw vbnoM tedeq teffovant dalign3 edt noleseoos
To noldanlfont bad edd agnlvleazeq dnetyd blo edt eld egntalaw bna ednwo ał neda anwoe Víno enwo eld ennos bnm toeseooua eld eldd beeueo dteeb azentat ads nl besałogqe flew bne yllvinq eog os owel nl boa eslzqzwe os bna eewod sannoa enwo ald os atdgia enaen vino edt saw blae ed doldw tinabbua mid yafe edd , anob egnted eldt bnA alleamid nol vdelas lo -ove bna elled ald mid bezaloeb vlsnetant nam blo I,baniqxà sos bne zosaso
To ((gdr dozan SI) amogen edt yd bomilngoo al dnuooóm aint Jo dabeo daew) zedefeß most bantutet adnsdozem dojut edd sld eroled egeb nostzwot duode dens blae doldw . (atdemw8 ot belgnanse nos yino eld bed dedoa lo gnlx bio edd djasb lo eonlnq a sossepowe ald sa nesodo bed ed dadd bna ddseb
omit ens da Jans es ordl bnuona nzod aaw Inant zebnaial azaeg dS no 2S duoda sew ed enozdd oda od nolasspsa ald to
.OSI ,(I) III .ybmuM mesoS .elqmetí of age.-* He waa a person of mild temperament and liberal disposition, presenting a sharp contrast to his predecessor. He waa very generous to the European traders but In this he was continuing the relaxed policy of the last years of Iskandar Muda.
About three months after his accession the English traders returned to Acheh. They did not represent the English East India Company but were agents of Its rival, the "Courteen's Association." In December 1635 this association had received a commission from King Charles I of England for a voyage to Goa and thereafter to Macao and Japan "notwithstanding any grant or patent formerly given to the East India Company."^ In April I636 this association sent out six ships, of which the Dragon, the Sun, the Katherine, and the Anne arrived In Acheh on 22 April I637.
The king received them with great friendliness and granted them exemption from customs duties which were In force during the relgn of Iskandar Muda. A factory was established under the charge of Edward Knipe. . A house formerly belonging to the Danes was given to them temporarily.6 The Courteen'a Association merchants looked at the
LazedlI bne anemateqmed bllm to noazaq e saw o E.oga 2o zoeaesebezg sid od dsazdnoo qzada e galddemezq , noltlaoqeló ed sldt nl dud szebazt naegonnd edd oj edozaneg yzev nsw eß lo asney jeal eda lo tolloq baxafes end galunidnoo saw abut zabnsial
dalignà ons noleeeooa ald tedie andnom sezdd dpodà enj Jnomezget Jon bib tent dedoA ot benaujei szeband oda , lavin ett to ednege stow dud yaaqmo0 atbnl daal dellgaa noldalooaes etda gdf zedmeoet nI ".notssloonaA alneudwo" Tot bnaigna lo I sefzadO gntà mozl nolealmmoć a bavleoes bad -dtlwjon" naqat bna oaosM ot teslaezadt bae doD of ogayov A jeaz ont ot nevis vfvomiot anedaq to dneng tne gnlbnada Juo dnes notdalooena alds dgar flnqA aI uu.yneqmoD albnI bne , enlzedtaX ada ;au2 ędd ,nogand ods doldw lo ,eqida xie
.vEal lnqA SS no dadoa al bovima annA eda
bns aeonilbnelit deesg ddlw mada bevlsost gahh adt nl ezew doldw asljub kmodauo moit noldqmoze medd bednarg -ae bew ytojoat A .abuM nabnekaz lo nglet edd gnlub eozol eevod À .eginX biavb3 To egnado ena zebou bedalidad -logmet medt ot nevlg eaw sedel odt od gnlgnoled yizemzot eda da bexool adnadozem noldslooasA a'neeszuoD edt d yfive zbouM nedes slgmet ;gbt ",adolamevo" ,Jangalnlbatatat, eI, (1) III dgdr-pfor albnl nt selzotoot delfana ent.zejeowi bxxx,I1ei
.vixx.(1) III .ybnoM mede9,diqmet ;.ato .cod III ,ybnoM Tajes , efgmet at "rEdI , emoget neejzuog"d Ser,81r ,S,(r) II1 ba .5-dd.(S)
Achenese trade from a completely different angle than had been done previously by the English. One of the main objectives of the Courteen'a Association was to trade with China. They now looked upon Acheh as a convenient place "for Correspondence with China." Acheh was connected with the Chinese trade Just as It was with the Indian trade. In the earlier period the English had been more active on the Indian aide of Acheh's trade and the Dutch operated mora on the Chinese side, although the latter had close connections with the Coromandel coast. The Courteen's A a30C * a t i o n merchants first set up a centre of trade at Bhatkal on the west coast of India and at Acheh. Then they ventured to move over to the eastern wing of Acheh trade. They expected to carry 7 pepper from Acheh to China and bring back sugar.'
The Dutch did not like the return of the English merchants to Acheh. The Dutch merchant Johan van der Meulan picked a quarrel with Edward Knipe by saying openly that the o latter and his associates were not merchants but pirates. The Dutch, however, failed to push the English out of Acheh's trade Immediately. Knipe cultivated good relations with the king and managed to continue for at least two years. It seems that the English had to leave because they fell out bad nant efgna dnenetllb.giedalqmoo a mort ébast esenedoA -do nlam oda lo eno deligna edd yd víavolvanq anob need dalw eband od ssw moldaloose etneadguo) edd lo sevidoet zol" eosiq dnolnevdoo a ea dedoA nogu belool won genf anido edd dtlw betoonnoo aaw dedoA ", anldo Halw eonebnogaettot odd al ebend nalbnI edd ddlw aaw al sa daut eband esenldo nalbal end no evidos osom need bad dellgnd end bolzeq sellzae end no ezem badazego dodud edt bne ebegt s'dedeà to ebla daly anoldpennoo esofo bed qetdai eds dgoondie ,ebls esanido ednedozem noldalpossà s'nesdwol ent tesóo fobhemozoD edd demoo deew old no Iaidedd da ebass To azdneo a qu des dantt od tevo eyom od bewdnov yeds nedt .dedoA de bna aíbnI 2o Vizao oa bedoeqxo gedt ebast dedoA lo gniw niadaee eda T. mague doad anlad bne anldo od dodoa most leqgeq . -zew Melignß eda lo amwdes edd okll don blb doduß ent nelveK deb nev nadót duadpsam dodul odt .dedoA od adnado edj dadd gínego gnlyae td oqinà boawbz daiw fastaup a bedołg B sedarig dud sdmadonem gon ezaw sedalooese ald bne toddaf a'dedoA to duo Hellgnz eds deug oa ballat mavewod dodud edt ens dalw enoldalei boog bedavldfuo eginX gfadatbomml obass JI veveet owd deeel da nol aunldnco od beganam bhe gals duo llot yans eawaoed eveeß os bed deligng edd dana emeve
T-Z8 . (S) II1 bme .(1) I1I .ybnuM mede9 , eIqmet .12E-d2E .II .ne31odewvo , ole228 of favor with the king through becoming friends of the Portu9 guese.'
The rivalry between the English and the Dutch at Acheh in the late thirties of the seventeenth century was of minor Importance and Acheh could no longer make use of It. Th« balance of power in western Indonesia had changed so much In the thirties that Acheh no longer held the strategic position which It had once enjoyed. With the death of Iskandar Muda the crest of Achenese power had passed.
The English had never been an important political force In the Straits region, although to win the friendship of Acheh they always stressed the fact that they were against the Portuguese. In I63I+, however, they signed a convention by which their long struggle with the Portuguese came to an end. When Iskandar Thani came to the throne of Acheh the English were no longer operating as an anti-Portuguese force.
In Indonesia and In South Asia the power of the Dutch had been growing almost unchallenged. The siege of Batavia by the Javanese king of Mataram in 1629 had failed. Bantam made peace with the Dutch around the same time. Governor General Van Diemen led an expedition to Cerara to put down rebellion. In I638 war with Macassar came to an end and Macassar agreed to recognise special rights of the Dutch in the spice Islands. It was in the thirties again that the
-udzoq eds to ebnelat galmooed dauoznd gaik edd dilw zovat to P.esoug dedoA da dojud eda bne dellyna ods neawted vzíavlz ent zonlm lo waw vwsneo dánesdnevee eds lo eeldaldd edal eds nl edt dl lo eau exam Tegnof on bluoo dedoA bna eonsddoqml nl doww oa begnado bad alaenobnl nzedeew nl sowoq lo sonaled nolsleoq olgedanda edt bied zegnol on dedoÀ dand eebdalna eds abuM zabnakal lo daaob eda diiw .beyolne eono bed al dolnw besseq bed dewoq esenedoa lo desvo eds sozot faoljllog Jnejzqml na need zeven bad daligna enT To qidabnelat edt aiw os dguonais nolges adlazse edt nl danłege enew yedt dant Joat edd baneezde eyewls tedd dodoá moldneynoo a bengła yent , tevewod , dfdI nI esongudtoi edd ne od emeo esewguttos eda dslw elgguzde gnol sleds doldw td. edi dedoà to anosda eda os emao lnedt tabnasal nenw .bne ,eozot ebeugujzo-fons na as gnldazego tegnof on esew dalign dodut ond lo towoq edd elaA davoß nt baa aleenobnI nI alvajad lo egela edt beghelladond seomfe gnlwors need bad majnaa .bellat bad psdl al mazaten to gntk eaonevat eds yd tonzevoß . omi emas edt bnaota dodud end dalw eoseq ebam nwob daq cs mazeß ot nolulbagxe na bel nemeld nev lazeneù bna bne na od ameo tasaaban dalw taw Bgdt ni nollfedet nł dodud eds lo addgiz Taloega aslogocet od beavga sssmaceM ond dadd nlage selaildd edd nl eaw al ebnaial eolge edi
Dutch tried to gain control over the trade of the Bay of Bengal. In I634 a factory waa opened In Arakan and a rice trade waa started between that factory and Batavia. This led them to take over complete control of the Straits of Malacca. The permanent blockade of Malacca began around that time. In I636 Van Diamen began the blockade of Ooa In the west coast of India. In I638 Dutch help was sought by Raja Singa of Ceylon who was at war with the Portuguese. The latter were driven out from Batticaloa and the Dutch were given monopoly over cinnamon trade.
In the struggle against the Portuguese Malacca the Dutch still sought Acheh's help. But Acheh was not an Indispensable ally; Johore was there, prepared to Join the Dutch against the Portuguese.
At a time when the Dutch were growing into a strong power in Indonesia, Acheh needed a strong king to handle her foreign affairs. The feudal-despotic state built up by Iskandar Muda could be run only by a masterful personality, one with a great capacity for offering leadership of the traditional type. Iskandar Thani was not fit to play this role. He had pleasing manners but much of his liberality sprang from weakness. Acheh was bending before powerful historical forces.
The new king wanted to continue the struggle against Portuguese Malacca. He asked for help from the Dutch Governor to yeß edd to abast edt mevo fosanos nley ot belns dodud eolz a bna nelazà nl bonogo saw vzodoal a dEdl nI .fagnea bei alnt .alvajed bna tzojoat dadd neowded bedzads cew ebant .mooalaM 3o atlende edd lo fozdnoo efeiqmoo tovo éxss os mads nI emls Jadd bnuozs naged aooefam lo sbaxooid dnenamzeq adt Janco daew add ni aod to ebaioofd sds naged nemsłd nav dgal To agnie ataß yd adguon aaw qled dodul Bgdr nI albnI to ezew zejtal edt .saeugutzoq edt dalw new da eaw odw nolyed tloqonom nevig ezew dodut edt bns solacldded most duo neviub of sbaza nomannto nevo edt aooalaM eseugudnoß edd danlaga efgguide eda al -albat na don saw dedoA Juß qied a'dedoA ddguoa fllds dodud dodud eda nict os bezagenq renent asw enodot ;tffa eldendeq eseugutzo9 adt dentage anonde a odał aalwong azow dodud eda nedw emłt a dá ted elbgad of gnld gmonje a bebeen dedaA ,sleenobnī ai qawoq danłaga elggunde eda eunłdgoo oj bednaw galk Wan edt zonzevo0 doduq eds mont qied tot bexes el .mooalaM eeouguszos
261 225-25.A2 ,1108.8.0.001
yd qu alled edade pldogeeb-fabuel ont aslatla aglezol yatlanobzeq fulzejaam a yd yino noi ed bfooo sbuM nabneial end to gidazebeel gnlzello zol yalongao daeng a dilw eno alds yelq os alt don eaw Inan't zabnaiel oqys Ianolslbars yallesedll aln To doum dud azennem goleaelq bad el elon futzewoq vsoled znlbned aaw dedoA, ,asenkaew mon? gnazqe .Beczol faplsodeld of Batavia. Van Diemen appointed Jochura Roelofsen Van Deutecora as an envoy to Acheh. The mission arrived in Acheh on 22 April I638, beginning a aeries of missions that were to follow in the next few years. The mission acquired for the Dutch important commercial privileges. The king of Acheh granted them exemption from import and export customs and exclusive enjoyment of the pepper trade on the west coast of Sumatra. The king further agreed that the pepper which his man annually brought from the west coast to Acheh would, from then on, be carried by the Dutch to Acheh. Finally he made the Dutch ship the Grol free from all duties for as long as it sailed.^ Iskandar Thanl'a reign thus saw the beginning of ever-deepening penetration of the Dutch into Acheh's trade, a process that was to continue under the queens who succeeded him. It was calculated that the customsfree ship the Grol alone would annually carry 2,000 bahars of pepper making a profit of 9,000 Rials. -*
As for the siege of Malacca the king said he was anxious to attack Malacca with Dutch assistance. As evidence of his attachment to the Dutch he related how he had turned down a Portuguese offer of alliance. The Portuguese had come with costly presents but he had not made peace with his enemies. ^
12Tiele, Bouwstoffen, II, 35U13coolhaas, Generale MlsBlven, 670.
nav nealoleoß mudoot bedaloqqa nameld nav .slvataß 2o ai bevieze moleelm edt II dedoA od kovne ne a mopedved dana enolaalm to eeiges e aninniged BgdI IlngA SS no dedoA bezlupoe nolealm ent .anmey wa't dxen ent al wollot od etew To anik ent -segellving falonemmoo snatzoqmt doaud edt zot smodaus dnoqxe bna dgoqul mont noldgmexe madt bednang dadoA deaoo daaw end no eband zeggeq adt lo dnemyothe evłaufpxe bas doldu zeqqeq ens dand beange zedáot gald adt ,aitaswe lo bluow dedoA os Jaaoo deew edt mont Jdguond kffaunna nem ald ad vflanly , dedoA od dodul odt kd belateo ad no neda most ea not aelsub fla mont pent fonù ernd qlde dodul eds sham edd wen suda nglen a'nant nabnaiel SIballes al ea gnol oant dodud ent lo noldesdeneg adlnegeab-zeve to galanlged end gebnu euntdnoo od saw tadt seeoozq a , ebazd e'dedóA -amodauo eda Jens bejfuoiaoisaw dI ,mid bebespous odw sneeup To aradad Doo, S tiseo gflaunna bluow enola fozó eda glda eest £1.sle18 000,e 1o 317onq 8 3nikam 76qaeg anolxne cew ed blas gnlk ant eoosie lo ogele ent zol eA ald lo bonebive sà osnedelasa doduq dalk aboalaM Koasda ot a nwob bennwd bad ed wod bełafet ed dodud eds od doewdoadja dalw emoo bad eaouguanos edt .eonallle lo tello éaeugudtos dl selmane ald dilw oomeg abam don bad ad Jud adnesenq YIjsco
.d00 .I .8rd1-Ord1 novleelM eferoneD ,saadfooff
The Dutch, however, suspected that the king was not as hostile to the Portuguese at heart as he pretended to be. They came to know that there had taken place a big transaction between the visiting Portuguese and the king. The Portuguese had brought In costly jewels and had taken back 10 bahar of rials I.e., 6I4.,800 Rials.^ Carel Reniera, Governor of the Coromandel coast, wrote (19 March, I638) that he could not believe that the Sultan Mogol (Iskandar Thanl) meant business when he eald that he would fight the Portuguese, for he was actually a great friend of theirs. The Dutch were suspicious because the king always tried to put off the proposed campaign. On l8 October I638 he sent an envoy to Batavia suggesting that the proposed attack be post17 poned until his' envoys had returned from Pahang and Johore.
Commander Paulus Crooq led a second mission In May 1639. He had with him a costly krls (a sword) as a present for the king. Iskandar Thanl received It with grace and honoured It by raising It to his head. As for the expedition he found an excuse as usual. He said he first wanted to settle matters with Johore with which he was at that time engaged In a bitter feud. Johore had occupied Pahang, hls own homeland, and Iskandar Thanl had failed to do anything effective about It.
aa don saw gnłk edt dand bajooqaue tevewon dosud adt ed os bebnejenq ed am dzead da eseugudnot edd od elldaod -ansid gtd s eoziq nekad bad eseds Jens wonk od omao yodt edt gntk eda bna eseugudnot gntalalv ena naawdad nołdon dosd neias bad bna slewet vijeoo nt adguond bed eaaugudzot smetneß foza0 2f.aleln 008, 10 ..e.1 alalm To Taded 01 Jand (BgdI , dozen Pr) adorw , Jesoo febnemoroD'ens to sonzavoe (Inant tebnakal) fogoM naaiue ena dant avelfed don biuoo ad -odsot edd ddgt't bioow od dedd błes ed nedw aaenland dneem odt dr.avledd lo bnelat Jseng a kllaudoa saw ed tot , esoug duq od belad syawis gnik pdd esumoed krololqade ezew dedut na Jaea ed Bgar nedospo Bi no nategmao besogosq eds 1to -jeoq ed.loajss becoqozq sna aada gnijsogaue sivadad os yovne fi.eronot bme gnadaq most benutez bad eyovne eln lldnu benoq Pgdf yeM nt nelsalm bnosee a bel poonl sulvat zebaammo
adt tot dnscezq s sa (browe a) sisk vltzoo a mld dtlw ban eß
bezwonod bna esang dalu ab bevteoet lnadt saboniel -gnid bnuot ed neljlbeqxo eds not aA .bead aid ot al galalat ad al ezejdam efdjss os bejnaw seil't ed bins el .faver ea oavoze na zetsid a ni bogagne emid Jhdd ta saw ad dolnw ddiw erodot dalw boe ,bnefemod nwo eld .gnedas belquooo ban ezodot ,bual df duode ovldnelte pntddyna ob of bellat bad Inadt mabhakal
.B\ers , eque05 PIPI,LOPI II ;OIboJOOMI
In the dispute between Johore and Acheh the Dutch preferred to remain neutral. They tried their best to bring 18 about a reconciliation between the two but failed. Johore proved to be a better ally and helped the Dutch In 1639 In 19 7 In April 161+0 the attacking and taking Portuguese ships. Dutch sent Jean de Meere to press the Achenese king to carry out his promises. This time the king flatly refused to help 20 the Dutch unless they cut off all connections with Johore. The Dutch did not want to antagonise Acheh because the latter had been treating the envoys of the Company very well and had already made substantial concessions In trade. They hoped to resolve the differences between the two states after they 21
had taken Malacca. With the help of Johore and without the help of Acheh the Dutch took Malacca on ll+ January I6I4.I. A month later, In February 161+1, Iskandar Thanl passed away. With him
ended the "glorious epoch" of Acheh's history. The fall of Malacca coincided with the beginning of about sixty years of feminine rule In Acheh (161+1-1699).
This period saw the gradual decline of Acheh's power and the
-asq dodud add dedoA bns avodot neewded edugalb edd nt gnfnd os daed fladd belns vent fazdwen alamet od bozzet ezofot 81 oi.beltat dud oud eda neowded aotdnlilonobes a dpoda nt Pgdr nt dodud edd bogied bne yila sedded a ed od bevozq eds Oddr, IlnqA nI ef.eqide eaeuguonot goldad bne galdoadde tizeo ed gnld eeenedoà edf asotq of eseek eb neet dnee dodud gied od beanlex yidait anlx edd emla eldte ,eenlmong ald duo zeddal edd eeuaoed dedoa eelnogadna od dnew don bib dojuß edt bad bna lfew yrev ynaqmot odd to eyovne edd gałjaond noad bad ot begon vont .ebens at enotazconco Lalánajedun obam ybaenis tedd sedte eedaja owd edd neawded esonezettib edd evfoses
SS S.eovafaM neet bad .ISPI .COPI,II.OI,DJMPI .310 ,00.105
dedsa torqfed ens duodilw bna ezonot to qiad edd dalW tejal ddnom A fudf yeawnet il no soomlsM doot dodut odi mld darw .gewe beseeg taent mebnakel ,Igòl gomridet nt
-yzodeld a'dedoA lo "dooge avolzolg" edd bebne to gntnnlged end dsiw bablonloo asoafan to ffut edt .(epdl-fdol) dedoA ni slus enlalmat lo azeey vdxle duoda edt bma newog a'dedoA To enlfoeb leubasg ads waa bolneg atat
mont mooaleM 1o emudgao bmm egelz edt" ,equel .A .g81 Zant ,(neldoomn paM yd .st) "IlóI-OudI nt sseugudaot end .BI .(1) VIX,dEPI
.BI-VS .(1) VIX ,dEPI ,BARMML .OqUeJIS shrinking of lts dominions. With the last vestige of the Portuguese power swept out of their way, the Dutch emerged as the supreme military power In the Indonesian archipelago. Stage by stage they rolled back the frontiers of the empire of Acheh by compelling the tributary states to throw off their allegiance to Acheh. Within the kingdom the monolithic despotism of the sultans gave way to the virtual Independence of the ulebalangs.
ot epe njepsyeues
qeabopre ot epe snypoma Ruae meλ po ppo Artpney ruqobeuqeuce spegz sjjeßreuce po yopep Mrcptu epo krußqow ppe wouojrputo ot vopep pλ combejfruß ppe pztpnpenk spacea po cuzom olt apuße p2 wpoßo spek zopfe pwop ppe cuoncrore ot ppe embrze we ppe anbzome mijrreià bomet pu ppe Iuqonespen eropylejaßobozenaneee bomos amobp onp ot ppagi mel pue pnpop emei8eq
T-Temple, Peter Mundy, III (l), 120.
2Dagh-Rep;lster, 86.
^DJaJadlnlngrat, "Overzicht," I83; Temple, Peter Mundy, L' III (1), 119.
*J-W. Poster, The English Pactorles In India I63I1-I636. 1911, xxxl. ^ *-'
5LOC. cit.- ; Temple, Peter Mundy, III (1), xxlv.
6"Courteen Papers, I637" In Temple, Pater Mundy. Ill (2), U76-U77, and III (l), 117, HO , 137.
7Temple, Peter Mundy, III (1), and III (2), U-85-U87-
8Tlele, Bouwstoffen, II, 356-357.
9Templo, Peter Mundy, III (2), I4.6l-lj.62.
IOD.Q.E. Hall, HSA, 253-255-
^Coolhaas, Generale Missiven, I6IO-I638, I, 606.
^Tiele, Bouwstoffen, II, 355-356.
1$Ibld., 356-
l6Leupe, 219/8.
^MacLeod, IG, II, 1903, 1919.
l"p. A. Leupe, "The Siege and Capture of Malacca from the Portuguese In 161+0-lói+l " (Tr. by Mac Hacoblan) , JMBRAS, 1936, XIV (1), 18.
l^MacLeod, 10, II, I903, 1921.
20LOC. clt.
21Leupe, JMBRAS, I936, XIV (1), 17-18.
Chapter VI
Summary and Conclusions
Lamrl and Acheh were two different places although Inhabited by the same Achenese people. Lamrl was a sea-port easily noticed by outsiders whereas Acheh lay about two miles inland on the banks of the Acheh river. The two places were united Into the "kingdom of Acheh and Lambry" at the end of the fifteenth or the beginning of the sixteenth century.
In trying to understand Acheh's role In Indonesian trade and politics In the first half of the seventeenth century It Is necessary to bear In mind certain characteristics of the Achenese people as revealed In their early history.
The northwestern extremity of Sumatra was a frontier region, a wild country, notorious for Its coastal pirates and the savage dwellers of Its Interior. This possibly explains why the area escaped Indlanisatlon at a time when Hindu-Buddhist Influence was dominant in Indonesian culture. Both pllltlcally and culturally It was remote from Palembang, the seat of the imperial authority of Srlvljaya and the centre of Mahayanist Buddhism. Later on, when Acheh emerged, it was relatively unencumbered by Hindu-Buddhistic tradition.
Prom very early times the Achenese people were noted for their strong love of Independence and their militant anolaufono bna visamuß
-al dguodafa seomfq dnezattib owi ezew dedoa baa lumead Jzoq-see a eaw limad elgoeq akonodoA emas ads td bedidad selím owt duods tal dodoA eaotedw ezoblajuo yd beoldon tilsse ezew saosíg owa ant zevla dedoà ed lo einad eds no bneínł to bne ona da "gzdkal bae dedoa lo mobynlk" eda. odnl bedina Viudneo dineedxlé adt to galnnłged eda zo ddneedtii edd ebazd naleenobnl nl ofoz e'dedoà bnatanabau of salyad.nl al vudneo dineednevos ada lo nfad dasit edt nt aoldtloq baa edà to eoljalzajoazedo niatieo bnin at taed ot yzenseden at Vrojald vizee mlont nl belaeven es efgoeq ezanedoA telanont a saw aljamua to ytlmesixe ntedaewdazon edt eedatiq fajaeoo sal mot suolzodon ,vashuoo bilw a dolget -xe tldiecoq-sldt zollednl el lo azeflowb agavee ods bne nedw amit s de noldaalnalbnł beqaone seza adt ydw eataíq enpdlao nalsenobal al dnanlmob aew eoneullnt seldbbud-ubalß guedmolet mont edomet mew al yilerosluo bna vllaolallig doom eda bne egattvlzb lo voioddue fallagml edd lo daes edà bogzome.dedoA nedw no sedal maldbbua dalnayadaM to ezdnep nololbazt oljatdbbod-ubalß vd benedmaronenw klevldafet asw di bejon ezeu elgoeq eaenodoA end semit vízae yzay mozt nadlfim vlens bns éonobnegebal to evof gnoida sledt mot spirit. The Indian invaders who raided Sumatra In 1025 A.D. met with particularly strong resistance In Acheh.
The Achenese were a sea-faring people accustomed to living on fishing and the returns from piracy. The Chinese knew about the pirates' nest sheltered in the islands off the Achln Head and called It the 'tiger's mouth.'
The area possessed camphor and benzoin, both of which were important articles of Asian trade. Merchants from many lands visited the seaport of Larari which was the first port of call for merchants coming from the west.
The earliest foreign notices of Lamri suggest that It was tributary to the empire of Srlvijaya. In the eighties of the thirteenth century Kublai Khan's envoys visited north Sumatra and urged the little states of the area to send emissaries to China. The Achenese people had a remarkable talent for taking advantage of external opportunities and they Immediately sent a diplomatic mission to China (1286) and thereby definitely established their independence of Srlvijaya.
Almost simultaneously with this assertion of independence began the Islamisation of north Sumatra. In 1292 Marco Polo noted that Perlak, a north Sumatran state, had accepted Islam although the surrounding countryside was still Inhabited by wild savages. Islamisation was a slow process. The merchant-preachers who were primarily responsible for the introduction of Islam to Sumatra aimed
.d.A 2SOI nl esdamu& beblat odu azobaval dalbaI edT .slaige dedoA ni vonadaleet gnonde tIiefuolazaq ddlw dem of bemodsuoos efgosq antzat-aee a ezay esenedoA edt saenido ont voazig mozt anzwden edi bna goideli no gnivll edt lto abnalal eds nl banedleda daon 'sotatiq edd Juode wenk '.dauom e'zegla' edd t balimo bne bas nidoA deldw lo diod nlosned bne modgmao besaessoq seza edt tnam mont stnedozeß ebend nalaA to sololdne dnatzogal ezok dnoq dazlt edi saw daldw lmél lo dnogaoa odd beslalv sbnal jeew edd mott galmoo adnadóvem tot llao lo di dads taeggue lmmal lo masldon nglazot daellmee en? selddgłe edd nI ,syalivlna to antqme enda od gtadudlnd saw dazon betlelv eyovne s'nadk lalduX gudneo dtnesdmldd eda lo bnea os mone edd to cetaje eluill edt begnw bna amdamue aldastemes a ban oiqoeq pesnedoA ent anidi ot selneselme bas dalslnudnoggo Ientedxe no eganevba gnliat tot sneles (dBsi) enido es noteslm oldamofgib a dnes kiedalbemmt yedd lo eonebaeqebnl aleds bedelidedee vledlnilab ydevedd bne ayalivine
-abnl to noldzesae aldt dtlw vIeuconstfumla JsomIA SpSI nl ardamua diton to moldaelmaleI eda Magod vonebneq bad ,ejasa nasdamue démon a dalnet sada bedon cfo9 conak aew eblaysanuoo gnłbnuonwe edd dguodais mafel bedqasos wofe a saw noldenlmaiel megavae biik ud bedldedal Illda -et vifzamlnq ezew odw azedometq-dnadozem ant .ebesozq bemle azdamwe ót malal lo noldoubonánl eds dot oldlanoqe at the conversion of the rulers of the coastal states as the most effeotlve way of converting the people. Por a long time the Moslem kings of these small coastal states ruled over predominantly non-Moslem subjects and they carried on almost continuous warfare with the heathen hinterland In the cause of Islam. In the fourteenth century, Samudra-Pasal was the chief centre of diffusion of Islam and the new religion remained confined to north Sumatra for over a century before it spread to Malacca at the beginning of the fifteenth century.
The Achenese people accepted Islam possibly In the second half of the fourteenth century. In the fifteenth century the pressure of the expanding power of Pedlr forced the rulers of Lamrl to move to Makota Alam on the northern bank of the Acheh river. A second Moslem ruling house had already been established et Dar al-Kamal on the southern bank of the same river. Towards the end of the fifteenth century the two houses concluded a matrimonial alliance uniting the Acheh valley and Lamri In one kingdom. Pedir was then the dominant power In north Sumatra and It claimed suzerainty over Acheh and Daya.
The coming of the Portuguese to western Indonesia at the beginning of the sixteenth century brought new opportunities. Under the able leadership of a line of kings Acheh took a great leap forward. The Immediate gain for Acheh was, of course, the opportunity to capture superior artillery from the Portuguese. All Mughayat Shah seized a sufficient ayal ban dedoà tevo
eds em sedate latasoo edd to ezeluz adt lo nolazevnoo edd de emld anoí a tot valgoeq end znldlevnoo lo yaw evldoetta zaom -ezq nevo boíuz medaja Iadaaoo lfama ebedt lo agnii melmoK edd deomfs no belrzao Kedt bna etoatdua meleoM-non vfspanlmob esnso add nt bnaitednld naddaed edd ddlw esalzaw swounldnoo edd saw lassq-mibuma2 .wdneo daneoduol edá al malal to -es nolgtfes wen eda bos mafal to noleutllh lo ezdneo Teldo dt ezoled yutneo a mevo mot sidamuz dinon ot benltnoo benłam Kiasneo dtneodtit edd to anlnolged edt da sooalaM od baozge eds nl vidlescq malal bedqepoa eIgoeq enenadoA ent
ddasedtlt ada nl -yaudneo déneedzwot add to ifad bnooba beozot albes lo tewoq gnlbnegze ads to sananenq edd tudneo nzedázon odd no malA adoña os ovom ot Inmal lo azelun end bad eanod ghlfur melaoM bnooes A zeviz dedoA edt lo dnad ánad nzedsuos,ada no famaß-le nag da bedalidadas noed vbaezle twdneo dinaeatin end to bne eda abiawo@ tevls emae eda lo edd gnłslna eonalila falnombadam a babufonoo tosuod cw eds eds nena eaw albeq mobyald eno al lamal bne tellay dedoà Vinlazesua bemisio al bna attmmuß dozon nl zewog dnaniwob
ta sleanobnl nzejaew od éeeugujzol oda lo galmoo edt -soqqo wen adguond paudmeo daneadxla edd to galanlged ada dedoA egalk To entl a to gidazebeol olda add mobat melálnud ssw dedoA zot nlag etstbamml edt bzewzot qeel deaig e doot mort yrelliata solreque awdqeo of gdlnudzogqo edt ,eawos lo dnelotttue a bezlea dade dayadguM liA ,osaugudmol edt quantity of European arms to enable him to throw off the allegiance to Pedir and make Acheh an independent state.
When the Portuguese arrived, Malacca was the largest trading emporium in the Par East and the most Important centre of diffusion of Islam. The capture of Malacca by the Portuguese In l5lli and their anti-Moslem policy afterwards, caused a dispersal of Moslem traders and scholars from that city. Many of them came to Pasal, which was the earliest centre of Islamic culture and at one time a flourishing port. The influx of new merchants led to a revival of Pasai's trade. This was, however, a shortlived affair, for the Portuguese began to extend their Influence over north Sumatra and to Interfere with Asian shipping near Pasai. By 1520 the Moslems began to feel insecure in Pasai. The only alternative left to them was the rising state of Acheh which under All Mughayat Shah had already begun to expand. In l£21 Pedir was taken and In 152I4. Pasai was annexed by the kingdom of Acheh. With the annexation of Pasai the supremacy of Acheh over north Sumatra wa3 fully established.
Three things are worth noting about sixteenth century Acheh. In the first place, the annexation of Pasai made Acheh the foremost centre of International trade in the Straits region. The Moslem traders were attached to Acheh because they received special privileges from Its sultans. Secondly, Acheh, which was originally a pirate state, now appeared as a champion of the cause of Islam. The native
-fa edd 2to wozdd ot mld efdene os amis neegonna to tilaneup atada dnebmegebat na dedoA elam bne mibet os ponałgel deegual ond ssw ebosian bevlnze vselgudzot edt ned dnatnoqmt daom edó bna deaß net edt aí mułnoqmo gntband edt yd moomiaM to enudgeo snt mafeI lo nołautttb to estnes sbiawzedle wolfoq mefaoM-zdna sledá boa ,Iizl nł oseugudzos Jada mozt avalodoa bna enebazt meleoM lo Leedeqalb a besuão deelinee adt eaw doldw , leeal od omao Nedd to yaaM kálo .anoq gnidalwoit a omit eno da bda emtido olmeleI lo eidneo a'leseß to lavlves a od baf sdnadonem wad to xuilnl ent edd not stelta bevllamode a zovewod, saw eldt ,ebait andamua dazon tevo eonepitni mledd bneixe os megad eeeugudsos oszl ya ,laeel veen gotqqida nelaà diiy ezelzodnl os bne -zedie aino ent ,Inees nt enupeanl foot of neged emelaoM eds zabnd doldw dedok to otade gntalm edd aaw weds od dlel eylden Mlbet IS2f aI, .bnaqxe of noged vbeenle bed dane zagadguk IIA to mobynłx edt yd boxanna dek leest us2i nl bna nexad baw dedoA To goamenque ens lasat to nolaaxonna edd datw dedoA bedalidadee giiul emw etdamu& ddion levo tmudneo dineodxle awoda galton disow ene egalda sennt ebem lamat lo notaanenne eds ,vsaiq Jazlt adt nl -dedoA edt nl ebaid lanoldenzadnt lo andnes Jeomezot edi dedol dedoA cj bedoasda ezaw svabans melmoM edt nolget edlande enadiua adl mon't eageilvlnq lalosqe bevlepes geds eauaoed won ,ejads eteniq a vllanlgłzo aew doldw ,dedok ,vfonooez ovldan edt maíel to veuao edd to nołqmado a se beseegqa war-like spirit of the people found Its full expression in the jihads (religious or holy wars) carried on against the heathen as well aa against the Christian Portuguese. The neighbouring Islamic states of Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula, which had at one time or another sided with the Portuguese, were also attacked. The justification was that those who had helped the Portuguese, the arch-enemy of Islam, deserved to be punished. Under the patronage of Its sultans Acheh became a great centre of Islamic theological studies and the Achenese military campaigns down the east and west coasts of Sumatra were responsible for the Islamisation of a large part of the island.
Finally, through these conquests, Acheh became a great territorial power. Under Sultan Alauddin al-Kahar the empire of Acheh extended to the eastern limits of Aru In the east and Included a considerable part of the West Coast. Expansion of the empire generally meant the establishment of the supreme authority of the king of Acheh over a number of petty kingdoms and not the extension of direct rule by the government of Acheh to the newly conquered areas. Conquest of Portuguese Malacca was, of course, the main objective of Acheh's foreign policy. During the sixteenth century Malacca was besieged many times by the Achenese fleet. The Portuguese managed to hold their own but lived under constant fear of the Achenese.
Acheh did not make any attempt to unite the Malay kingdoms Into a common alliance against the Portuguese. The eds nt nolemenqxe ffut asl bniot efgoeq-edd lo slilge exif-zaw nedtaed edt tenlage no balesao (szaw tfod to awolglfes) abadtt -dglen edt ,eseugudnot neldelndo ena santege es Ilow sa afuantnet gefaM edd bne atdamnt to eedate olmafal gnlwod easugudzot edi dslw beble dedjona to emlt eno da bad dolde bed odw esons dedd saw nołdaoltldeut adt .bexoadde oala ozow ot bavnseeb malel To kmone-dote eds , ezauguizol edd beqfon emaosd dedoA edasfua asi to eganozdaq edd mobnt bedelnuq ed ocenedoA odd bna eetbusa [aolgoloent olmaisI lo eldneo Jaeng e aztams@ to ajaeoo deew bne dese edt mwob anglagmao yesttiłm eda to dreq egnal s lo noldaalmalel eds tot oldlenogeei erew bnefal
Jaéng a emeoed dedoA ajeoupnoo eaoda dguomds .Vilanly eniqme eda tanaZ-Ia ntbbuafa nedjuę nebnV zewoq Ialtodlsies dase edd at una lo edlmli ntedaae eda oa bebnedxe dedoa to nolanaqzS deno0 daeW edt to Jraq eIdazeblanoo e babuIoni baa emezqus edd lo dnemdalldadee edt dneed tillateneg eslqme eds to amobghtá gasaq to sadmun a zevo dedoa To gnls ond to talmodaue to dnemnzevog end yd elum ddezlb to nolanadxe edd don bna smeugudzot lo dzsupnot ezezs bezeupdoo tíwen add ot dedoá nglezot é'dedoà to evidoetdo nlam eda eerwoo 2o eaw moomfaM begelaed eaw sooafaM vwdneo danesdxle edt gnlnud yolloq ot beganam eaeuguttot snt .deslt eeenedoA edt yd semit ynam eseneloa edd lo meet dpedanoo nebmr beyil Jud nwo sledo blod Kalal eda ejlnw od dqmedde tne eiam don blb dadoa edt .eaeugudnoß add danlaga eonalifs dommos a osnl emobgnlk old spirit of rivalry with the neighbouring states was too strong to be overcome, even In the face of an external enemy. The Portuguese Intrusion Into western Indonesia aroused militant religious opposition of the traditional type but It did not generate nationalism. The Islamic counter-attack, of which Acheh was the spearhead, was devoid of any nationalist content.
The spirit of jihad seems to have slackened towards the close of the sixteenth century. Sultan Alauddln Rlayat Shah made peace with the Portuguese being more concerned with his dynastic fyied with Johore. An exchange took place between Acheh and the Portuguese governments of Goa and Malacca. Then, just when Acheh found Itself at peace with the Portuguese and was expecting assistance from the latter against Johore, the English and the Dutch arrived.
The English and the Dutch were Interested in trade. They wanted to collect pepper at its source and for that reason sought to conclude agreements with the rulers of the pepper-ports of Sumatra and west Java. They came to Acheh because it lay outside the Portuguese sphere of Influence and they went to Bantam for the same reason. Neither the English nor the Dutch had anything of their own to offer In exchange for pepper. European commodities had practically no demand In Indonesia. So to begin with they let It be known that they were enemiea of the Portuguese and would be prepared to fight them If necessary.
EPI wen
ood eaw eedade gnlwoddgten edé dálw viíavlt lo dlalqa bío tmene fanzedxe ne to anet eda nt neve ,emonzevo ad qt gnonte beasoza slaonobnl nzejasw osnl noleuntat azeugudzot edt di dud eqys Isnoldibanà eda to notslkogqo auoigtlen daasilla domdja-zédnuoo plmafeI ent malfenolaan edazoneg don bib Jalfanoldan yno lo bloveb eaw , beeddeaqe eds eaw dedoà dotchu lo ,Jnednoo edd abiewod benosoais eved od ameen badit lo alslqa edt dada tayala plbboalá natiua ymudmeo daneatxła edt to esolo ald ddiw bonzeonoo esom gnled eseugudsoq eds ddlw soseg obem neewjed eoaiq dood agnadoxo pA' , ezonot ddlw bpkt oldeanyb .eboefaM bna sod to adhomatavog eseugudtoq edt bna derioA -udnoß edt dalw eogoq da lloatl bauot dadok nedw deut ned? denłega gotjaf ond most oonadalese galdoaqxe saw bne mmeugbeylaze dodnd sds bna delign3 edd ,azodot abend al bejaezadał etew dosed adt bna dallgas edt dadd zot bna esnwon atl de zegzeq deelloo ad bednaw vent end to azefus eda dilv ajgemoesga ebuiodoo oj adguot noezes dedoA ot omeo vont .avet deew bna estsoaa to ajzoq-zeqqeq aoneultnl to egedge esengudzog odt ableduo yal dt sauabed ant zadalet noaast pmea edd not madmad qa dnew yeda boe al sello ot awo sleds to galdáyaa bed dodud add von delfgna gifaplsoasq bad selslbommoo naegotud ,tegqeq sot egnadoze ed al def yoda dalw alged os o2 aleenobal nl bnamoh on ed bluew bna seougudsot odd to salmene azew gedd dend nwonl -yieeceoen lf modd Jdgll os besegong
The entry of the English and the Dutch into western Indonesia as anti-Portuguese forces was a matter of profound significance. But Alauddin Riayat Shah does not seem to have appreciated It at the beginning. He was still on friendly terms with the Portuguese and allowed himself to be guided by their advice In his dealings with the first Dutch visitors. The Portuguese gave the Dutch a bad name and succeeded in turning the Sultan against them. Such a thing could happen because Alauddin Riayat Shah was not primarily Interested in fighting the Portuguese; he was still seeking an ally against Johore. The situation quickly changed when the Portuguese request for a fortified post in Acheh aroused old suspicions. The Sultan soon discovered that the English and the Dutch were at least as powerful as the Portuguese and decided that they were prospective allies against Johore. As a result he allowed the Dutch to set up a factory in Acheh (1601) and sent two envoys to Holland. He also concluded an agreement with James Lancaster, the representative of the English East India Company, whereby he made several important concessions to the English including exemption from customs charges.
The high price of pepper in Acheh discouraged the English so much that despite a good beginning they did not continue their connection with Acheh and preferred to set up a factory In Bantam where conditions were more favourable. The Dutch maintained more regular contact with Acheh. They wanted to use It as a port of call In their voyages between niejaew odal dotud edt bne dallgnß sda to vadne edt bnwolodq lo tetdam a eaw seozot emengudtos-ldna sa almenobml oj maes don seob dada degaln nibbualA dua .eonaalttagle tIbnalit no Illda eaw on -ntnnlged edi da dt bedaloengge evad beblog ed od tloemid bewolfe bne eseugudzos edd dslw amzes azcstely dosul dazit eds ddlw egalfeeb eld al eslvba sledt yd nt babeeoona bns sman bad s dodud edt evag emeuguatoq edt neqqed biuoo galdd a doue mede denlaga najlüe end gnlazua nt bejeezesnt vitzamlnq don eaw dada dayeln htbbuaíá sauaoed danłage vida na gmhieee filde eaw ed ;esengudzot edd gniadglt asauguosos eds nedw begdado vixolup nołdaujle edt ezodot anololgave blo beauots dedoAthl Jeog beltljzot a tot Jeaupas dosul eds bne delfgna eda aadd betevoottb nooa natlue edt Jedt bebloeb bna eaeugudnot odd es Iutdewoq ea deaef de ezew ed Jluset a eA .enodot danlegs eallls evijoegaonq ezow yeds ban (rodi) dedeA ni yaojost a qu doe od dodud eds bewolfe dnemeetga de bebalonoo beła eß bnaffoß oz svovne owt dnee Jes3 delignd ena to evijasnenenqen end ,sedeeonad somat daly anołeaeonoo anajtoqal Iazaves ebam ed tdezedw ,tnaqmoù albnl egtado emodeup mott nolaqmoxe galbulont deligad eda o ond begenwooalb dadoà nt tegqeq lo eolaq dgld edt don bib teda dnlonlzod boog e aslqeeb dana douw oa daligna qu dea ot bezzelenq bne dodoA dalw noldoennos aleda eualdnoo .eldawovat ezon ezow enoldlbnoo esedw mednas nl todoal a Vedt .dedaà dalw doadnoo taluges enom benlednlam dodud edt neowded negayov sloda ni fiao lo dnoq s se al sew ed bednew
Bantam and Masullpatam on the Coromandel coast of India. Acheh was valuable to them as a source of Oujaratl cloth, for which there was a demand In Sumatra. In 1606 a Dutch fleet commanded by Admiral Matellef made a large scale attack on Malacca. This was their first major assault on that city. Had the city fallen to the Dutch the political situation In Indonesia would have changed radically. But the city survived and the Dutch-Portuguese rivalry continued till 161+1 when Malacca was finally taken by the Dutch. After their initial setback In Malacca the Dutch strengthened their position In western Indonesia by concluding agreements with Johore (I6O6) and Acheh (I607). By the agreement with Achoh the Dutch won a number of major concessions Including the right to trade duty free to the exclusion of all other European nations.
So far, Acheh's response to the coming of the English and the Dutch did not differ materially from that of the other Indonesian states. By making concessions through treaties they were in fact recognising the growing Importance of the new Europeans In Indonesian trade and politics. With the accession of Iskandar Muda in I607, however, Acheh began to react differently. This new king was aware of the advantages of the presence of the Dutch and the English as buyers of pepper and as possible allies against the Portuguese and he tried to make as much use of the situation as he could. He refused to recognise the validity of the albnl To Jasoo Iebnamozoi edd no madeqiluash bna mednag daolo Isasetuo lo eozvos a as medd os oldanfav eew dedek dotud a dodl al andemié ni bnamab a eaw etedt doldu not doajte enoa egtal a ebam lelledaM failmbA yd bebnammoo deelt yało dadt no dluazes zotam dazit tlend caw elnt movafam no al nolseudle Ieoldlloq edd dodud ens od dollst vato eda baß -we válo edt duß .yffaolbas bogdado ovad bfuow slaenobal Iddf fils beunidnoo vilavlt eeougodzóq-dodud ena bna bevty sleds vestA dojud edd yd doied vifanlt aaw asosfaN nedu Mledd beneddgnende dodud edd BooelaM al Noaddes falalal dalw adnemeeiga anlbufonoo td alaenobal azedeow nl doltteoq dcdoA dtlw dnemoezga eds yd.(Todl) dedoA bne (dodf) ezodot edt gntbulonl sooleseonoo totam to tedaun a now dodut eda teddo ffa lo noleuloxe edt ot eert kdub abaid os ddgle encldan nasqouá
detdgn3 ent to gnlmoo eda ot eanoqaei a'dedoA , zat os tondo edd to dand mont kifalmetam zettib don bib dodud edt baa aeldeent nguozdd snoleasondognikam ye.setata naleenobni edt lo eonaazqgal gntwong and gnłalngopet doat nt ezew gedd edt diiw aoldlloq bns oband naleonobnī al aneogowa wen ot nagbd dedsA ,zevewod TodI nl abuM tebnadeI lo nolasasos -be ent to stewa caw golk wen aldt .ylanazelllb dones ea dalfgnd ena bna dodud end to eoneeenq edd lo sogaddav -uazos edt denlaga sellla aldieecq ea bna teqqeq lo aiogud aa noljautle end To ben doum ss exam ot belns od bna ceoug edd to yatbijav eds eelngooan od beauter eh bfuos ed agreement signed with the Dutch by his predecessor. In I613 Thomas Best, the representative of the English East India Company, failed to secure confirmation of the agreement of 1602 signed with Lancaster by Alauddln Rlayat Shah. Iskandar Muda was polite to the Dutch and the English traders and very much wanted them to come and trade In Acheh but he was absolutely unwilling to give them special concessions. European traders could trade in Acheh only on the terms dictated by the king. They were obliged to pay estrbllshed charges and were not allowed to trade on the west coast of Sumatra without a licence from the king of Acheh. This licence was the principal bargaining lever in the hands of the king. He adopted the policy of granting licences to the Europeans for limited periods so that they had to keep coming back to him again and again for renewals.
The Gujaratis were the most important Asian trading group in Acheh, but It seems that they had fallen out of favour with the king during the early years of his reign. The fighting between the English and the Portuguese off the west coast of India may have dislocated the Gujarati trade between the Cambay-Broach-Surat region and Acheh and the west coast of Sumatra. Naval victories over the Portuguese In western Indian waters enabled the English to break Into the Gujarati trade and from I6l5 they began to supply Gujarati cloth to Acheh. In the same year they secured a two-year licence to trade In Tiku on the west coast of
EròI aI moaeevebenq ald td dodud edd dsiw bengla dnemeezga albaI daaß dallgnl eds to evtdesnesezqez sda ,dasß samont lo dnemeenge edd to noljamzltnoo enoee o bellet yaeqmo tebnaisl dade datelß ntbbualA yd sodamonal ddle bongle Sodl trey bna azeband dalígna end bne dodud edd od adlfoq eaw abuk -osde saw ad dud deñoA nl ebazd bna emoo ot medd badnew doum nasgonos ,enoleeennos lalosqe medd evig od gnlffiwin kiedui td bedatolb amies eda no víno dedok nl ebans biuco azebazł bne eegzedo bedalidndao taq os beglldo ezew yedt -golk eda sjdamuß lo desoo deow pdt no eband od bekofls dod ezow aaw eoneolf aldt dedoA lo gnix edi mot't eoneoll a duodaiv oc-gnla eda lo ebnad edd mi mevel antnlagzad faglontaq eda anmegozud eda od asoneoll anldneng 2o gollog sdt besqobs os doed gnlmoo qeex ct bad yedd dada oe abożmeq bastmti sot elawenst zot nlega bae nlega mid
anlbazt nalaa dnadzoqat teom eia anew aldauslpo ent lo swo nellat bed yeda dads emese at dud dedok ni quong agłot sld lo asaey times ant galub anld add dilw wovat edt lto seeugudnoq eda baa deifgn3 edd neewded gnisdglt edt abana Ijezatu0 odt betaoofalb evad yam atbal lo dason Jaew edt boe dedoA boe notget daswa-dosot6-yadmaD snd neewded esougudmoq ed mevo selnodolv favak .andami2 to deaco daew otal keezd ot daliynl add beldans esedow nalbnI nzedaew ni viqque od naged yedd Zidi mont bna abass tdazatuo eda a bazusea gens maey omas edd aI dedoA od daofo tdazetuó to Jemoo deew edd no wxit ni ebans oj voneoti mmoy-ows
Sumatra. A factory was set up in Tlku which continued to exist until I619. Between I6l5 and I618 the English carried on a profitable trade in Acheh and on the west coast of Sumatra. They regularly carried Gujarati cloth to Acheh and Invested the profits In pepper which they carried to Bantam for transshipment to London. The English had not come to Indonesia originally with the purpose of taking part In the cloth trade between India and Indonesia, but they soon found out that there was little scope for direct trading between England and Sumatra. To collect pepper It was necessary to supply Indian cloth. First they built up a line of trade between Gujarat and Acheh. Subsequently they also took part In the trade between Acheh and the Coromandel coast.
English trading in Acheh temporarily dislodged the Gujarati merchants from the market, or, at least did consider able damage to their position there. In I616 the Gujaratis made an attempt to regain their position by ousting the English but failed.
Compared to the English, the Dutch were In a disadvantageous position In Acheh. The king was disappointed with them because they did not help him with arms and ships against the Portuguese. Moreover they sided with Johore when the Achenese attacked Batu Sawar, the capital of Johore. The Dutch found It difficult to cope with the English competition In Acheh because they did not have the same access to Gujarati cloth as the latter. In I6I6 they withdrew their rer
od beunldnoo doldw uxit nl qu dea eaw ytodost A .andamuß beitteo delfgn3 eda Brd1 bne ZidI neewdet PldI lldnu salxe to dezos deow edt no bna dedoA nl ebast afdatltosq a no bne dedoA os diofo Idazaluo belzzao vízslugex yent .atdamuz masnaß ot belizao tedt doldy seggeg al asllonq eda bejaoyal oj emos Jon bad dallgnd edt nobnol o anamqldeenazt zot edt al staq anllat to eaogiuq edi dilw vflanlglzo sleenobal bnuot noos yedi aud alcenobnI bna albnī nasided ebaza ddolo neawded gnlband doeslb zot egooe eltdlf eaw ezedd dads duo oj yzaseeoan saw 3t zeqqeq Joelloa oT .andamuz bns boefgn3 ebazs lo enlf a qu aflud vedt sanig ;ddolo nalbal vígqus dmeq doos oafa veda vidnaupaaduz dedoA bna dezatúd peawded .tasoo Iobnamozoj add bna dedoA deowted ebans edt al eds begbofelb vflzenogmet dedoa al galbans daligna -zeblenoo bib desel de ,to ,taizam oda mont ednadozem Ijagalu0 sltazalno ont dldl nI ezend noltlaog slond od egamab elde edd anldeuo qd nolalaoq zledd nlagez os agmajda na abam beflat ded dalfgog
-baelb a nl erow dodud edd dalfga eda od bezeqmod beanlogqealb saw gnlk adt dedoA al nolsleoq eucegadnay eqlde bna emia dalk mid qied don bib gods eavajed medd dalw nedw ezodot nalw bebla vens zevoazo .ezeugudzoq edt denlags eit ,etodot to faslqao eda , tawa2 usmß beioadda esenedoA edd -eqmoo dellgaà eda dalw egoo od aluolatib at bouot dodud od aaopoa eman ana aved jon bib tend sauaoed dedoA nt molald sleda warbddiw yeda didr nIneszaf eds aa daofo lsazelud factory from Acheh. Almost simultaneously they began to send ships from Bantam (west Java) to the west coast of Sumatra to look for suitable ports for collecting pepper. In l6l8 the king of Acheh did not renew the English licence but granted a licence for two years to the Dutch. The Dutch trade with Acheh was tied up with their trade between the Coromandel coast and Bantam.
The growing demand for pepper led to increasing participation by the king of Acheh In the pepper trade. He used his coercive powers to buy up large quantities of pepper from the west coast of Sumatra at a cheap rate to be sold at a high rate to the Europeans. His ultimate aim was to monopolise the pepper and cloth trade so that he could dictate the price of these two commodities. His attempt at complete monopoly failed but his Interference in the trade succeeded in raising the price of pepper. Before I6l5 the price of pepper varied from I3 Rials of eight to 20 Rials. In 1621 the king sold his pepper at 6I4. Rials per bahar (375 lbs.). On the west coast the price remained lower but the Europeans were excluded from trading in that area after 1620.
The rivalry between the English and the Dutch was advantageous to Acheh. In 1620 news reached Indonesia of the agreement signed between the two powers In 1619. The king of Acheh did not like the reconciliation between the English and the Dutch and tried to tighten his grip over the pepper trade. The English and the Dutch oould not give up trading
-lszaq gnlesezonl os bel zeqgeq zol bnameb gnlwoty ent beau eß abana meqgeq eds at dedoA to gnid eds kd noldaqio mont soqqeg to aeltldnaup egzaf qu yud gd etewoq evtozsos ald a da bioa ad os ajat qaedo e da asdamwß lo damon deew end eellogonom os amw mia etamisln slm .aneegowd eda oj odad dgid eolzq eds adadolb bíuoo ed dads oe abait djolo bna deqqeq edd tiogonom edelqmos da dqmetss el astslbommoo owd esady lo nl bebesooua eband edz nl eonezelmednt eld dud bellat teggeq no eolaq ent ?iar szotes .teqqeg To eolaq ond gnzelat gald sdd Isòl aI efsln Os od ddgle lo afatn Ef most bettav add n0 ,(.adi 2sE) meded toq alain dà da teggeq aid blos azow anaegowa ent sud zewol benłamez eolnq edd desod jaow .Osdi zedle seze dana ni gnlbana mont bebaloxe -ba aav dodud ada bue:dalignà eda neewded yiíavlt ed? odd lo alasnobnI bedomez awen OSdf nI dedoA of sdoegednav gntk ent .pidr al azewog owa and neewded bengła dnemeenga dalfgnk eds neawted nolsalllonooes ens sxll don bib dadok To teqqeq edd tevó qlna sid dedigta od belia bne dodud eds bne galbeza qo evig Jon bluoó dodud end bna deffgoß edt .sbais
bnea ot naged tend ylevoenasfumla ssomfA dedoa mozt yzodoat anjamwe lo dazoo deew edt ot (svat teow) masneß wott aqide Brdi nI .reggeq gnidoelloo not adtog efdsilus zot koof os dud eoneoll dalfgna ada wenes tpn bib dedoA to gald edt ebait dodud ent dodud edt os szaet ows zot ooneoll a batneng febnamozoD ena neewded abant tleda ddlw qu bels saw dedoa dalu madna bns Jasoo
In Acheh because they feared that If they left the French, who had arrived at the end of 1620, would reap the benefit. Moreover, the Gujarati merchants and the traders from Dabul were beginning to give serious competition to the Europeans again in the twenties.
The difficulties of trading In Acheh led the English and the Dutch more and more to Jambi In southeastern Sumatra, which lay outside the Achenese empire. They could not, however, discontinue trading in the kingdom of Acheh which for them continued to be an Indispensable source of pepper especially In view of their strained relations with Bantam.
Iskandar Muda revived the old expansionist foreign policy of Acheh and under him the empire stretched across the Straits and included a large part of the Malay Peninsula. The traditional struggle against the Portuguese In Malacca was renewed. The territorial expansion of Acheh under Iskandar Muda was not a mere continuation of a sixteenth century trend; it represented something more. The coming of the Dutch traders touched off a scramble for pepper In western Indonesia to which Acheh reacted by throwing up a new empire. It was partly an attempt to reach out to the pepper-gardens of the Malay peninsula and to control as many pepper-ports as possible.
Iskandar Muda was unable to make much use of the hostility of the English and the Dutch towards the Portuguese. The European traders brought him supplies of gunpowder and dones ená diel veda ht dads benaet yeda eapaoed dedoA nł jitoned eds qees biuow Osdl lo bne edd-da bevizza bad ode fudel mont szebana ada bna ajnañozem tdenatuo edd zevoszoM znaeqonw? eds os nolałásqmoo suolzes evig os gnłnnigad ezow seldnowj edt nt claga dalfgna eda bel dedoà al gnibait lo meldiuoltnib ent aidamo2 nzedasadduoa nl Idmst os ezom bne ezom dosuí end bna don bluoo yant .eslgme saanedóA edd ebladuo tal doldw doldw dodoA to mobgotx oda nl gnlbast eunldmooalb ,zevewod teggeq to eowoa sidaenegaibnl na ad od Dounldnoo medd zol madnad daly anoltafos banłanda iedt lo walv nt vilaloeqae nglozot delnolaneqxe bio snt bevlvoz abun zabnaiel sdd taozos banodende enigme add min mebrio bna dedoA lo volfoq slvenldes galaM end To sieq egzal a bebpíont bna aslent8 sooslh nt eeeugutzot eds danlaga elggonda Ianolalbata edt Tebas dedoA lo noleneqxa Ialnotlnzat edt ,bawenet sew ddneejxła a To noldauntdnoo ezom a Jon saw sbul zabnaisI galmoo ent etom gnldjemos bodneasnqei al pbnens gwdnes ni záqqeg to'l eldmetos a llo bedonod azeband dodud add lo a qu gnlwondt vd bedomet dedoA dpldw od aleonobal anadaew odd os duo doset os dqmedda ne visiaq aaw dI ezlqme wen tnam ea fosdnoo ot bne sfuenineq yefaM odd lo anebzag-zeqqeq .eldlasoq ea edzoq-zegqeq -aod eda to esa doum exam ed eldanu éaw abu mabnalal essdgudto adj abtewot doduG ons bna datlgna eda to kallld
bnà tebwoqnug To astlgqua mid adguosd szobasd neegorua edt
Iron and occasionally presented him with guns. But beyond that they could not give him any substantial assistance in his wars. In 1629 Iskandar Muda made a grand attack on Malacca and failed. This proved a turning point In Acheh's relations with the Dutch. After the Amboyna massacre (1623) the English had ceased to be serious political rivals to the Dutch. They had virtually withdrawn from Acheh and had returned to Bantam. After the failure of Iskandar Muda to take Malacca the Dutch Influence In Acheh began to rise. In I632 the Dutch acquired substantial commercial concessions from the king of Acheh. The balance of power In western Indonesia was tilted In favour of the Dutch. Under Iskandar Thanl, the successor of Iskandar Muda, Acheh no longer held the strategic position which It had once enJoyed. The fall of Malacca In I6I4.I marked the final eclipse of the Portuguese as a political force In western Indonesia and left the Dutch as the supreme military power In the area.
The coming of the English and the Dutch to western Indonesia at the beginning of the seventeenth century as buyers of pepper thus started a rivalry between the English, the Dutch and the Portuguese. This, combined with the fact that the Europeans did not get on well with Bantam, gave Acheh a great strategic advantage. To the scramble for pepper, touched off by European competition, Acheh responded by throwing up an empire and by setting up a system of royal monopoly of pepper trade. The empire was a loose one and bnoyed suß anug daly mid badneeesq vifenolaapon bna nost ni eonadalaes falonadadue vne mid evlg don bíuoo yeda dada no koadda bnang s ebam abué mabnanal pSdí aI .azaw eld e'dedoA al daloq golnnua a bovonq elát ,bellat bna aosafam (ESòr) ezoesemm anyodmA eds seata dodud eds dalw mooldefen od sfavlt Iaotdlfoq euolzen ed os beaneo bad dalígnd end bad baa dedoa mozt nwazbddlw vfleuanly bad yedt dodud eda of abuM vmbnalal to ezuilat edd mestA ,madnaß ot benwtes asla od naged dedoA di eneuítnl dodud add mooafaM eiad -noo Ialozemmoo faldnadadue beziupos doduG ads SgdI al at sovoq lo eonafad edt -dedoa lo gnld ans mozt snolasso sebot dodu adó lo wovat nl bedlis eaw ałaenobaI nzodsew on dedoA abuh debaaial lo zoseeoova eda ,Inadt zabnasaI -ne eono bad ai doldy nolaleoq slgetanda eda bied segnol englfoa lanit eda bestam Idòl al moveieM lo ffst mdt bexot alaenobnl azadeaw nl ebzot; laolalfog s es emeugudzoß eda to meze eda nl sewoq yiajlílm emazqua eda sa dodud eda diel bns nzedaew od dodud eda bna dallna ent to gnlmoo edt sa yzodneo ddgeednevea eda to gnlnnlged edt de aleenobni deligas ens neewded ysfavls a bediate epdt zeqqeq lo ezeyud dos't add dsly benidmoo, , elnt ,esepgudnos odd baa dodul edd sva wadnaß dalw llow no deg don blb ansegonwa end ded sol eldmazon eda ot .egadnevbs slgedenda dmong a dedok bebnogaak dadoA ,nolsldegmoo naegoma td 2lo bedozot , zeqqeq Iayon lo meteya a qu gatjjes yd boa ozłgme na qu gnlwonda td bns eno esooí a aaw ezlqme edt ,eband seqqeq lo gíoqonom the system of monopoly was not perfect. This was because the feudal-despotic state which was at the back of these activities was Incapable of doing anything better. Yet as long as Acheh was militarily strong It could take advantage of the competition and rivalry among the Europeans. It was In a position to dictate terms to the Europeans rather than be dictated to by them. In most of the transactions between Iskandar Muda and the European traders It was the former who was the dominant partner and the latter had to submit. The destruction of Acheh's fleet In 1629, the death of Iskandar Muda In I636, and the elimination of serious European competition by the Dutch by I6I4.I deprived Acheh of all Its advantages. It Is no wonder that the decline of Acheh was rapid after I6I4.I.
In response to the new demand for Sumatran pepper, production of the commodity Increased and prices went up. The royal monopoly of pepper trade, which was never fully effective, collapsed In the face of clandestine trade on the west coast of Sumatra and through the general weakening of the political position of Acheh.
Before the coming of the English and the Dutch the position of Acheh was well established In Asian trade. As a result of the English and Dutch participation In Acheh's trade there was little alteration either In the general pattern of trade or In the methods of commercial dealings. The English and the Dutch had to operate through brokers asumped sew aldt spelzeq don maw yiogonom to medaye edt esedt lo koad ads da zaw doldw adaja aljogeeb-fabuet eda es deY majded galddyna adlob lo eídaqaont esw eelalvldos egaddayba exet bluoo al gnotse vllmadlflm saw dedoA aa gnol saw aI .sneagowá sdt gnoma yalavls bma nolsideqmoo ed to nads meddas anaegomua edd os amied edajolb ot noldieog s at neewded enoljoasnend edt to daom nI meda yd of besadolb ed odw zamzot edt aaw ał azabant naegonwa ada baa sbul sabaaial edt .dlmdua os bad zettal edd bne tentneq dnenlmob ens snw tabnadel lo djeeb edd ,Psdr nl deelt e'dedoA lo nolsouzjaeb -moo naagotwl euoltea to noldantmilfe eds bna dgèf al abuM -ba att fla lo dedoA boylageb Iidl yd dodud ada ud noldldeq eaw dedeA to enlfoeb eda dedt sebnow on al aI .eegadnev .lidl metie biges
-ong , teggeq nattemue zol bnameb wen eds od eanogees nI edt .qu deew seslng bna beesesonl valbommoo eda lo noltoub -le vilut zeven maw doldy , abazd neqgeq 3o yfogonom fagos adt no eband enitaebnalo lo sost edt at besgalfos evijoel To gnlnedaew fazeneg add dauosns baa audaa to deaoo deew deidoA To nolalsoq faolalioq eds
add dodud adf bne deligaa edt lo galmoo eds ezoted eA obant naleA al bedalidelao Ilew aaw dedoA lo molalsoq e'dedoA nl noljaqioldaeq dosud boe dalfana eda lo dIuaas e [ezeneg edà nl modale noldazesfa elssll sew ezeda sbars egnlleab Imlozemmoo to aboddom eds dl so ebant lo atesdeg azedond dguozds stazego od bad dadud eds boa dalfgaš edt and middlemen due to their lack of experience In local trading methods. The dislocation of Gujaratl trade by the English was a temporary affair. The Oujaratls continued to play an Important role In Acheh'a trade In the second half of the seventeenth century.
ot epe essupeoupy coupmλ-
Silsilah Raja Raja dl Bander Achl--Genealogy of the kings of Achln, comprising a historical abstract of the reigns of the Mahomedan kings of Achln from the 601st year of the Hejlra to the present time.
| 1. Sultan Johan Shah A.H. 601-631 (I20I4.-I233 A.D. |
| 2. Sultan Ahmed 631-665 (1233-1266 A.D. |
| 665-708 (1266-1308 A.D. Mahmud Shah |
| u . Firman Shah 708-755 (I308-135I+ A.D. |
| 5. Mansur Shah 755-811 {i35i4.-ll4.O8 A.D. |
| 811-870 6. Alauddln Johan Shah (II4.03-H465 A.D. |
| 7. Hussaln Shah 87O-9OI (11465-11*95 A.D. |
| 8. All Rlayat Shah 9OI-917 (iU95-i5n A.D. |
| 9. Salauddln 917-91*6 (I5II-I539 A.D. |
| 10. Alauddln 91*6-975 (1539-1567 A.D. |
| 11. Hussaln Shah 975-983 (1567-1575 A.D. |
| 12. Sultan Muda 983-98^ (1575-1576 A.D. |
| 13- Prlaman 98U (I576 A.D.) |
| Raja Jelnal 11*. 98I1-985 (1576-1577 A.D. |
| 15. Mansur Shah 985-993 (1577-1585 A.D. |
| 15. 985-993 16. Sultan Buyong 993-996 (1585-1587 A.D. |
| 16. Sultan Buyong 993-996 (1585-1587 A.D. Alauddln Rlayat Shah 996-101] (1588-1602 A.D 17. |
| Alauddln Rlayat Shah 996-101] (1588-1602 A.D 17. 18. All Mughayat Shah 1011-1013 ! (1602-1606 A.D |
| 18. All Mughayat Shah 1011-1013 ! (1602-1606 A.D 19. Dlrem Wangsa Tuan IOI5-IOI+3 ' (I606-I635 A.D (Iskandar Muda) |
一
| egnix ant lo Yaoleene0--IdoA zebnss tb elal etaß daflaf1e to angler eda lo doaidade faotzotstd s golelngmoo nldoA lo asltah edt to maey defod edt most nldoA to sgnlk nabemodaM eds |
| .smls snomeiq eds od (.A.A EESI-LOSI) IEO-IOA .H.A dade nedot dadlua .f (.a.A ddsr-EEsr) zda-rd |
| (.A.A EESI-LOSI) IEO-IOA .H.A |
| (.a.A ddsr-EEsr) zda-rd bemdA nasiu2 .S (.d.A Bogr-dasr) Bor-ad |
| (.d.A Bogr-dasr) Bor-ad dede bumdaM -ξ (.0.A REI-80E1) 22T-805 |
| dade nemi . (.0.A B0d5-2E1) 118-221 dade maneM.2 |
| (.0.A 2dr-80) 058-118 dada nadot albbuafA .d |
| (.. -) 1-8 dade alesau. |
| (1. r21-) re-109 dede Jayain 1IA .8 |
| (.d.A PERr-IrRI) de-Tre nibbualae.e |
| (.d.A yazr-PEdr) 2re-due albbualA .Or (.a.A 2T21-Ta21) 8e-2r9 dede nleaaul .ff |
| dede nleaaul .ff (.0.A d121-2121) Be-E8e |
| mbuM neslu8 .SI (.a.a ar21)Be namal79 ..1 |
| (.a.A 1121-ar2t) 28e-4Be |
| fanlel atan.ir (.0.A 2821-1121) (99-28P dede muansk .21 |
| dede muansk .21 (.d.A'5821-2821) dPP-EPe |
| (.d.A'5821-2821) dPP-EPe anotua naslue.di (.a.A S0d1-8821) 1101-dPe dane dagaln nibbuaiA .S1 |
| (.a.A S0d1-8821) 1101-dPe dane dagaln nibbuaiA .S1 (.a.A aoar-soar) zror-fror dan8 datengun I1A .81 |
| (.a.A aoar-soar) zror-fror dan8 datengun I1A .81 (.A r-d) Nr- naut aagnaw metid .PI |
Appendix II
Djajadlngrat's list:
1. All Mughayat Shah or Raja Ibrahim 1514-I528
2. Salah al-Dln 1528-1537
Ala al-Dln Rlayat Shah al-Kahhar 1537-1568 3-
All Rlayat Shah or Husayn 1*. 1568-1575
5- Sultan Muda--a child, reigned only a few months
6. Sri Alam (a king of Prlaraan) 1576
7. Zayn al-Abldln 1577
8. Ala al-Dln of Perak or Mansur Shah 1577-1586
1586-1588 9. All Rlayat Shah or Raja Buyong
10. Ala al-Dln Rlayat Shah 1588-160I4
11. All Rlayat Shah or Sultan Muda 16OI4-1607
12. Iskandar Muda 1607-1636
II xIbneqqA
| idelf a'dangoibatata mldazdI alaß no dane JayadguM IIA I 1E21-8221 ni0-Im dala8 .S 8321-1221 |
dos
Appendix III
Modified list by Juynboll and Voorhoeve: 1530) 1. All Mughayat Shah ( ? ~ 2. Salah al-Dln (1530-1537) 3. Ala al-Dln Rlayat Shah al-Kahhar (1537-1571) 1;. All Rlayat Shah or Huaayn (1571-1579) 5. Sultan Muda (a few months only In 1579) 6. Sultan Sri Alam U579) 7. Zayn al-Abldln (1579) 8. Ala al-Dln of Perak or Mansur Shah (1579-1586) 9. All Rlayat Shah or Raja Buyong (1586-1538) 10. Ala al-Dln Rlayat Shah (1588-1601;) 11. All Rlayat Shah or Sultan Muda (I60lj.-l607) 12. Iskandar Muda (I607-I636)
III xIbneqqA
| teveodzooV bas ffodnyut yd sali belllboM (0E21- 1) HadE JayedguM IIA .1 (TEZI-DE2I) ald-Ia defae .S (1TRE-PEZE) TaddeM-Ia dane Jayaln nid-Ia aIA .E |
Appendix IV
Mahmudl (mamoodl)
(a amall allver coin current In Gujarat)
1 mahmudl — lid. or 12d. English
5 ma -- 1 Rial of eight
1 ma -- 1 Mas (Acheneae money)
Achenese money and weights
(Cash, of lead, and Mas, of gold)
1,000 to 1,500 Cash -- 1 Mas
16 Mas -- 1 Tael
1 Mas I5d. English
1 Tael 20 shillings
k/5 Mas 1 Rial of eight
1 Tael I4. Rials of eight (approx.)
Weights
1 Bahar — 300 catty, or 3 plcul
1 Bahar — 36O/375/380/385AOO pounds Usually 360 pounds In our period
European money
1 Ria l of eigh t -- I4.8. 6d. or 5s.
1 Flori n - - 2a .
2 1/2 Florin -- 1 Rix Dollar (Rial of tha East Indies)
VI xIbueqqA .e2 no .bd .ed -- adgto to fain I 85-- almol9 s no fatn) mallod xin I -- S7SOTS (avtbal daaß eda
(Iboomem) IbumiaM (dazatu0 al Jneznuo nloo tpvíla flama a) delIgn8 .bSr zo .b1f -- Ibumiem I adgte to Iatn f 02 (yenom eonedoa) eaM I - 81
| e2dglew bna Venom ezenadoA (blog To , BaM bne , bael To , dez3) eaM 1 L- dea0 002.1 of 000.1 lest I...- o r dellgna..b2r--... ssM I agolffide Os -- fosT I adgte lo feln I- ca 2\ |
List of Abbreviations
| List of Abbreviations | |
| Bantam Factory | The Factory of the English East India Company at Bantam, 1602-1682 (see Bibliographical Notes). |
| BKI | Bijdragen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde" |
| BSOAS | Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. |
| EF | The English Factories in India I63I1.- lb}b (see Bibliographical Notes). |
| Generale Missiven | Generale Missiven van Gouverneurs Generaal Raden aan Heren XVII der verenigde" |
| IG | Oost-lndlsche Compagnie (see Bibliographical Notes). De Indische Gids. |
| JMBRAS | Journal Malayan Branch Royal Asiatic |
| JRAS | Soclety~ Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. |
| JSBRAS | Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. Journal Straits Branch Royal Asiatic |
| Leupe 219/1 | SocletyT |
| L.R. | KITLV Neg. 219/1, HI69 Artikel van Leupe over Atjeh (see Bibliographical Notes). |
| 二 | Foster, W. (ed.), Letters Received by the East India Company from lt3 Servants In the East (see Bibliographical Notes). |
| NCMH | New Cambridge Modern History. |
| O.C. | Original Correspondence Series. 1602- |
| O.C. | Original Correspondence Series. 1602- \bldi, I-XVIII (see Bibliographical Notes). |
| PRGS | \bldi, I-XVIII (see Bibliographical Notes). |
| Generale Missiven | Generale Missiven van Gouverneurs Generaal |
| Raden aan Heren XVII der verenigde" | |
| Oost-lndlsche Compagnie (see Bibliographical Notes). |
| slbal deal delfnd ons to vicdoad ent yTodoa madne ees) S8dI-Sodi ,madnaß da taeqmo .(sedok Imoldgasgohldia duudtdanI sttfintnox jen nav negesbtte .ebnuxnexioV ne -bnal -aaT ab zoov |
| bne Iadnelno To Ioodo2 ads no ntdeffua aelbu32 neotatà |
| -dI albnl nl aelrodomé dalfgns edt (asdol Iaoldqasgot(dra ese) dgal melel lo slbeegofovong IS |
| Isszened arwentevuoD nav nevteslN elenened nevlasiK ofszeneD ebaznezev zob v nereh nea nebeß |
| ab1ó edostbal e olJateA fevoß donend nayefaM fenruol BAREM .rdelood |
| olJateA fevoß donend nayefaM fenruol BAREM .rdelood -Iteloo2iptdeleA fuvol ena To Innzwot SART olfaleA fayoß donasd aslenje Iantuot |
| olfaleA fayoß donasd aslenje Iantuot BARGRT vdeloo8 |
| equel nev ToiaA Pr I\ers e Vn Teens ueJ (eodon Imoldqangolfdia eee) detaá movo yd bevlesen anejded ,(.be) W,meac .R.J adnevnet edl mott vaeqmod albnI jaa3 edd |
| yd bevlesen anejded ,(.be) W,meac .R.J adnevnet edl mott vaeqmod albnI jaa3 edd HHOE |
| HHOE |
| -S0d5,selseE eonebnogaesnoD Janlalz0 .0.0 |
| VBO | VBQ Verhandelingen van he" Batavlaasch |
| Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen. | |
| .VKT.CCC. | |
| VKI Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk | |
| kilah Sourcedi | Instituut voor Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde. |
| nde. |
Knoge. AKT ABG
Jeufpeuq-ou Aotkou- ASLpeuqeJJukeu Awu pee KoujukJTIK
English Sources:
India Office Records (London)
Original Correspondence Series, l602-l6l^, I-XVIII, containing Nos. I-I863.
Factory Records (Java), I613-I6I4.6, III (1 & 2).
As the English East India Company did not have a continuous factory either in Acheh or In Tlku during the first half of the Beventeenth century, a separate series of letters from the factories has not grown up. Only a small number of letters from these two factories have come down to us. Most of them are to be found In the series known as Original Correspondence which contains letters from all the factories of the East. Some also appear In another series viz., the Factory Records (Java). The letters from Acheh and Tlku or from ships off the coast of Sumatra were generally written to Bantam, the headquarters of the Company's factories In the Far East. Some were also addressed to Surat, Hasullpatam and London.
Besides these letters from the subordinate factories to Bantam there are general letters from Bantam or Batavia to London. These were in the nature of general reports containing Information about all the subordinate factories including those In Sumatra. These letters also appear in
18s0wo8 dallgn8
(nobno) abzooeß epltto slbal -noo ,IIIVX-I ,ddr-SOdI ,selzeE sonebnoqeetzoD Imnlglzo -gd8f-I .soW gnlatad (S & I) III didr-EIòr (avet) abzpoeß vrosomg
od beeaarbba csfs ezew emo8 .daaß zaß eds nl aelmodoal
-noo a ovad Jon bib yaaqmol albnI deaß delfgał ada sA jantt eds golwb pilt al to deñoa al tedale vzodoat euounld
to eelzes edazeges a twdneo ddneosneves eds lo lfad Ifams e gíno qu mwong don sad zelvotoet eda mort azeddef mwob emoo evad eelzotost gyt esend moil szeddel lo zedmun sa nwoni ealzes edt at bnuot ad os eze meda to daom an of end ffa mozt stesdel enladnoo doldw eonebnogeettod Ianlgino eelzen seddone al tesgge cala emoa deal edt lo selmodbat dedoA mont azesdel ent (avat) abzooen kzodost end ,slv -neg esow andamu8 to tsaco edt 3to aqids moit to wilt bae a'yneqmod vnd to atednaupbasd ond madnad ot nesstnw plíste
nobno bna madeglfueah dewa eeltotoal ejanlbaodua edd moil atadjel saedt sebleeß slvadag to madnaß most alessel [asaneg ezs ezend majnaß os
adzoges Iazoneg lo elusan edd at etew eaodt nobnol od eslmodoat edanibmodus eds Iie duoda noldamzotni gnlnladnoo nt maeqqa osia anedael esedt ,entemut at esons gnlbufoal the Original Correspondence and the Factory Records (Java).
Of the letters mentioned above those for the years I602-I617 have been published In the series known as Letters Received by the East India Company from Its Servants In the East (6 vols.) edited by P. C. Danvers and W. Poster. Extracts from some of the letters of the period I6l8-l6lj.l appear In The English Factories In India (13 vols.) edited by W. Poster. Summaries of the documents of the Original Correspondence up to the year of I63I4. have been published In the Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, East Indies (Ij. vols.) edited by W. N. Salnsbury.
Dutch Sources:
Records of the Koloniaal Archief, Algemeen Rijksarchief (The Hague)
Overgecomen Brieven en Papieren ter Kamer Amsterdam 1608-16^3 (K.A. 967-lOliJ)
The letters relating to Acheh contained In this series are of two types, viz., those written from Bantam or Batavia to Holland and those exchanged between the subordinate factories and the headquarters at Bantam or Batavia. Among the former were the letters written annually by the Qovernor General and his council to the Heeren XVII known as "Generale Missiven." These contained a valuable survey of the Company's trade In Asia. All the regions were covered, Including the Important factories. The Dutch too did not have a continuous factory In Acheh or Tlku and consequently the
-(avat) abtooeß yzodoaß edd bas vonebnogaentot fantglzo sds azaet edt zot esodd evoda bonoldnem etadjel ada 20 azeddel ma nwoni solgen ada nl bodalidug noad oved idl-Sodf odd nl adnevzee zdt mort vnagmo0 slbal taaz edt vd bevleseß -x a.zedeoß W bns anovnad .0 . kd beslbe (.mlov d) den3 fsdr-Brdf bolioq ens lo szetsel eds no omoa mont adoand bestbe (alov Ei) albnl nl melzodoai delfgna ent nl neogqa fenlglzo edt to edaemubob eds lo selnemmue tajeos .W td at bodeliduq need eved dedt lo maey eds od qu sonebnogeetrio0 eelbnI deed solme2 Salnofo0 ,azegeq edas2 To zabnela0 en vaudenłaß M .W yd beslbe (.elov d)
leldonasxtil neemagfk ;letdonA faslnofoß eds lo ebzooeß (eugal edt)
mabzedamà zemaX ses nazelqag ne nevelnd nemooegzevó (Tor-Toe .A.n) EMar-Bodd
aelzes sldd nl bonladnoo dedoA ds gnitafet elesdel edt elvadas to masnet mont nedalmw ssond .slv ,seqyd owa to eta edanlbzodus edd neewded begnadoze esods bna bnelloß od anomA ,slvelaß zo madned da azajzaupbaed odd bne eelzodasl sonzevo0 sdd yd glfaunna nejslew azejdel ena ezew zemzot edd -neD" ue nwomi llvX deteen ent es flonvoo ald baa fazoned eda lo yovue efdaufav a benladnoo eeont ".nevlanlM elazo -nl .benevoo ezew enołgen eda flA alaA ni abazd elynagmoD avad son bib cot dozuG ent .selmodoat snadzoqmt adt ynlbulo add vitnoupeaneo bne uiit no dedoa nt yictoal auounldnoo a letters to and from those factories do not form a separate series. They lie scattered In the volumes of Overgecomen Brieven mentioned above.
A substantial part of these documents has been published. The general letters for the period I6IO-I638 have been recently published In a work entitled Generale Missiven van Gouverneurs Generaal Raden aan Heren XVII der Verenigde Oost-lndlache Compagnie, edited by W.Ph. Coolhaas.
The letters written by Jan Pleterr.z. Coen to the Company In Amsterdam have been published In the work entitled Jan Pletersz. Coen, Bescheiden Omtrent zl.ln Bedrijf In Indie' (6 vols.) edited by H. T. Colenbrander. Coen's letters to the factories In Acheh and on the west coast of Sumatra are also Included In these volumes. W.Ph. Coolhaas has edited the last volume (VII) of this series In two parts which contain the letters written to Coen from Acheh and the west coast of Sumatra. Several letters to and from these factories have been printed In the two collections of Dutch documents, viz., De Opkomst van het Nederlandsch Rezag In Ooat-Indle (13 vols.), edited by K.K.J. De Jonge, and Bouwstoffen voor de Oeschledenls der Nederlanders In den Malelschen Archipel (3 vols.), edited by P. A. Tlele and J. E. Heeres.
The treaties and agreements are to be found In the Corpus Dlplomatlcum Neerlando-Indlcum, I, edited by J. E. Heeres.
ejezeges a mio? don ob zalzodoat eaona mozt bna os azaddel memooegtevo lo semrfov edd nl bezedzans étI tent .belzea ovoda benoidnem neveln8 -duq need aad adnemwoob esods to dzaq Ialdnadadue A avad 8gdf-Oldr bolzeq eds sol ezotdel fazeneg sdt .bodall nevłeelM ofazone@ balslane kzow a al bedalidug viunaoez naad abslnezeV teb IIVX neton nse nebeß Lsszeneß etwenzevuoD nev .eaadfooD d.W vd boslbe elnsagmo adostbnI-jmo0 ent os noo0 .zambjels nat yd nessltw ameddef edt -ne ksow edd nl bedaliduq need eyed mabiedamá ał ynaqmo) 1llabad ntls Jnerdm0 nebledoaeß,neon .sezedel nat bela1s aneo zobnesdaelo0 T M yd badlbe (.efov d) SibnI al To Jesoo daew edt no bos dodoA nł selsotos't edd ot szeddel bapdfooD .ds.W .esnwfov esedt al bobulont oele ezs attamu8 ajneg owd nl selten alda to (tiv) emofov deal ads bejlbe mad eda baa dadoA mont meo od nejalaw azesdel eda nladnoo doldw snedd mon? bna os azejjel lazeve2 .mijmmue to demoo Jmow dodud to analdoslloo owt edd al bejmliq need evad eelzosoat nt gaseg doabnelzebel Jen náv demongo ad .slv , ednemroob bne ,enot ed .t..X vd besibo,(.alov EI) albnI-dao0 neb ni szebnalsaben mab etnebeldoseo eb zoov netlodewiog bna efelt .A .3 qd bésibe .(.alov () IegldonA medoalelam .80200H .3 .L add nl bnuot ed od era ajnemeenge bna zeldaezs edt .8 t vd bajibe .I mustbnI-obnafreek muoldamofol augzo
81 80200
Parts of the diaries and journals kept by the servants of the company have been printed In the Dagh-Reglster.
Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal- Landen Volkenkunde (The Hague)
KITLV Neg. 219/1 H 161+ Artikel Van Leupe over Atjeh
P. A. Leupe's manuscript article on the Dutch Company's relations with Acheh preserved In the Royal Institute for Linguistics, Geography and Ethnology In The Hague contains long extracts from and summaries of many of the unpublished Dutch letters relating to Acheh. Leupe took material from the records of the Algemeen Rijksarchief and hls article Is an excellent guide to the records of the Dutch East India Company relating to Acheh.
ajdavzon eds td sqed alantuot bna selzalb eds lo egzm? zejałgeß-dgad sdd ni besalaq need evàd taaqmoo edi to edt) sbnwoinakfoV no -bna -fast zoov duuslsenl ktilsnlnoX (ougan dotaA zevo equed nav IeitanA dór H r\ers .gek Vaik a'ynaqmoD dosul ena no efoltza aqlzoaunam s'equel .A . not esusldanl favoß odd al bavzeseng dedoA dilw sñoldelez anlednoo eugak edt nt vaolondsa bna ydgangced soltalugaid bedeliduqnu eda lo ynam To esliemmua bne moit ejosnixe gnol mont Lalzstem koot equel .dodok od gnliafer ezeddel dodut al efolsna eld bne Teldazenitin neemegla eda to abzooet edó albnI daaß dodud end lo ebzooem ent of eblog Jnefleoxe ne dedoA of anildelav ynegmot
Works Quoted
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Cowan, H.K.J. "Lamurl--Lambrl--Lawrl--Ram(n)l--Lan-ll— Lan-wu-11—Nan-po-11," BKI, XC, 1933» l^l-U^. Crawfurd, J. A Descriptive Dictionary of the Indian Islands and Adjacent Countries, London, I0^>à. Dagh-Reglster: Dagh-Reglster Gehouden Int Casteel Batavia yant Passerende Daex^ ter Plaetae als over Geher Nederlandts Indie. Danvers, P. C. and Foster, K. (ed.). LetterB Received by the East India Company from its Servants In the East, 6 vols., London, 1096-1902. . The Portuguese In India, 2 vols., London, I89I4.. Djajadlnlngrat, Hoeaeln. "Crltlsch overzicht van de In Malelsche Werken vervatte Gegevens over de Geschiedenis van het Soeltanaat van Atjeh," BKI, LXV, 1911, 135-265« Drewes, G.W.J. and Voorhoeve, P. "Adat Atjèh," VKI, XXIV, •s-Gravenhage, 1958. Ferrand, G. (ed.). Relations de Voyages et Textes Géographiques Arabes, Persans et Turks relatifs a l^Extreme-Orlent, du Ville au XVIIIe Siècles, Parla, I913-I914. . L'Empire Sumatranals de Çrlvljaya, Paris, 1922. ' . Voyage du Marchand Arab Sulayman en Inde et en Chine, Paris, 1922. Forrest, Thomas. A Voyage fro m Calcutta to the Mergul Archipelago, London, 1792. Foster, W. (ed.). The Journal of John Jourdain. I6O8-I617, Hakluyt Soc , London, 1905« . England's Quest of Eastern Trade, London, 1933« (ed.). The Voyage of Thomas Best to the East Iridiés, 1612-1U, Hakluyt Soc, London, 193U- . The Voyage of Sir James Lancaster, Hakluyt Soc , London, 191+0. . The English Pactorlea in India, I63I+-I636, London, Î9T1. Oerlnl, 0. E. Researches on Ptolemy's Geography of Eastern Asia, London, 1909.
-----(n)------,t.. S-Iβ , .I " 1--n--1--n abnalet nalbnI ent lo vzanoldold evldgltosed A t bwlwazt mlvajad feedmnD dnt nabuodeD zedelaeß-dned :zedelgeß-dgaT -Teban dede0 zovo ela seJeslq tes Mesq ebnezeasaq dnav td bevleoaß szedjel .(.be) .A.todaos bma .D .3. atevaa Jead end nl sdnavzel stt mont vneqmo3 elbnl dead odd .SopI-dp81nobnol..alov d jo81 nobnod.efov S albnl nl eseuguszo9 ent nl eb nav sdolzzevo dozlslno" nleseon , Sargninlbatata sinebeldoaed ob tevo enevegeß eddevtev nexzew edoalslaM 2ds-2EI ,IIer vX .Ina ",detda nav dmanadfeo2 dad nev ,VIXX ,IAV ",dótJA JabA" .q ,oveodTooV bna ,t,W.D ,aevonα .8291 ,egednevanD-s -oè0 zejxet de semsvov eb anolialß .(.be)..D ,bnesze a alljafes exzut de enaszet ,bodarA eeupldgasg alzal ,Befoel2 elllVX be elliv ub .Jnelz0-omozaxa pres-(1er sspr , slzet, syat ivtvd eb elanandamo2 arlgeaid ne Je abnI ne nemyafu2 danà bnadotah ub egavov -Idork lugteN edd od ajdupla0 mont enevov A -pmmont , Jaetzo? .Seyl,nobnod , osleg frdr-8odf nlabzuot ndot to fanwot edt .(.be) .W,seszo9 Jeat edd os Jeed mamont to egsvov ent .(.be) deel,nobmol;ooa dyullan.-srdr,eelbni ,bo8 dgofkell ,gejeeoned somst s12 1o egayov ent nobnod drdr-dror albnt at eslrotoat hetipns ent rrer nzejees to vdgamos0 stymefos no sedonsose0 IntzeD goelnobnolaleA
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.PSPI , nobnoI.Aptn8 ndI .A.A.H ,dd10 .Ser. wggekalaanobnI nl sipieneEt.abnoD bna ogafegldosA yefaM ont no sedon" S .W sblevenect0 XIXXX S8y ",eeswoE esenIdO mozl beflqmoD sooalaM 10881 2ZeInobnolsleA Ja8-duc2 To Kodal A.0.d IImR I sfevest bna segevov lo dolsselfo ejelqmol A t elntal mrolbnI-obnaizeek muoltamoIld eugo .(.bp).3 .taetee 50- .op81 ,eAmt ",ydgagonda e'mo-at oado" .9 ,dtk eza doldw tegge To eelpeq2 ens no ektemeß" .W ,tednw8 Bedoteeseß ołjaleA ",bnafal s sefeW lo sonlst nt bnwot .P081.XI -drdr mednad at ozeel lvd elfento -(.bo) .W t mamzestI a ,egarnevaz0-aIVXX ,IMV BplJA Savaxln eG DNnaT TabnanaI .8291 TeI , (S) XXX , ZAR8Mt ",mażlu2 wafaM" .B -A ,endot nl zesed doebnsinoben Jed dav Samodgó og ,t.k.t .egnot ed -2-So8I,ogadnevar0-at.elov E etbnI-dab0 albegoloyond inl "delaA" .9 ,evoodzooV bne .W.dT ,ffodmyut Ta-P( Ode1 nobuol,nobleInolalbe woo malel lo (80dr-2d01) wedekanenlN ne saclseeW aQ B,qmaseeosA ogednevazD-at,slnebeldoseD enoaneavat-eobnig.t M mozX .IEer edd mott aooalan to ektga bna egeta adt" ,A ,q .eguel (neldooah .oaM vd bejalenana) "Idar-Oddr nt eseupudro? OEPI(I) VIX.EARBMT .III nobnol , slbnI nl ebant eda Jo JmnoooA nA .0 ,zeyood EA ", myaleM nt sseugudoß ed no sejok" .A .I ,TogenoaM .dePI,(s) VIx
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eb nl aztamu8 qo elngaqmo edoalbnI-Jao0 aa" .N ,boeJoaM EOPIIOI ",WU OTI nt bledbnegomeeS sIe alngagmol edoetbnI-seoo eq alvad ndot To exzoW.bne sogavoy anT .(.be) .B .A ,maditeM .If81 nobnod , ezsamuE To vrosetH enT .W nobazaM :nt "eaaq-asbeoms8 nav nedazoV ejazee ad" .q .t .eddoupoM. doabnaizebek nt senełd neglbnuxbledbuo neb nav nedzoggaß olmonook nA :Tadka lo dtaed ena de slbnI H .W .bnalarom alvadaß Kalé ne zodotd nt ezebnaftobeß ed3 , Tedosdek -oy8r nabammodaM edt to egnin sdt.to taoleeneDt.t .T blodwek ot aullell edd lo maey delod odt moit nldoa ni vteenyd bue ezwdazedld to [anzwot sazbam ", omlt shssozt snd Pder ezbaN , avetIvtn2 to ytodatH A .A ,lntea2 mtamxallk yinedieup pidalaA ".andamwe lo bnalal ent" H .& ,toxzeß .SEI-IEI,DOPSXI eeloe bIE nobnolyroselH fatnelzo To Noodbnah.(.be) H .0 ,mqi1ld9 .-zopr ,wogealo ..elov d,zomingfi9 ald sadonut .8 eadozu? ",cpdf-Zodi ,labaamoso0 nl doted ent" ,T ,tnwdbuodo yel anini lo ebasT bma enolselen edt do Bedok"W .W ,Iildlooß ,7ys-ags ,ezr-ra,2rer,zvx bam cTad-erd,drer ,vx -.--
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edazel ed (.ebe) .W .t .namzestI bns .q .0.zeattuol Tebno élbni-taoo tean azebmalnebal meb dzeavgłdon nododoantd,.elov E cPar-cpr,namauoh ab allense PS-ZrPi,oyadnevezD-atanłglneezeV
dombnalzebel nav elbeagofovongnt "asjems" 2OPb JIVIeal solze2 fatnofo0 , szegeq edate To mabnela0N.W ywdantae .Bybl.nobno.nfov 2 nagat bna anldo astbnt dea nI eedade bio edT :IVX eesoK feoldqamgoe0" .D ,fegolds8 ,Il aelies bns .oms gnuo't ".aztemwa lo baalal edd OTE-PSE .S81-faI.TEI-TOr.1OP1 .dr91,Jdoezd0.3neno8 nav Neo8 seH.(.be) .0.t.6 (eleladse odT efov S,aslbuse Ieolgololoo2 nalasnobal dOer nebtel .efov S ,esendedoA odt .0 ,elnosgn ovon2 (navilloeo.e.w.A.mnans) zaen neazedfige nev elmot nev eleß es .nav .t ,negredllqa StbnI doebnsfzebek nay elnebeldeeD (.be) .W.Ieqese Belbnl Jass edi os ebant Halalda to nwed ent H anevese .0881,nobnod selndnyo edd To dnuossA feslngagoe0 A .(be) .0 8. efqme? Yezwod samont yd Pydl oj Pddl ,lesne to vad ons bnuol bne econua nl vbno tejeq To efevart ent .(.be) ,nobnol ,vooe dgolkak., (S à I) IIf . jdar-Bodr rafaA PIPI avat nt selito to emobgnln xi2 atolog oonaMa ,T t nopmont talaM daelone edt moit moltaiagant nl belllfnobt ,zoniM. ,10I .I .OI ",del3A es memfuoH ed Molmebevs" .A .3 .elelt 521-dp1 Ins ", IegidozA nedoalefaM neb nl ereegozul eq". 1781VXX
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zoov nellojewpoß .(.abe) .3 .t ,soreok bna :A .q .efalt nonoalelnM neb ni amabnalnabek neb alnebeldoaet eb EAgget ",neodoA beffao VInommoo , dedaA" .3 D ,noeloT 02-50881 Isal newoeeS eb nev nestaß etsbuo ed . (.bs).e WzeynU BjPi,egednevez0-al bnanthza lo seudnovbA bne segavoV edt .(.be) .A .VzadmaV -mob edselbnijeoo eb nav egntvytnoaed .zejels,mad csV .ogadnovar0-at,lIl-I ,(loqaje .Wbe) elnona CN-TSPI edoadetsA ded nev galsdolinI odo .N.S.A ,degnal naV 8881 ,Ilvxxx ,Ind ",faanaslua Jed zebno wujeedazees8 .O5d-18E ,ougeß ent yjaloo8 bne ebant nateenobnt ..t, mwel naV .22PI.saubned nebled lezat nav ald-I'peme2 .O.A.0 esttudnewuelN naV ,bmefzebek sod nepntadandeß ontlx ne nidosA t .3 .daev bugah ont nolsibo beslvet bnS ,avadneeul M.H. ,enleiv .oder yina3 eda 2o vbuz2 A ;ebbit ladnak edt" uwgnu0 gnaw ,mot antdo dsuot edd al ebest esentno to ttoteia .82P1,(S) LXXX.2ARAMC -ant lemno eb evaloolw nav nealeß ed U.0.t,Nonlentew Ogl,egadnevazD-algolgineezev nododo mallriW yd selhevonsid bna sezavoy (.be) 0 nosnikIw .IPInobned.zelomag 2E91 azogegat8 .svafaM 1o vzodal8 A .0 A ,abedenlW (S) IVX 2A88Mt ",leaa9 1o eofolnordO edt" OE-SBEPI
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