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THE

HISTORY

OF

JAVA.

BY THC LATE

SIR THOMAS STAMFORD RAFFLES, F.R.S.

FORMERLY LIEUTLNANT-GOVERNOR OF THAT ISLAND AND 1P> DEPEDENCIES, AND PRESIDENT OF THG SOCILTY OI ARTS AND SCIENCES AT BATAVIA.

IN TWO VOLUMES.

VOL. 1.

SECOND EDITION.

LONDON:

JOIIN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE-STREET. MDCCCXXX.

TO

JHIS ROYAL JIIGHNESS

THE PRINCE REGENT.

SIR,

The gracious permission which I have received to dedicate these volumes to your Royal Highness, affords me an opportunity of interesting your Royal Highness in favour of the amiable and ingenuous people whose country they describe. The high respect they entertain for British valour and justice, and the lively gratitude they retain for the generous system of British Legislation, will, I am sure, give them a strong claim upon your Royal Highness's good opinion.

To uphold the weak, to put down lawless force, to lighten the chain of the slave, to sustain the honour of the British arms and British good faith ; to promote the arts, sciences, and literature, to establish humane institutions, are duties of government which have been most conspicuously performed during your Royal Highness's regency. For a period of nearly five years, in which I have had the honour, as a servant of the East India Company, to preside over a mild and simple people, it has been my pride and my ambition to make known to them the justice and benevolence of my Prince, whose intentions towards them I could only fulfil by acting up to the principles of the Authority which I represented, and by doing every thing in my power to make them happy.

To those who judge that the right to express their sentiments requires no more than sincerity, or that their praise is of a value to overbalance the disrespect of offering it, I shall leave the usual language of dedications. Conscious that the assurances of respect and of loyal attach-

DEDICATION.

ment can never be offered to your Royal Highness by the humblest British subject, without meeting a gracious reception,

I have the honour to be, With profound veneration and respect,

SIR, YOUR ROYAL HIGHNESS'S Most faithful and most dutiful servant,

THOMAS STAMFORD RAFFLES.

London, June 1, 1817.

As it is possible that, in the many severe strictures passed, in the course of this work, upon the Dutch Administration in Java, some of the observations may, for want of a careful restriction in the words employed, appear to extend to the Dutch nation and character generally, I think it proper explicitly to declare, that such observations are intended exclusively to apply to the Colonial Government and its Officers. The orders of the Dutch Government in Holland to the Authorities at Batavia, as far as my information extends, breathe a spirit of liberality and benevolence; and I have reason to believe, that the tyranny and rapacity of its colonial officers, created no less indignation in Holland than in other countries of Europe.

For such, and all other inaccuracies, as well as for the defects of style and arrangement which may appear in this work, an apology is necessary; and in the circumstances under which it has been prepared, it is hoped that an admissible one will be found. While in the active discharge of the severe and responsible duties of an extensive government, it was not in my power to devote much time to the subject : the most that I could do, was to encourage the exertions of others, and to collect in a crude state such new or interesting matter as fell under my personal observation. I quitted Java in the month of March in last year: in the twelve months that have since elapsed, illness during the voyage to Europe and subsequently, added to the demands on my time arising out of my late office, and the duties of private friendship after an absence of many years, have made great encroachments; but engaged as I am in public life, and about to proceed to a distant quarter of the globe, I have been induced, by the interest which the subject of these volumes has excited, and the precarious state of my health, rather to rely on the indulgence of the public than on the attainment of leisure, for which I must wait certainly long and, possibly, in vain.

Most sincerely and deeply do I regret, that this task did not fall into hands more able to do it justice. There was one *, dear to me in private friendship and esteem, who, had he lived, was of all men best calculated to have supplied those deficiencies which will be apparent in the very imperfect work now presented to the Public. From his profound acquaintance with castern languages and Indian history, from the unceasing activity of his great talents, his other prodigious acquirements, his extensive views, and his confident hope of illustrating national migrations from the scenes which he was approaching, much might have been expected; but just as he reached those shores on which he hoped to slake his ardent thirst for knowledge, he fell a victim to excessive exertion, deeply deplored by all, and by none more truly than myself.

My acknowledgments are due to the Right Honourable Sir Josepí Banks, Bart., the venerable President of the Royal Society, for his kindness and encouragement ; and particularly so to Mr. CHARLes WILKINS, Librarian to the East-India Company, as well as to Mr. WiLLiAm MArsden, for many suggestions, of which I regret that I have not been enabled to avail myself so much as I could wish, in consequence of the haste with which the work has been got up. I am also indebted to Mr. Tíomas Murpoch, not only for access to his valuable library, but for illustrations from Portuguese authors, which the reader will find in the Introduction and Appendix.

For all that relates to the Natural History of Java, I am indebted to the communications of Dr. Tioms Honsrield. Though sufficient for my purpose, it forms but a scanty portion of the result of his long and diligent researches on this subject. Of this, however, I am happy to say, that the Public will shortly be able to judge for themselves.

In sketching the state of the Dutch East-India Company, and the measures adopted by the Dutch government respecting Java, subsequently to the year 1780, I have availed myself of much very valuable information communicated to me by Mr. H. W. Mun- TiNcHE, President of the Supreme Court of Justice at Batavia; and as, in the course of this work, I have often been obliged to condemn the principles and conduct of the Dutch colonists, I am anxious to acknowledge the distinguished merit of this excellent magistrate, and that of Mr. J. C. CRanssen, President of the Bench of Schepenen, both selected by the late EARL oF MiNto to be members of the British Council in Java.

The English came to Java as friends. Holland had ceased to be an independent nation, and for the time there could be but two parties, the one English, the other French. The emissaries of the late ruler of France had perverted the minds of the majority: many were doubtful on which side they should rally. At this critical juncture these two gentlemen declared for England and the ancient order of things ; and to the influence of their decision and conduct is to be ascribed, not only the cordiality and good understanding which soon prevailed between the English and Dutch, but in a great measure also that general tranquillity of the country, without which the re-transfer of it to the rule of its former masters might have been impracticable.

Of the wisdom and benevolence which determined the late EARL oF MiNto to place two members of the Dutch nation at the Board of the British Council in Java, it is unnecessary to speak. The measure was in the same spirit which uniformly actuated that enlightened and virtuous statesman, my revered patron and ever lamented friend. The selection of the two gentlemen whom I have mentioned, was no less advantageous. To their countrymen it was peculiarly so, and I am happy to have this opportunity of publicly expressing my acknowledgments to them for the good counsel, firm support, and unwearied exertions, by which they were distinguished while members of the Board.

ORTHOGRAPHY.

Tie principles of Orthography, recommended by Sir WiLLiAm JonEs, and adopted by the Asiatic Society at Calcutta, have been adopted in this work, with some slight modifications. The consonants preserve the same sounds generally as the same letters in the English alphabet : the vowels are used as in Italian. To avoid confusion, the emphatic syllables are alone accented, and the inherent vowel a has invariably been adopted.

ADVERTISEMENT BY THE EDITOR.

In reprinting the History of Java in its present form, the Editor feels it necessary to say a few words. Though the first edition of this work has been honored with extraordinary success, and has long been exhausted, so that copies have become rare, yet Sir StamFoRD RAFFLEs always considered it as a hasty production, requiring great alteration and improvement; and if it had pleased God to prolong his course of usefulness in this world, he would have bestowed upon it those corrections and additions which he thought it required.

The present Editor has only ventured to add a few short notes which she found prepared by Sir Sam- FoRD, and to omit, according to his intention, the larger part of the comparative vocabularies, retaining only a hundred words in each language.

The additional plates were prepared some years ago, for a second quarto edition : they are now published, with those belonging to the first edition, in a separate quarto volume, detached entirely from the present work.

For the drawings from which the engravings of the antiquities are made, Sir Stamvorp was indebted to Lieut.-Colonel Baker, of the East India Company's service ; and the present Editor is happy to have this opportunity of acknowledging the obligation, as well as her thanks, for many kind intentions to aid her in reprinting this history.

On the subject of the plates which originally accompanied the quarto edition, Sir STmFoRp stated in the Preface to that edition, p. ix, as follows : " The plates which accompany this work, not otherwise distinguished, are from the graver, and many of the designs from the pencil of Mr. WILLIAm DaNiELL, who has devoted his undivided attention in forming a proper conception of his subject, and spared neither time nor exertion in the execution."

The Editor has only to add, that the size of the map of Java rendered it impossible to unite it with the present edition of the History, it is therefore added to the engravings; and it is also prepared for separate circulation.

SOPHIA RAFFLES.

High Wood,

Dec. 31, 1829.

INTRODUCTION.

TiE first arrival of the Portuguese in the Eastern Islands was in the year 1510, when Alphonzo de Albuqnerque first visited Sunatra. In the following year, Albuquerque conquered the city of Malacea, and sent to announce that event to those countries and islands which had traded thither, inviting them to continue their intereourse, and promising them protection and encouragement*. To Java and the Moluccas he sent Antonio de Abrew, having, however, previously prepared the way by a Moor or Mahomedan, of the nane of Nakoda Ismael, who was trading in a merchant vessel. Antonio de Abrew sailed on his mission with three vessels, and took with him several Javans and Malayus who had been accustomed to trade with Malacca. The first port on Java at which he arrived was the city of Agacai †, and from thence he sailed to Anboina, one of the Moluccas, where † he set up his padroes, or pillars of discovery and possession, as he had done at every port at which he had touched. One of the vessels was lost in a storm, but the pcople were saved and carried by Abrew to a port in Banda to which vessels then resorted for trade, and whither it was that the Javan vessels used to go for cloves, nutmegs, and mace, which were carried to that port by the natives of the Moluccas in their own vessels.

Nakoda Ismael returning from the Moluccas with a cargo of nutmegs, his vessel was wrecked on the coast of Java, near Tuban. The cargo of the Nakoda's vessel having been saved, Joam Lopez Alyrin was sent (A. D. 1513) by the governor of Malacca with four vessels to reecive it. Alvrin was well received in all the ports of Java where he touehed, but particularly at Sidayu belonging to Páteh Unrng, a prince who had been defeated at Malacea by Fernan Peres.

The straits of Sínga púra* being infested by the cruisers of the former king of Malaeea, who had been expelled from his dominions by the Portuguese in 1511, the straits of Sában were the usual route of the Portuguese vessels from Malaeca to the Spice Islands, and in this voyage they generally touched at the ports of Java.

About the year 1520 or 1521, Antonio de Britto, with six vessels under his command, bound to the Moluccas, touched first at Tában and procceded afterwards to Agacai, where he remained seventeen days, during which time he sent a boat to the island of Madúra, for the purpose of exploring it ; but the men landing incautiously were surprised and made prisoners, and were not ransomed without much difficulty, and the friendly intervention of the governor of Agacai.

Antonio de Britto had scarcely accomplished the ransom of his men, when he was joined by Don Garcia Henriquez with four vessels bound to Banda for spices, and at the same time a Javan vessel arrived from Banda. This vessel had been furnished with a pass from the Spaniards, under Fernan de Megalhaen, who having passed by the straits which bear his name, had arrived at the Spice Islands. This was the first intelligenee which the Portuguese received of Megalhaen's discovery of the route round the southern extremity of the American continent, and they were the more mortified at it, as he had left his own country in disgust, and was then in the service of Spain*

“ querque, governor of Malaeca, Henriquez Lerne coneluded with the " King of Sunda, on aecount of the pepper produce in that kingdom. " We must, therefore, first give an account of the voyage of Hen- " riquez Lerne. The kingdom of Sunda being one of those of the " The land of Java we eonsider as two islands, whose position is from " east to west, and nearly in the same parallel, in seven or eight degrees " India used to pass, previous to the founding of Malacea. " A chain of very high mountains runs along the whole length of " Java. Their distance from the northern coast is about twenty-five

The first voyage made by the Dutch was in 1595, in which year their first fleet, under the command of Houtman (who

" covered sea; and they think that whoever shall proceed beyond

" those straits, will be hurried away by strong currents, so as never to be

" able to return, and for this reason they never attempt to navigate it, in

" the same manner as the Moors on the eastern coast of Africa do not

" venture to pass the Cape of Currents."

The following is the substance of a note inserted in Jono de Barros, Decadas, p. 76–77, vol. 4, part 1st, 8vo. Lisbon 1777.

" The island of Java is divided into many kingdoms along the northern

" coast; and beginning to the eastward, those of which we have any

“ account are—Paneruca, Ovalle, Agasai, Paniao (whose king resides in

" the interior, and has a supremacy over those just mentioned), Beredam,

" Sodaio, Tubam, Cajoam, Japara (the capital of this kingdon is called

" Cheronhama, threc leagues from the sea coast, near to which Japara is

" situated), Damo, Margam, and Matarem.

" In the mountainous interior live a numerous class of chiefs, called

" Gunos : they are a savage race, and eat human flesh. The first inha-

" bitants were Siamese, who about the year 8oo of the Christian era, on

" their passage from Siam to Macassar were driven by a great storm on

" the island of Báli. Their junk being wrecked they eseaped in their

" boat, and arrived at Java, until that period undiscovered; but which, " the island of Madagascar (St. Laurence).

" on account of its size and fertility was immediately peopled by Passara,

" son of the king of Siain : and the city of Passaraan, called after his

" own name, was founded at a very good seaport, and this was the first " settlement on the island.

" The Javans are proud, brave, and treacherous, and so vindictive,

" that for any slight offence (and they consider as the most unpardonable

" the touching their forehead with your hand) they declare amok to

" revenge it. They navigate much to every part of the Eastern Archi- " pelago, and say that formerly they used to navigate the ocean as far as

" The city of Bintam, or Banta, which is in the middle of the opening " of the straits of Sunda, stands in the centre of a large bay, which

" from point to point may be about three leagues wide, the bottom good,

" and the depth of water from two to six fathoms. A river of sufficient

" depth for junks and galleys, falls into this bay, and divides the town

" into two parts. On one side of the town there is a fort, built of sun-

" dried bricks : the walls are about seven palms thick, the bulwarks of

" wood, well furnished with artillery.

had been previously employed by the Portuguese in the East India service), sailed direct to Bantam. At this period the

" The island of Sunda is more mountainous than Java. It has six

" good seaports: Chiamo, at the extremity of the island ; Chacatara, or

" Curavam; Tangaram, Cheginde, Pandang, and Bintam, which have a

" great traflic, on account of the trade carried on, not only with Java, but " with Malacca and Sumatra.

" The principal city of this kingdom is called Daro, situated a little

" towards the interior, and we are assured that when Henriquez Lerne

" first visited it, this town had upwards of fifty thousand inhabitants,

" and that the kingdom had upwards of one hundred thousand fighting “ men.

" The soil is very rich. An inferior gold, of six carats, is found.

" There is abundance of butcher's meat, game and provisions, and tama-

" rinds which serve the natives for vinegar. The inhabitants are not

" very warlike, much addicted to their idolatries, and hate the Maho-

" medans, and particularly since they were conquered by the Sangue Páti " Dama.

" Here four or five thousand slaves may be purehased, on account of " the numerous population, and its being lawful for the father to sell the

" children. The women are handsome, and those of the nobles chaste,

" which is not the case with those of the lower classes. There are

" monasteries or convents for the women, into which the nobles put

" their daughters, when they cannot mateh them in marriage according

" to their wishes. The married women, when their husbands die, must,

" as a point of honour, die with them, and if they should be afraid of "death they are put into the convents.

" The kingdom descends from father to son, and not from unele to

" nephew, (son of the sister), as among the Malabars and other infidels

“ in India.

" They are fond of rich arms, ornamented with gold and inlaid work.

" Their krises are gilt, and also the point of their lances. Many other

" particulars might be added (but we reserve them for our geography *),

" concerning the productions of this island, in which upwards of thirty

" thousand quintals of pepper are collected annually."

Portuguese were at war with the king of Bantam, to whom Houtman offered assistance, in return for which he obtained

Decad. iv. Chapter 13.

" In the year 1522, Jorge Albuquerque, governor of Malacea, equipped

" a vessel to carry Henriquez Lerne, with a competent suite and certain

" presents, to the king Samian above mentioned, for the purpose of

" establishing a commereial intercourse. Lerne was well received by the

" king, who was fully sensible of the importance of such a connection, in

" the war in which he was then engaged with the Moors (Mahomedans);

" and, therefore, he requested that, for the protection of the trade, the

" king of Portugal should erect a fortress, and that he would load as

many ships as he chose with pepper, in return for such merchandize as

" the eountry required. And further, he (the king) obliged himself, as a

" pledge of his friendship, to give him annually a thousand bags of

" pepper, from the day on which the building of the fortress should

" commence.

" These things being concluded and presents exchanged, Lerne re-

" turned to Madacea, wlere he was well received by Albuquerque, who

" immediately cominunieated the result to the king of Portugal, who

" approved of all that had been done. " commanded by Dironte Coelho, reached the port of Calapa (wlhere the

" Franeisco de Sá was in consequence dispatched with six vessels (the

" names of which and of their commanders are enumerated), with which

" he called at Malacca, and accompanied the expedition against Bintam

" (then in the possession of the expelled king of Malacen), on leaving

" which he was overtaken by a drealful storm, and one of his vessels,

" fort was to be built), where she was driven on shore, and all the erew

" perished by the hands of the Moors (Mahomedans), who were then

" masters of the country, having a few days before taken the town from

" the native king, who had concluded the treaty with the King of Por-

" tugal, and given him the site on which to erect the fortress.

" But although the intended establishment on Java was thus frus-

" trated, the Portuguese continued to have intercourse with that island,

" at which they frequently touched on their voyage to and from the

" Moluccas."

Decad. iv. Book i. Chapter 14.

"In August, 1526, Antonio de Britto, on his return from Ternati to permission to build a factory at Bantam, which was the first settlement formed by the Dutch in the East Indies.

" Malacca, touched at the port of Paneruca, where he found his coun-

" tryman, Jono de Moreno, who had twenty Malay junks under his

" command. From thence he proceeded to the town of Tagasam, whose

" inhabitants were at war with the Portuguese, and had captured a junk

" laden with cloves, which he had dispatched to Malacca, and they even

" attempted to take the vessel in which he himself was, which ocea-

" sioned his quitting that place, having however first captured a junk

* laden with provisions."

Decad. iv. Book i. Chapter 17.

" In July, 152s, Don Garcia Henriquez appears to have touched at

" the port of Paneruca, (Panarukan) for the purpose of taking in pro-

" visions on his way to Malacea; and it also appears, that the king or

" chief of Paneruca sent anbassadors to the Portuguese governor of

" Malacca in the same year 1528."

The following is the substance of a deseription of Java from the Decada of Diego de Couto.—Decad. iv. Book iii. Chapter i.

Couto deseribes the wreck of a Portuguese vessel, and the destruetion of her erew by the Moors, who had just become masters of the kingdom of Sunda, in nearly the same words as Barros. He then proceeds to state, that Francis de Sá ran before the storm along the coast of Java, and collected his seattered vessels in the port of Paneruca, and gives a general deseription of Java in nearly the following words.

" But it will be proper to give a concise deseription of this country, " and to shew which were the Greater and the Lesser Java of Marco

" Polo, and clear up the confusion whieh has prevailed among modern " geographers on this subject.

" The figure of the island of Java resembles a hog couched on its fore " legs, with its snout to the channel of Balaberao, and its hind legs

" towards the mouth of the Straits of Sunda, whieh is much frequented

" by our ships. This island lies directly east and west; its length about

" one hundred and sixty, and its breadth about seventy leagues.

" The southern coast (hog's back) is not frequented by us, and its bays " and ports are not known ; but the northern coast (hog's belly) is much

" frequented, and has many good ports : and although there are many

" shoals, yet the channels and the anchorages are so well known, that " but few disasters happen.

" There are many kingdoms along the maritime parts, some of them

Following the example of the Dutch, the English East India Company, immediately after their incorporation by

" subordinate to the others ; and beginning at the east (head of the hog),

" we will set down the names of such as are known : Ovalle, Paneruoa,

" Agasai, Sodayo, Paniao (whose sovereign resides thirty leagues inland,

" and is a kind of emperor over these and others hereafter mentioned),

" Tabao, Berdoao, Cajoao, Japarn (whose principal city or town is called

" Cerinhama, three leagues inland, while Japara is situated on the sea

" shore), Damo, Margao, Banta, Sunda, Audreguir (where there is much

" pepper, which is cxported by a river called Jande). In the moun-

" tainous interior there are many kings, called Gunos; they live among

" rugged mountains, are savage and brutal, and many of them cat

" human flesh."

" These mountains are exceedingly high, and some of them emit flames

" like the island of Ternati. Every one of these kingdoms whieh we

" have named has a language of its own; yet they mutually understand

* each other, as we do the Spaniards and Galicians.

" The kingdom of Sunda is thriving and abundant ; it lies between

" Java and Sumatra, having between it and the latter the Straits of

" Sunda. Many islands lie along the coast of this kingdom within the

" Straits, for nearly the space of forty leagues, which in the widest are

" about twenty-five, and in others only twelve leagues broad. Banta is

" about the middle distanee. All the islands are well timbered, but have

" little water. A small one, called Maear, at the entrance of the Straits,

" is said to have much gold.

" The principal ports of the kingdom of Sunda are Banta, Aché, Cha-

" catara (or, by another name, Caravao), to which every year resort

" about twenty Sommas, which are a kind of vessel belonging to Chien-

" hee (Cochin China), out of the maritime provinces of China, to load

" pepper. For this kingdom produces eight thousand bahars, which are

" equal to thirty thousand quintals of pepper annually.

" Bantam is situated in six degrees of south latitude, in the middle of

" a fine bay, which is three leagues from point to point. The town in

" length, stretching landward, is eight hundred and fifty fathoms, and the

" seaport extends about four hundred. A river capable of admitting

" junks and gallies, flows through the middle of the town: a small

" branch of this river admits boats and small craft.

" There is a brick fort, the walls of which are seven palms thick, with

" wooden bulwarks, armed with two tiers of artillery. The anchorage is xxi

Queen Elizabeth in 1601, fitted out a fleet of four ships, the command of which was entrusted to Captain Lancaster, who

".good; in some places a muddy, in others a sandy bottom, the depth " from two to six fathoms.

" The King, Don John, conceiving that if he had a fortress in this

" situation he should be master of the Straits, and of all the pepper of

" those kingdoms, recommended it strongly to the lord adniral to have a

" fort built by Francisco de Sa; and even now it would be perhaps still

" more important as well for the purpose of defending the entranee against

" the English and the Turks, as for the general security of the trade and

" commerce of those parts, which is the principal value of India. And it

" was the opinion of our forefathers, that if the king possessed three

" fortresses, one in this situation, one on Acheen head, and one on the

" coast of Pega, the navigation of the cast would in a manner be locked

" by these keys, and the king would be lord of all its riehes; and they

" gave many reasons in support of their opinions, which we forbear to “ repeat, and return to Java.

" The island of Java is abundantly furnished with every thing necessary

" to human life; so much so, that from it Malacca, Acheen, and other

“ neighbouring countries, derive their supplies.

" The natives, who are called Jaos (Javans), are so proud that they

" think all mankind their inferiors; so that, if a Javan were passing along

" the street, and saw a native of any other country standing on any

" hillock or place raised higher than the ground on which he was walking,

"if such person did not immediately come down until he should have

" passed, the Javan would kill him, for he will permit no person to stand

" above him; nor would a Javan carry any weight or burthen on his " head, even if they should threaten him with death.

" They are a brave and determined race of men, and for any slight

" offence will run amok to be revenged; and even if they are run through

" and through with a lance, they will advance until they close with their " adversary.

" The men are expert navigators, in which they claim priority of all

" others; although many give the honour to the Chinese, insisting that

" they preceded the Javans. But it is certain that the Javans have sailed

" to the Cape of Good Hope, and have had intercourse with the island

" of Madagascar on the off side, where there are many people of a brown

" colour, and a mixed Javan race, who descend from them."

Then follows the refutation of a ridiculous story told by Nicolas sailed from London in 1602, first to Acheen (Aché) on Sumatra, where he procured part of his cargo, and entered into a treaty with the king, of which a copy is yet in existence. From Acheen he went to Bantam, and settled a factory there, which was the first possession of the English in the East Indies. Captain Laneaster brought home a letter from the king of Bantam to Queen Elizabeth in 1602, which is still in the state paper office.

In 1610, the first Duteh governor general, Bolt, arrived at Bantam, and finding the situation of his countrymen in that province not favourable to the establishment of a permanent settlement, removed to Jákatra. On the 4th of March, 1621, the name of Bataria was conferred upon the new establishment of the Dutch in Jákatra, which from that period became the capital of their East Indian empire.

In 1683, the English, who had hitherto maintained a suceessful rivalry with the Dutch, withdrew their establishment from Bantam.

In the year 1811, Holland having become a province of xxiii

France, the French flag was hoisted at Batavia ; and on the 11th September, in the same year, the British government was declared supreme on Java, by a proclamation of that date signed by the Earl of Minto, Governor General of Bengal. On the 17th of the same month, a capitulation was entered into, by which all the dependencies fell into the hands of Great Britain.

On the 13th August, 1814, a convention was entered into by viscount Castlereagh, on the part of his Britannic Majesty, restoring to the Dutch the whole of their former possessions in the Eastern Islands; and on the 19th August, 1816, the flag of the Netherlands was again hoisted at Batavia.

Without adverting to the political importance to Great Britain of the conquest of Java, or to the great commercial advantages which both countries might eventually have derived from its remaining in our hands, I shall merely notice that the loss of it was no inmmediate or positive evil to the Dutch. For many years prior to the British expedition, Holland had derived little or no advantage from the nominal sovereignty which she continued to exereise over its internal affairs. All trade and intercourse between Java and Europe was interrupted and nearly destroyed ; it added nothing to the commercial wealth or the naval means of the mother country: the controul of the latter over the agents she employed had proportionally diminished; she continued to send out governors, counsellors, and commissioners, but she gained from their inquiries little information on the causes of her failure, and no aid from their exertions in improving her resources, or retarding the approach of ruin. The colony became a burden on the mother country instead of assisting her, and the Company which had so long governed it being ruined, threw the load of its debts and obligations on the rest of the nation.

It might have been some consolation for the loss of immediate profit, or the contraction of immediate debt, to know, that such unfavourable cireumstances were merely temporary;

that they arose out of a state of political relations which affected internal improvement, and that the resources of the colony were progressively increasing, and would become available when peace or political changes should allow trade to flow in its former channels. Whether the Dutch could not indulge such prospects, or whether the system on which the internal government of their eastern dominion was conducted was in itself ruinous under any cireumstances, a view of the financial and commercial state of Java before the conquest, and of the causes which led to the losses and dissolution of the Dutch East India Company, will assist the reader in determining.

In tracing these causes, it is hardly necessary to go further back than the period of the Company's history immediately preceding the war of 1780. The accidental calamities of that war brought it to the brink of ruin, and its inportance in the past transactions of the country being borne in mind, a general concern existed in Holland for its preservation, and for the restoration and maintenance of its credit. With the view of affording it the most effective and beneficial assistance, inquiries were set on foot, not only to discover some temporary means of relief, but to provide a more permanent remedy for threatened decline. It is impossible to ascertain what might have been the result of the measures which were then in contemplation, as the convulsed state of Europe, and especially of Holland, subsequently to this period, left no room for their operation, and did not even admit of making the experiment of their efficiency. The free intercourse of the mother country with her colonies was interrupted ; the trade was thrown into the hands of neutrals; several possessions were lost for the want of due protection, and those which remained were left to support or defend themselves in the best way they could, without any assistance or reinforcement from home.

For ten years preceding the year 1780, the average annual sales of the Company amounted to upwards oftwenty millions of guilders, which was considerably more than in former years, and the prices of the different articles were nearly the same as they had been from the years 1648 to 1657, when the sales only amounted on an average to about cight millions a year; it was therefore clear, that the decline of the Company was not to be attributed to the decrease of trade.

On an examination of the Indian books, it was found, that from the year 1613 to 1696, the profits in India, though moderate, had always kept equal pace with the profits in Europe.

Thus, on an average of forty years till 1653, the annual profits were about...... .......640,000 gu0ilders a year; Of fifty years.......to 1663....about 500,000 do. Of sixty do.....to 1673......750,000 do. Ofseventy do.......to 1683.........670,000 do. Of cighty do......to 1693 ….....600,000 do.

In the year 1696, the nett profit from the same year (1613) amounted to only 40,206,789 guilders, being full cight millions less than it had been in 1693, only three years preceding; and the average nett annual profit from 1613 was reduced to 484,371 guilders. But from 1697 to 1779, comprehending a like period of eighty-three years, the losses were so exorbitant as to overbalance and absorb, not only the contemporary, but all the preceding profits in Europe, and even a large amount of fictitious profit stimulated to screen the government in India.

The nett amount of profits calculated from 1613, amounted

Guilders.

In 1697....to only 38,696,527

In 1703..... 31,674,645

In 1718..... 16,805,598

In 1723.... 4,838,925

In 1724.... 1,037,777

In 1730 there was already a total loss of 7,737,610, and in the year 1779 this loss amounted to 84,985,425.

The Company used to send yearly to India, before the commencement of the war of 1780, twenty ships of about nine hundred tons each, and cight or ten of about cight hundred tons cach, which, to the number of twenty-two or twenty-three, returned with cargoes : four from China, three from Ceylon, three from Bengal, one from Coromandel, and twelve or thirteen from Batavia. They annually exported to India provisions and other articles of trade to the amount of two millions six or cight thousand florins, and in cash from four to six millions, and sold yearly to an amount generally of twenty or twenty-one millions; and it was estimated that the Indian trade maintained, directly and indirectly, all the external commerce of Holland, employing a capital of about two hundred and sixty millions of florins.

From the inquiries of a commission appointed by the government of Holland, in the year 1780, to ascertain the real state of the Company's finances, and to report how far the nation would be warranted in giving its further support to the credit of an institution which had so rapidly declined, it appeared that in 1789, the arrears of the Company amounted to seventy-four millions of florins, and that this amount had since increased to eighty-four or eighty-five millions, of which sum no less than 67,707,583 florins had been advanced by the nation.

xxvii

The Conmissioners, however, being of opinion, that the affairs of the Company were not irretrievable, recommended a further loan of seven millions of florins.

A meritorious servant of the Company, Mr. C. Tetsingh, had offered to the Commissioners a memorial, in which he proposed that the Company should abandon the trade to private merchants under certain restrictions ; but on this proposal the Commissioners stated that they were not then prepared to offer an opinion.

This Commission, in reporting upon the manner in which the Company's affairs had been managed in India, declared that " they could not conceal the deep impression which the " same had made upon their minds, and that they could not “ fix their thoughts upon it, without being affected with sen- " timents of horror and detestation."....." When," said they, " we take a view of our chief possession and establishment, “ and when we attend to the real situation of the internal " trade of India, the still increasing and exorbitant rate of “ the expenses, the incessant want of cash, the mass of paper " money in circulation, the unrestrained peculations and " faithlessness of many of the Company's servants, the con- " sequent clandestine trade of foreign nations, the perfidy of " the native princes, the weakness and connivance of the “ Indian government, the excessive expenses in the military " department and for the publie defence; in a word, when " we take a view of all this collectively, we should almost " despair of being able to fulfil our task, if some persons of " great talents and ability among the directors had not " stepped forward to devise means by which, if not to eradi- " cate, at least to stop the further progress of corruption, and " to prevent the total ruin of the Company."

The improvements proposed by the directors extended to every branch of the administration abroad. They proposed, first, with regard to the Cape of Good Hope, the yearly arrears of which settlement had latterly amounted to a million and a half of florins, that the same should be reduced to one half of that sum. With regard to the further eastern possessions, the measures proposed for consideration were chiefly the following.

To confine the Company's future trade to opium, spices, pepper, Japan copper, tin, and sugar, as far as the European and Japan markets would require. 'To abandon the trade to Western India to the Company's servants and free merehants, under payment of a certain recognition. To abandon several factories in that quarter, and to reduce the rest to mere residencies. To make considerable reductions in the establishment on the coast of Malabar and in Bengal. To reduce the establishments on the coast of Coromandel to three factories. To abandon the establishments on the West coast of Sumatra, and to leave it open to a free trade. To diminish the expenses at Ceylon by a reduction of the military force, and by every other possible means to animate the cultivation and importation of rice into that settlement. To open a free trade and navigation to Bengal and Coromandel, under the superintendence of the Company, on paying a certain recognition. To encourage, by every means, the cultivation of rice in the easternmost possessions, and especially at Amboina and Banda, for the sake of preventing the inducements of a clandestine trade, which the importation of rice to those places might afford. To abandon several small factories to the eastward. To adopt a plan for the trade of Malacca proposed by Governor De Bruem. To introduce a general reduction of establishment at Batavia and elsewhere. To introduce new regulations with regard to the sale of opium at Batavia. To improve the Company's revenue, by a tax upon salaries and a duty upon collateral successions. And finally, to send out commissioners to India, with full powers to introduce a general reform in the administration.

In a memorial subsequently submitted by the Commissioners, which formed the basis of all the measures recom mended and adopted at this time, for the better administration of affairs in India, after shewing that, from the year 1770 to

1780, the Company had on the whole of its trade and establishments on the coast of Coromandel, Bengal, Malabar, Surat, and the western coast of Sumatra, averaged a profit of only 119,554 florins a year, they recommended the introduction at Batavia of a public sale of the spices, Japan copper, and sugar, wanted for the consumption of Wcstern India, and the establishment of a recognition of ten per cent. on the piece goods from Bengal, and of fifteen per cent. on the piece goods from Coromandel. Under such a plan of free trade, they calculated that, after the diminution of the Company's establishments in Western India, and the abolition of several small forts and factories to the castward, it was highly probable that the administration in India would, in future, cover its own expenses, and thereby save the Company from utter ruin.

It was on these calculations that the Commissioners appointed by the States of Holland founded their hopes of the future relief of the Company, and with these prospects they closed their report, the care and future fate of the Company devolving from that time chiefly on the Commissioners appointed at their recommendation to proceed to India, in order to carry into effect, on the spot, the reforns proposed. Of these new Commissioners, Mr. Nederburg, then first advocate to the Company, was appointed the chief.

The Indian Commissioners sailed from Europe in the year 1791. At the Cape of Good Hope they made such changes and reforms as may be said to have fully effected the object of their commission. The importance, however, of the Cape being comparatively small, it is not necessary to enter into any detail of the measures adopted there. The more momentous part of their trust was undoubtedly to be discharged in India, where they arrived in 1793.

If the talents of these Commissioners were to be estimated by the benefits which resulted from their labours, we may safely pronounce them to have been incompetent to the task they had undertaken; but such a criterion cannot with any justice be applied. A continuance of peace with Great Britain was of course reckoned upon in all their calculations, and war with that power broke out almost immediately afterwards.

With regard to the abandonment of several forts and factories to the eastward, to which their attention had been particularly directed, the result of their deliberation and inquiry was, that the continuance of the Company's establishment on Celebes was indispensable for the protection of the Moluccas; that at Timor reductions had been made, in consequence of which the revenues covered the expenses; that after mature investigation the Japan trade was shewn to yield a nett profit of 200,000 florins; that with regard to the West Coast of Sumatra the revenues had been made to excced the expenses, and the pepper collected in that neighbourhood left still some profit to the Company.

With respect to the institution of public sales at Batavia for Japan copper, spices, and sugar, on the introduction of which it was supposed the establishments in Western India might be for the most part reduced, they were of opinion, after deliberating with the Council of India, and after a personal inquiry into the actual state of the private trade at Batavia, that chiefly for the want of an adequate means among the purchasers such sales were entirely impracticable, and that it would therefore be preferable, after making some partial reductions in the expense, to continne the establishment in Bengal and the coast of Coromandel, but that Cochin on the Malabar coast might, perhaps, be advantageously abandoned *.

To determine the mode in which the trade with India should in future be conducted, these Commissioners assumed a general calculation of the receipts and disbursements which would occur at home and abroad, on the supposition that the Company should, in future, navigate with hired vessels only, xxxi

and that all marine establishments should be abolished. The result of this calculation was in abstract as follows. The estimate may be considered as affording an interesting view of the hopes and prospects which were at that time entertained of the resources of the Eastern Islands.

The whole estimate was framed on the principles of monopoly, and with a view to an increase of the trade on the one hand, and a reduetion of expenses on the other. The quantity of coffee stated at cighteen million pounds, was caleulated npon the produce which might be expected after two years. In the calculation of the quantity of pepper, an augmentation of 1,500,000 pounds beyond the produce of the preceding year was anticipated, from the encouragement given to the growth of that article in Bantam and other parts of Java. With regard to the sugar, calculated at 8,000,000 of pounds for the hone cargoes, it is stated, that the actual deliveries

From Batavia at that time amoumted to ....6,000,000 lbs.

From Chéribon ...... 500,000

From other ports in Java....... ...1,000,000

7,500,000 lbs.

Supposing therefore the home cargoes.......8,000,000 lbs.

The demaud for Surat .....3,500,000

For Japan ........... 900,000

For the consumption of the Company's own

establishments .... 200,000

The quantity required would be..........12,600,000 lbs.

Or 5,100,000 pounds more than the actual produce. The whole of that quantity, however, the Commissioners felt confident might be produced in three years, by encouraging the manufacture in the Eastern Districts of Java. Among the retrenchments was a tax upon the salaries of all civil servants, which reduced the average salary of each to the sum of fifteen Spanish dollars per month.

RECEIPTS. Florins. 2,350,000 Public Duties .... Freight on Company's vessels 50,000 400,000 Additional public revenues.. Profits on Trade in India :— 1,250,000 Profit on opium . Ditto on 12,880 pikuls tin, at 26 rix-dollars per 228,000 pikul ... 43,000 Ditto on 5,000 lbs. Mace Ditto on 15,000 lbs. Nutmegs 90,000 420,000 Ditto on 120,000 lbs. Cloves ... 292,000 Ditto on 730,000 Ibs. Japan Copper .... 845,000 Total on Spices and Copper At Surat :— 190,000 On Sugar ..... 10,000 On Camphor ... 18,000 On Tin 218.000 76,000 In Japan, on divers Europe and Indian articles. 2,617,000 33,000 And for Sundries at the coast of Coromandel .... 2,650,000 For the produce of the Indian Returns in Europe :— Coffee, 18,000,000 Ibs., deduct Wastage, &c. is 16,000,000 lbs. at 8± stivers per lb. ........ 6,813,281

DISBURSEMENTS. Florins. For the Surplus Expenses at the Cape of Good Hope 150,000 33,120 For the same in Bengal For the same at Surat.. 40,000 For the Military Expenses in India 2,571,314 For Salaries to Civil Servants 1,000,000 100,000 For Ammunition, &c. . For Fortifications and Repairs 400,000 For Sloops and minor Vessels 200,000 For Hospital Expenses .... 100,000 18.000 On Account of Confiscations.. For Presents to Native Princes 32,000 Interest on Sums lent in India. 100,000 For Stores and Goods shipped in India 200.000 100,000 For eventual Losses För the Purchase of the Produce in India 4,519,400 For Insurance at five per cent. on the Money sent to India 212,700 For Freight on Returns of Homeward-bound Cargoes. 3,300,000 Insurance and Risk of the Sea in India •• 200,000 For Freight of Tonnage in India ... 699,030 For Freight for 2,320 Men, to complete the Military and Civil 219,240 Establishment in India For the Passage home of 450 men 28,350 Bounty Money to 2,020 military men 303,000 60,000 Premiums to 300 civil servants 360,000 Recognition to the Admiralty

Pepper, 3,765,000 lbs., deducting Wastage, &c. is 3,263,789 lbs. at 12 stivers per lb. ... 1,958,273 VOL. Tin, 630,000 lbs. deducting Wastage, &c. is 490,913 lbs. at 40 florins per cwt..... 196,365 Cotton Yarn, 60,000 lbs., or nett 57,000 lbs, at 35 stivers per lb. 99,750 Indigo, 30,750 lbs., deducting Wastage, &c. is 27,645 lbs. at 80 stivers per lb. .. 110,580 Sugar, 8,000,000 lbs. deducting Wastage, &c. is 7,068,000 lbs. at 10 stivers per lb. ...... 1,767,000 Saltpetre, 1,650,000 lbs., deducting Wastage, &c. is 1,285,350 lbs. at 30 florins per cwt. is.. 385,605 Sappan Wood, 600,000 lbs. or nett 513,000 lbs. 12 florins per cwt. 61,560 Cowries, 160,000 lbs. or nett 101,460 lbs. at 8 stivers per lb. 40,584 Camphor, 65,000 lbs. or nett 56,344 lbs. at 23 stivers, per lb. 65,025 Cardamoms, Java, 22,000 lbs. or nett 18,810 lbs. at 20 stivers per lb. 18,810 Tamarinds, 115,000 lbs. 43,700 Arrack, 140 leagers.. 46,000 Cinnamon, 400,000 Ibs. at 5 florins per lb. 2,000.000 Cloves, 250,000 lbs. at 65 stivers per lb. 812,500 Mace, 110,000 lbs. ..... 937,500 Nutmegs, 320,000 lbs. 561,000 Bengal Piece Goods. 970,000 Surat do. do.. 550,000 17,437,533 For Freightand Recognition on Private Trade 200,000 Total........... Florins 23,087,533

Contribution to the same • 500,000 Total Expenses of the Compauy's Establishments at home.... 1,000,000 Yearly Interest to be paid. 4,758,000 Dividends at 12} per cent. to the Holders of Stock 831,000 22,035,154 Balance 1,052,379 xxxiii Total Florins 23,087,539 xxxiv

These Commissioners seemed to entertain no very favourable ideas of the benefits which would arise to private trade from the license it already enjoyed. As a measure much more beneficial to the general trade of Europe and to the Company, they proposed, in lieu of it, to throw open to individuals, under certain restrictions, the trade and navigation from Europe to Bengal and Coromandel.

Thus we see these Commissioners sent out with the view of introducing somcthing like free trade on Java, coming to a resolution to take away from it cven the little private trade which it had previously been allowed to enjoy.

The Company's trade with continental India had already been so much encroached upon by foreigners, that it was judged expedient no longer to exclude the Dutch free trader from his share in the spoil; but it was hoped, by increased strictness, to preserve entire to the Company the exclusive trade in spices, Javan coffee, pepper as far as it was the produce of her own possessions, Japan copper, the opium which was consumed in Java and in the Moluccas, and Javan sugar.

The trade of the Dutch Company has thus been brought to the period, when its monopoly was proposed to be almost exclusively confined to Java and the Eastern Islands, including Japan. The causes which operated to destroy the Dutch influence on the continent of India, are too well known to require any particular description.

The Dutch had long maintained a decisive superiority, as well on the continent of Asia, as among the Indian islands, until the active exertions of their competitors in trade succeeded in undermining and overturning their monopoly; and as it was natural their weak side should suffer first, it was on the continent, where their establishments were far removed from the chief seat of government, and where they had not been able to insure to themselves those exclusive privileges from the princes of the country which they had exacted from the weaker princes of the Eastern Islands, that other nations, chiefly the French and English, first endeavoured to introduce themselves.

After reciprocal jealousies had for some time prevented both nations from making any considerable progress, a successful war at last turned the scale entirely in favour of the English, whose influence, from that period, has been paramount in continental India, and the Dutch East India Company was no longer able to enforce its system of exclusive trade there.

Without inquiring into the practicability of realizing the flattering estimate made out by the Indian Commissioners, or the policy which dictated a still more rigorous monopoly of the produce of the Eastern Islands, it ought to be remarked, although it seems never to have been adverted to by the Commissioners, whose calculations and plans were exclusively of a commercial nature, that the original situation of the Company as a mere mereantile body, looking out for trade and not dominion, had undergone a material alteration, by the acquisition it had made from the middle of the last century of considerable territorial possessions, especially on the island of Java.

To use the words of one of the most enlightened men who now adorns his country, and is prepared to give energy to a better state of things *, " these territorial acquisitions became " to the Company a souree of new relations. In consequence " of them, new rights were acquired and obligations of a " novel kind were contracted, as well with regard to the " territories themselves as the population upon them. The " nature of these rights and duties might have been deemed " worth inquiry ; and as all these territorial acquisitions were " made by a delegated authority derived from the government " at home, it was further worthy of investigation how far the " government itself was entitled to a direct share in the " acquisitions made, and how far it was bound to controul

" and superintend the exercise of those duties which were

" newly contracted. A consideration of these points would

" have led to the important question, how far, on a renewal

" of the Company's charter, it would be requisite to alter and

" modify its conditions according to existing circumstances,

" and especially how far it would have been expedient, in

" future, to leave the Company the exclusive trade, and at

" the same time the uncontrouled sovereignty over the same

" country."

But however natural it may be, at the present moment, to consider questions of this kind, it was perhaps at that time beyond the common course of human thought to entertain doubts on the subject. From an honourable regard for ancient institutions, the mercantile system of the Company was still considered with reverence and respect; it had been at all times the boast and pride of the nation ; the services which the Company had rendered to the state in its earlier days, and the immense benefits which the government had been enabled, by its means, to spread among the community at large, had rendered the East India Company and all its privileges, objects of peculiar care and tenderness. 'The rights of sovereignty which the Company afterwards acquired, were obtained by degrees and almost imperceptibly. Every acquisition of the kind had been considered, at the time, merely as the means of increasing its mercantile profits, and all its territorial rights were looked upon as subservient to its mercantile system.

In consequence of these ideas, after the whole of the northern and eastern coast of Java had been added to the Company's territorial dominions, by a cession in the year 1749, no step seems to have been taken for improving these acquisitions, by any direct use of the supremacy obtained. Some contracts were instituted with the native chiefs, for delivering gratis, or at the lowest possible price, such articles as would serve the Company's investments at home; but taxation, the levy of produce, and the management of police and justice in thc inferior courts, were left to the care and conscience of the natives themselves.

Arguments in favour of this system may perhaps be drawn from the respect due to the native usages and institutions, and from a supposed want of power, on the part of the Company, to assume any direct controul over the native population. But whatever influence these ideas may have had on the conduct of the Company, it may be affirmed that an European government, aiming only to see right and justice administered to every class of the population, might and ought to have maintained all the native usages and institutions, not inconsistent with those principles; and that the power, for want of which it withheld its intcrference, would have been supplied and confirmed by the act of exercising the power which it possessed, and by the resourees it might have been the means of drawing from the country.

Considering, therefore, the propensity inherent in every native authority to abuse its influence, and to render it oppressive to the population at large ; the ascendancy of Europeans in general, even over the class of native chieftains; the scantiness of many of the establishments proposed in the plan of the Indian Commissioners; the manifest inadequacy of the remuneration of the civil servants which it recommended, and the narrow scale on which all expenses were calculated; no very durable benefits could have been reasonably expected from it. The discretionary power being left in the hands of the native chieftains, the whole of the lower class of the population would have remained at their disposal ; the ascendancy of the European servants would have subjected both to peculations, which the insufficiency of their salaries would constantly have tempted them to practice; the administration of justice not meeting with a proper remuneration would have been ineffectual, perhaps corrupt; the reduction of the military establishment would have left the possessions an easy prey to the first invader; and the original sources of the Company's revenues in India remaining the same, it seems probable, that in a short time, the same scenes which had hitherto met with so much reprobation, would have been acted over again, and to a still more disgraceful extent.

But of whatever merit might have been the plans suggested by the Commissioners in India on the 4th July, 1795, the calamities which had already befallen the mother country were followed by an event, which it seems the Commissioners had hardly dared to suspect, and which, in every case, would have frustrated all their designs. This was the dissolution of the Company, in consequence of a resolution taken to that effect on the 24th December, by the body then representing the government of the United States of Holland.

New views of policy were of course suggested by this important change. In the year 1800 there appeared a small volume, entitled " A Deseription of Java and of its principal “ Produetions, shewing the Advantages to be derived there- " from under a better Administration, by Mr. Dirk Van " Hogendorp," in which the writer, after observing that the true state of Java and its importance to the mother country had hitherto been little known, or at least that no correct ideas had yet been formed in Holland with regard to its value, fertility, population, and advantageous situation for trade, establishes,

" 1. That the system on which the trade in India had " hitherto been conducted and the possessions administered, " was no longer good under present circumstances, but con- " tained in itself the seeds of decline and ruin.

“2. That the exclusive trade was in its nature injurious, " and naturally caused the ruin of the colonies.

"3. That under a different system, thosc colonies would " flourish, and yield much greater advantages than ever.

"4. That a revenue, founded on the principles of freedom " of trade, property in the soil, and equality of imposts, could " be casily. introduced.

"5. And finally, that all the benefits which would thereby " accrue to the mother country, from the territorial revenue, " the duties on trade, the industry and wealth for which that " trade would furnish employment, and the treasures which " into the mother country, would greatly exceed the highest " advantages that could be calculated upon, even under the " most favourable prospects, by the means of the fallen Com- " pany or a continuation of its former system."

" the distribution of produce throughout Europe must bring

Many parts of this pamphlet abound in violence and invective, and others are too highly coloured; but with these exceptions, it may be safely asserted that it contains a more correct view of the state of society, and of the resources of the country, than any paper which had preceded it, and the author is most justly entitled to all the credit of having chalked out to his countrymen the road to honour and prosperity, in the future administration of the Dutch East-Indian colonies.

Having, in the course of the foregoing sketch of the decline and fall of the Dutch East-India Company, exhibited a statenient of these resources, under the mercantile system of the Company, it may be interesting also to state what, in the opinion of Mr. Hogendorp, the island of Java alone was capable of affording eventually, under a system founded on the principles of property in the soil, freedom of cultivation and trade, and the impartial administration of justice according to equal rights. " When the exclusive and oppres- " sive trade of the Company, the forced deliveries, the feudal " services, in short, the whole system of feudal government,

" is done away with, and when the effects of this important

" revolution are felt in the certain increase of cultivation and

" trade, then," observes Mr. Hogendorp, " the limits of pro-

" bability will by no means be exceeded, in estimating the

" aggregate of the revenues of Java, in progress of time, at

" twelve millions of rix-dollars, or twenty-four millions of

“ guilders, annually."

This statement, calculated with reference to the comparative produce of the West India Islands, has been generally considered by the colonists as exhibiting a very exaggerated view, of what the island could, under any circumstances, afford, and by many as too wild a speculation to deserve attention; but to this it should be added, that the plan on which it was founded, viz. an entire change in the internal management of the country, was considered as equally wild and romantic by those who declaimed the loudest against the possibility of these advantages accruing, and that notwithstanding the doubts then cntertained of its practicability, that measure has been actually carried into effect, without producing any one of the consequences depicted by the advocates of the old system, and as far as a judgment can yet be formed, with all the advantages anticipated by Mr. Hogendorp.

It is not surprising to find, that the enlightened views of this writer were never acted upon, when we find it asserted by a commission, who sat at the Hague in 1803, composed of the highest, and perhaps best qualified persons in the state of Holland, and of which he was himself a member (of course a dissenting one), that " it appeared to them to have been ad- " mitted generally, and without contradiction, that according " to ancient regulations, of which the first institution was lost " even among the Javans themselves, the manner in which " that people are used to live rests on principles, with which " a free and unlimited disposition of the ground and its pro- " ductions is absolutely inconsistent; that they were, for " their parts, convinced that such a change could not be “ effected, without causing a general fermentation among all

" classes of people ; that though, in this case, violent mea-

" sures might suppress an insurrection, they would rather " advise to bid an eternal farewell to Java, than to resort to " such means; that if they adverted to the question in a com- " mercial point of view, the same uncertainty, the same " dangers ·presented themsclves. These arose from the " natural disinclination of the Javan to work, which has been " observed by many eminent persons; the danger of new " monopolies, which would fall heavier upon the common " people than the present forced deliveries; the exorbitant " charges to support a great number of native chiefs and "priests, who are at present provided for and ought to be " supported ; an undoubted deficiency in the revenues, and a " considerable expenditure during the first years, without the " probability of a remedy. All this," say they, " seems to " forebode a neglect of the cultivation; and after long and " laborious researches, we are compelled to lay it down as a " general principle, that property of the soil among the " coinmon Javans, and the abolition of public services, cannot " be adopted as the basis of an improvement, of which the

"internal management of Jaya would be susceptible. The " contingents and forced deliveries ought therefore to be con- “ tinucd and reccived on account of the state, which has suc- " ceeded to the prerogatives of the former Company *."

Marshal Daendels, who was recalled from the government of Java only a few months before the British conquest, and who was by far the most active and energetic governor who had for a long time been at the head of the colony, has written an account of his own administration, of the state in which he found the island, of the measures he proposed and executed, of the improvements which he projected or carred into effect, of the revenues that might be expected, and of the expenditure that the public service required. Although he enters into some free and bold strictures on the conduct of the Commissioners, the estimates they formed, and the policy they recommended, he does not seem himself to have avoided many of the faults which rendered their policy objectionable, or to have entertained any hope of establishing a more liberal system. Forced services and contingents, and all the tyranny which they render necessary, still constituted the greatest part of the ways and means of the colonial treasury, and the grand source of profits for the Company.

The difficulties he had to struggle with, and the peculiar habits and character formed by his profession, seem to have determined his proccedings, more than any matured scheme of general administration, or any deliberate principles of government. He thus describes the situation of the colony on his arrival: " A powerful enemy threatened us by sea, and the " Javan princes, acquiring audacity in proportion as they saw “ proofs of our weakness, thought the moment had arrived for " prescribing the law to their former superiors. The very ex- "istence of our dominions on Java was thus in the greatest " danger. Our internal resources of finance were exhausted, " while a stagnation of trade, caused by the blockade of our " shores, cut off all hopes of procuring assistance from with- " out. In the midst of such disastrous circumstances, and the " failure of so many attempts to introduce reform, and to main- “ tain the dignity of government, I found it necessary to place " myself above the usual formalities, and to disregard every “ law, but that which enjoined the preservation of the colony “ eutrusted to my management. The verbal order which I re- " ceived, at my departure from Holland, had this for its ob. "ject, and the approbation bestowed upon my attempts to “ carry it into execution, encouraged me in the course of pro- " ceeding which I had began."

The situation in which the Marshal found the colony is justly drawn; but the result of his operations, and the condition in which he left the government to his successor, are described-in colours by far too flattering. His partiality for his own work, and the consciousness of having made great exertions to accomplish it, seens to have influenced his mind too easily, in convincing him of the advantage and success of the measures he had adopted. " In spite," says he, " of all the " obstacles I encountered, I obtained the following results. I

" made the general government the centre of authority, from " which every inferior authority descended in a determined " proportion, with a definite responsibility and a salutary con- " troul. Into all the local and subordinate administrations, " clearness and simplicity were introduced; agriculture was " encouraged, protected, and extended; general industry was " promoted; the administration of justice and of the police " was put on a sure footing; the means of defence were in- " creased as much as possible ; many works were undertaken, " both for the service of government and other useful ends; " new roads were made and old ones improved ; the condition “ of all the inhabitants, as well native as European, was ame- " liorated, and every cause of misunderstanding removed ; the " relations of the colonial government with the courts of the

" native princes were regulated on principles, conformable to

" the dignity, and conducive to the interests of the former;

" and, in fine, the revenues of the colony were so augmented,

" that after every deduction for internal expenditure, they will

" furnish a surplus of five millions, free of all charge, as a nett " return to Holland."

Marshal Daendels, in his memoir, sufficiently showed the fallacy contained in the report of the Commissioners, concerning the estimated revenne and profits of the Company. Instead of the receipt of 1,250,000 florins, accruing from the profit of the sale of opium (as marked in the table which I have transcribed), he assures us that not one farthing was actually obtained. Many of the conclusions of the Commissioners, concerning the temper of the inhabitants, the nature of the soil of particular districts, and the general resources of the island, he satisfactorily proved to be founded on erroneous information or mistake; and it is only to be regretted, that he did not carry the same spirit of impartiality into the formation of his own reports, which he requires in those of his predecessors, or anticipates from his successors, an examination equally rigorous, and a measure ofjustice equally strict as that to which they were subjected. Had this been the case, we should not have been offered such financial results as make the revenue of the island amount to 10,789,000 rix-dollars, and its expenditure only 5,790,000, leaving a balance of five millions of profit. It may be interesting to compare his estimate with the table already exhibited.

• In a note on this source of revenue, Marshal Daendels says that he is sensible of the evils arising from the use of this drug, but that the Javans are so addicted to it, that no prospect of success could be entertained from any project for reducing its consumption. Yet even while he is making this observation, he tells us that the Commissioners fixed the sale at 1,200 chests, and that he in his estimate has only taken it at s00. It was afterwards reduced to less than 3o0 chests, without any fear of disturbance or any danger of illicit trade.

C O N T EN TS

OF

VOLUME I.

PAGE DEDICATION............... iii

PREFACE vii

INTRODUCTION.. xiii

CHAPTER I.

Geographical Situation of Java—Name—Extent and Form—Divisions—Harbours—Mountains and Voleanos—Rivers and Lakes— General appearance of the Country—Mineralogical Constitution— Seasons and Climate—Metals—Minerals—Soil—Vegetable and Animal Kingdoms.....

CIIAPTER II.

Origin of the Natives—Javans compared with the Maláyus and Búgis—Comparative Progress of the three Races—Foreign Influence —Persons of the Natives—Manners —Population—Inequality of it accounted for—Population Tables—Increase of Population—Foreign Settlers—Chinese—Búgis—Maláyus—Moors —Arabs—Slaves—Gradations of rank among the Javans—Their Habitations, Dress, and Food............................

CHAPTER III.

Importance of Agriculture to Java.—Soil—State of the Peasantry— Price of Rice—Subsistence of the Peasantry—Dwellings—Agricultural Stock—Implements of FarmingSeasons—Different kinds of Land—Rice Cultivation—Maize, &e.—Sugar—Coffee—Pepper —Indigo—Cotton—Tobacco—Tenure of landed Property........ 117

CHAPTER IV.

Manufactures—Handicrafts—Bricks—Thatch—Mats—Cotton Cloths —Dyes—Tanning—Ropes— Metals — Boat and Ship-building— Paper—Salt—Saltpetre Works—Gunpowder, &e.—Felling and transporting of Teak Timber—Fisheries...................... 182

CHAPTER V.

Commerce—Advantageous Situation of Java for Commercial Intercourse—Importance of Batavia in particular—Native Trade— Roads and Inland Carriage—Markets—Influence of the Chinese— Coasting Trade—Exports and Imports—Trade with the Archipelago—China—Kamtschatka—Western India—Europe, &c.— Dutch Commercial Regulations—State of the Eastern Islands— Advantages which they possess—Causes of the Depression of the Nations and Tribes which inhabit them—Japan Trade.......... 210

CIIAPTER VI.

Character of theInhabitants of Java—Difference between the Súndas and the Javans—The Lower Orders—The Chiefs—Nature of the Native Government—Different Officers of·StateJudicial Establishments and Institutions—Laws, and how administered—Police Institutions and Regulations—Military Establishments—Revenue. 272

CHAPTER VII.

Ceremonies of the Court—Deference paid to superior Rank—Regalia —Processions—Pomp—Rank and Titles —Ambassadors—Ceremonies attending Births, Marriages, and Funerals—Aceount of the People called Kálang, and of the Inhabitants of the Téng'ger Mountains—The Bedui—Festivals—Amusements—The Drama— Wáyangs—The Dance—Tournaments—The Chase—Tiger Fights —Combat of Criminals with Tigers—Bull Fights, &c.—Games of Skill and Chance—Other Customs and Usages ................ 343

CHAPTER VIII.

Language—Little known to Europeans—Different Languages or Dialects—Those of Súnda, Madúra, and Báli, compared with that of Java Proper—The polite Language, or Language of Honour— The Kawi, or Sacred and Classic Language—Numerals—Chandra Sangkala—Literature—Compositions in the Kawi Language, and in the modern JavanInfluence of Hindu Literature—Introduction of Arabic Literature—Poetry—The Brata Yud'ha, a Poem—Music —Painting—Sculpture—Architecture—Arithmetic—Astronomy.. 396

AN ACCOUNT

OF THE

ISLAND OF JAVA.

CHAPTER I.

Geographical Situation of Java—Name—Extent and Form—Divisions— Harbours—Mountains and Volcanos—Rivers and Lakes—General Appearance of the Country—Mineralogical Constitution—Seasons and Climate—Metals—Minerals—Soil—Vegetable and Animal Kingdoms.

THE country known to Europeans under the name of JAvA, or JAvA MAjoR, and to the natives under those of Tána (the land) Jáwa, or Núsa (the island) Jáwa, is one of the largest of what modern geographers call the Sunda Islands. It is sometimes considered one of the Malayan Islands, and forms a part of that division of the Oriental Archipelago which it has been lately proposed to designate as the Asiatic Isles. It extends eastward, with a slight deviation to the south, from 105° 11' to 114° 33' of longitude east of Greenwich, and lies between the latitudes 50 52' and 80 46' south. On the south and west it is washed by the Indian Ocean; on the north-west by a channel called the Straits of Súnda, which separates it from Sumatra, at a distance in one point of only fourteen miles; and on the south-east by the Straits of Báli, only two miles wide, which divide it from the island of that name. These islands, and others stretching eastward, form with Java a gentle curve of more than two thousand geographical miles, which with less regularity is continued from

VOL. I.

Achcen to Pegu on one side, and from Timor to Papúa, or New Guinea, on the other: they constitute on the west and south, as do Bánka, Biliton, the great islands of .Borneo and Celebes, and the Moluccas on the north, the barriers of the Javan Seas and the Malayan Archipelago. From the castern peninsula of India, Java is distant about one hundred and forty leagues, from Borneo about fifty-six, and from New Holland two hundred.

To what cause the island is indebted for its present name of Java¹ (or Jáwa as it is pronounced by the natives) is uncertain. Among the traditions of the country (which are more particularly mentioned in another place) there is one, which relates, that it was so termed by the first colonists from the continent of India, in consequence of the discovery of a certain grain, called jáwa-wut,* on which the inhabitants are supposed to have subsisted at that early period, and that it had been known previously only under the term of Núsa hárahára or Núsa kéndang, meaning the island of wild uncultivated waste, or in which the hills run in ridges.

In the tenth chapter of Genesis we are told, that "the isles of the Gentiles were divided in their lands; every one after his tongue, after their families, in the nations:" and in the twenty-seventh chapter of Ezekiel we find among the rich merchants, those of Javan "who traded the persons of men, and vessels of brass, to the market of Tyre, and who going to and fro, occupied in her fairs, brought bright iron, cassia, and calamus." But we shall leave it to others to trace the connection between the Javan of Holy Writ and the Java of modern times. It appears, that the Arabs, who had widely extended their commercial intercourse, and established their religious faith over the greatest portion of the Indian Archipelago, long before the Europeans had navigated round the Cape of Good Hope, designate the whole of the nations and tribes which inhabit those regions by the general term of the people of Jawi, as in the following passage taken from one of their religious tracts :—" The people of Jawi do not observe with strictness the rule laid down for keeping the fast, inasmuch as they eat before the sun sets, while the Arabs continue the fast until that luninary has sunk below the horizon." Jawa or Jawi is also the name by which Borneo, Java, Sumatra, the Malayan Peninsula, and the islands lying amongst them, are known among the nations of Celebes, who apply the Búgis diminutive Jawa-Jawáka, or Java minor, to the Moluccas, Anbon, Bánda, Tímor, and Éndé. Jabadios Insula, from Jaba, and dib, div or dio, has been employed in the largest sense by Europeans, and it is probable this was once generally the case aunong the Asiatics, with the terms Jara, Jawa, Jawi, and Jaba,3 which, as the appellations of people inhabiting the countries beyond the continent or distant, some have derived from the word jaù, of very general acceptation in eastern languages, and meaning beyond, distant.*

It is, perhaps, in consequence of these names having embraced the whole, or at least several of the islands collectively, that the accounts given by Marco Polo, and other early European voyagers, of particular islands, as Java Major and Java Minor, are so inconsistent with one another. The country described by Marco Polo as Java Minor, secms, beyond doubt, to have been the eastern coast of Sumatra; but that expression, "or Little Java," is now applied exclusively to Báli, as "Great Java" is to the island we are now describing. It is on the latter only, if we except what has been observed of the names given to the Archipelago generally by the natives of Celebes, that the islanders themselves apply the name of Jawa, in any of its forms, to their own country. It has there even a still more confined application, being generally limited to the eastern districts of the island, which may be considered as Java proper, in contra-distinction to the western districts, which are for the most part inhabited by a people called Súnda, from whom the Straits and Isles of Sunda have been named by Europeans.

Whether Sumatra, Java, or any other island of the Archipelago, or the whole or several of them collectively, may not have formed the Taprobane of the ancients, is perhaps still an undecided question, notwithstanding the claims to this distinction which have of late years been rather admitted than proved in favour of Ceylon. The most striking fact detailed in the accounts which have reached us of this ancient country, and one which, from its nature, is least likely to have been disfigured or perverted by the misrepresentations or prejudices of travellers, is, that it was bisected in nearly equal portions by the cquinoctial line, and that to the southward of it the polar star was not visible. How can this statement be evaded, or in any way applied to Ceylon? Major Wilford seems inclined to consider Taprobane as derived from the Sanscrit words tapa (penance) and vana (forest or grove), a derivation equally favorable to the claims of the Javans, tapa and wana, or wono, having the like signification in their language; and if, as there is reason to believe, an extensive intercourse subsisted in very remote times between Western India and these islands, where was there a country that could more invite the retreat of holy men, than the evergreen islands which rise in endless clusters on the smooth seas of the Malayan Archipelago, where the elevation and tranquillity of devotion are fostered by all that is majestic and lovely in nature?

Although in Sumatra no traces of their residence have yet been discovered, except in the language and customs of the people; on Java, which is almost contiguous to it, it is abundantly attested by monuments still existing in stone and brass. In few countries, with which we are yet acquainted, are more extensive ruins to be found of temples dedicated to an ancient worship. If tradition may be trusted, every mountain had its tapa, or reclusc, and the whole energies and resources of the country would appear to have been applied to the construction of those noble cdifices, the ruins of which still strike the spectator with astonishment and veneration.

That these splendid and magnificent piles were erected under the superintendance of a foreign people, more skilled in the arts than the rude and simple natives of the islands, can scarcely be doubted; and that they were sacred to the rites of the Hindu religion, according to some persuasion or other, is equally clear, from the numerous images of deities and attributes by which they are adorned, many of which are still preserved in their original state. Further investigation may perhaps establish Java and Sumatra, or rather the Malayan ports (in which general term we may include all the islands containing the Malayan Ports) as not only the Taprobane or Tapavana of the ancients, but also the Sacred Isles of the Hindus.

The map of Java which accompanies this work has been drawn principally from actual surveys, many of which were made by order of the British Government on the island. The first map of Java which was presented to the public, and from which nearly all those, which have subsequently been engraved, are copies, was published by Valentyn, and consists of seven shcets. As, at that period, little more was known of the island by the Dutch than some parts of the coast, the country in the immediate vicinity of their capital, with perhaps the province of Bantam, the author had no materials for making a map of the whole island, which could pretend to much authority or value. Most of the land in the immediate vicinity of Batavia having been sold to Europeans, was of necessity surveyed, in order to ascertain the different boundaries; but it was only a short time before the arrival of Marshal Daendels, in 1808, that any steps appear to have been taken by the local authorities, to procure correct statistical and topographical information of the other more important districts of the island. Something to this effect was done during the administration of Mr. Engelhard, late Governor of the North-east Coast, but it was only during the government of the Marshal that these objects were pursued with much energy or success.

At the period of the arrival of the English, topographical surveys of Semárang and several of the castern districts had been completed; and although somewhat deficient in accuracy of measurement and neatness of execution, yet as they appeared sufficiently correct for many valuable purposes, and as the Government was anxious to obtain, without loss of time, a better acquaintance with the geography of the country, it was determined to make some sacrifice of accuracy to the considerations of economy and expedition, and to survey the other districts upon the same plan. While these surveys were in progress, the territorial interest which the European government obtained in the central provinces, induced them to turn their attention to the improvements of which the Solo River might be susceptible. This river, the most considerable in the island, passes through Súra-kérta, the capital of the Susuhúnan, or (as he is termed by Europeans) Emperor of Java, and discharges itself into the sea near Grésik. An actual survey was accordingly made by a British officer of experience, particularly instructed to ascertain'how far it might be practicable to improve its navigation by the aid of artificial cuts and dams.

A greater object soon called for more extensive measures. When it was determined to introduce an entirely new system of internal management, by the abolition of feudal service, and the establishment of a more permanent property in the soil, it was deemed essential that a detailed survey should be made of the different districts successively, in which the new system was to be introduced. This was intended to form the basis of a general agricultural survey of the country, then about to be made. In several of these districts this detailed survey has been completed; and, with the exception of the provinces still under native jurisdiction, and called Native Provinces, nearly the whole of the land on Java, not in a state of absolute forest, has been measured with more or less accuracy. Of the native provinces but a very small part has been actually surveyed : with regard to the rest, the materials from which the present map is taken, were principally obtained from observation made during occasional routes through them. The southern division of Bantam being principally forest, has not been actually surveyed ; neither has the island of Madura been yet surveyed by Europeans: the eastern part of it was measured by the natives, and it was principally upon their authority that the map now presented of that island was drawn. The best charts of both the north and south coast have been consulted. The three harbours of Wyn Coops Bay, Cheláchap, and Pachitan, on the latter, are laid down from actual survey, as well as the entrance to the harbour of Surabáya. On the whole, therefore, although the map now engraved is far from perfect, and of course suffers from the reduction necessary to adapt it to the rest of the work, it is presumed that it will aid the reader in most of the geographical objects to which this volume will refer, and that its superiority over those that have previously appeared is such as to justify its publication.

The length of Java, in a straight line drawn between its extreme points, (Java Head, and the south-east point of the island) is five hundred and seventy-five geographical, equal to six hundred and sixty-six statute miles : its breadth varies from one hundred and seventeen geographical, or one hundred and thirty-five and a half statute miles (between the south-west point of Pachitan bay and the north point of Japára) to fortyeight geographical or fifty-six statute miles, (between the mouth of the Seráyu river and the Marabáya, five degrees east of Tegál); and it is estimated to contain an area of about fifty thousand statute miles.

Numerous small islands' are scattered in its immediate vicinity, particularly along the northern coast, and contribute, with the projecting points and headlands inclosing the different bays, to form harbours of various capacities. The most important of these islands is that of Madúra, which is separated from the main land of Java by a strait in one part not more than a mile broad, and serves to form the important harbour of Surabáya.. This island has the appearance of being a continuation of the main land of Java, and having been long subjected to the same political authority, has generally formed one of the provinces of the Javan empire. In length Madúra is about seventy-nine geographical, or ninetyone and a half statute miles; and its narrowest part is about twenty-seven geographical, or thirty-one and a quarter statute miles. The small islands lying to the east of it are considered as its dependencies.

The form of Java is chiefly remarkable for the rectangularity of its outline, which is such that the island might be divided into five or six parts, each a rectangular parallelogram drawn by an unsteady hand. Its western and northern coasts abound with bays and inlets. The outline of Madúra is more regular, especially on the northern coast.

The coast from Bantam to the river Chi-mánok, about two degrees in length on the north, is nearly parallel to that which extends froin Wyn Coops Bay to a point about twenty miles west of Núsa kambáng'an, the breadth throughout being about seventy-eight geographical miles; and from the same point to the river Manchíngan, a distance of about one degree and three-quarters, the coast is nearly parallel to that which lies between Chéribon and Semárang, the breadth throughout being about fifty-seven geographical miles. From the west point of Japára to point Pángka on the north, distant from it about two degrees, and along the corresponding coast on the south, the average breadth is seventy-three geographical miles; and from Surabáya to the north-east point of the island, distant about one degree and a half, and along the south coast opposite to it, the average breadth is forty-five geographical miles.

At the time when Europeans first visited Java, the whole of the island acknowledged the supremacy of one sovereign : but there was a period in its history when it was nearly equally divided under the independent administration of two powers, one established in the eastern, and the other in the western districts; and as there is a marked distinction between the descendants of these two nations, the most general division of the country is still into the western and eastern districts, to the latter of which alone the term Java is applied by the natives.- They are separated by the river Losári, which forms the boundary between Chéribon and Brébes; and all the western, the northern, with a few of the inland districts and the Island of Madúra, are under the immediate authority and administration of the European government. The rest of the island remains subject to the native princes, and on that account is designated on the map and elsewhere, with more regard to convenience than correctness of language, as the Native Provinces.

The provinces under European authority have latterly been divided into fifteen residencics, or separate administrations, exclusive of the seat of government, which, as they will be frequently referred to in the course of this work, it may be convenient to notice in this place.

Commencing from the west, the province, or as it is usually termed, the kingdom of Bantam (properly Bántan) occupies the first place. This extensive province forms a large portion of the island. It is washed on three sides by the sea. At the east it joins with the environs and highlands of Batavia and the district of Chi-ánjur, and on the west it is bounded by the Straits of Sunda; and in this quarter comprises dependant islands scattered along its shore, and the two harbours of Mew and Merák, which, with other bays, deeply indent the coast. Bantam, the native capital of this province, has been latterly deserted by the European establishment for Sirang (commonly called Ceram), an elevated and healthy station about seven miles further inland.

Next in succession towards the east is the division of Batavia, which comprises what formerly constituted the native province of Jákatra or Jokárla. The northern part of this division, towards the coast, includes the city of Batavia, populous and important on account of its excellent roads for shipping, its advantageous position for European commerce, and as being the long established seat of the Dutch government, but less fertile and healthy than the more eastern provinces of the island.

South and east of the division of Batavia and its environs lie what are termed by Europeans the Preanger (Priáng'en) Regencies,7 the central and southern districts of which, stretching from Bantam to Chéribon, are extremely mountainous. This extensive portion of thc island, which now includes a large part of Chéribon, consists of the districts of Kráwang, Chiásem, Pamanúkan, Kándang-aúr, and Dramáyu or Indramáyu, along the northern coast, and of the inland and southern districts of Chi-ánjur, Bándung, Sú- medang, Lim-báng'an, and Súka-púra ; the southern coast, from the boundary of Bantam to that of Chéribon, being included within the subdivisions of Chi-ánjur, and Súkapúra.

To the eastward of these districts, and crossing the island from north to south, is the province of Chéribon, divided into ten principal districts. To the south is the island of Núsa-kambáng'an which forms the harbour of Cheláchap.

East of Chéribon, as before noticed, it is only the northern and some of the inland districts, that are immediately subject

三 to the European authority. These, during the British government of the island, were comprised under the administrations of Tegúl, Pakalúng'an, Semárang, Japára, and Rembáng, which under the Dutch East-India Company constituted what was termed the government of the North-east Coast, the seat of which was at Semárang; and of Grésik, Surabáya, Pasúrúan, Bisúki, and Banyuwángi, which, with Bankálang and Súmenap on Madúra, constituted, under the same authority, the division of the Oost Hook, or East Point of the island, of which Surabáya was the principal station. Inland of Semárang and Pakalúngan, and bounded by those divisions, and by the provinces of the native princes, is situated the rich and fertile district of Kedú, which, with the more eastern districts of Grobogan, Wirosári, Blóra, Jípang, Jápan, and Wírasaba, stretching inland from Semárang to Surabáya, were ceded to the British government in tho year 1812.

The capitals of all the northern districts bear the same name with the districts themselves, and are generally situated on small rivers at no great distance from the sea.

The NATIVE PRoVINCES are divided between two native sovereigns : the Susuhúnan, or Emperor of Java, who resides at Súra-kérta,® on the Solo River; and the Sultan, who resides at Yúg'ya-kérta,9 near the south coast, in the province of Matárem. These provinces comprise several of the richest districts of the island, among which are Bányumas, Rómo, Bágalen, and Matárem, to the west; and Mádion, Jagarága, Sukawáti, Pranarága, Kértasána, Blitar, and Kedíri, to the east ; and with the exception of the small district of Pachitan, which has been recently ceded to the European government, occupy the whole of the southern coast from Chéribon to

Málang, a distance of not less than two hundred and fifty miles, and form about a fourth part of the whole island.

The districts near the coasts are generally separated from each other by rivers; those in the interior often by ranges of hills and mountains. The districts are again divided, each subdivision including nunerons villages.

The principal harbour of the island is that of Surabáya in the eastern districts, formed by the approaching extremities of Java and Madúra. It is broad and spacious, secure against the violence of the sea and wind, and may be rendered impregnable to any hostile attack.

The next in importance is that of Batavia, more properly, perhaps, called the roads of Batavia, which are sheltered by several islands lying in the outer part of the bay. These roads, however, not admitting of any means of permanent defence from the attack of a superior naval force, the Dutch governnent, during the late war, were induced to fortify the small harbour of Merák Bay, on the north-west coast of Bantam.

Along the northern coast, there are perhaps other positions which admit of being improved into convenient harbours ; but where the whole coast affords excellent anchorage at nearly all seasons of the year, and where vessels of any burthen can approach all the principal stations, at a convenient distance for the barter of their merchandize, the purposes of commerce are in that respect already sufficiently provided for. The sea being usually smooth, and the weather moderate, the native vessels and small craft always find sufficient shelter at the change of the monsoon, by runņing under some of the numerous islands scattered along this coast, or passing up the rivers, which, though in general difficult of entrance on account of their bars, are for the most part navigable to such vessels, as far up as the maritime capitals, through which they run.

The south coast, on account of its exposure to the open ocean, the consequent high swell or surf which breaks on it, and its'general want of good anchorage, is seldom visited by shipping. But even here harbours may be found; and those of Cheláchap and Pachitan might, no doubt, be frequented with safety, were it considered desirable to attract commercial adventurers to this side of the island.

Passing from the coast to the interior of the country, the stranger cannot fail to be struck with the bold outline and prominent features of its scenery. An uninterrupted series or range of large mountains, varying in their elevation above the sea from five to eleven, and even twelve thousand feet,10 and exhibiting, by their round base or pointed tops, their volcanic origin, extend through the whole length of the island.

The first of this series, commencing from the westward, is in Bantan. This mountain (Gúnung-kárang), though of moderate elevation compared with others on the island," is scen at a considerable distance from sea, and is a well known landmark to mariners. It lies due south of the town of Bantam, at a considerable distance from the sea.

The next mountain of the series is the Salák, the eastern foot of which is connected with the Gedé or Panarang'o, situated about fifty miles south of Batavia. These two mountains are seen from the roads of Batavia, and, from the appearance they exhibit, are usually termed by mariners the Blue Mountains.

From the eastern part of the Gedé, the volcanic series separates into two independent branches, one of which inclines to the south; the other proceeds almost due east, slightly verging to the north. The former breaks into an irregular transverse range, which extends across the island, till it approaches the northern branch, from whence the general series is continued in an easterly direction as far as the mountain Sindóro, the western of the two mountains known by mariners as the Two Brothers. The mountain Súmbing, or Sindári (the second of The Brothers), is somewhat further to the south.

At a short distance from the eastern foot of the mountain Súmbing are three large volcanos, in a dircction almost north and south, dividing the large series transversely; these are the mountains Ung'árang, Merbábu, and Merápi. The next volcano, in an eastern direction, is that of Japára, which deviates more than any other from the regular series, and forms a peculiar peninsular appendage to the island. The series is then continued in an easterly course from the Merápi as far as the mountain Telágawúrung, which is in contact with the ocean at the castern end of the island.

The several large mountains comprised in this series, and which are in number thirty-eight, though different from each other in external figure, agree in the general attribute of volcanos, having a broad base gradually verging towards the summit in the form of a cone.

They all rise from a plain but little elevated above the level of the sea, and each must, with very few exceptions, be considered as a separate mountain, raised by a cause independent of that which produced the others. Most of them have been formed at a very remote period, and are covered by the vegetation of many ages; but the indications and remains of their former irruptions are numerous and unequivocal. The craters of several are completely extinct; those of others contain small apertures, which continually discharge sulphureous vapours or smoke. Many of them have had irruptions during late years.1

is To the above general observations, which are made on the authority of Dr. Horsfield, it may not be uninteresting to subjoin a more particular account of two or three of the volcanos which have been examined by that gentleman; those of Tánkuban-Prahu, Papandáyang, and Gúntur are, therefore, extracted from a paper published by Dr. Horsfield in the Batavian Transactions.

" great distance, and it belongs to the largest mountains of the island,

" forming one of its most interesting volcanos. Although it has had no

"tation, and from the depth of black mould which covers its sides, its " interior has continued in a state of uninterrupted activity.

Besides the mountains of the larger series above described, there are extensive ranges of mountains of an inferior eleva-

" side of the interior crater, near the top, is very steep. I found it im-

"possible to descend, without the assistance of ropes tied to the shrubs

" at the margin. It consists here of small fragments of lava. About one-

" third of its depth it becomes more oblique or inclining, and the lower " configuration. In some places the rocks have the appearance of a "the crater, which, without an accurate drawing, would be tedious and " the internal crater are excavated in many places, by furrows made by " with immense blocks of basalt, the interstices between which are ex- " Near the centre, somewhat inclining to the west side, it contains an

" part consists of large piles of rocks, through which the descending

" streams of water have exeavated a winding channel. The east side de-

" scends gradually about one-half of the depth, where it is terminated

" abruptly by a perpendicular pile of large rocks, which continues to the

" bottom. The north side is more gradually shelving than the others,

" and is partly covered with vegetation. The west side is one perpen-

" dicular pile of rocks. The nucleus of the mountain consists of large

" masses of basaltes, in which the volcanic opening is situated; and the

" sides exhibit piles and strata of this stone in every possible variety of

" regular wall, which is suddenly diversified by large fragments suspended

" apparently by a small base, and threatening to fall down every instant.

"Sometimes they rise in an oblique manner, and appear to have been

"disposed by art. But I shall not attempt a minute description of the

"disposition of the rocks and the strata which form the internal walls of

" scareely intelligible. The surface of the rocks which line the interior of

"the crater is completely calcined, generally of a white colour, some-

" times inclining to grey or yellow. In many places small fragments of

" lava adhere to and cover the rocks of basalt : these are of different sizes,

" and of great variety of form and colour; but the most are calcined or

" burnt, or the surface like the rocks themselves. The different sides of

" the descending water, which penetrate to a considerable depth, and ex-

" pose more completely the interior basaltic composition. The bottom

"of the crater has a diameter of three hundred yards, but is not com-

" pletely regular; its form depends on the gradual meeting of the sides

" below. Its surface is much diversified : it is strewed, like the sides,

" cavated, in a similar manner, by the streams of the descending water.

" irregular oval lake, or collection of water, whose greatest diameter is

" nearly one hundred yards: it dilates into several branches. The water

" is white, and exhibits truly the appearance of a lake of milk, boiling

" with a perpetual discharge of large bubbles, which rise with greatest

"force from the eastern side. The heat is 112° of Fahrenheit's scale:

"the apparent boiling arises from a constant development of fixed air.

"The water has a sulphureous odour; its taste is astringent, somewhat

" saline. Shaken in a bottle it explodes its fixed air with great violence.

tion, sometimes connected with the larger series, and sometimes independent of them, which are also for the most part

" The sides of the lake, to some distance, are lined by a white aluminous

" earth, most impalpably fine, and very loose, on which account it is

" very difficult to approach the water. In attempting to examine its

" temperature, and to collect for analysis, I sunk into the earth to a

" considerable distance, and found it necessary to dispose large fragments

" of basaltes before I was able to pass over it. This earth consists of the

" elay (alumine) of the lavas dissolved by the sulphureous steams on the

" bottom of the crater; it is of the purest kind, and divided to a degree

"minute almost beyond conception. Large quantities have been several

" times thrown out of the ancient craters of the island. One eruption of

" this substance occurred in the year 1761 from the mountain Gedé: it " was considered as an eruption of ashes.

"I was witness to a similar eruption, which oceurred from the moun-

" tain of Klut, in the month of June last year. The earth very much " divided in an extreme degree by the causes above-mentioned. The Ja-

" resembled ashes, and was so impalpably fine and light, that the common

" breeze of the monsoon carried it from this mountain, situated in the

"longitude of Surabáya, to Batavia and farther westward. It possessed

" the properties of the purest clay, and being mixed with water became

"viscid and ductile. It can easily be formed into vessels, and if procur-

"able in large quantities, might usefully be employed in the arts. All its

" properties indicated sufficiently that it was the alumine of the lavas,

" vanese are not wholly unacquainted with the properties of this earth.

"It is a custom amongst silversmiths to collect the ashes thrown out by

" similar eruptions, for the purpose of making moulds for the finest works. "Towards the eastern extremity of the lake are the remaining outlets

" of the subterraneous fires : they consist of several apertures, from which

"an uninterrupted discharge of sulphureous vapours takes place. Two

" of these are larger than the rest ; they are several feet distant from each

"other. The apertures are of an irregular oblong form, and covered

" with erystals of impure sulphur, which form from the discharged va-

" pours, and adhere to those incrustations of the aluminous earth which

" have formed themselves in a great variety of configurations (hollows,

" tubes, &e.) near the apertures. The vapours rush out with incredible

" force, with violent subterraneous noises, resembling the boiling of -an

" immense cauldron in the bowels of the mountain : their colour is white,

" like the concentrated vapours of boiling water. The apertures cannot

"be approached without the greatest danger, as their true extent cannot

" be discovered: they are surrounded by incrustations of sulphur adher-

" ing to delicate lamince of the aluminous earth, which are extremely

" brittle. The greatest diameter of the large opening is nearly twelve " inches.

"To give an adequate description of the interior of this crater would

" furnish matter for an able pen : the force of the impression is increased,

" the extent of the crater, as well as the remains of the former explosions, " that near midnight, between the 11th and 12th of August, there was * observed about the mountain an uneommonly luninous cloud, by which " about the foot as on the deelivities of the mountain, alarmed by this ap- " of the explosion throngh the space of many miles. " It is estimated, that an extent of ground, of the mountain itself and " its inmediate environs, fifteen miles long and full six broad, was by this " the remains of this voleano ; but I defer an account of it, till 1 have had " an opportunity of making a more minute examination. " Gunrua.—The whole of the eastern part of this nountain is com- " pletely naked, and exposes to view, in a striking manner, the course of

volcanic. Numerous ridges of hills traverse the country in various directions, and the surface of the island in general,

" perhaps, by the recollection of the danger which has been overcome in

" descending to the bottom. Every thing here contributes to fill the mind

" with the most awful satisfaction. It doubtless is one of the most grand

" and terrific scenes which nature affords ; and, in the present instance,

" afforded a view and enjoyment which is not in my power to deseribe.

" PapanpayAnG.—The Papandáyang, situated on the western part of

" the district of Cheribon, in the province of Suka-purø, was formerly one

" of the largest volcanos of the island; but the greatest part of it was

" swallowed up in the carth, after a short but very severe combustion, in.

" the year 1772. The account which has remained of this event asserts,

" it appeared to be completely enveloped. The inlhabitants, as well

" pearance, betook themselves to flight ; but before they could all save

" themselves, the mountain began to give way, and the greatest part of it

" actually fell in and disappeared in the earth. At the same time, a tre-

" mendous noise was heard, reseinbling the discharge of the heaviest

" cannon. Immense quantities of voleanie substances, which were thrown

" out at the same tine and spread in every direetion, propagated the effects

" commotion swallowed up in the bowels of the earth. Several persons,

" sent to examine the condition of the neighbourhood, made report, that

" they found it impossible to approach the mountain, on account of the

" heat of the substances which covered its circunference, and which were

" piled on each other to the height of three feet; although this was the

" 24th of September, and thus full six weeks after the eatastrophe. It is

" also mentioned, that forty villages, partly swallowed up by the ground

" and partly covered by the substances thrown out, were destroyed on this

" occasion, and that 2,957 of the inhabitants perished. A proportionate

" number of cattle was also destroyed, and most of the plantations of cot-

" ton, indigo, and coffee, in the adjacent districts, were buried under the

" volcanie matter. The effects of this explosion are still very apparent on

" the lavas of the latter eruptions : the top is a regular cone, and covered

" with loose fragments of lava. I shall give a very coneise abstract of the

" observations on the mountain, and on the different streams of lava which

" have lately flowed from its crater. I could distinctly trace, from the VOL. I. C independently of these more striking features, is in most parts undulating and uneven, except on the sea coast.

" base of the conical top to the roots of the mountain, five different erup-

" tions. The latest stream of lava which I examined (the mountain

" has since had a later eruption) was thrown out in 18o0. Its course

" along the top cannot be distinctly observed, being completely covered

" with sand and small fragments of lava, which generally rise towards the

" end of an eruption. At the place where the stream first appeared dis-

" tinctly, it was about five yards broad and completely even on the sur-

" face: having proceeded about twenty yards further it gradually widened,

“ and was formed into a connected strean, higher in the middle, the sides

" tapering or inclining towards the top, forming a ridge with a pointed or

" sharp back. As the strean arrived at the foot of the mountain, it spread

" more and more, and pursued its course to the eastward, about six hun-

" dred yards over the adjacent country. Its greatest breadth, from north

" to south, is about one hundred and sixty yards, and it terminates abruptly

" by a rounded margin, consisting of large blocks of lava piled upon each

" other, nearly perpendicnlarly, to the height of fifteen to twenty feet.

" This stream of lava, like all the others of later date which I have ex-

" amined on the island, does not consist of a connected mass of fluid lava,

" united like a stream of melted metal ; at least on the surface where it is

" exposed to view. It is made up of separate masses, which have an ir-

" regular (generally oblong or cubical) shape, and lie upon each other as

"'loose disjonted clods,' in an immense variety of disposition. In some

" of these fragments I think I could observe a tendeney to assume the re-

* gular basaltic figure. During its course down the steeps of the moun- " nerally covering the sides); but having arrived at the foot and spread " in plains, bounded by deep vallies : now they rise to a considerable height, " each other more gradually, and appear rising by steps and divisions. "But to give an accurate description of the arrangement of these frag- " clearly understood, a good drawing. In different places, the sulphureous

" tain, the stream, as has been observed, forins the long connected ridge

" (which has been described above, in the account of the volcanos, as ge-

“ more at large, these lumps of lava dispose themselves, in some instances,

" and form a steep perpendicular eminence ; then again they are piled upon

" ments of lava would be unnecessarily prolix, and would require, to be

" vapours have forced their way through the interstices of the blocks of

" lava. The sides of their outlets (whose form is very irregular) is covered

" with a white calcareous crust ; and the heat is so great, that small pieces

" of paper thrown into them are immediately singed.

" This stream of lava is bounded on the north by another, of the same

" nature and disposition, thrown out of the mountain (according to an

" estimate made from the commencement and progress of vegetation upon

" it) about thirty years ago. In its course along the sides of the moun-

" tain it forms the same pointed ridges above described. It affords a plain

" demonstration of the manner in which the surface of lava is decomposed

A country which abounds in mountains is scldom deficient in rivers; accordingly, no region is perhaps better watered. Java is singularly favoured in the number of its streams. The size of the island does not admit of the formation of large rivers, but there are probably fifty, that in the wet season, bear down rafts charged with timber and other rough produce of the country, and not less than five or six at all times navigable to the distance of some miles from the coast. It

" of the mountain. Vegetation has already made considerable progress " cumference of a quarter of a mile. In the south, this distriet of lava is " reddish hue : it is less considerable in extent than any of the others, and " of the oldest which have been discharged from the eastern part of the "crater. Near the foot of the mountain, vegetation has made greater " progress than in any of the other districts of lava. " The colour of the recent lava of this mountain is jet-black or grey: " one of the streams only has a reddish colour. Its texture is very loose, " against each other, they emit a sound like two bricks coming into "examined Its shape is somewhat oval, the greatest diameter being

Batavian Transactions, vol. ix.

would be vain to attempt numbering those which are precious to the agriculturist ; they are many hundreds, if not thoisands.

The largest, and most important river on the island, is that of Sólo, or as it is termed by the natives, Beng'ácan (the great) Sólo, which takes its rise in the district of Kadáwang, and after collecting the waters of the surrounding hills, becomes a stream of considerable depth and breadth at Súra-kérta, where it is further increased by the waters collected from the adjacent districts. Its general course from the capital is in an eastnorth-easterly direction, till it discharges itself by two principal outlets into the sea, near Grésik and Sidáyu. After leaving Matárem, it traverses the provinces of Sukacáti, Jagarága, Mádion, Jípang, Blóra, Túban, Sidáyu, and Grésik.

At Awi, near the boundary of MMádion and Jagarága, on the eastern side of the river, a large branch from the south-eastern provinces, commonly called the river of Mádion, unites itself with that of Sólo, and from hence its course, which in various places has been rapid, and in a few places impeded with rocks, is calm, regular, and steady to its discharge. It has been estimated, that the extent of the windings of this river is not less than threeshundred and fifty-six English miles, from Sarakerta to Grésik, which in the chart only gives a straight line of one hundred and forty English miles, and during its whole course no serious impediment appears to its navigation.

This river is of great importance to the inland trade of many of the eastern provinces. During the rainy season, boats of considerable size convey the produce of an extensive tract of country to the sea; and, except during the months of August, September, and October, and in seasons uncommonly dry, it bears down boats of middling or small size during the whole year, from a considerable distance above Súra-kérta. The boats employed in the navigation of the river are of very different sizes, and of a peculiar construction: they are very long in proportion to their breadth, have flat bottoms, and draw very little water. Those generally used in conveying the produce from one village to another in the vicinity of Súra-kérta, carry only a few tons, and have a temporary covering of straw mats, or kájang ; others, more carefully constructed, have a regular roof of planks and a chámber or cabin which can be closed, and convey from fifty to one hundred tons. These are generally used by individuals in their adventures to Grésik and Surabáya. The largest, which are the property of the prinee, load nearly two hundred tons. They are employed in transporting the produce of several of the interior provinces, consisting chiefly of pepper and coffee, to Grésik, and return laden with salt and foreign merchandize for the consumption of the interior. They require a considerable depth of water, and can only pass when the river is swollen by continued rains. They mostly depart from Sérakérta in the month of January. Their course down the river is rapid: they generally arrive at Grésik in cight days; but they can perform but one voyage in a season, as they require nearly four months to work up the stream.

The river of Surabáya, the second in magnitude of the whole island, rises near Bátn, in the vicinity of the southern hills of the mountain Arjüna. It is near its source called Káli-brántas. Near the capital of Málang it receives two streams from the castward. There it first takes its course through the most southern provinees of the island, when winding round the mountain Káwi it returns again to the north, receiving near its curvature numerous augmentations from the southern ridge of mountains. The chief of these is the Lésti, a considerable river coming from the east, which joins it near the boundary of Málang and Seríng'at. Continuing its course in a northern direction, it traverses the provinces of Rówo and Kedíri, being joined on the way by the river Rówo: here it attains its utmost magnitude, and is distinguished by the name of Beng'áwan Kedíri. From the capital of this district to its mouths, it is navigable for boats of very considerable size, and its course is steady and uninterrupted. Having crossed the district of Wirasába and Jápan, it enters that of Surabáya. It discharges itself into the ocean by five outlets, which form as many separate rivers. The first of them, taking an easterly course, is called the river Púnong : then follow those of Tang'goláng'ing, Sído-kéri, Kedóng, and lastly of Wóno-króno, which again subdividing sends off the branch which passes Surabáya.

Several smaller rivers, which fall into the sea between Semárang and Lásem, are highly important for the conveyance of teak timber from the central forests to the coast; and the waters from some of them being directed into canals, particularly through the low district of Demák, tend considerably to increase the inland navigation of the country.

In the western districts, the principal rivers which discharge themselves into the sea on the northern coast are the Chikándi, which forms the present boundary between Bantam and the environs of Batavia; the Chi-dáni, which discharges itself below Táng'ran; the Chi-tárom, which falls into the sea below Kráwang; and the Chi-mánok, which forms the present boundary between Dramáyu and Chéribon. The principal rivers which discharge themselves by the south coast are the Chi-mandíri, which falls into the sea at Palábuanrátu, or Wyn Coops Bay ; the Chi-tándui, which disembogues near Núsa-kambáng'an ; and the Seráyu, which taking its rise in the mountain Dieny or Práhn, traverses the rich districts of Bányumas, and falls into the sea a short distance to the east of Cheláchap ; but these rivers, though of considerable depth, are choked up at their mouths by heavy banks or bars, and in consequence of the heavy surf which constantly breaks on the southern coast, are dangerous at their entrance.

Along the northern coast, almost every district has its principal river, and most of them are navigable up to the maritime capitals for native vessels of considerable burthen; but they all have the disadvantage of being partially blocked up at their discharge by extensive bars and mud-banks, an evil which is extending with the increase of agriculture, by reason of the quantity of soil necessarily washed down in the process of irrigating the land for the rice cultivation. Most of them require the application of jetties or piers to deepen the passages at their entrance.

There are no lakes of any considerable size on Java, for that name cannot be given to the ráwas, or swamps, which though swelled to a considerable size in the wet season, are for the rest of the year either dried up or choked by vegetation. Of this description are two extensive tracts; one inland of Japára, usually termed by the Dutch the Binnen Zee, or inland sea; and another in the district of Semárang. In Báglen also (one of the native provinces on the southern side of the island) there is a lake which supplies the neighbouring country with fish, and along the coast of which a traffic is carried on in boats.

Extensive swamps are also found in some parts of the native provinces, and in the mountainous districts of the Súnda country. Several very beautiful lakes, of small dimensions, are discovered among the hills, and some of them can evidently be shewn to have been formed of the craters of extinct volcanos.

The general aspect of Java on the northern coast is low, in many places swampy and overgrown with mangrove trees and bushes, particularly towards the west. The southern coast, on the contrary, consists almost entirely of a series of rocks and cliffs, which rise perpendicularly to a considerable height. In the interior, stupendous nountains stretch longitudinally throughout the island, while others of an inferior elevation, and innamerable ranges of hills running in various directions, serve to form and confine plains and valleys of various elevations and extent. On the northern side, the ascent is in general very gradual, from the sea-coast to the immediate base of the mountains; particularly in the western parts of the island, where it has the greatest breadth, and where the mountains are situated far inland. In approaching the mountains, which lie at the back of Batavia, there is a gradual but almost imperceptible acclivity for about forty miles. In other parts, where the mountains and hills approach nearer to the coast, the ascent is of course more abrupt, as may be observed in the vicinity of Semárang.

Although the northern coast is in many parts flat and uninteresting, the interior and southern provinces, from the mountainous character of the country, may be reckoned amongst the most romantic and highly diversified in the world ; uniting all the rich and magnificent scenery, which waving forests, neverfailing streams, and constant verdure can present, heightened by a pure atmosphere and the glowing tints of a tropical sun.

The largest of the elevated plains are ; in the west, that of Bándung, formed between the two ranges of volcanos which branch off from the foot of the mountain Gedé; and in the east, those usually termed the plains of Sólo and Kedíri, which extend along the central districts from the Merápi to Kedíri and the site of the ancient capital of Mejapáhit. These are of considerable magnitude, and with the exception of the valley of Kedú and the province of Bányumas, through which the beautiful river of Seráyn bends its winding and romantic course, are perhaps the richest parts of the island. The lowlands, however, are not without their claims to that distinetion ; especially the flats of Demák, once an extensive swamp, and the Delta of Surabáya. Large tracts, particularly in the mountainous ranges of the western districts, still remain in a state of nature, or where the ground has been once cleared of forest, are now overrun with long and rank grass. In the central and eastern districts, the country is comparatively well clothed with eultivation.

Quitting the low coast of the north, in many parts unhealthy, the traveller can hardly advance five miles inland without feeling a sensible improvement in the atmosphere and climate. As he proceeds, at every step he breathes a purer air and surveys a brighter scene. At length he reaches the highlands. Here the boldest forms of nature are tempered by the rural arts of man : stupendous mountains clothed with abundant harvest, impetuous cataracts tamed to the peasant's will. Here is perpetual verdure ; here are tints of the brightest hue. In the hottest season, the air retains its freshness ; in the driest, the innumerable rills and rivulets preserve much of their water. This the mountain farmer directs in endless conduits and canals to irrigate the land, which he has laid out in terraces for its reception; it then descends to the plains, and spreads fertility wherever it flows, till at last, by numerous outlets, it discharges itself into the sea.

Almost all the mountains or volcanos, in the large series before noticed, are found on examination to have the same general constitution : they are striped vertically by sharp ridges, which, as they approach the foot of the mountain, take a more winding course. These ridges alternate with valleys, whose sides are of a very various declivity. Large rocks of basaltes occasionally project, and in several instances the valleys form the beds of rivers towards the tops of the volcanos; in the rainy season they all convey large volumes of water.

Next in importance to this extensive series of primary mountains, there are various ridges of smaller mountains, or hills, extending in different directions, with nearly an equal degree of elevation; sometimes originating from or connected with the primary voleanos, sometimes forming independent ranges, and arising separately and at a distance from the great series. These, which have been termed secondary mountains, though evidently of a voleanic nature, differ in many particulars of their constitution from those of the larger series. They generally extend in long narrow ridges, with but a moderate elevation, and their sides are less regularly composed of the vertical ridges above mentioned. In most cases, a stratified structure and submarine origin may be discovered. They are generally covered with large rocks of basaltes; and in some instances they consist of wacken and hornblende, which is found along their base in inmense piles.

Hills of caleareous constitution, with only a moderate degree of elevation, oceur in smaller ridges, often with a flat or tabular top; or in steep rocks and eminences. These are sometimes found in the centre of the island, covering the voleanie districts, but much more frequently near the northern and southern shores.

Hills of a mixed nature, partly caleareous and partly volcanic, are also found. The southern coast of the island consists almost entirely of them, rising in nany places to the perpendieular height of eighty or one hundred feet, and sonetines much higher. 'These, as they branch inward and approach the central or higher districts, gradually disappear, and give place to the voleanic series, or alternate with huge masses of basaltic hornblende, that appears to assume a regular stratification. At the base of these, or in the beds of the rivers which proceed from them, are frequently found various silicious stones, as comnon flints, prase, hornstone, jasper, porphyry, agate, cornelian, &c.

Alluvial districts, evidently of recent origin, are noticed in several parts of the island. These are formed from the sediment and near the diseharge of large rivers, and at the borders of the calcareous ridges, which are in many instances partially covered hy them: their boundary can easily be traced, and most of then are still in a state of constant progression. Among other phenomena are mineral wells of various tenmiperature and impregnation ; wells of naphtha, or petroleum ;

and rivers arising, in a few instances, from the craters of volcanos, impregnated with sulphureous acid *.

• Mineral wells, of various qualities, are found in almost every part of the island. As an instance of the hot wells, the following account of those found in Cheribon is selected. " At the village of Bongas (situated about " ten miles to the north-east of Karang-Sambong) I directed my route to " the large mountain, in order to examine part of the hills along its foot, " called the hills of Pana-wangan, and several hot wells which are found " near their borders. On approaching these hills, after a very gentle " acclivity covered entirely by caleareous stones, I very soon came to the " spot of the hot wells. They are found on a gently inclining plain, about " one hundred yards in circunference. This plain is perfectly white; “ and on approaching it, it is perceived at some distanee by a sulphureous " vapour, arising from the whole neighbourhood. The water springs " from several apertures, but their temperatures are not equal; the " hottest indicates the degree of one hundred and thirty of Fahrenheit's " seale. They all contain a very large quantity of calcareous earth in " solution and suspension, which coming into contact with the air, im- " mediately separates, and adheres to the surrounding objects, or is pre- " cipitated to the ground. The branches of the shrubs in the vicinity are " wells gently descending the white calcareous plain, is collected in a " rivulet below. A large number of calcareous rocks are found in the " vicinity of the plains; some are covered with elegant crystals of cal- " earcous spar, others have a coralline appearance, and some have the " fracture of alabaster. On proceeding up the hills, immense irregular " blocks of caleareous rocks are found strewed about in the valleys. " About one hundred yards above this district are several wells of naphtha, " or petroleum. It rises in small plashes of water, about twelve or " eighteen inehes in diameter, upon which it drives its black specks, " enitting the peculiar odour of the petroleum. The earth in the eireum- " ference of these plashes is strongly impregnated with this oil : it is very " tough, and from that immediately bounding apertures, the naphtha flows " out on its being pressed ; some portions exactly resemble asphaltum. "A considerable space of ground is occupied by these wells. The stones " are all calcareous. A few hundred yards above this spot, the borders " of the hills become very steep. I examined them to some extent. They "are composed exelusively of calcareous stones. Several extensive sta- "lactitic caves are found at no great distance above the wells; they "exhibit the usual appearances of calcareous caves and vaults. The " process of incrustation is continually going on. In some places, deep "perforations extend into the heart of the hills."—Essay on the Mineralogy of Java, by Dr. Horsfield. Bat. Trans. vol. ix.

" all enveloped by a stalactical inerustation. The water from the different

Among other objects of curiosity, which can only be illustrated by particular description, are the explosions of mud, situated between the distriet of Grobogan on the west, and of Blora and Jipang on the east. By the

From these, and all other investigations yet made, the constitution of Java appears to be exclusively volcanic. From

natives they are termed Blédeg, and are described by Dr. Horsfield as salt wells.

"These salt wells," he observes, " are dispersed through a district of

" country several miles in circunference, the base of which, like that of

" other parts of the island which furnish mineral and other saline waters,

" is limestone. They are of considerable number, and foree themselves

" upwards, through apertures in the rocks, with some violence and ebul-

" lition. The waters are strongly impregnated with sea-salt, and yield

"upon evaporation very good salt for culinary purposes. (In quantity

" not less than two hundred tons in the year.)

" About the centre of this limestone distriet, is found an extraordinary

" volcanic phenomenon. On approaching it from a distance, it is first

" discovered by a large volume of smoke rising and disappearing at

" intervals of a few seconds, resembling the vapours arising from a violent

" surf: a dull noise is heard, like that of distant thunder. Having

" advanced so near, that the vision was no longer inpeded by the smoke,

" a large hemispherical mass was observed, consisting of black earth, "twenty or thirty feet in a perfectly regular manner, and as it were

" mixed with water, about sixteen feet in diameter, rising to the height of

" pushed up, by a force beneath ; which suddenly exploded with a dull

" noise, and scattered about a volume of black mud in every direction.

" After an interval of two or three, or sometimes four or five seconds, the

" hemispherical body of mud or earth rose and exploded again. In the

" same manner this volcanic ebullition goes on without interruption,

" throwing up a globular body of mud, and dispersing it with violence

" throngh the neighbouring plain. The spot where the ebullition oceurs

" is nearly circular and perfectly level, it is covered only with the earthy

" particles impregnated with salt water, which are thrown up from below;

" the cireumference may be estimated at about half an English mile. In

" order to conduct the salt water to the circumference, small passages, or

" gutters, are inade in the loose muddy earth, which lead it to the bor-

" ders, where it is collected in holes dug in the ground for the purpose of " evaporation.

" A strong, pungent, sulphureous smell, somewhat resembling that of " earth-oil, is perceived on standing near the explosion; and the mud

" recently thrown up possesses a degree of heat greater than that of the

" surrounding atmosphere. During the rainy season these explosions are

" more violent, the mud is thrown up much higher, and the noise is " heard at a greater distance.

"This volcanic phenomenon is situated near the centre of the large " plain which interrupts the large series of volcanos ; and owes its origin

"to the general cause of the numerous volcanie eruptions which occur

" on the island." Batavian Trans. vol. ix.

" These salt wells, as Dr. Horsfield terms them, and other phenomena the vast Asiatic chain of mountains, one branch of which terminates in Ceylon, proceeds another, which traversing Arakan, Pegu, and the Malayan peninsula, extends to Sumatra, Bánka, and Bíliton, where it may be said to disappear. On Java no granite has been discovered. In its constitution, as in its direction, it may be considered as the first of a series of volcanic islands, which extend nearly eastward from the Straits of Sunda for about twenty-five degrees.

At what period the island assumed its present shape, or whether it was once joined to Sunatra and Báli, is matter for conjecture. The violent convulsions which these islands have so often suffered, justify a conclusion that the face of the country has been frequently changed, and tradition mentions the periods when Java was separated from those islands; * but the essential difference which has been found in the mineralogical constitution of Java and Sumatra, would seem to indicate a different origin, and to support the opinion that those two islands were never united. Whether, at a period more remote, the whole Archipelago formed part of the continent of Asia, and was divided from it and shattered into islands; whether they were originally distinct from the main land, or whether they were formed at the same time, or subsequently, are questions we cannot resolve. Yet, when we reflect on the violence of those dreadful phenomena* which

The separation of the lands of Palembang (Sumatra) and Java 1114 took place in the Javan year

The separation of the lands of Bali and Balenbangan on Java in 1204

The separation of the lands of Giling Trawangán and Bali in.... 1260 The separation of the island of Selo-Parang and Sumbawa in.. 12s0 See Chronological Table, unler the head " History of Java."

• In order to give the reader some idea of the tremendous violence with which nature sonetimes distinguishes the operations of the volcano in these regions, and enable him to forin some conjecture, from the occurrences of recent experience, of the effects they may have produced in past ages, a short account of the extraordinary and wide-spread phenomena that accompanied the eruption of the Tonboro mountain, in the island of Sumbawa, in April 1815, may not be uninteresting. Almost every one is acquainted with the internitting convulsions of Etna and Vesuvius, as they appear in the descriptions of the poet and the authentie accounts of the naturalist, but the most extraordinary of then can bear no comparison, in point of duration and foree, with that of Tomboro. This eruption extended perceptible evidences of its existence over the whole of the Molucea islands, over Java, a considerable portion of Celebes, Sumatra, and Borneo, to a cireunference of a thousand statute miles from its centre, by tremulous motions, and the report of explosions; while within the range of its more iminediate activity, embracing a space of three hundred miles around it, it produced the most astonishing effects, and excited the most alarming apprehensions. On Java, at the distance of three hundred miles, it seemed to be awfully present. The sky was overeast at noon-day with clouds of ashes, the snn was enveloped in an atmosphere, whose " palpable" density he was unable to penetrate; showers of ashes covered the houses, the streets, and the fields to the depth of several inches; and amid this darkness explosions were heard at intervals, like the report of artillery or the noise of distant thunder. So fully did the resemblance of the noises to the report of cannon impress the minds of some officers, that from an apprehension of pirates on the coast vessels were dispatched to afford relief. Superstition, on the other hand, on the minds of the natives, was busily at work, and attributed the reports to an artillery of a have occurred in our own times in the smaller islands of the volcanic series, and view this range, as it is now presented to

different description to that of pirates. All conceived that the effects experieneed might be caused by eruptions of some of the numerous volcanos on the island; but no one could have conjectured that the showers of ashes which darkened the air, and covered the ground of the eastern districts of Java, could have proceeded from a mountain in Sumbawa, at the distance of several hundred miles. Conceiving that it might be interesting and curious to preserve an authentie and detailed account of the information that could be gained of this wonderful phenomenon, while the event was still recent and fully remembered, I directed a cireular to the different Residents, requiring them to transnit to the Goverument a statement of the facts and circumstances connected with it, which occurred within their own knowledge. From their replies, the narrative drawn up by Mr. Assey, and printed in the uinth volume of the Batavian Transactions, was collected; the following is an extract from that paper :—

" The first explosions were heard on this island (Java) in the evening " of the 5th of April : they were noticed in every quarter, and continued

" at intervals until the following day. The noise was, in the first instance,

" universally attributed to distant cannon : so much so, that a detachment

" of troops was marehed from Djocjocarta, under the apprehension that a

" neighbouring post had been attacked; and along the coast boats were

" in two instances dispatched in quest of supposed ships in distress. On

" the following morning, however, a slight fall of ashes removed all doubt

"as to the cause of the sound; and it is worthy of remark, that as the

" eruption continued, the sound appeared to be so close, that in each

" district it seemed near at hand, and was generally attributed to an erup-

" tion either from the mountains Merapi, Klut, or Bromo. From the 6th

' the sun became obscured; it had every where the appearance of being

" enveloped in a fog. The weather was sultry and the atmosphere close,

" and still the sun seemed shorn of its rays, and the general stillness and

" pressure of the atmosphere seemed to forebode an earthquake. This

"lasted several days. The explosions continued occasionally, but less

" violently, and less frequently than at first. Volcanic ashes also began

" to fall, but in small quantities, and so slightly as to be hardly percep-

"tible in the western districts. This appearance of the atmosphere con-

"tinued, with little variation, until the 10th of April; and till then it

"does not appear that the volcano attracted much observation, or was

"considered of greater importance than those which have occasionally

"burst forth in Java But on the evening of the loth, the eruptions were

" heard more loud and more frequent; from Cheribon eastward the air

" became darkened by the quantity of falling ashes; the sun was nearly

" darkened; and in some situations, particularly at Solo and Rembang,

"many said that they felt a tremulous motion of the earth. It was uni-

" versally remarked in the more eastern districts, that the explosions were

" tremendous, continuing frequently during the 11th, and of such violence us on the map of the world, a conjecture might perhaps be hazarded, that the whole may have once formed but the

" At Solo candles were lighted at 4 p. m. of the 12th; at Mágelan in

" Kédu, objects could not be seen at three hundred yards distance. At

" Grésik, and other districts more eastward, it was dark as night in the

" greater part of the 12th April, and this saturated state of the atmosphere

" lessened as the cloud of ashes passed along and discharged itself on its

" way. Thus the ashes that were eight inches deep at Bányuwángi were

“ but two in depth at Súmenap, and less in Grésik, and the sun does not "All reports concur in stating, that so violent and extensive an erup- " with fever. As it was, however, no material injury was felt beyond the " the eruption.

" seem to have been actually obscured in any district west of Semárang.

" tion has not happened within the memory of the oldest inhabitant, nor

" within tradition. They speak of similar effects, in a lesser degree, when

“ an eruption took place from the volcano of Karang Asam in Bali, about

“ seven years ago, and it was at first supposed that this mountain was the

" seat of the eruption. The Balinese on Java attributed the event to a

" recent dispute between the two Rajahs of Bali Baliling, which termi-

* nated in the death of the younger Rajah by order of his brother. " The haziness and heat of the atmosphere, and oceasional fall of vol-

“ canic ashes, continued until the 14th, and in some parts of the island

" until the 17th of April. They were cleared away universally by a heavy

" fall of rain, after which the atmosphere became clear and more cool;

" and it would seem that this seasonable relief prevented much injury to

"the crops, and removed an appearance of epidemic disease whieh was

"beginning to prevail. This was especially the case at Batavia, where,

" for two or three days preceding the rain, many persons were attacked

" districts of Banyuwángi. The cultivators every where took precaution

" to shake off the ashes from the growing paddy as they fell, and the timely

" rain removed an apprehension very generally entertained, that insects

" would have been gencrated by the long continuance of the asles at the

" root of the plant. In Rembang, where the rain did not fall till the 17th,

" and the ashes had been considerable, the crops were somewhat injured;

" but in Banyuwángi, the part of the island on which the cloud of ashes

"spent its force, the injury was more extensive. A large quantity of

" paddy was totally destroyed, and all the plantations more or less injured.

"One hundred and twenty-six horses and eighty-six head of cattle also

" perished, chiefly for want of forage, during a month from the time of

" From Sumbawa to the part of Sumatra where the sound was noticed,

" is about nine hundred and seventy geographical miles in a direct line.

"From Sumbawa to Temate is a distance of about seven hundred and

“ twenty miles. The distance also to which the cloud of ashes was carried,

" so quickly as to produce utter darkness, was clearly pointed out to have southern side of one large island or continent, within which much of the main land has fallen in, and subsequently disappeared on the influx of the sea.

" been the island of Celebes and the districts of Grésik on Java : the for-

" mer is two hundred and seventeen nautical miles distant from the seat

" of the voleano ; the latter, in a direct line, more than three hundred geo-

" graphical miles."

The following is an extract from the reports of Lieutenant Owen Phillips, dated at Bina on the island of Sumbawa. " On my trip towards the

" western part of the island, I passed through nearly the whole of Dompo

" and a considerable part of Bina. The extreme misery to which the

" inhabitants have been reduced is shocking to behold. There were still

" on the road-side the remains of several corpses, and the marks of where

" many others had been interred : the villages almost entirely deserted and

" the houses fallen down, the surviving inhabitants having dispersed in

" search of food. The Rajah of Sang'ir came to wait on me at Dompo,

" on the 3d instant. The suffering of the people there appears, from his

" aceount, to be still greater than in Dompo. The famine has been so

" severe that even one of his own daughters died from htoger. I pre-

" sented him with three coyangs of rice in your name, for which he ap- " peared most truly thankful.

" As the Rajah was hinself a spectator of the late eruption, the follow-

" ing account which he gave me is perhaps more to be depended upon than

" any other I can possibly obtain. About 7 p. m. on the 1oth of April,

" three distinet columns of flame burst forth near the top of the Tonboro

" mountain (all of them apparently within the verge of the crater), and

" after aseending separately to a very great height, their tops united

" in the air in a troubled confused manner. In a short time, the whole

“ mountain next Sang'ir appeared like a body of liquid fire, extending it-

" self in every direction. The fire and columns of flame continued to rage

" with unabated fury, until the darkness caused by the quantity of falling

" matter obscured it at abont 8 p. m. Stones, at this time, fell very thick

" at Sang'ir ; some of thein as large as two fists, but generally not larger

"than walnuts. Betweeu 9 and 10 p. m. ashes began to fall, and soon

" after a violent whirlwind ensued, which blew down nearly every house in

" the village of Sang'ir, carrying the ataps, or roofs, and light parts away

" with it. In the part of Sang'ir adjoining Tomboro its effects were much " into the air, together with men, horses, cattle, and whatever else came

" more violent, tearing up by the roots the largest trees and carrying them

" within its influence. (This will account for the immense number of

" floating trees seen at sea). The sea rose nearly twelve feet higher than

"it had ever been known to do before, and completely spoiled the only

"small spots of rice land in Sang'ir, sweeping away houses and every

" thing within its reach. The whirlwind lasted about an hour. No ex-

“ plosions were heard till the whirlwind had ceased, at about 11 a m.

" From midnight till the evening of the 11th, they continucd without in-

The constitution of the island is unfavourable to metals. All the examinations hitherto made confirm this assertion, and it may be laid down as a general position, that no metals occur, in such a quantity, or with such richness of ore, as to reward the operations of the miner. The only notice we have of the existence of gold or silver is contained in the first volume of the Transactions of the Batavian Society; and the attempts on the mountain of Párang, in 1723, and on the Mégeméndung, in 1744, were soon abandoned. Iron pyrites is found in snall quantity in several distriets, as well as redochre; which, however, often contains so little iron, as scareely to serve for the common purpose of paint. The existence of mercury in the low lands of Démak, where it is distributed in minute particles through the clay of the rice-grounds bounding one of the principal rivers of that district, has not been considered as an indication of a mine, or of the ores of that metal.

No diamonds are found, nor other precious stones, but many minerals of the sehorl, quartz, potstone, feldspar, and trap kind, They mostly exist in mountains of secondary elevation, towards the southern shores of the island, sometimes in extensive veins ; but separate fragments are carried down by the rivers, and found far from their original deposition. Prase is found in very extensive veins ; hornstone is also abundant in particular sitnations, as well as flint, chalcedony, hyalite, common jasper, jasper-agate, obsidian, and porphyry.

The soil in Java is for the most part rich, and remarkable for its depth ; probably owing to the exelusively voleanic constitution of the country, and the constant accession of new mould, which is washed down the side of its nunerous mountains. It has the character of being in a high degree richer than the ordinary soil of the Malayan countries in general, particularly of Sumatra and the Malayan peninsula. The best soil resembles the richest garden-mould of Europe; and whenever it can be exposed to the inundation necessary for the rice crop, requires no manure, and will bear without impoverishment, one heavy and one light crop in the year : the poorest, with this advantage, will yield a liberal return to the husbandman. In an island of such extent and variety of surface, the soil is necessarily various, but its general character is that of extraordinary fertility. The red and very light soil of the western districts is generally considered inferior to the dark brown and stiffer soil which prevails in the eastern. The best soil is usually found near the beds of rivers, in the valleys, and on the slopes of the largest mountains: the worst on the ranges of low calcareous hills, which run through different parts of the island.

The seasons, in all the countries situated within about ten degrees of the equator, agree in this : that as one eternal summer prevails, they are not distinguished as hot and cold, but as wet and dry. On Java the seasons depend upon the periodical winds. The period of the setting in of these winds is not determined within a few weeks; but generally the westerly winds, which are always attended with rain,are felt in October,become more steady in November and December, and gradually subside, till in March or April they are succeeded by the casterly winds and fair weather, which continue for the remaining half year. The heaviest rains are in the months of December and January, and the driest weather is in July and August; at which latter period, also, the nights are coldest and the days hottest. The weather is most unsettled when the season is changing, particularly at the first setting in of the westerly winds: but those violent storms and hurricanes, which are so often felt in theWest Indies and in higher latitudes,are here unknown. With the exception of a few days at these periods, or when the westerly winds are at their height, vessels of any description may ride in safety in most of the bays along the northern coast of the island; and on shore, the wind is never so violent as to do damage. Thunder-storms are, however, frequent, and the lightning is extremely vivid. In the vicinity of the hills, and elsewhere during the dry season, seldom a day passes without thunder and lightning ; and although these grand exhibitions of nature cause less consternation in general within the tropies than beyond them, it cannot be denied that they are destructive of many lives. Earthquakes are to be expected in a volcanic country, and are frequent in the vicinity of the volcanos ; but the European towns have never sustained any serious injury from them.

During the rainy season therc are many days free from showers. The mornings are generally clear, and although the rains sometimes continue without intermission for several days, and frequently fall in torrents, they are not marked on Java by that decided character, cither of permanence or violence, which distinguishes the periodical rains of the continent of India; neither is the dry season distinguished by that excessive aridity which attends the hot seasons of that country. Even in July and August, the atmosphere is refreshed by occasional showers, and the landseape is at all times of the year covered with the brightest verdure. The thermometer of Fahrenhcit has been known to rise along the northern coast as high as 90° about three in the afternoon, and even higher, particularly in the large and low capitals of Batavia, Semárang, and Surabáya ; but from observations made during a course of some years at Batavia, and published under the authority of the Dutch government, it has been found usually to range between 70 and 74º in the evenings and mornings, and to stand about 83° at noon. By similar observations at Semárang, the same thermometer, placed in a spacious and open apartnent, has averaged 87 §° at noon.

At a distance inland of not more than thirty or forty miles, where the ascent is gradual, and of fifteen or twenty or less where it is rapid, the thermometer falls from five to ten degrees lower. At Chi-serúa, situated about 40 miles inland of Batavia, and Chi-pánas, about twelve miles further, on the opposite slope of the mountain Gedé, the thermometer ranges generally between 60 and 70°. In the morning, at six o'clock, it is sometimes as low as 57°; and in the afternoon, at three, its usual height is from 67 to 70°, but seldom rising to 72°. On some of the hills inland of Semárang, on which Europeans frequently reside during the dry season, at an elevation of ábout four thousand feet, the thermometer is frequently seen as low as 45°, and generally, in the clear season, ranges from 50 to 62°, and on the summit of one of the mountains (Sindóro) it has been observed as low as 27° *. Ice, as thick as a Spanish dollar, has been found; and hoar-frost, denominated bóhon úpas, or the poisonous dew, has been observed on the trees and vegetation of some of the higher regions.

By its insular situation, the climate of Java enjoys the benefit of land and sea breezes, which in its least favoured parts subdue the fiereeness of the tropical rays, while the great elevation of its interior affords the rare advantage, that from the sea-shore up to the tops of the mountains, there is, almost from one end of the island to the other, a regular diminution of the temperature, at the rate of two or thrce degrees of Fahrenheit for every ten miles.

The general inference which has been drawn by professional men, from the experience which the occupation of Java by the British has afforded, is, that with the exception of the town of Batavia, and some parts of the northern coast, the island of Java stands on a level, in point of salubrity, with the healthiest parts of British India, or of any tropical country in the world.

The principal stations of the British army, composed of Europeans and Sepoys, were at Weltevreden, within three miles of the town of Batavia, and at Semárang and Surabáya, spots certainly less favourable to health than the rest of the island taken generally; but detachments from it have occasionally done duty in every district of the island.

The tables included in the Appendix†, will shew, that notwithstanding the troops laboured under many disadvantages and privations, in point of accommodation, &c. to which they would not have been subjected in a more permanent settlement, and that they were otherwise exposed to diseases unconnected with those of the climate, the average casualties were not excessive. From the 1st November, 1813, to the same month in 1814, the average number of troops is stated to have been 7,470, the deaths 504, making a proportion of 1 to 14-8: the average number of sick in the same period was 862, making a proportion of sick to well as 1 to 8. From the beginning of November 1814 to the same month in 1815, out of an average number of troops stationed in different parts of the island, in corps and detachments, amounting to 7,487, there were 252 deaths, 63 of which were caused by fever, 123 by dysentery, and 65 by other diseases, making an average number of deaths of 21 per month, or in the proportion of one death to thirty men in the year, a proportion not excceding that of some of the healthiest possessions in temperate climates.

To this general result may be added the comparative casualties in his Majesty's 78th regiment, during the period of its being stationed in India and Java. This regiment has occasionally been cantoned at each of the principal stations, and has remained on the island from the first conquest of Java. By the table will be seen the number of rank and file of which this regiment consisted at different periods, since 1797 to 1815, and the number of casualties in the same periods. It might not be proper to select the years in which it landed on the continent of India or on Java; but those in which it was stationed in either country may be brought together, as fit subjects for comparison. By calculation, upon the data of the table, it will appear, that from December 1800 to Decemnber 1801, the deaths were to the number of troops as 1 to about 201; in 1801-2, as 1 to 12 ; iu 1803-1, as 1 to 5} ; in 1804-5, as 1 to 8 ; in 1805, as 1 to about 20 ; in 1806-7, as 1 to 28 nearly; in 1807-8, as 1 to 241 ; in 1809-10, as 1 to about 23 ; in 1811-12, as 1 to 3 ; in 1813-14, as 1 to 6 ; and in 1814-15, as 1 to about 20 nearly. The places at which the regiment was stationed at these different periods will be seen by the table; and the cause of the unusual mortality that prevailed in 1811-12, and which exceeds any of the years on the continent, will be found in an extract from the letter of Dr. Currie, the surgeon, inclosing the return. The mortality in the last yearwas as 1 to 20 in the regiment,and among the whole troops, according to the data above, as 1 to about 30; a low estimate for climates, whose characters stand higher for salubrity than that of Java.

That the climate of Java, in general, is congenial to the human frame, at least to that of an Asiatic, is corroborated by the great extent of its native population, compared with that of the surrounding islands, notwithstanding the checks which it experienced both from the native princes and the European government; and the convineing proof which the records of the British army now afford, are perhaps sufficient to remove the unfavourable impression which existed against the climate of the island, as affecting Europeans.

At the same time, however, that Java has to boast this general character of high salubrity, comparatively with other tropical climates, it is not to be denied that there are some spots upon it which are decidedly unhealthy. These are to be found along the low swampy marshes of the northern coast, which are mostly recent encroachinents upon the sea: the principal of these is Batavia, the long established capital of the Dutch eastern empire.

The climate of this city has ever been considered as one of the most baneful in the world. It has even been designated the storehouse of disease ; with how much justice, is too woefully demonstrated by the writings of those visitors who have survived its perils, and the records of the Dutch East-India Company itself. If we may credit Raynal,* there perished between the years 1714 and 1776, in the hospitals of Batavia, above eighty-seven thousand sailors and soldiers. From the table, No. 1, imperfect as it is, on account of the loss of many of the registers at the period of the British conquest, it will be seen what a large proportion the deaths bore to the whole population ; and from the table, No. 2, of the same Appendix, discovered among the Dutch records, it appears further, that the total amount of deaths in this city, from the year 1730 to the year 1752, was in twenty-two years more than a million of souls.

To those who are acquainted with the manner in which the affairs of the Dutch East-India Company were managed abroad, there will perhaps be no difficulty in laying rather at the door of the colonists, than of the nation, the crime of maintaining a commercial monopoly, at such a dreadful expence of lives as resulted from confining the European population within the narrow walls of this unhealthy city. That the sacrifice was made for that object, or to speak more correctly, under that pretext, for the private interests of the colonists who were entrusted with its details, can scarcely be doubted. From the moment the walls of the city were demolished, the draw-bridges let down, and free egress and ingress to and from the country was permitted, the population began to migrate to a more healthy spot, and they had not to go above one or two miles beyond the precincts before they found themselves in a different climate. But this indulgence, as it gave the inhabitants a purer air, so it gave them a clearer insight into the resources of the country, and notions of a freer commerce, which, of all things, it was the object of the local government and its officers to limit or suppress.

Necessity might have first deterinined the choice of the spot for the European capital ; but a perseverance in the policy of confining the European population within its walls, after so many direful warnings of its insalubrity, cannot but lead to the inference, that cither the monopoly of the trade was considered a greater object to the nation than the lives of the inhabitants, or that the more liberal views of the governinent were defeated by the weakness or corruption of its agents.

Of the vegetable and animal kingdoms, as of the mineral, we shall content ourselves with such an account as may be necessary to convey to the reader a general notion of the nature of the country and its resources, referring the man of science to the intended publication of Dr. Thomas Horsfield, a gentleman whose sole attention has, for the last seven years, been directed to the natural history of Java.

Java is distinguished not only by the abundance of its vegetation, but by its extraordinary variety. Upwards of a thousand plants are already contained in the herbarea of Dr. Horsfield, of which a large proportion are new to the naturalist. Betwcen the tops of the mountains and the seashorc, Java may be considered as possessing at least six distinct climates, each furnishing a copious indigenous botany, while the productions of every region in the world may find a congenial spot somewhere in the island.

Vegetable productions, which contribute to the food and sustenance of man, are found in great variety. Of these the most important is rice, which forms the staple grain of the country, and of which there are upwards of a hundred varieties. Maize, or Indian corn, ranks next, and is principally cultivated in the higher regions, or in those tracts where the soil is unfavourable to the rice cultivation. The bean, or káchang, of which there are many varieties, is an important article of food. Of the sugar-cane, which is used by the natives only in its raw state, they distinguish eight varieties, an account of which, as well as of the cultivation of coffee, pepper, indigo, tobacco, &c. will be found in the chapter on agriculture. Aniseed, múngsi, cummin-seed, márícha (black pepper), chábi jáwa (long pepper), kumúkus (cubebs), socha dilichos, and mendéking, plants of considerable importance, may be considered as indigenous to the island, and are collected for various uses in diet and medicine.

Besides the cocoa-nut and other productions more generally known, there are many trees growing spontaneously, of which the seeds and kernels are used as food; the principal of these are the pelé, jéngkol, and kómlandíngan, several species of the mimosa, and the púchang and kamíri. The bread-fruit tree grows on Java, and is of the same species (although inferior in quality) with that of the South Sea Islands: but the fruit is comparatively very little esteemed or cmployed as an article of food.

Of tuberous roots, besides those furnished from the principal genera, convolvulus, dioscorea, and arum, are those from the bangkicang (dolichos bulbosus), the roots of which are much esteemed by the natives, and the kéntang jána (ocymum tuberosum) or Java potatoe. Most of the numerous varieties of the convolvulus and dioscorea, which furnish food for the natives, have been enumerated in one of the first volunes of the Batavian Transactions. The jatropha nanihot, called úwi blanda, or wúdo, has been propagated through all parts of Java, and is found growing in the hedges.

The true sago of Amboina and the Eastern Islands, is found only solitary in a few low and marshy situations, and the preparation of it from the pith of the tree is not known to the inhabitants of Java: the leaves only are employed for covering houses; but from the áren, or sagurus rumphii, which grows abundantly in every part of the island, and on account of its variously extensive uses, ranks next in importance to the cocca-nut, a substance is prepared, gimilar in all respects to the true sago of the Eastern Islands. The tops of various trees of the palm kind, which are sought after in other parts of the East as food, are, on account of the abundance of rice and other esculent vegetables, but little regarded in Java ; but the young shoots of many varicties of the bambu are used in the diet of the natives. Wheat and potatoes, with almost every species of European vegetables, are cultivated with success. Of the oil-giving plants a particular account will be given when deseribing the agriculture of the country.

Java, in common with the Malayan islands in general, abounds in indigenous fruits. " No region of the earth," observes Mr. Marsden, " can boast an equal abundance and “ variety of indigenous fruits." The mangústin, which on account of its acknowledged pre-eminence amongst Indian fruits, has been termed the pride of these countries; the durian, or dúren, to which the natives of these islands are so passionatcly attached; the rámbutan, the lánseh or lánseb, with an extensive variety of the jack, the mango, the plantain, the guava, the pine-apple, the papaw, the custard-apple, the pomegranate, and almost every species of fruit which grows within the tropics, are here found in the greatest variety. The tamarind tree is general. The island also produces many kinds of oranges, citrons, lemons, and in particular the pumplemoos (known in Bengal under the name of the Batavian lembu, or lime, and in the West Indies as the shaddock), besides the sáwu, klédung, pachítan, and a variety of others, not generally known to Europeans, but well calculated for the table. Of the mango, at least forty varieties are enunerated; the wild raspberry, which is found in the higher regions, is not destitute of flavour; one kind, in particular, with dark violet-coloured fruit, approaches in taste to the European species. In some of the mountainous tracts are to be found peaches, Chinese pears, and some other fruits imported from Japan, the Cape of Good Hope, and China.

Among innumerable flowers which bloom in perpetual succession throughout the year, and impregnate the air of these countries with their fragrance, those of the champáka, tánjong, meláti, kanáng'a and nágasári, hold the first rank ; they are used by the natives in the ornament of their persons, and are remarkable for their fragrance. The myrtle and rose are found in the gardens of Europeans. A great variety of ornamental trees and shrubs, many of them overlooked in the catalogues of Rhumphius and Van Rheede, have been noticed, as deserving cultivation for their utility as well as beauty.

The medicinal plants of Java have been described in an account published in the Batavian Transactions : among these are many which are employed in the daily practice of the natives, of which a large proportion have not been subjects of investigation or experiment by Europeans, and others which had not previously been botanically described or classed. In a country hitherto imperfectly explored, and abounding in profuse vegetation, it was natural to calculate on the discovery of many useful medicinal plants; and among upwards of sixty, described, for the first time, by Dr. Horsfield, he particularly noticcs several, as likely to become most valuable articles in general medicinal practice.

Besides abundance of coir, termed sepét by the natives, prepared from the fibres which surround the cocoa-nut, and gamuti (called duk), prepared from those of the áren tree, both of which are well known, another species of palm, the gebáng, also yields valuable ropes, the fibre of which is obtained from the large petioles or stalks of the leaves by pounding and beating. Intelligent natives assert, that ropes prepared from these are particularly valuable, exceeding in strength all other kinds of equal size. The fibres and ropes are called bas. The cotton shrub (gossypium herbaceum) is universal; and hemp, though its uses are unknown to the Javans, is found in the gardens of foreign settlers. Besides these, the island affords various kinds of vegetables, the fibrous bark of which is made into thread, rope, cloth, &c.; but they are never cultivated, and when required for use are collected in their wild state. 'The general denomination, in the Javan language, of the internal bark of all vegetables which can be manufactured into cords, thread, &c. is lúlub. This being freed, by beating or maceration, from the adhering particles of the exterior bark, yields the fibrous substance, which is twisted by the most simple process, commonly by the hands alone. The trees which afford the lúlub are the wáru, which is very abundant, and is manufactured into ropes for all common domestic purposes; the melinju, the bark of which is called bágu; and the béndo, which affords ropes of superior strength and durability.

Of the bambusa, the pring-ápus, the stem of which may be considered arborescent, furnishes the cheapest ropes. These are made with great expedition, being split into thin strips, which are twisted on the spot into cords fit for all common purposes, although they are serviceable only for a few days. They are uniformly used, in travelling, for securing baggage, &c. Among shrubs principally cmployed for these purposes are the werúng, urís-urísan, dalúmpang, che-plákan and glúgo; among plants, the widúri and rámi ; the fibres of the latter afford very strong and durable cords, which are chiefly employed for nets or lines, and used in fishing : they greatly resemble the sunn of western India, and would probably be found to answer the same purpose, as well in furnishing the bags called in India gunny-bags, for the transportation of goods, as for the manufacture of paper in Europe. This remark applies also to the lúlub of several of the other shrubs mentioned. Several species of písang or plantain yield the materials for ropes and cords of various fineness, according to the methods employed in preparing them. In the Manilla Islands, cables are made from these fibres; and in the first volume of the Batavian Transactions a mode is described of preparing from them a substance resembling cotton. The leaves of the 'nanas, or pine-apple, contain also abundance of useful fibres, which are casily separated in a bundle, after scraping off the coriaccous substance. It is very fine, and the separate fibres are employed by the natives in sewing without any preparation; but it may also be spun, and is made into a kind of stuff resembling silk, gauze, &c.

Mats are made from several species of pandanus, from a kind of grass called méndong, and from the Ieaves of various palms, particularly the gebáng. The latter affords the most common kinds, coarser and less durable than the others, as well as bags (straw sacks) resembling very coarse mats.

The paper in common use with the Javans is manufactured from the glúgo, (morus papyrifera.)

A variety of vegetable substances are used in dyeing : the principal of which, however, are the tom, or indigo, which is extensively cultivated throughout the island; and the wongkúdu, which affords a lasting scarlet. A black dye is obtained from the bark of several exotic trees, united with the rind of the mangústin fruit. A yellow dye is also obtained from an exotic wood, heightened by the addition of the bark of the nángka tree, and a variety of the mango.

Extensive forests of the játi, or teak of India*, are found in almost all the eastern provinces; but the most valuable and important are in the central districts, situated inland, between Semárang and Sidáyu, and particularly in the districts of Blóra, Jípang, and Padáng'an.

Of the teak tree there is but one species known, the tectona grandis of Linn:eus, the tekka of Van Rheede, and the jatus of Rhunphius. Its natural history has been already fully detailed, and all the kinds generally enumcrated are merely varieties. These are usually distinguished among the natives of Java by names derived from the quality and colour of the wood. The principal are the játi kápur, the chalky teak, and a kind varying in colour, and on account of its excellence termed játi súng'gu, or the true teak. The former is the most common : its wood is of a whitish hue, and it sometimes contains calcareous concretions in nodules or streaks. This sort is chiefly employed for common domestic purposes, and though inferior in quality to many others, from its abundance and comparative cheapness, is perhaps the most generally useful. The játi súng'gu is harder, closer, and more ponderous, and particularly selected for ship-building. The colour of the wood is of different shades, from light to intense brown, with a cast of violet verging sometimes to red or black. If the stem is covered with spines, or rather pointed scales, it is called játi dúri, but in its texture and quality it agrees with the játi súnge'gu. Besides these the natives distinguish, as játi gémbol, those excrescences or protuberances which are produced from a varicty of the játi, furnishing materials for handsome cabinet-work.

The teak tree on Java grows at a moderate elevation above the level of the ocean. It is generally conceived, that the timber afforded by forests growing on a soil of which the basis is limestone, and the surface umeven, gravelly, or rocky, is the hardest, the freest from chalky concretions, and in all respects the best; but in laying out a teak plantation, a soil consisting in a great proportion of black vegetable mould, is always selected for the purpose of obtaining a rapid growth. The teak tree is slender and erect. It shoots up with considerable vigour and rapidity, but its expansion is slow. Like all other trees affording useful timber of a close grain, it is many years in arriving at maturity. Under favourable circumstances, a growth of from twenty to twenty-five years affords a tree having about twelve inches diameter at the base. It requires at least a century to attain its perfection, but for common purposes, it is usually felled when between thirty and fifty years old*.

Notwithstanding the extent to which cultivation has been carried in many districts of the island, large portions of its surface are still covered with primeval forests, affording excellent timber of various descriptions. Besides the teak, there are several kinds of wood or timber employed for various domestic purposes, as the súren (the tuna of Bengal), of which the wood is very light, stronger and more durable than all other kinds of similar weight produced on the island : as the grain is not fine, it is not employed in making furniture, but it is useful for chests, trunks, carriages, &c.; its colour is red, and its odour somewhat resembling that of the cedar. Its weight is probably inferior to that of the larch.—The wúngú or ketángi is often used instead of teak : the grain is somewhat finer: when in full blossom it is perhaps the most beautiful tree existing.—The wádang or báyur, a light and tolerably durable wood, is employed for masts and spars of small vessels; but the surface must be well covered with resinous substances to prevent its splitting.—The gintúngan is employed in the same manner, but grows to a larger size ; the colour of the wood and bark is red.—The lampéan or lában is light but durable, and affords materials for the handles of the spears or pikes borne by the natives.—The nángka abounds in several districts where teak is not found, and is almost exclusively used in the construction of houses, and other domestic purposes : the wood is more close and ponderous than the suren, which it otherwise resembles ; it takes a tolerable polish, and is sometimes employed for furniture. The colour is yellow; but it is made to receive a brownish hue, by the application of the young teakleaves in polishing: its bark is used as a yellow dye.—The lúren resembles the nángka, but is generally of rare occurrence, though in some tracts it furnishes the only timber: its use in the neighbouring islands, particularly on Sumatra, is well known.—The kusámbi is uncommonly heavy, hard, and close : it supplies anchors for small vessels, blocks, pestles, and numerous similar utensils.—The sáwur is a very beautiful and useful wood; the colour resembles that of mahogany, but the grain is closer, and it is more ponderous: its chief use is for handles of tools for carpenters and other artificers, for machinery, especially for the teeth of the wheels of mills, and other purposes where a hard and durable wood is required. On account of its scarcity, it is uniformly cut down on Java before it arrives at the necessary size for cabinet-work. Forests of it grow on the hills of Báli, opposite the Javan shore, whence it is brought over by boat-loads for sale.

The pilang is a very hard wood, and employed in the castern districts, instead of lignum-vitæ, for the construction of ships'-blocks, &c.—The pung is equally hard, and uniformly employed by the natives for pegs in constructing their prahus. —The wáli kúkun is cqual to the kusámbi in weight, and exceeds it in hardness: it is employed for anchors, naves of wheels, machinery, &e.—The tang'gulun is a hard wood of a close grain, and employed by turners for various small works.— The kelúmpit is a very large tree: sections are employed by the natives for cart wheels.—The járan is a white wood taking the tool easily: the natives prefer it to all others for the construction of their saddles, which consist principally of wood. The demólo affords a light wood, which is made into planks, and employed where durability is not much required.—The wood of the kedáwung is whitish and moderately hard.—The lában is a yellowish and hard wood: it is employed for the handles of axes and various utensils.—The jánglot is considered by the natives as the toughest wood produced in the island, and is always employed for bows when procurable: the tree is of a moderate size.—The béndo is a light wood, useful for canoes.—The séntul is a light close-grained wood, and easily worked: it resembles the súren.

For household furniture, cabinet-ware, &c. are employed the sóno kling of the Maláyus, the colour of which is a deep brown, inclining to black:—the sóno kómbang, which has some resemblance to the lingua wood of the Moluccas:—the war'm-lot, dark brown ; and próno-sodo, resembling the walnut, both scarce:—the wer'n, of a brown colour, of a close substance and light, abundant in some districts:—the mentáus and júmberit, the wood of which is white and fine-grained, uniformly used for inlaying:—the randu kúning, yellowish and close-grained :—and the ing'as, of a brownish red colour, and very brittle.

For the hilts and sheaths of krises, the natives make use of the timóko, of which the black and white variegated fragments are called pélet. These are of various kinds.—The arúman, variegated white and black, is also employed for canes, handles, and spears, &c. and is very heavy.—The tiké, yellowish, closed and marble,—the mángu,—the áti áti,—the kráminan, —the púrwo-kúning and several others, are employed for the same purposes.—The kamúning is of a brownish colour and very fine grain :—the tayúman resembles the last and is very much esteemed :—the wúni stelágo affords a reddish wood.

Among the most extensively useful productions ought not to be forgotten the bámbu, or príng, which abounds on Java, and seems, from the greater luxuriance and variety by which it is here distinguished, to find the soil and clinate more congenial to its growth than those of any other country. It blossoms in different parts of the island. The rattans (rólan) of Java are on the whole inferior to those of Sumatra and Borueo: the improved state of cultivation is unfavourable to their growth and propagation.

Many woods afford excellent fuel. The charcoal prepared from the kusámbi is equal perhaps to that of any other wood with which we are acquainted, and is universally preferred in cooking, and in the other branches of domestic economy. Charcoal, for gunpowder, is uniformly prepared from the celtis orientalis, called áng'grung.

Among the useful trees must be noticed : the soap-tree, of which the fruit is used to a very great extent in washing linen : —the kasémak, from the bark of which is made a varnish for umbrellas :—the súmpang, from the resin of which the natives prepare a shining varnish for the wooden sheaths of krises :— the cotton-tree, from which a silky wool is obtained for stuffing pillows and beds:—the wax-tree, which, though scarce on Java, grows abundantly on some parts of Madúra: (the kernel, by expression,produces an oil, which some tine after becomes hard and bears a resemblance'to wax; it may be burnt in lamps or converted into candles, and affords an agreeable odour) : the bendúd, a shrub producing the substance of which the elastic gum, commonly called Indian-rubber, is prepared. The art of preparing it in this form is however unknown in Java. Torches are made of it, for the use of those who search for birds' nests in the rocks, and it serves for winding round the stick employed to strike musical instruments, as the gong, &c. to soften the sound. The minyak káwon or niátu is a very useful tree, which grows solitary in all, and abundantly in some parts of the island, and produces a kind of tallow.

Dámar, or resin, is distinguished by the inhabitants of these countries into two kinds : dámar-bátu or séla, and dámar-puti, comprising numerous varieties obtained from different trees. None of these are, however, produced on Java. Besides the rásamála, which is very limited as to its place of growth, the Canáram, and a peculiar resin cmployed by the natives for varnishing the wooden sheaths of their krises, called sámpang, few odoriferous resins are found. The camphortree, which abounds on Sumatra and Borneo, is unknown on Java. The wood oil, distinguished among the Malays by the name of krúwing (which in Java is applied to all resinous or oily substances employed in the construction of vessels), is not a native of Java, but it grows abundantly on Banka and Sumatra.

None of what are called the finer kinds of spices, namely, the nutmeg, clove, and cinnamon, are indigenous to Java; but the few trees which have been planted in the gardens of Europeans have thriven well : and, from the nature of the soil and climate, there seems little doubt that the nutmeg and clove, in particular, might be extensively cultivated throughout the island, did it suit the policy of the European government to admit of their general introduction.

The vine was once extensively cultivated in some of the eastern provinces of the island, in which the soil and climate appear well calculated for its growth; but an apprehension, on the part of the Dutch East-India Company, that its cultivation on Java might interfere with the wine trade of the Cape of Good Hope, induced them to discourage it, and the preparation of wine from the grape was strictly prohibited. Lieutenant- Colonel Mackenzie, when noticing the vast quantities of ashes thrown up from the different volcanos, makes the following observation on the eastern part of Java. " The soil of the " country is evidently enriched by the ashes and earth " emitted by these eruptions, and there is reason to conclude, " what persons well acquainted with the south of Europe “ assert, that the vines of Italy and the Cape would thrive in

perfection, in a soil and climate so well adapted to them." " VOL. I.

Among the vegetable productions of Java, none has excited more interest than the celebrated úpas, or poison-tree. Mr. Marsden, in his history of Sumatra*, has referred to various concurring authorities, in refutation of the very extraordinary tales told of this tree ; and, in this general account of the productions of Java, it may perhaps be sufficient to refer the reader to the particulars contained in the subjoined note †.

† Although a serious refutation of the gross imposition practised on the people of Europe, by the romance of Foersch on the subject of the upas, or celebrated poison-tree of Java, may at this day be in a great measure superfluous, as the world has long ceased to be the dupe of his story, and as regular series of experiments have been instituted, both in France and in England, to ascertain the nature and potency of the poison ; yet it may not be altogether displeasing to the reader to see in this place an authentic account of the poison, as drawn out by Dr. Horsfield at my request, and published in the seventh volume of the Batavian Transactions. Almost every one has heard of its fabulous history, which, from its extravagant nature, its susceptibility of poetical ornament, its alliance with the cruelties of a despotic government, and the sparkling genius of Darwin, whose purpose it answered to adopt and personify it as a malignant spirit (in his Lives of the Plants), has obtained almost equal currency with the wonders of the Lerna Hydra, the Chimera, or any other of the classic fictions of antiquity.

" produces this poison is the anchar, and grows in the eastern extremity

Of the useful or domestic quadrupeds it may be observed, that neither the elephant nor the camel is a native of Java :

" different mode of preparation, furnishes a poison far exceeding the upas " many, very short, covered with scales at the receptacle. The receptacle, " forests of Java. The stem is cylindrical, perpendicular, and rises com- " its surface becomes brown. The consistence very much resembles milk : " working in the fields. But it requires much bruising, washing, and a long

" Besides the true poison-tree, the upas of the Eastern Islands, and the

" anchar of the Javans, this island produces a shrub, which, as far as ob-

" servations have hitherto been made, is peculiar to the same, and, by a

" in violence. Its name is chetik, and its specific description will succeed

" to that of the anchar : the genus has not yet been discovered or des- " cribed.

"Dscirion or An.—The anchar belongs to the twenty-first

" class of Linnæeus, the monoecia. The male and female flowers are pro-

" duced in catkins (amenta) on the same branch, at no great distance

" from each other : the female flowers are in general above the male.

" The characters of the genus are :—MaLe flower; calix, consisting of se-

" veral scales, which are inbricate. Corol; none. Stamens; filaments

" on which the filaments are placed, has a conical form, abrupt, somewhat

"rounded above.—FexaLe flower; catkins, ovate. Calix; consisting

" of a number of scales (generally more than in the male), containing one

" flower. Corol ; none. Pistil; germ single, ovate. Styles; two, long,

" slender, and spreading. Stigmas; single and acute. Seed-vessel; an

" oblong drupe, covered with the calix. Seed; an ovate nut, with one cell. " Speciric Dscaiption.—The anchar is one of the largest trees in the

" pletely naked to the height of sixty, seventy, or eighty feet. Near the

" surface of the ground it spreads obliquely, dividing into numerous broad

" appendages or wings, much like the canarium commune (the canary-tree),

" and several other of our large forest trees. It is covered with a whitish

" bark, slightly bursting in longitudinal furrows. Near the ground this

" bark is, in old trees, more than half an inch thick, and upon being

" wounded yields plentifully the milky juice from which the celebrated

" poison is prepared. A puncture or incision being made into the tree, the

" juice or sap appears oozing out of a yellowish colour (somewhat frothy)

" from old, paler or nearly white from young trees; exposed to the air,

" it is more thick and viscid. This sap is contained in the true bark (or

" cortex), which, when punctured, yields a considerable quantity, so that

" in a short time a cup-full may be collected from a large tree. The inner

" bark (or liber) is of a close fibrous texture, like that of the morus pa-

" pyrifera, and when separated from the other bark, and cleansed from

" the adhering particles, resembles a coarse piece of linen. It has been

" worked into ropes, which are very strong; and the poorer class of peo-

" ple employ the inner bark of the younger trees, which is more easily

" prepared, for the purpose of making a coarse stuff which they wear in

" immersion, before it can be used, and when it appears completely purithe former is rarely imported, the latter unknown. Neither the ass nor mule is found; but the island has a fine breed of

" fied, persons wearing this dress being exposed to rain, are affected with " effect : and it is singular, that thisproperty of the prepared bark is known " Previous to the season of flowering, about the beginning of June, the "pleted the office of fecundation. It delights in a fertile, not very ele-

" an intolerable itehing, which renders their flimsy covering insupportable.

" It will appear from the account of the manner in which the poison is

" prepared, that the deleterious quality exists in the gum ; a small portion

" of which still adhering, produces, when exposed to wet, this irritating

" to the Javans in all places where the tree grows, while the preparation of

" a poison from its juice, which produces a mortal effeet when introduced

" into the body by pointed weapons, is an exclusive art of the inhabitants

" of the eastern extremity of the island. The stem of the anchar having

" arrived at the above-mentioned height, sends off a few stout branches,

" which spreading nearly horizontally with several irregular curves, divide

" into smaller branches, and form a hemispherical, not very regular, crown.

" tree sheds its leaves, which reappear when the male flowers have com-

" vated, soil, and is only found in the largest forests. One of the expe-

" riments to be related below was made with the upas prepared by myself.

" In the collection of the juice I had some difficulty in inducing the in-

" habitants to assist me ; they feared a cutaneous eruption and inflamma-

" tion, resembling (according to the account they gave of it) that produced

" by the ingas of this island, the rhus vernix of Japan, and the rhus

"radicans of North America. The anchar, like the trees in its neigh-

" bourhood, is on all sides surrounded by shrubs and plants : in no in-

" stance have I observed the ground naked or barren in its immediate cir-

" cumference. The largest tree I met with in Balambangan, was so closely

" environed by the common trees and shrubs of the forest in which it

"grew, that it was with difficulty I could approach it. Several vines and

" climbing shrubs, in complete health and vigour, adhered to it, and as-

" cended to nearly half its height ; and, at the time I visited the tree and

" collected the juice, I was forcibly struck with the egregious misrepre-

" sentation of Foersch. Several young trees spontaneously sprung from

" seeds that had fallen from the parent, put me in mind of a line in Dar-

" win's Botanic Garden :—

"' Chain'd at his root two scion-demons dwell;'

" while in recalling his beautiful description of the upas, my vicinity to

"the tree gave me reason to rejoice that it was founded in fiction.

"Dscirion o Citi.—The fructification of the chetik is

" still unknown : after all possible research in the district where it grows,

"I have not been able to find it in a flowering state. It is a large

"winding shrub. The root extends creeping a considerable distance

" parallel to the surface, sending off small fibres at different curves, while

"the main root strikes perpendicularly into the ground. The stem, small horses (járan), strong, fleet, and well made. A still finer breed is imported from Bima, on the neighbouring

" which in general is shrubby, sometimes acquires the size of a small tree.

"The poison is prepared from the bark of the root. The chetik grows

" only in close, shady, almost inaccessible forests, in a deep, black, fertile

" vegetable mould. It is very rarely met with even in the wildernesses

" of Balambangan.

" PAatioN OF T Poison FRom T An.—This process

"was performed for me by an old Javan, who was celebrated for his

" superior skill in preparing the poison : about eight ounces of the juice

" of the anchar, which had been collected the preceding evening in the

" usual manner, and been preserved in the joint of a bambu, was care-

" fully strained into a bowl. The sap of the following substanees, which

"had been finely grated and brnised, was carefully expressed and poured

" into it, viz. arum (nampu), kempferia galanga (kenehur), anomum

" (bengli) a variety of zerumbed, common onion and garlic, of each about

" half a drachm. The same quantity of finely powdered black pepper was

" then added, and the mixture stirred. The preparer now took an entire " middle of the bowl. It immediately began to reel round rapidly, now " when a seed of the capsicum being carefully placed in the centre of the " resembling the halo of the moon. This is considered as a sign that the " is then exposed to the fire again, and boiled down to nearly the consis-

" fruit of capsieum fructicosum or Guinea pepper, and having opened it,

" he carefully separated a single seed, and placed it on the fluid in the

" forming a regular cirele, then darting towards the margin of the vessel,

“ with a perceptible commotion on the surface of the liquor, which con-

" tinued about one minute. Being completely at rest, the same quantity

" of pepper was again added, and another seed of the capsicum laid on as

"before A similar commotion took place in the fluid, but in a less

" degree, and the seed was carried round with diminished rapidity. The

" addition of the same quantity of pepper was repeated a third time,

" fluid, remained quiet, forming a regular circle about itself in the fluid,

" preparation of the poison is complete.

"Pton T PoroN PRom T C.—The bark of " the root is carefully separated and cleared of all the adherent earth, a

" proportionate quantity of water is poured on, and it is boiled about an

"hour, when the fluid is carefully filtered through a white cloth; it

" tence of an extract; in this state it much resembles a thick syrup.

" The following spices, having been prepared as above described, are

" added in the same proportion as to the anchar, viz. kempferia galanga

" (kenchur), (súnti), anomum zingéber (shai), common onion, garlie, and

"black pepper. The expressed juice of these is poured into the vessel,

"which is once more exposed to the fire for a few minutes, when

"the preparation is complete. The upas of both kinds must be pre- " served in very close vessels."

Dr. H. then details the particulars of twenty experiments made on difisland of Sumbáwa, which by competent judges has been said to resemble the Arab in every respect except size. They

ferent animals with these poisons, as well in their simple state as procured from the bark, powerfully prepared in the manner as above stated, in which the violence of the poison was manifested; and concludes with some general observations, from which the following are extracted :

" The operation of the two different poisons on the animal system is " essentially different. The first seventeen experiments were made with

" the anchar. The rapidity of its effect depends in a great degree upon

" the size of the vessel wounded, and on the quantity of poison carried

" into the circulation. In the first experiment, it induced death in

" twenty-six minutes : in the second, which was made with the sap

"collected at Púgar, in thirteen minutes. The poison from dif-

" ferent parts of the island has been found nearly equal in activity.

"The common train of symptoms is; a trembling and shivering of

"the extremities, restlessness, erection of the hair, discharges from

" the bowels, drooping and faintness, slight spasms and convulsions,

" hasty breathing, an increased flow of saliva, spasmodie contractions of

" the pectoral and abdominal muscles, retching, vomiting, excremen-

" tatious vomiting, frothy vomiting, great agony, laborious breathing,

" repeated convulsions, and death. The effects are nearly the same on

" quadrupeds, in whatever part of the body the wound is made. It some-

" times acts with so much force, that not all the symptoms enumerated

" are observed. In these cases, after the premonitory symptoms (tremors,

" twitchings, faintness, an increased flow of saliva), the convulsions come

" on suddenly, and are quickly followed by death. The upas appears to

" affect quadrupeds with nearly equal force,.proportionate in some degree

" to their size and disposition. To dogs it proved mortal in most experi-

"ments within an hour; a mouse died in ten minutes; a monkey in

" seven ; a cat in fifteen ; a buffalo, one of the largest quadrupeds of the " island, died in two hours and ten minutes.

" If the simple or unprepared sap is mixed with the extract of tobacco,

" instead of the spices mentioned, it is rendered equally, perhaps more,

" active. Even the pure juice, unmixed and unprepared, appears to act

" with a force equal to that which has undergone the preparative process.

"Birds are very differently affected by this poison. Fowls have a peculiar

" capacity to resist its effects : a fowl died in twenty-four hours after the

" wound ; others have recovered after being partially affected.

"The eighteenth and succeeding experiments were made with the

"poison prepared from the chetik. Its operation is far more violent and

" rapid than that of the anchar, and it affects the animal system in a dif-

" ferent manner. While the anchar operates chiefly on the stomach, ali-

" mentary canal, the respiration and circulation, the chetik is determined

" to the brain and nervous system: a relative comparison of the appear-

"ances on dissection, demonstrates in a striking manner the peculiar

"operation of each. A general view of the effects of the chetik on quaseldom excced thirteen hands, and in gencral are below this standard.

" drupeds is given in these experiments. After the previous symptoms

" of faintness, drowsiness, and slight convulsions, it acts by a sudden

" impulse, which like a violent apoplexy prostrates at once the whole

" nervous system. In two of these experiments this sudden effect took

" place in the sixth minute after the wound, in another in the seventh

" minute: the animals suddenly started, fell down head foremost, and

" continued in convulsions until death ensued. This poison affects fowls

" in a much more violent manner than that of the anchar. They are first

" affected by a heat and itching of the breast and wings, which they shew

" by violently pecking those parts ; this is followed by a loose discharge

" from the bowels, when they are seized with tremors and fluttering of the

" wings, which having continued a short time, they fall down head fore-

" most, and continue convulsed till death. In some instances, particularly

" young fowls, the poison acts with great rapidity ; death has frequently

" occurred within the space of a minute after a puncture with a poisoned " dart.

" violent poison; but it requires about thrice the period to produce the

" Taken into the stomach of quadrupeds, the chetik acts as a most

" same effect which a wound produces. But the stomach of fowls can

" resist its operation. Having mixed about double the quantity generally

" adhering to a dart with the food of a fowl, it consumed it without

" shewing any marks of indisposition. The poison of the anehar does by

" no means act as violently on quadrupeds as that of the chetik. I have

" given it to a dog : it produced at first nearly the same symptoms as a

" puncture; oppression of the head, twitchings, faintness, laborious

" respiration, violent contraction of the pectoral and abdominal muscles,

"&e. which continued nearly two hours; but after the complete evacua-

" tion of the stomach by vomiting, the animal gradually recovered.

"I have but little to add concerning the operation of the anchar on the " human system. The only credible information on this subject is con-

" tained in the work of Rhumphius, who had an opportunity of person-

" ally observing the effect of the poisoned darts and arrows as they were

" used by the natives of Makasar, in their attack on Amboyna about the " year 165o. They were also employed by the inhabitants of Celebes in

" their former wars with the Dutch. Speaking of their operation he says,

"' the poison touching the warm blood, it is instantly carried through

" ' the whole body, so that it may be felt in all the veins, and causes an

"'excessive burning, particularly in the head, which is followed by

"' fainting and death.' This poison (according to the same author)

"possesses different degrees of virulence, according to its age and state

" of preservation. The most powerful is called upas raja, and its effects

" are considered as incurable ; the other kinds are distributed among the

" soldiers on going to war. After having proved mortal to many of the

"Dutch soldiers in Amboyna and Makasar, they finally discovered an

The bull and cow (sápi or lémbu) are general, but much more so in the central and eastern districts than in the western. The breed has been greatly improved by the species introduced from continental India. But the animal of most essential and general use in the agriculture of the country is the buffalo (kábu, maísa, or múnding), a particular account of which will appear in the chapter on Agriculture. Goats (wedús) are numerous and of a small size: sheep (called here European goats) are scarce and small. As in other sultry climates, the latter have a coarse woollen coat, which is employed for stuffing saddles, pillows, &c. but it is in so little request that the inhabitants are rarely at the trouble of shearing for it. The hog (cheleng) is reared principally among the Chinese.

Of beasts of prey may be enumerated several species of the tiger, as the máchan lóreng (felis tigris), máchan gogor (a variety), máchan tútul (probably the small leopard of Pennant), máchan kombang and kúwuk, the smallest kind, called tigercats. The jackal, and several varieties of the wild-dog; as the ásu wáwar, ásu ájag, or ásu kíki ; and among other wild quadrupeds, the rhinoceros, and bánteng, or wild Javan ox, the wild-hog and the stag: the last, as well as the rib-faced and axis deer, is tamed and fattened for food. The aggregate number of mammalia on Java have been estimated at about fifty. The habits and manners of the larger animals, the tiger, leopard, black tiger, rhinoceros and stag, and two species of deer, the varieties of the wild-hog, &c. are sufficiently known; but the bánteng, or Javan ox, the Javan buffalo, the varieties of the wild-dog, those of the weasel and squirrel, and most of the other smaller quadrupeds, still present curious subjects for the study of the naturalist. Next to the rhinoceros, which sometimes (though rarely at present) injures plantations, the wild-hogs are the most destructive animals. They are often poisoned (or intoxicated, according to the quantity they consume) by the kálák kámbing, or by the remains from the preparation of brom. The practice of suspending rags impregnated with urine, at small distances around the plantations, is universal over the whole island. These animals are said to have so violent an aversion to this odour, that even this " feeble barrier" is useful in preserving the plantations.

Musk, called dedes, is procured from the rasé.

Although the same qualities are ascribed to them here as in other countries, bezoars are comparatively scarce in Java; and those occasionally found in the maritime capitals are uniformly brought from other countries. The hog-deer and Nicobar pigeon are not natives; and although wild-hogs, in which bezoars are said to be found, are very abundant, they are never examined or approached by the natives. Every extraordinary concretion, calculus, ossification, &c. found in any part of an animal, is called mustíka, which corresponds to the bezoar of the Arabs, Persians, &c. A concretion of feathers found in the stomach of a fowl is called mustika áyam, and is carefully preserved. A stony concretion, discovered accidentally by the rattling of a human skull exposed for many years to the action of the sun, has been denominated mustíka órang, and the most salutary virtues ascribed to it. Analogous to the bezoars, must be considered the horns of the rhinoceros, whose virtues are highly prized.

Among the domestic fowls, or poultry, are the turkey, which is comparatively scarce, and chiefly raised for the tables of Europeans; the goose, which is very common near all the establishments of Europeans; the bébek, or duck, abundant in every part of the island; the common fowl and pigeons. Among the birds of prey, the eagle is not found; but there are several varieties of the falcon, of which the jóko wuru is the largest; also the carrion crow and the owl. Of the parrot kind, two only, the bétet and selindit,are found on Java. The peacock (merák), is very common in Targe forests. The number of distinct species of birds has been estimated not greatly to exceed two hundred, of which upwards of one hundred and seventy have been described, and are already contained in the collections made on account of the English East India Company.

The dorsal feathers of the white heron, and the vent feathers of the sándang láwé, are employed, as substitutes for ostrich feathers, by the natives, for plumes, &c. It is very rarely that the feathers of geese, &c. are employed for beds or pillows, the silky cotton of the kápok being preferred on account of its coolness. For ornamenting the arrows of the natives, the feathers of some of the falcon tribe are chiefly employed.

Among the interesting subjects which still remain open for search, are the habits and constitution of the hirundo esculenta, the small swallow which forms the edible nests, annually exported in large quantities from Java and the Eastern Islands for the Chinese market. These birds not only abound among the cliffs and caverns of the south coast of the island, but inhabit the fissures and caverns of several of the mountains and hills in the interior of the country. From every observation which has been made on Java, it has been inferred, that the mucilaginous substance, of which the nests are formed, is not, as has been generally supposed, obtained from the ocean. The birds, it is true, generally inhabit the caverns in the vicinity of the sea, as agreeing best with their habits, and affording them the most convenient retreats for attaching their nests to ; but several caverns are found inland, at a distance of forty or fifty miles from the sea, containing nests similar to those on the shore. From many of their retreats along the southern coast, they haye been observed to take their flight in an inland direction, towards the pools, lakes, and extensive marshes covered with stagnant water, as affording them abundance of their food, which consists of flies, musquitos, gnats, and small insects of every description. The sea that washes the foot of the cliffs, where they most abound, is almost always in a state of the most violent agitation, and affords none of those substances which have been supposed to constitute the food of the esculent swallow. Another species of swallow on this island forms a nest, in which grass or moss, &c. are merely agglutinated by a substance, exactly similar to that of which exclusively the edible nests consist. This substance, from whatever part of these regions the nests be derived, is essentially uniform, differing only in the colour, according to the relative age of the nests. It exhibits none of those diversities which might be expected, if it were collected casually (like the mud employed by the martin, and the materials commonly employed in nest-making), and applied to the rocks. If it consisted of the substances usually supposed, it would be putrescent and diversified.

Dr. Horsfield thinks that it is an animal elaboration, perhaps a kind of secretion ; but to determine its nature accurately, it should be carefully analyzed, the anatomy of the bird should be investigated, and its character and habits watched.

The kayman of the Dutch, the boáya of the Malays, and the bóyo or bájul of the Javans, which abounds along the shores and in the principal rivers of the island,resembles more the crocodile of Egypt than that of the Ganges, or the American alligator. The character of the lacerta crocodiles, as given in the Systema Natura, applies to the Javan crocodile, with this difference, that in the latter the two crests of the tail coalesce towards the extremity, in which respect it agrees with that of the Ganges; but its head and jaws are broad, and rounded. In its manners, habits, and destructive qualities, it resembles the largest animals of this genus. Next to the crocodile in size is the bécak of the Malays, or menyáwak or selira of the Javans. It sometimes attains the length of six or seven feet, and lives near the banks of rivers and marshes. Its character agrees with those of the lacerta monitor. It is erroneously denominated the guana by Europeans. The eggs of this animal, as well as of the crocodile, are eaten by the natives, and the fat is collected for medical purposes. A small lizard, the búnglon of the Javans, is erroneously called the chameleon, in consequence of the property of changing its colour. It has the specific characters of the guana, but is much smaller, seldom excceding eighteen or twenty inches in length. There are various other lizards.

Two varieties of the turtle, pényu and pényu kombang, are found in the seas surrounding Java. Both yield the substance called tortoise-shell, but they are seldom taken of sufficient size to render it valuable: the flesh is excellent. Another kind, of which the species is unknown, renders a thicker shell. Kúro is the name of the common land-tortoise, which is found very abundantly in particular districts.

Besides the rana esculenta, green frog (kódok ijù of the Javans) which is frequently eaten, and the kódok benju, there is the common toad, kódok, and the bánkong and kíntel. The frog-fish (rana paradosa), or a variety of it, is also found on the island, and has been exhibited in the same supposed metamorphosis as in other countries. No noxious quality of any of these animals is here known.

It is uncertain whether the boa constrictor be found on Java. The serpent usually called the úlar sáwa is a species of coluber, and has been described in one of the volumes of the Batavian Transactions ; but several other species are found which arrive at a very large size. One of them, the úlar lánang, is very much dreaded by the natives, and said to be poisonous. Of the úlar sáwa there are several varieties, one of which, úlar sáwa máchan, is most beautifully varicgated. Upwards of twenty serpents are enumcrated as poisonous. The úlar lámpe is found at or near the discharge of large rivers into the ocean, and is more abundant in some districts than in others. This is greatly dreaded by the natives ; its bite however is rarely mortal, and the effects are comparatively slow, death seldom occurring within twenty-four hours from the time of its infliction. No remedies which deserve notice are known by the natives: charms and superstitious applications are generally resorted to. The most remarkable serpent is the úlar kádul, or kárang. The úlar lánang, and some of the varieties úlar sáwa are slender, and possess considerable agility. According to the account of the natives, they frequently ascend trees, and suspending themselves by the extremity of their tail, seize upon small animals passing below; but the true úlar sáwa of the Eastern Javans is slow, thick, and unwieldy. Nothing which could illustrate its supposed power of fascination has been noticed.

Of the fish most commonly used for food by the natives, many of which are excellent and abundant, thirty-four specics of river fish, seven found chiefly in pools or stagnant waters, and sixteen sea fish, are already enumerated by Dr. Horsfield. The classes of amphibia and pisces, doubtless, afford many new subjects for investigation. Valentyn enumerates five hundred and twenty-cight uncommon kinds of fish found in the waters of the Eastern Islands.

Honey and wax are produced by three species of bees, inhabiting the largest forests, but they are both collected in very inconsiderable quantities. Bees are occasionally domesticated by the Arabs and Indians near the large settlements, but never by the natives. Silk-worms were once introduced by the Dutch near Batavia, but attention to them did not extend anong the natives. The chrysalis of the large atlas affords a coarse silk, which is however not collected for use. To the fruit, several insects, and to the corn while in the ear, a peculiar species, generally known by the name of wálangsángíl, are most destructive. The latter has in some years destroyed the growth of whole districts, and occasioned partial scarcity. The natives attempt, in some instances, to extirpate it by burning chaff and brinstone in the ficlds. There are scorpions and centipedes, but their bite is considered of little consequence: the natives generally apply a cataplasm of onions to the wound. The class of insects affords many new objects ; specimens of most of the genus papilio, and many of other genera have already been collected.

Java does not afford the same opportunities for beautiful collections of shells as the Moluccas, Papua, and other Islands. Along the northern coast, few shells are found of beauty or variety, and the corallines have mostly lost their integrity by attrition; but the extensive bays in the southern shore contain many of these objects in a state of beauty and perfection.

CHAPTER II.

Origin of the Natives—Javans compared with Maláyus and Búgis—Comparative Progress of the three Races—Foreign Influence—Persons of the Natives—Manners—Population—Inequality of it accounted for—Population Tables—Increuse of Population—Foreign Settlers—Chinese—Búgis— Maláyus—Moors—Arabs—Slaves—Gradations of Rank among the Javans —Their Habitations, Dress, and Food.

TíE inhabitants of Java seem to owe their origin to the same stock, from which most of the islands lying to the south of the eastern Peninsula of Asia appear to have been first peopled. This stock is evidently Tartar, and has, by its nunerous and wide-spreading branehes, not only extended itself over the Indian Archipelago, but over the neighbouring Continent. "To judge from external appearance, that is to say, from "shape, size, and feature," observes Dr. Francis Buchanan, in his Notices on the Birman Empire *, " there is one very " extensive nation that inhabits the east of Asia. It includes " the eastern and western Tartars of the Chinese authors, the " Calmucs, the Chinese, the Japanese, and other tribes inha- "biting what is called the Peninsula of India beyond the " Ganges, and the islands to the south and east of this, as " far at least as New Guinea."—" This nation," adds the same author, " may be distinguished by a short, squat, robust, " fleshy stature, and by features highly different from those of " an European. The face is somewhat in shape of a lozenge, " the forehead and chin being sharpened, whilst at the cheek " bones it is very broad. The eyebrows, or superciliary ridges, " in this nation, project very little, and the eyes are very " narrow, and placed rather obliquely in the head, the ex- " ternal angles being the highest. The nose is very small, " but has not, like that of the negro, the appearance of being " flattened, and the apertures of the nostrils, which in the

" European are linear and parallel, in them are nearly cir-

" cular and divergent, for the septum narium being much

" thickest towards the face, places them entirely out of the

" parallel line. The mouths of this nation are in general well

" shaped; their hair is harsh, lank, and black. Those of

" them that live even in the highest climates do not obtain the

" deep hue of the negro or Hindu; nor do such of them as

" live in the coldest climates acquire the clear bloom of the

" European."

But although the Javans are to be included under this general description, it does not follow that they bear an exact, or very striking resemblance, in person and feature, to the Chinese or Japanese, nor even that they are liable to be confounded with the Birnans or Siamese. From, the former, indeed, they are far removed by many obvious characteristics; and though more nearly resembling the latter, they possess many peculiarities, which mark them out to the most careless observer as a race distinct and separate for ages, though still retaining general traces of a common origin. As we approach the limits of savage life, and recur to that inartificial, unimproved state of society, in which the primitive divergence may be supposed to have taken place, we shall find the points of resemblance incrcased, and the proofs of a common descent multiplied. The less civilized of the tribes inhabiting the islands, approach so nearly, in physical appearance, to that portion of the inhabitants of the Peninsula, which has felt least of the Chinese influence on the one side, and of the Birman and Siamese on the other, and exhibit so striking an affinity in their usages and customs, as to warrant the hypothesis that the tide of population originally flowed towards the islands, from that quarter of the Continent lying between Siam and China. But at what era this migration commenced; whether, in the first instance, it was purely accidental and subsequently gradual; or whether, originally, it was undertaken from design, and accelerated, at any particular periods, by political convulsions on the Continent, we cannot at present determine with any certainty, as we have no data on which to rely with confidence. It is probable, however, that the islands were peopled at a very remote period, and long before the Birman and Siamese nations rose into notice.

Whatever opinion may be formed on the identity of the tribes inhabiting these Islands and the neighbouring Peninsula, the striking resemblance in person, feature, language, and customs, which prevails throughout the whole Archipelago, justifies the conclusion, that its original population issued from the same source, and that the peculiarities which distinguish the different nations and comnunities into which it is at present distributed, are the result of a long separation, local circumstances, and the intercourse of foreign traders, emigrants, or settlers.

Excluding the Philippines, as distant from the scene of our present observations, it nay be noticed, that of the three chief nations in these islands, occupying respectively Java, Sumatra, and Celebes, the first has, especially by its moral habits, by its superior civilization and improvements, obtained a broader and more marked characteristic than the others. Both the Malayan and Búgis nations are maritime and com mercial, devoted to speculations of gain, animated by a spirit of adventure, and accustomed to distant and hazardous enterprises; while the Javans, on the contrary, are an agricultural race, attached to the soil, of quiet habits and contented dispositions, almost entirely unacquainted with navigation and foreign trade, and little inclined to engage in cither. This difference of character nay perhaps be accounted for, by the great superiority of the soil of Java to that of the other two islands.

It is to be regretted, that our information on the state and progress of society in these islands is scanty, as Europeans only became acquainted with them when they were on their decline. The Malayan empire, which once extended over all Sumatra *, and the capital of which is still nominally at Menáng-kábaù on that island, had long been dismembered; but its colonies were found established on the coasts of the Peninsula and throughout the Islands, as far east as the Moluccas. The Mahometan institutions had considerably obliterated their ancient character, and had not only obstructed their improvement, but had accelerated their decline. Traditional history concurs with existing monuments, in proving them to have formerly made considerable advances in those arts, to which their industry and ingenuity were particularly directed, and they still bear marks of that higher state of civilization which they once enjoyed.

What the Malayan empire was on Sumatra, in the western part of the Archipelago, that of Guah or Mengkásar, was on Celebes in the east; but the people of this latter nation, whom we may generally designate by the name of Búgis, had not been equally influenced by foreign settlers nor exposed to the inroads of the Arab missionaries, and they consequently maintained their ancient worship and their native institutions for a longer period. Like the Maláyus, they sent forth numerous colonies, and at one period extended the success of their arms as far west as Acheen on Sumatra, and Kéddah on the Malayan peninsula, and in almost every part of the Archipelago, Malayan and Búgis settlers and establishments are to be found.

The Javans, on the contrary, being an agricultural people, are seldom met with out of their native island. At one period of their history, indeed, their power seems to have been exerted in acquiring or perpetuating foreign dominion, and they seem to have sent out colonies to Borneo, the Peninsnla, Sumatra, and probably Celebes: but when Europeans became acquainted with them, their external influence appears to have been contracted, and their sovereignty nearly confined within the limits of Java itself. Their foreign establishments thns receiving fron them no protection, and deriving no advantage from nominal obedience, declared their independence: and, having but little communication with the mother-country, soon became assimilated to the character, and merged into the body of the Malayan nation.

The comparative advancement of these. three nations in the arts of civilized life, seems to be directly as the fertility of the soil they occupied, or the inducements they held out to foreign intercourse; and inverscly, as the indulgence of their own roving, adventurous spirit, and piratical habits. The arts never fix their roots but in a crowded population, and a crowded population is generally created only on a fertile territory. Egypt, from the fertility of soil and the consequent density of its population, led the way in science and refinement among ancient nations; while the sterile tracts conti-

VOL. I.

guous to that favoured land have been inhabited, from primeval times, by dispersed tribes of unimproved barbarians. In like manner, Java having become populous from its natural fertility, and having, by its wealth and the salubrity of its climate, invited the visits of more enlightened strangers, soon made great progress in arts and knowledge ; while the Búgis, being more deficient in these advantages, have been left considerably behind in the race of inprovement. They may lay claim, however, to the most originality of character.

It will be the objeet of another part of this work, to trace the source of that foreign influence, to which these three nations are principally indebted for their civilization : here, therefore, it may not be necessary to advert to the circumstance further, than by generally observing, that from western Asia they received the rudinents and impulse of improvement; an inference abundantly justified by the extensive remains of the arts, institutions, and languages of that country, which are still to be found throughout the Arehipelago.

The inhabitants of Java and Madúra are in stature rather below the middle size, though not so short as the Búgis and many of the other islanders. They are, upon the whole, well shaped, though less remarkably so than the Maláyus, and erect in their figures. Their linbs are slender, and the wrists and ankles particularly small. In general, they allow the body to retain its natural shape. The only exeeptions to this observation are, an attempt to prevent the growth, or to reduce the size of the waist, by compressing it into the narrowest limits ; and the practice still more injurious to female elegance, of drawing too tightly that part of the dress which covers the bosom. Deformity is very rare among them. The forehead is high, the eyebrows, well marked and distant from the eyes, which are somewhat Chinese, or rather Tartar, in the formation of the inner angle. The colour of the eye is dark; the nose small and somewhat flat, but less so than that of the islanders in general. The mouth is well formed, but the lips are large, and their beauty generally injured by the practice of filing and dyeing the teeth black, and by the use of tobacco, siri, &c. The cheek-bones are usually prominent; the beard very scanty; the hair of the head generally lank and black, but sometimes waving in curls, and partially tinged with a deep reddish brown colour. The countenance is mild, placid and thoughtful, and easily expresses respect, gaiety, earnestness, indifference, bashfulness, or anxiety.

In complexion, the Javans, as well as the other eastern islanders, may be considered rather as a yellow than a coppercoloured or black race. Their standard of beauty, in this respect, is " a virgin-gold colour:" except perhaps in some few districts in the mountainous parts of the country, where a ruddy tinge is occasioned by the climate, they want the degree of red requisite to give them a copperish hue. It may be observed, however, that they are generally darker than the tribes of the neighbouring islands; especially the inhabitants of the castern districts, who may indeed be considered as having more delicate features, and bearing a more distinct impression of Indian colonization, than those of the Western or Súnda districts. The Súndas exhibit many features of a mountainous race. They are shorter, stouter, hardier, and more active men, than the inhabitants of the coast and eastern districts. In some respects they resemble the Madurese, who display a more martial and independent air, and move with a bolder carriage than the natives of Java. A considerable difference exists in person and features between the higher and lower classes; more indeed than seems attributable to difference of employment and treatment. The features and limbs of the chiefs are more delicate, and approach more nearly to those of the inhabitants of Western India, while those of the common people retain more marked traces of the stock from which the islands were originally peopled. In colour there are many different shades in different families and different districts, some being much darker than others. Among many of the chiefs a strong mixture of the Chinese is clearly discernible : the Arab features are seldom found, except among the priests, and some few families of the highest rank.

The women, in general, are not so good-looking as the men : and to Europeans many of them, particularly when advanced in years, appear hideously ugly. But among the lower orders, much of this deficiency of personal comeliness is doubtless to be attributed to the severe duties which they have to perform in the field, to the hardships they have to undergo in carrying oppressive burdens, and to exposure in a sultry climate. On the neighbouring island of Báli, where the condition of the women among the peasantry does not appear by any means so oppressed and degraded, they exhibit considerable personal beauty ; and even on Java, the higher orders of them being kept within-doors, have a very decided superiority in this respect.

In manners the Javans are casy and courteous, and respeetful even to timidity ; they have a great sense of propriety, and are never rude or abrupt. In their deportment they are pliant and graceful, the people of condition carrying with them a considerable air of fashion, and receiving the gaze of the curious without being at all disconcerted. In their delivery they are in general very cireumspect and even slow, though not deficient in anination when necessary.

Here, as on Sumatra, there are certain mountainous districts, in which the people are subject to those large wens in the throat, termed in Europe goitres. The cause is generally aseribed by the natives to the quality of the water ; but there seens good ground for concluding, that it is rather to be traced to the atmosphere. In proof of this it may be mentioned, that there is a village near the foot, of the Teng'gar mountains, in the eastern part of the island, where every family is afficted by this malady, while in another village, situated at a greater elevation, and through which the stream descends which serves for the use of both, there exists no such deformity. These wens are considered hereditary in some families, and seem thus independent of situation. A branch of the family of the present Adipáti of Bándung is subject to them, and it is remarkable that they prevail chiefly among the women in that family. They neither produce positive suffering nor oceasion carly death, and may be considered rather as deformities than diseases. It is never attempted to remove them.

The population of Java is very unequally distributed, whether we consider the fertility or the extent of the districts over which it is spread. The great mass of it lies in the eastern and native districts, as will be perceived from the annexed tables.

'The table No. I., is compiled from materials collected by a committee appointed on the first establishment of the British government, to enquire and report on the state of the country. It will be found to illustrate, in some degree, the proportionate numbers of the different ranks and classes of society in the island. Beyond this, however, it cannot be depended upon, as the returns of which it is an abstract were made at a period when the Dutch system of administration provisionally remained in force ; and every new enquiry into the state of the country being at that time considered by the people as a prelude to some new tax or oppression, it became an object with them to conceal the full extent of the population: accordingly it was found to differ essentially in amount fron the results of information subsequently obtained on the introduction of the detailed land-revenue settlement, when an agreement with each individual cultivator becoming necessary to the security of his possession, he seldom failed to satisfy the necessary enquiries. The table No. H., here exhibited, at least as far as regards the European provinces, may therefore be considered as faithful a view of the population of the country as could be expected, and as such, notwithstanding the inaecuracies to which all such accounts are liable, it is presented with some confidence to the publie.

It was formed in the following manner. A detailed account of the peasantry of each village was first taken, containing the name of each male inhabitant, with other particnlars, and from the aggregate of these village lists a general statement was constructed ofthe inhabitants of each subdivision and district. An abstract was again drawn up from these provincial accounts, exhibiting the state of each resideney in which the districts were respectively included, and the totals of these last, collected into one tabular view, constitute the present abstract. The labour of this detailed survey was considerable, for as each individual cultivator was to receive a lease corresponding with the register taken, it was necessary that the land he rented should be carefully measured and assessed *.

No. II.

TABLE ezhibiting.the POPULATION of JAVA and MADURA, according to a Census taken by the Bartis GoveaNmeNt, in the Year 1815.

Me.—The-Population of the principal European capitals included in the above, is estimated as follows

Batavia and its immediate Suburbs ...... 60,000

Semarang .... 20,000

The population of Sura.kerta, the principal nativecapital is estimated at 105,000.

25,000

That of Yugya-kerta at somewhat less. * This includes the population of Pachitan under the European government,

amounting to about ,000. + This does not include the dopendent islands, on which a considerable portion of the population is scattered.

By the last table, it appears that in some districts the population is in the ratio of two hundred and eighty-one to a square mile, while in others it is not more than twenty-four and three quarters: in the districts of Banyuwángí it is even as low as seven. The soil in the eastern districts is generally considered superior to that in the western, and this circumstance, added to the superior facilities which they afford to commerce, may serve to account for their original selection as the chief seat of the native governnent, and consequently for their denser population at an early period.

This disproportion was also promoted by the policy of the Duteh Company. The Datch first established themselves in the western division, and having no coufidence in the natives, endeavoured to drive them from the vicinity of Batavia, with the view of establishing round thcir metropolis an extensive and desert barrier. The forced services and forced deliveries, which extended wherever Dutch influenee could be felt, and of whieh more will be said hereafter, contributed to inpoverish, and thereby to depopulate the country. The drain also of the surrounding districts, to supply the place of the multitudes who perished by the unhealthy climate of Batavia, must have been enormous ; and if to these we add the checks to population, which were created over Bantam, the Priáng'en Regencies, and Chéribon, in the pepper and coffee cultivation, of thie nature of which an account will be given when treating of the agriculture of the country, we need go no further to account for the existing disproportion. It was only about sixty years ago that the Dutch government first obtained a decided influence in the eastern districts, and from that moment, the provinces subjected to its authority ceased to improve, and extensive emigrations took place into the dominions of the native princes. Such were the effects of this desolating system, that the population of the province of Banyuwángi, which in 1750 is said to have amounted to upwards of eighty thousand souls, was in 1811 reduced to cight thousand.

The Priáng'en Regencies, from their inland situation and mountginous character, may probably have at all tiines been less closely peopled than other parts of the island, and their insufficient population would furnish no proofs of the oppressions of government, did we not observe extensive tracts, nay whole districts, exhibiting the traces of former cultivation, now lying waste and overgrown with long rank grass. Chéribon and Bantam have shared the same fate. These provinces, according to authentic accounts, were at the period of the first establishment of the European government, among the richest and most populous of the island. In 1811 they were found in a state of extreme poverty, affording little or no revenue, and distracted by all the aggravated niseries of continued insurrections.

If we look at Calentta, Madras, and Bombay, the capitals of the British government in India : if we look at the great cities of every nation in Europe ; nay, if we even confine ourselves to the capitals of the native princes on Java, we shall find that population has always aceumulated in their vicinity. And why was not this the case with the Dutch capital? The climate alone will not explain it. Bad government was the principal cause; a system of policy which secured neither person nor property—selfish, jealous, vexatious, and tyrannical. It is no less true than remarkable, that wherever the Duteh influence has prevailed in the Eastern Seas, depopulation has followed. The Moluceas particularly have suffered at least as much as any part of Java, and the population of those Islands, reduced as it is, has been equally oppressed and degraded.

It was fortunate for the interests of hunanity, and for the importance of Java, that the native governments were less oppressive than the sway of their European conquerors, and that their states afforded a retreat from a more desolating tyranny. It has been ascertained, that, on the first establishment of the Dutch in the eastern part of the Island, the inhabitants of whole districts at once migrated into the native provinces. Every new act of rigour, every unexpected exaction, occasioned a further migration, and cultivation was transferred to tracts which had previously scarcely a family on them. This state of things continued down to the latest date of the Dutch government. During the administration of Marshal Daendels, in the years 1808, 1809, and 1810, nearly all the inhabitants of the province of Demák, one of the richest in the eastern districts, fled into the native provinces; and when an order was given for the rigid enforeement of the coffee monopoly, every district suffered in its population, in proportion to the extent of service levied upon it. Of the sacrifice of lives by thousands and tens of thousands, to fill the ranks of the Dutch native army, and to construct roads and public works, we shall speak more at large hereafter.

The total population of Java and Madúra appears from the Table No. II., to amount to 4,615,270, of which about four millions and a half may be considered as the indigenous population of the country, and the rest as foreign settlers. Itinerants, who are principally found along the coast in the different maritine and commercial capitals, are not included ; neither is the nautical population, whieh cannot be estimated at less than 30,ooo souls; so that the whole population of these two islands may, perhaps, be taken in round numbers at not much less than five millions. Of these not less than three millions are in the provinces immediately subject to European authority, and upwards of a million and a half in the provinces of the native princes.

While the British were in possession of Java, there is reason to believe that the population of the Island was rapidly inereasing ; that of the provinces inmediately under the European authority was certainly augmented by the return of numerous families from emigration : but previously to that period, no such anthentic registers were kept as might enable us to ascertain with precision the variations in the number of the inhabitants during the Dutch government.

Nothing can more completely shew the vague and defeetive information formerly attainable on this subject, than the loose and contradictory statements published by those who took most pains to be well informed, and who felt it their duty to collect all the light that could be attained. In some accounts which have met the publie eye, the population of Java is placed on a level with that of the most powerful European states, and assumed as high as thirty millions, while in others, where one would expect more accuracy *, it is rated at only a million. The most respectable authorities † state the population about a century ago at three millions; but the slightest reflection will convince us, that such an estimate must have proceeded upon data merely conjectural, for from our knowledge of the Dutch maxims of administration we may safely say, that until very lately, they never thought it an object to prosecute statistic enquiries, and that if ever they had done so, under the old system, they could have obtained no results deserving of confidence or credit.

About the year 1750, a certain number of families were assigned by the stipulations of a treaty to one of the native princes *; and on his death, about thirty years afterwards, when an account was taken of this population, it appeared that the nunber of fanilies had nearly doubled. But this increase cannot be taken as the average inerease of the Island, for at this period the native provinces received a considerable accession to their numbers, in consequence of the emigrations from the Dutch territories.

If any inference can be drawn fron this and other corresponding circumstances, it would seem, that notwithstanding the drains on the existing race, and the preventive checks to an inerease, which were experieneed during the latter years of the Dutch administration, the island was actually more populous in 1811, when it was surrendered to the British, than in 1750, when at the termination of a destructive war, the Dutch acquired the greatest portion of it from the natives.

To support the opinion of an increase within the last half century (which is every where asserted) we have the assurance, that during that period the greatest internal tranquillity prevailed in the provinces subject to native aduinistration ; that no years of scarcity and famine were experienced, and that the island was blessed with genial seasons and abundance of subsistence. But to place in the opposite scale, we have the government oppressions to which we formerly alluded, and which one would suppose sufficient to counteract the natural tendency of these advantages. As demonstrative of the strength of that principle of population, which could even maintain its stationary amount in conflict with political drains and discouragements, it may be proper to mention cursorily a few of them. Great demands were, at all times, made on the-peasantry ofthe island, to recruit the ranks of the.Dutch army, and to supply

• The grandfather of the present Prince Prang Wedóno.

the many other wants of the public service ; the severities and consequent mortality to which the troops were liable, may be calculated, from the reluctance of the unfortunate wretches, selected as victims of military conscription, to engage in the duties of a military life. Confined in unhealthy garrisons, exposed to unnecessary hardships and privations, extraordinary casualties took place among them, and frequent new levies became necessary, while the anticipation of danger and suffering produced an aversion to the service, which was only aggravated by the subsequent measures of cruelty and oppression. The conscripts raised in the provinces were usually sent to the metropolis by water; and though the distance be but short between any two points of the island,a mortality,similar tothat of aslaveship in the middle passage, took place on board these receptacles of reluetant reeruits. They were generally confined in the stocks till their arrival at Batavia, and it is calculated that for every man that entered the army and perforned the duties of a soldier, several lives were lost. Besides the supply of the army, one half of the male population of the country was constantly held in readiness for other publie services ; and thus a great portion of the effective hands were taken from their families, and detained at a distance from home, in labours which broke their spirit and exhausted their strength. During the administration of Marshal Daendels, it has been calculated that the construction of public roads alone, destroyed the lives of at least ten thousand workmen. The transport of governnent stores, and the capricious requisitions of government agents of all classes, perpetually harassed, and frequently carried off numbers of the people. If to these drains we add the waste of life occasioned by insurrections, which tyranny and iinpolicy excited and fomented in Chéribon, the blighting effects of the coffee monopoly, and forced services in the Priáng'en Regencies, and the still more desolating operation of the policy pursued and consequent anarchy produced in the province of Bantam, we shall have some idea of the depopulating causes that existed under the Dutch administration, and the foree of that tendency to increase, which could overcome obstacles so powerful.

Most of these drains and checks were removed during the short period of British administration ; but it is to be regretted

(so far as accurate data on this subject would be desirable) that there was not time to learn satisfactorily the result of a different system, or to institute the proper registers, by which alone questions of population can be determined. The only document of that kind, to which 1 ean venture to refer as authentic, is a statement of the births and deaths that oceurred in the given general population of the Priáng'en Regencies for one year. From this account it would appear, that even in these Regeneies, where, if we except Batavia, the cheeks to population are allowed to be greater than elsewhere, the births were to the total existing population as 1 to 39, and the deaths as 1 to 40 very nearly; that the births exceed the deaths by 618, or about 1 in 40, in a population of 232,000, and that, at that rate, the population would double itself in three hundred and seventy-five years. A slow increase, certainly, compared with England, where the births, in the three years ending 1800, were to the persons alive as 1 in 36, and the deaths as 1 to 49, and where, consequently, the nation would double itself in one hundred and sixty years (or taking the enumeration of 1s11 as more correct, where the population would be doubled in eighty years) : but not much slower than that of France, where, according to the statements of nunbers in 1700 and 1790, about three hundred years would be required to double the inhabitants. It has been estimated that the population in some more favourable distriets would double itself in fifty years. One inference caunot fail to be drawn from the register to which I have referred; that the births and deaths, thongh they nearly approach each other, are low, compared with the existing numbers; and that, consequently, the climate is healthy, and the marriages not very prolific, as far as this district is concerned.

In the absence of authentic documents, which would have enabled us to resolve many interesting questions regarding the population, such as the number of children to a marriage, the ordinary length of life, the proportion of children that die in infancy and at the other stages of life, the ratio between the births and deaths, and the consequent rate of increase, the effect of polygamy and multiplied divorces, the comparative healthiness of the towns and the villages, and several others,— I shall state a few observations on some of these heads, and a few facts tending to shew, that under a better system of government, or by the removal of a few of the checks that previously existed, Java might, in a short time, be expected to be better peopled.

The soil is in general extremely fertile, and ean be brought to yield its produce with little labour. Many of the best spots still remain uncultivated, and several districts are almost desert and neglected, which might be the seats of a crowded and happy peasantry. In many places, the land does not require to be cleared, as in America, from the overgrown vegetation of primeval forests, but offers its services to the husbandman, almost free from every obstruction to his immediate labours. The agricultural life in which the mass of the people are engaged, is on Java, as in every other country, the most favourable to health. It not only favours the longevity of the existing race, but conduces to its more rapid renewal, by leading to carly marriages and a numerous progeny. The term of life is not much shorter than in the best climates of Europe. A very considerable number of persons of both sexes attain the advanced age of seventy or eighty, and some even live to one hundred and upwards ; nearly the same proportion survive forty and fifty, as in other genial climates.

While life is thus healthy and prolonged, there are no restraints upon the formation of fuuily connexions, by the scarcity of subsisteuce or the labour of supporting children. Both sexes arrive at maturity very carly, and the customs of the country, as well as the nature of the climate, impel them to marry young; the males at sixteen, and the females at thirteen or fourteen years of age : though frequently the women form connexions at nine or ten, and, as Montesquieu expresses it, " infaney and marriage go together." The convenienees which the married couple require are few and easily procured. The impulse of nature is seldom checked by the experience of present deficiencies, or the fear of future poverty. Subsistence is procured without difficulty, and comforts are not wanting. Children, who are for a very short period a burden to their parents, become carly the means of assistance and the source of wealth. To the peasant who labours his field with his own hand, and who has more land than he can bring into cultivation, they grow up into a species of valuable property, a real treasure ; while, during their infancy and the season of helplessness, they take little from the fruits of his industry but bare subsistence.

Their education costs him little or nothing; searcely any clothing is required, his hut needs very little enlargement, and no beds are used. Many of them die in infaney from the small-pox and other distempers, but never from scanty food or criminal neglect of pareuts. The women of all classes suckle their children, till we ascend to the wives of the regents and of the sovereign, who eniploy nurses.

Though women soon arrive at maturity, and enter early into the married state, they continue to bear children to an advanced age, and it is no uncommon thing to see a grandmother still making addition to her family. Great families are however rare. Though there are some women who have borne thirteen or fourteen children, the average is rather low than otherwise. A chácha, or family, is generally less numerous than in Europe, both from the cireumstance that the young men and women more early leave the houses of their parents to form establishments for themselves, and from an injudicious mode of labouring among women of the lower ranks. Miscarriages among the latter are frequently caused by overstraining themselves in carrying exeessive burdens, and performing oppressive field-work, during pregnancy. The average number of persons in a family does not excced four, or four and a half. As the labour of the women is almost equally productive with that of the men, female children become as much objects of solicitude with their parents as male: they are nursed with the same care, and viewed with the same pride and tenderness. In no class of society are children of either sex considered as an incumbrance, or the addition to a family as a misfortune ; marriage is therefore almost universal. An unmarried man past twenty is seldom to be met with, and an old maid is considered a curiosity. Neither custom, law, or religion, enjoins celibacy on the priesthood, or any other order of the community, and by none of them is it practised. Although no strictness of principle, nor strong sense of moral restraint, prevails in the intercourse of the sexes, prostitution is not common, except in the capitals.

As the Javans are a quiet domestic people, little given to adventure, disinclined to foreign enterprize, not easily roused to violence or bloodshed, and little disposed to irregularities of any kind, there are but few families left destitute in consequence of hazards incurred or crimes committed by their natural protectors. The character of blood-thirsty revenge, which has been attributed to all the inhabitants of the Indian Archipelago, by no means applies to the people of Java ; and though, in all cases where justice is badly administered or absolutely perverted, people may be expected to enforce their rights or redress tbeir grievances, rather by their own passions than by an appeal to the magistrate, comparatively few lives are lost on the island by personal affrays or private feuds.

Such are a few of the circumstances that would appear to have encouraged an increase of population on Java. They furnish no precise data on which to estimate its rapidity, or to calculate the period within which it would be doubled, but they allow us, if tranquillity and good government were enjoyed, to anticipate a gradual progress in the augmentation of inhabitants, and the improvements of the soil for a long course of time. Suppose the quantity of land in cultivation to be to the land still in a state of nature as one to seven, which is probably near the truth, and that, in the ordinary circumstances of the country, the population would double itself ia a century, it might go on inereasing for three hundred years to come. Afterwards the immense tracts of unoccupied or thinly peopled territories on Sumatra, Borneo, and the numerous islands seattered over the Archipelago, may be ready to reccive colonies, arts, and civilization from the metropolis of the Indian seas. Commercial intercourse, fricndly relations, or political institutions, may bind these dispersed communities in one great insular commnonwealth. Its trade and navigation might connect the centre of this great empire with Japan, China, and the south-western countries of Asia. New Holland, which the adventurous Búgis already frequent, and which is not so far distant from Java as Russia is from England, might be included in the circle, and colonies of Javans settled on the north, might mcet with the British spreading from the south, over that inmense and now uncultivated region. If we could indulge ourselves in such reveries with propriety, we might contemplate the present semi-barbarous condition, ignorance, and poverty of these innumerable islands, exchanged for a state of refinement, prosperity, and happiness.

I formerly alluded to the oppressions of government, as the principal checks to the increase of population on Java. There are many others, such as the small-pox, and other diseases, which are common to that country with the rest of the world. From the scattered state of the population, any contagious distemper, such as the small-pox, was formerly less destructive on Java, than in countries where the inhabitants are more crowded into large towns, and it is hoped that, from the establishment for vaccine inoculation which the British government erected, and endeavoured to render permanent, its ravages may, in time, be entirely arrested. The diseases most peculiar to the country, and most dangerous at all ages, are fevers and dysenteries: cpidemics are rare. There are two moral causes which, on their first mention, will strike every one as powerfully calculated to counteract the principle of population : I mean the facility of obtaining divorces, and the practice of polygamy. A greater weight should not, however, be given them than they deserve after a consideration of all the circumstances. It is true, that separations often take place on the slightest grounds, and new connexions are fornmed with equal frivolity and caprice ; but in whatever light morality would view this practice, and however detrimental it wonld be to population in a different state of society, by leaving the children of the marriage so dissolved to neglect and want, it has no such consequences on Java. Considering the age at which marriages are usually contracted, the choice of the parties cannot be always expected to be considerate or judicious. It may be observed also that the women, although they do not appear old at twenty, as Montesquieu remarks, certainly sooner lose that influence over their husbands, which depends upon their beauty and personal attractions, than they do in colder climates. In addition to this, there is little moral restraint among many classes of the comniunity, and the religious maxims and indulgences acted upon by the priesthood, in regulating matrimonial sanctions, have no tendency to produce constaney, or to repress inclination. Dissolutions of marriage are, therefore, very frequent, and obtained upon the slightest pretences ; but, as children are always valuab'e, and as there is very little trouble in rearing or providing for them, no change of mate, in cither party, leads to their abandonment or neglect. Indeed, the case ofsupporting children, which renders the practice less detrimental to the increase of population, may be one ofthe principal causes why it is generally followed and so little checked. No professed prostitution or promiscuous intercourse is the consequence of this weakness of the nuptial tie. It is rather brittle thn loose; it is easily dissolved, but while it remains it generally insures fidelity.

Polygamy, though in all cases it must be injurious to population and happiness, so far as it goes, is permitted on Java, as in other Mahomedan countries, by religion and law, but not practiced to any great extent. Perhaps the ease of obtaining matrimonial separations, by admitting of successive changes of wives, diminishes the desire of possessing more than one at a time.

It is plain, likewise, that whatever be the law, the great body of the people must have only one wife ; and that, where there is nearly an equality of number between the sexes, inequality of wealth or power alone can create an unequal distribution of women. On Java, accordingly, only the chiefs and the sovereign marry more than one wife. All the chiefs, from the regents downwards, can only, by the custom of the country, have two; the sovereign alone has four. The regents, however, have generally three or four concubines, and the sovereign eight or ten. Some of the chiefs have an extraordinary number of children ; the late Regent of Tában is reputed to have been the father of no fewer than sixty-eight. Such appropriations of numerous women as wives or concubines, were owing to the political power of native authorities over the inferior classes; and as, by the new system, that power is destroyed, the evil may to a certain extent be checked. If we were to depend upon the statement of a writer whom Montesquieu refers to, that in Bantam there were ten women to one man, we should be led to conclude with him, that here was a casc particularly favourable to polygamy, and that such an institution was here an appointment of nature, intended for the multiplication of the species, rather than an abuse contributing to check it. There is not the least foundation, however, for the

VOL. I.

report. The proportion of males and females born in Bantam, and over the whole of Java, is nearly the same as in Europe, and as we find generally to exist, wherever accurate statements can be obtained. From the information collected in a very careful survey of one part of the very province in question, the preponderance secmed to be on the side of male children to an extraordinary degree; the male children being about forty-two thousand, and the females only thirty-five thousand five hundred. There were formerly, it is true, great drains on the male population, to which I have before alluded, and which, in the advanced stages of life, might turn the balance on the other side ; but as they were never so destructive as to render polygamy a political institution, so that institution was not carried to such an extent, as to render it a peculiar obstacle to the progress of population. Upon the whole, we may conclude that in Java, under a mild government, there is a great tendency to an increase in the number of inhabitants, and to the consequent improvement and importance of the island.

Besides the natives, whose numbers, circumstances, and character I have slightly mentioned, there is on Java a rapidly increasing race of foreigners, who have emigrated from the different surrounding countries. The most numerous and important class of these is the Chinese, who already do not fall far short of a hundred thousand ; and who, with a system of free trade and free cultivation, would soon accumulate tenfold, by natural increase within the island, and gradual accessions of new settlers from home. They reside principally in the three capitals of Batavia, Samárang, and Surabáya, but they are to be found in all the smaller capitals, and scattered over most parts of the country. A great proportion of them are descended from families who have been many generations on the island. Additions are gradually making to their numbers. They arrive at Batavia from China, to the amount of a thousand and more annually, in Chinese junks, carrying three, four, and five hundred each, without money or resources ; but, by dint of their industry, soon aquire comparative opulence. There are no women on Java who come directly from China; but as the Chinese often marry the daughters of their countrymen by Javan women, there results a numerous mixed race, which is often scarcely distinguishable from the native Chinese. The Chinese on their arrival generally marry a Javan woman, or purchase a slave from the other islands. The progeny from this connexion, or what may be termed the cross breed between the Chinese and Javans, are called in the Dutch accounts pernákans. Many return to China annually in the junks, but by no means in the same numbers as they arrive.

The Chinese, in all matters of inheritance and minor affairs, are governed by their own laws, administered by their own chiefs, a captain and several licutenants being appointed by government for each society of them. They are distinct from the natives, and are in a high degree more intelligent, more laborious, and more, luxurious. They are the life and soul of the commerce of the country. In the native provinces they are still farmers of the revenue, having formerly been so throughout the island.

Although still nunerous, they are considered to have much decreased since the civil war in 1742, during which not only a large proportion of the Chinese population was massacred by the Dutch in the town of Batavia, but a decree of extermination was proclaimed against them throughout the island.

The natives of the Coromandel and Malabar coast, who reside on Java, are usually termed Moors. They appear to be the remnant of a once extensive class of settlers; but their numbers have considerably decreased, since the establishment of the Dutch monopoly, and the absolute extinction of the native trade with India, which we have reason to believe was once very extensive. Trading vessels, in considerable numbers, still continue to procced from the Coromandel coast to Sumatra, Penang, and Malacca, but they no longer frequent Java.

Búgis and Maláyus are established in all the maritime capitals of Java. They have their own quarter of the town allotted to them, in the same manner as the Chinese, and are subject to the immediate authority of their respective captains.

Among the Arabs are many merchants, but the majority are priests. Their principal resort is Grésik,the spot where Mahomedanism was first extensively planted on Java. They are seldom of genuine Arab birth, but mostly a mixed race, between the Arabs and the natives of the islands.

There is another class of inhabitants, either foreigners themselves, or the immediate descendants of foreigners, whose peculiar situation and considerable numbers entitle them to some notice in the general sketch of the population : I mean the class of slaves. The native Javans are never reduced to this condition ; or if they should happen to be seized and sold by pirates, a satisfactory proof of their origin would be sufficient to procure their enfranchisement. The slave merchants have therefore been under the necessity of resorting to the neighbouring islands for a supply, and the greatest number have been procured from Báli and Celebes. The total amount may be estimated at about thirty thousand. According to the returns obtained in 1814, it appeared that the following were the numbers in the principal divisions of the island.

At Batavia and its environs ...........18,972

4,488 In the Semárang division

In the Surabáya division 3,682

Total 27,142

These slaves are the property of the Europeans and Chinese alone: the native chiefs never require the services of slaves, or engage in the traffic of slavery. The Mahomedan laws, which regulate their civil condition, and permit this abomination in all its extent, are modified by the milder prejudices and more humane temper of the country. The Dutch, who, like us, valued themselves on their political liberty, are here the great promoters of civil servitude, and carried with them into their eastern empire, the Roman law regarding slavery in all its extent and rigour. But although they adopted principles that admitted of the most cruel and wanton treatment of slaves, I would not be understood to say, that they carried these principles into common practice. The contrary was almost universally the case, and the condition of slaves on Java, where they were employed principally in domestic offices, formed a complete contrast to the state of those employed in the West India plantations. It is remarked by Montesquieu, that " in " despotic countries, the condition of a slave is hardly more " burdensome than that of a subject," and such has been the case in Java. The grounds on which the Dutch justified the practice of making slaves, was not that they could not command the services of the natives with a sway sufficiently absolute, and that they were compelled to seek, beyond the limits of the island, for unfortunate agents to perform what the natives shewed a reluctance to undertake, but that they found the class of foreigners more adroit and docile than the Javans in the conduct of household affairs, and that having reduced them to the state of property, they remained in the family for life, and saved the trouble of a new training.

Upon the conquest of the island by the British in 1811, the condition of this class of its subjects excited the attention of government; and though we could not, consistently with those rights of property which were admitted by the laws that we professsed to administer, emancipate them at once from servitude, we enacted regulations, as far as we were authorized, to ameliorate their present lot, and lead to their ultimate freedom. Steps were immediately taken to check further importation, and as soon as it was known that the horrid traffic in slaves was declared a felony by the British parliament, it was not permitted for an instant to disgrace a region to which the British authority extended. The folly and perfect uselessness of slavery on Java has been often pointed out by Dutch commissioners and Dutch authors *.

Having thus attempted a brief description of the different classes of the Asiatic population of the island, I shall proceed

master, his possession was always precarious, and depended on the discretion of his proprietor (in the same manner as a peculium adventitium with the Romans), becoming only the unlimited property of the slave, if the master allowed him to keep it after his emancipation.

It was conceived, that considering the civil law only as a supplement to the positive law, continued in force on Java under the proclamation of the Earl of Minto of 11th September 1811, the code respecting slavery might, together with the other parts of legislation, be amended and established, on principles more consistent with humanity and good sense, by a declaration, that slaves in future should not be considered as objects of real property, but as objects possessing personal rights, and bound only to unlimited service; and that, in consequence thereof, slaves should never be transferred from one master to another, without their own consent given before witnesses or a notary. That a master should possess no other power over his slave, than to exact service in an equitable manner; that he should inflict no corporal chastisement on him after he had attained a certain age, nor beyond such a degree as would be given to his children or common apprentices ; that all personal wrongs done to a slave, either by his master or by others, should be estimated by the common rules of personal injuries, and not by the principle of a proprietor abusing his own property; that the punishment for murder committed by a master on his slave, should be the same as that of murder committed on a free person; that every slave should have a right to acquire property of his own, by his private industry or labour, or by the bounty of others ; that this property should never be removeable at the discretion of the master; that by this property the slave should always have a right to redeem his liberty, after having continued with his master for the term of seven years, and on paying the sum which, on estimation, subject to the approval of the magistrate, should at the time be thought an adequate equivalent for his personal services.

These fundamental alterations in the code were submitted by the local government to a higher authority, at a period when the principal proprietors evinced a concurrence in the measure ; but the provisional tenure of the government, and the expectation of the early transfer of the island to the crown, induced a delay, until the re-establishment of Holland as a kingdom precluded the adoption of so essential a change.

The excuse offered by the colonists for the origin and continuance of slavery on Java is, that on the first establishment of the Dutch in the Eastern Islands, there did not exist, as in Western India, a class of people calculated for domestic service ; that they had, in consequence, to create a class of domestic servants, in doing which they adopted the plan of rearing children in their families from other countries, in preference to those in their immediate neighbourhood, who, from their connexions and the habits of their relatives, could never be depended upon. Whether necessity dicto a short detail of the habitations, dress, food, and domestic economy of the natives; but, in order to enable the reader to

tated this system in the earlier periods of the Dutch establishment, or not, is at least doubtful; but it is certain that this necessity no longer exists, nor is there the shadow of an excuse for continuing on Java this odious traffic and condition. The Javans, during the residence of the British on Java, have been found perfectly trustworthy, faithful, and industrious ; and the demand was alone wanting in this, as in most cases, to create a sufficient supply of competent domestics. The continuance of the traffic for one day longer serves but to lower the European in the eyes of the native, who, gratified with the measures adopted by the British government in its suppression, stands himself pure of the foul sin. To the credit of the Javan character, and the honour of the individual, it should be known, that when the proclamation of the British government was published, requiring the registration of all slaves, and declaring that such as were not registered by a certain day should be entitled to their emancipation, the Panámbahan of Súmenap, who had inherited in his family domestic slaves to the number of not less than fifty, proudly said, " Then "I will not register my slaves—they shall be free: hitherto they have

" been kept such, because it was the custom, and the Dutch liked to be

" attended by slaves when they visited the palace; but as that is not the

" case with the British, they shall cease to be slaves : for long have I

" felt shame, and my blood has run cold, when I have reflected on what I

" once saw at Batavia and Semárang, where human beings were exposed

" for public sale, placed on a table, and examined like sheep and oxen."

The short administration of the British government on Java has fortunately given rise to another class of domestic servants. The numerous officers of the army, and others whose funds did not admit, or whose temporary residence did not require a permanent establishment of servants, for the most part usually took Javans into their service ; and though these might in the first instauce, not be so well acquainted with European habits, as slaves who had been brought up from their infaney in Dutch families, yet they gradually improved, and were, in the end, for the most part very generally preferred. Let not, therefore, necessity be again urged as a plea for continuing the traffic.

The measures actually adopted by the British government may be summed up in a few words. The importation was, in the first instance, restricted within a limited age, and the duty on importation doubled. An annual registry of all slaves above a certain age was taken, and slaves not registered within a certain time declared free. A fee of one Spanish dollar was demanded for the registry of each slave, the amount of which constituted a fund for the relief of widows and orphans. On the promulgation of the act of the British legislature, declaring the further traffic in slaves to be felony, that act, with all its provisions, was at once made a colonial law. Masters were precluded from sending their slaves to be confined in jail at their pleasure, as had hitherto been the ease, and all committals understand some of the terms in the tables, and likewise in the subsequent observations, it may not be improper simply to state the nanies and titles expressive of the different gradations of rank, leaving a more particular account of the power and authority with which they are connected to another opportunity. The sovereign, who is either called Susuhúnan, Susúnan, or Sultan, is the fountain of honour and the source of all distinction. His family are called Pang'érans, his queen Rátu, the heir apparent Pangéran adipáti, and the prime minister Ráden adipáti. Governors of provinces, called by the Dutch Regents, are styled by the natives Bopátis, Tumúngungs, or Ang'abéis; and are ranked among the chief nobility of the country. All the inferior chiefs, including those termed Rádens, Mántris, Demángs, Lúras, and others, except the heads of villages, termed Kúwus, Búkuls, Patíng'gis, &c., who are elected by the common people out of their own number for the performance of specific duties, may be considered as petite noblesse.

The cottage or hut of the peasant, called úmah limásan, may be estimated to cost, in its first construction, fron two to four rupees, or fron five to ten shillings English money. It is invariably built on the ground, as on continental India, and in this respect differs from similar structures in the surrounding islands. The sleeping places, however, are generally a little elevated above the level of the floor, and accord in simplicity with the other parts of the dwelling. The sides or walls are generally formed of bámbus, flattened and plaited together : partitions, if any, are constructed of the same materials, and the roof is either thatched with long grass, with the leaves of the nipa, or with a kind of bámbu sirap. The form and size of these cottages, as well as the materials employed in their construction, vary in the different districts of the island, and with the different circumstances of the individuals. In the eastern districts, where the population is most dense and the land most highly cultivated, a greater scarcity is felt of the requisite materials than in the western, and the dwellings of the peasantry are consequently smaller and slighter. In the latter, the frame-work of the cottages is generally made of timber, instead of bámbus, and the interior of them, as well as the front veranda, is raised about two feet from the ground. The accommodations consist of a room partitioned off for the heads of the family, and an open apartment on the opposite side for the children : there is no window either made or requisite. The light is admitted through the door alone ; nor is this deficiency productive of any inconvenience in a climate, where all domestic operations can be carried on in the open air, and where shade from the sun, rather than shelter from the weather, is required. The women perform their usual occupations of spinning or weaving on an elevated veranda in front, where they are protected from the rays of a vertical sun by an extended projection of the pitch of the roof. In some of the mountainous districts, where the rains descend with most violence, the inhabitants provide against their effects, by constructing their roofs of bámbus split into halves, and applied to each other by their alternate concave and convex surfaces, all along the pitch of the roof, from the top down to the walls. On the whole, it nay be affirmed that the habitations of the peasantry of Java, even those constructed in the most unfavourable situations and inhabited by the lowest of the poople, admit of a considerable degree of comfort and convenience, and far exceed, in those respects, what falls to the lot of the peasant in most parts of continental India.

The elass of dwellings inhabited by the petty chiefs are termed úmah chébluk or úmah jóglo. These are distinguished by having eight slopes or roofs, four superior and four secondary. Their value is from seven to eight dollars, or from thirty-five to forty shillings.

The largest class of houses, or those in which the chiefs and nobles reside, are termed úmah túmpang, and are of the same form as the preceding; they are generally distinguished from them by their greater size, which varies with the means and rank of the possessor, and usually contain five or six rooms. The supports and beams are of wood. The value of such a habitation, calculated to answer the circumstances of an ordinary chief of the rank of a Páteh, or assistant to the governor of a province, may be about fifty or sixty dollars, or from ten to fifteen pounds sterling.

In the European provinces, the size and comfort of these dwellings have of late been very essentially contracted, by the rigid enforcement of the monopoly of the teak forests, which were formerly open to the natives of all classes.

Brick dwellings, which are sometimes, though rarely, occupied by the natives, are termed úmah gedóng. This kind of building is for the most part occupied by the Chinese, who invariably construct a building of brick and mortar whenever they possess the means. The Chinese kámpongs may always be thus distinguished from those of the natives.

The cottages, which I have already described, are never found detached or solitary : they always unite to form villages of greater or less extent, according to the fertility of the neighbouring plain, abundance of a stream, or other accidental circunstances. In some provinces, the usual number of inhabitants in a village is about two hundred, in others less than fifty. In the first establishinent or formation of a village on new ground, the intended settlers take care to provide themselves with sufficient garden ground round their huts for their stock, and to supply the ordinary wants of their families. The produce of this plantation is the exclusive property of the peasant, and exempted from contribution or burden ; and such is their number and extent in some regencies (as in Kedú for instance), that they constitute perhaps a tenth part of the area of the whole district. The spot surrounding his simple habitation, the cottager considers his peculiar patrimony, and cultivates with peculiar care. He labours to plant and to rear in it those vegetables that may be most useful to his family, and those shrubs and trees which may at once yield him their fruit and their shade: nor does he waste his efforts on a thankless soil. The cottages, or the assemblage of huts, that compose the village, become thus completely screened from the rays of a scorching sun, and are so buried amid the foliage of a luxuriant vegetation, that at a small distance no appearance of a human dwelling can be discovered, and the residence of a numerous socicty appears only a verdant grove or a clump of evergreens. Nothing can exceed the beauty or the interest, which such detached masses of verdure, seattered over the face of the country, and indicating cach the abode of a collection of happy peasantry, ald to scenery otherwise rich, whether viewed on the sides of the mountains, in the narrow vales, or on the extensive plains. In the last case, before the grain is planted, and during the season ofirrigation, when the rice fields are inundated, they appear like so many small Islands, rising out of the water. As the young plant advances, their deep rich foliage contrasts pleasingly with its lighter tints; and when the full-eared grain, with a luxuriance that exceeds an European harvest, invests the earth with its richest yellow, they give a variety to the prospect, and afford a most refreshing relief to the eye. The clumps of trees, with which art attempts to diversify and adorn the most skilfully arranged park, can bear no comparison with them in rural beauty or picturesque effect.

As the population incrcases, the extent of individual appropriations is sometimes contracted ; but when there is sufficient untenanted ground in the neighbourhood, a new village is thrown out at some distance, which during its infancy remains under the charge, aud on the responsibility of the parent village. In time, however, it obtains a constitution of its own, and in its turn becomes the parent of others. These dependent villages are in the eastern districts termed dúku, and in the western or Súnda districts chántilan.

Every village forms a community within itself, having each its village officers and priest, whose habitations are as superior to those of others as their functions are more exalted. To complete the establishment in most large villages, a temple is appropriated for religious worship. Here is found that simple form of patriarchal administration, which so forcibly strikes the imagination of the civilized inhabitants of this quarter of the world, and which has so long been the theme of interest and curiosity of those who have visited the Indian continent.

In the larger villages, or chief towns of the subdivisions, in which the Kápala chútag, or division-officer, resides, a square place, corresponding with the álun álun of the capital, is reserved; and, in like manner, the mosque is found to occupy one side, and the dwelling of the chief another. The villages, whether large or small, are fenced in by strong hedges of bámbu, and other quick growing plants. All the large towns and capitals are formed on the same principle, each hut and dwelling being surrounded by a garden exclusively attached to it. In this respect, they are but large villages, although usually divided into separate jurisdictions. A newly-formed village contains but a few families, while in the capitals the population often amounts to several thousand souls. Súra-kérta, the capital of the chief native government, though its population is estimated to execed one hundred thousand, may be termed an assemblage or group of numerous villages, rather than what in European countries would be called a town or city.

In the larger towns, however, and in the capitals, considerable attention is paid to the due preservation of broad streets or roads crossing in different directions. The inland capitals in the Súnda districts are distinguished by an extreme neatness and regularity in this respect ; and although both these, and the greater native capitals at Sólo and Yúgy'a-kérta, may have been laid out principally at the suggestion of Europeans, it may be observed, that the same conveniences are also to be found in the extensive capital of Banyúmas, the planning of which must be ascribed entirely to the natives.

The dwelling or palace of the prince is distinguished by the terms kadáton or kráton, being contractions, the former probably from ka-datu-nau, and the latter from ka-ratu-nan, the place of the Dátu or Rátu (prince). Those of the Regents or Bopátis (nobles entrusted with the government of provinces), are styled dálam; a term which is applied to the innost hall or chamber of both buildings ; and by which also, particularly in the Súnda districts, the chiefs themselves are often distinguished.

The kráton, or palace of the prince, is an extensive square, surrounded by a high wall, without which there is generally a moat or ditch. In the front, and also sometimes in the rear, an extensive open square is rescrved, surrounded by a railing, which is termed the álun álun. On the wall of the kráton, which may be considered as the rampart of a citadel, are usually planted cannon ; and within it, the space is divided by various smaller walls, which intersect each other, and form squares and compartments, each having a particular designation, and answering a specific purpose ; separate quarters being assigned within the walls to all the families who may be considered as attached to the person of the sovereign, or that of the princes. The circumference of the wall of the kráton of Yúgy'a-kérta is not less than three miles ; and it was estimated that, at the period of the assault in 1812, it did not contain fewer than from ten to fifteen thousand people. That of Súra-kérta is neither so extensive, nor so well built. After crossing the álun álun, or square in front of the kráton, the principal entrance is by a flight of steps, at the top of which it is usual for the new sovereign to be invested with his authority, and on which he is seated on those occasions in which he shews himself in public. This is termed the setingel, from seti-ingel, the high ground. On these occasions, the Pang'é- rans and nobles are ranged below. Proceeding into the interior of the building, and after descending a flight of steps, we find the next principal gateway or entrance is called the brójo nólo. After passing another court, the next gateway is termed kámandúngan; and beyond this again is the last passage, distinguished by the term s'rimenánti. Still farther on, in the centre of a square, is the hall, mendópo or bángsal, of the prince. On one side of the square are two small mendópos, or open sheds, called bángsal peng'ápit, where the Pang'érans assemble to wait the appearance of the sovereign in the principal mendópo; and on the opposite side is the dwelling, or úmah tumpang, of the prince, termed próbo yókso. The bángsal, or mendópo, is a large open hall, supported by a double row of pillars, and covered with shingles, the interior being richly decorated with paint and gilding. The ceiling of the mendópo of Yúgy'a-kérta is remarkable for its splendour and richness, being composed according to that peculiar style of architecture frequently observed throughout Java, in which several squares, of gradually decreasing sizes, are arranged one above and within the other; a style which is general among the Hindus, and strongly marks the architecture of the Burmans and Siamese.

In the centre of the álun álun, and in front of the setingel, are two wáringen trees (the Indian fig or banyan), called wáring'en kúrung, which have been considered as the sign or mark of the royal residence from the earliest date of Javan history.

In the dwellings of the nobles and governors of provinces, the same form and order, with some slight modifications, are observed. These have likewise the álun álun in front. The outer entrance corresponding with the setíngel of the kráton is however with them denominated the láwang sekéting, the second pasádong, and the third régol, within which is the mendópo, or dálam. The mosque forms one side of the álun álun.

The furniture of the houses or huts of the lower orders is very simple, and consists of but few articles. Their bed, as with the Sumatrans, is a fine mat with a number of pillows, having some party-coloured cloths generally extended over the head, in the form of a canopy or valance. They neither use tables nor chairs, but their meals are brought on large brass or wooden waiters, with smaller vessels of brass or chinaware for the different articles served up. They sit crosslegged, and, in common with other Mahomedans, only use the right hand at their meals. They usually take up their food between the finger and thumb, and throw it into their mouth. Spoons are used only for liquids, and knives and forks very rarely, if at all.

In the dwellings of the higher classes, the articles of furniture are more numerous and expensive. Raised beds, with many pillows piled one above the other, and mats and carpets, are common in all ; but, in the European provinces, many of the rooms of the chiefs are furnished with looking-glasses, chairs, tables, &c. Most of these were at first introduced for the accommodation of European visitors, but are now gradually becoming luxuries, in which the chiefs take delight.

They are partial to illuminations, and, on days of festivity, ornament the grounds adjacent to their dwellings with much taste and design, by working the young shoots of the cocoanut, the bámbu, and various flowers, in festoons and other contrivances. The canopy or valance over the table, bed, or other place selected for any particular purpose, is universal. This canopy is generally of chintz, from Western India.

In all the provinces under the European government, the chiefs have several rooms fitted up in the European style, for the accommodation of the officers of government, and none of them hesitate to sit down at table with their visitors, and join in the entertainment.

The natives of Java are in general better clothed than those of Western India. In many provinces of the interior, and in the elevated parts of the island, warm clothing is indispensable. They are for the most part clothed from the produce of their own soil and labour; but there are parts of their dress which they willingly derive from foreign countries. Blue cloths and chintzes, in particular, have always formed an extensive article of importation from Western India; and the chiefs consume considerable quantities ofbroadcloths, velvet, and other fabrics, in the jackets, pantaloons, and other articles of dress, in imitation of Europeans. Persons of condition are particular in being what they conceive well-dressed. A sloven is an object of ridicule ; and, in point of expensive attire, they may be considered as restricted only by their means. Although the general character of the native costume is preserved, they seemed inclined to adopt many of the more convenient parts of the European dress ; and, in proof of their having but few prejudices on this score, it may be observed, that, on occasions when the population of the country has been called out in the Native Provinces, the assemblage of the provincials presented themselves habited, many of them in cocked hats and stockings of Europeans, forming a most grotesque appearance. By the institutions of the country, a particular kind of dress is assigned to each different rank ; and there are some patterns of cloth, the use of which is prohibited, except to the royal family: but these sumptuary laws are for the most part obsolete in the European provinces, and gradually becoming so in those of the native princes, particularly since those princes have engaged by treaty to discontinue their enforcement. There are also distinctions of rank expressed by the different modes of wearing the kris, which will be treated of hereafter.

It is part of the domestic economy, that the women of the family should provide the men with the cloths pecessary for their apparel, and from the first consort of the sovereign to the wife of the lowest peasant, the same rule is observed. In every cottage there is a spinning-wheel and loom, and in all ranks a man is accustomed to pride himself on the beauty of a cloth woven either by his wife, mistress, or daughter.

The principal article of dress, common to all classes in the Archipelago, is the cloth or sárong, which has been described by Mr. Marsden to be " not unlike a Scots highlander's plaid " in appearance, being a piece of party-coloured cloth, about " six or eight feet long and three or four feet wide, sewed " together at the ends, forming, as some writers have described " it, a wide sack without a bottom." With the Maláyus, the sárong is either worn slung over the shoulders as a sash, or tucked round the waist and descending to the ankles, so as to enclose the legs like a petticoat. The patterns in use among the Maláyus or Búgis are universally Tartan ; but besides these, the Javans pride themselves in a great variety of others, the common people only wearing the Tartan pattern, while others prefer the Javan bátek or painted cloths. On occasions ofstate they wear, in lieu of the sárong or járit * (the ordinary cloth of the country, which differs from the sárong in not being united at the ends), a cloth termed dódot, which is made either of cotton or silk and much larger. This is worn in the same way; but from its size, and the manner of its being tucked up, it falls in a kind of drapery, which is peculiar to Java.

The men of the lowest class generally wear a pair of coarse short drawers, reaching towards the knee, with the járit or cloth folded round the waist, and descending below the knees like a short petticoat. This cloth is always tucked up close round the waist, while the labourer is at work or moving abroad, but loosened, and allowed to descend to its full length, when in the presence of a superior. It is fastened round the waist by a narrow waistband or belt (sábuk). In general, the Javans are also provided with a jacket (kalámbi), having short sleeves reaching to the elbows. This is either white, or more frequently of light and dark blue stripes. A handkerchief or the (ikat).is always folded round the head. With the Maláyus this handkerchief is generally of the Tartan pattern, but among the Javans it is of the bátek cloth, and put on more in the manner of a turban than the handkerchief of a Maláyu is : the crown of the head is covered with it, and the ends are tucked in. While abroad, they generally wear over it a large hat of leaves or of the split and plaited bambu, which shelters them like an umbrella from the sun and rain. A coarse handkerchief is usually tucked into the waistband, or a small bag is suspended from it, containing tobacco, síri, &c. The kris or dagger, which is universally worn by all classes, completes the dress. To that of the labourer, according to the work he may be employed upon, is superadded a large knife or hatchet for cutting wood, brushwood, or grass.

The women, in like manner, wear the cloth tucked round their loins, and descending in the form of a petticoat as low as the ankles. It is folded somewhat differently from the cloth worn by the men, and never tueked up as with them. The waistband or girdle by which they fasten it, is termed údat. Round the body, passed above the bosom and close under the arms, descending to the waistband, is rolled a body cloth called kémban. They also commonly wear a loose gown reaching to the knees, with long sleeves buttoning at the wrists. This gown is almost invariably blue, never being of any variegated pattern, and as well as the jacket of the men is usually termed kalámbi. The women do not wear any handkerchief on their head, which is ornamented by their hair fastened up in a glung or knot, and by an appendage of large studs, either of buffalo horn or brass, which they use for ear-rings. Both men and women, cven of the lowest class, wear rings on their fingers. Those worn by the men are cither of iron, brass, or copper; those of the women of brass or copper only. The value of a man's dress, as above described, may be estimated at about five rupees, twelve and sixpence; and that of the women at about six rupees, or fifteen shillings.

The children of the lower orders go naked, from the age of fifteen or eighteen months to six or seven years; but the children of persons of condition always wear the járit round their loins, together with a jacket.

The higher orders wear a járít, of about seven or cight cubits long and about three cubits wide, which with the men is folded once round the loins, and allowed to descend to the ankles in the form of a petticoat, but so as to admit of the leg being occasionally exposed when set forward in the act of walking.

VOL. I.

The part which is folded in front conmonly hangs somewhat lower than the rest of the garment. The sábuk or waistband is generally of silk of the chíndi or patólé pattern. When at leisure within-doors, the men usually wear a loose cotton gown descending as low as the knees; but when abroad, or in attendance on public scrvice, they for the most part wear a jacket of broad cloth, silk, or velvet if procurable, frequently edged with lace and ornamented with filagree buttons. This jacket is called síkapan (from sikap ready) as it intimates, when worn, that the party is ready for duty. The jacket used by the Regents or chiefs of provinces, and other officers of distinction, closely resembles the old Friesland jacket, as worn about two centuries ago, and is probably modified, if not entirely taken from it. Under the jacket the men always wear a vest, usually of fine white cloth, with a single row of filagree buttons, buttoning close to the body and at the neck like a shirt. If the party is upon a journey or without doors in the sun, the túdang or shade, which is usually of broad cloth or velvet, is fixed over the face, having much the appearance of a large jockey cap. The petty chiefs, particularly in the western districts, instead of this shade wear a large hat, in the form of a wash-hand bason reversed, made of split bambu of various colours, and highly varnished to throw off the rain. This is fastened by a string under the chin, in the same manner as the hat of the common people.

The dress of the women of the higher classes does not in fashion differ essentially from that of the lower orders, but the articles are of finer texture and better quality, and gold studs and rings, ornamented with coloured and precious stones, are substituted for thoso of copper and brass. Both men and women of condition wear sandals, shoes, or slippers in the house ; and in the European districts, the Regent and other chiefs, when in attendance on the public officers, on journcys or otherwise, usually superadd to the native dress tight cloth or nankeen pantaloons, with boots and spurs, according to the European fashion.

It is difficult to estimate with precision the value of the dress of the higher orders. That of an ordinary petty chief and his wife costs about fifty Spanish dollars, or between twelve and thirteen pounds sterling, including the siri box, which is a necessary appendage. The siri box of the man is termed epok, that of the woman chepúri.

Neither men nor women cut their hair, but allow it to grow to its natural length : in this they differ from the Maláyus and Búgis, who always wear it short. The men, except on particular occasions, gather it up on'the crown of the head, twist it round, and fasten it by means of a semicireular tortoise-shell comb fixed in front ; but among the higher classes, it is considered a mark of the greatest respect to let it flow in curls in the presence of a superior. The princes and chiefs at the native courts usually confine it on the neck, and allow it to descend down the back in large curls ;. but in Chéribon and the Súnda districts, the chicfs, on occasions of ceremony, let their locks flow in curls and ringlets loose over their shoulders. The women confine their hair by gathering and twisting it into one large glúng or knot at the back of the head, in the manner of performing which there are several modes, distinguished by as many names. The short down encircling the forehead is sometimes cut or shaved, to give the brow a better defined appearance, when the hair is combed back, and on particular occasions the fine hair in the same place, which is too short to be combed back and gathered in the knot, is turned in small curls like a fringe. All classes, both of men and women, apply oils to their hair. The women frequently use scents in dressing it, and on state days ornament it with a great variety of flowers, diamond-headed pins, and other jewellery. Both sexes perfume their persons with different species of fragrant oils, as the láng'a chandána (sandal-wood oil), láng'a kanáng'a, láng'a gáru, láng'a gandapúra, and láng'a jerú, and adorn the skin with a variety of powders called bóré; as the bóré kúning (yellow powder), bóré érang (black), boré sárí, and boré k'lambak. To these may be added the general use of musk, termed by them dédes. In the houses of the higher orders, dúpa or incense of benjamin, and other odoriferous gums, is generally burnt.

The priests generally dress in white, and imitate the turbans of the Arabs.

Such is the ordinary costume of the bulk of the population, as it is usually seen in all that part of the island peculiarly called Java. In the western or Súnda districts, the common people are by no means so well supplied with articles of dress as in the castern. They are often seen with little or no covering, beyond a piece of very cöarse cloth tied round the waist. The Regents or chiefs of provinces in these districts generally wear, when on public duty with the officers of the European government, a velvet cap ornamented with gold lace, differing in fashion in each province, but usually calculated to shade the face from the direct rays of the sun. In the castern districts the chiefs, on similar occasions, wear the cap called kúluk, which will be more particularly mentioned as part of the court dress.

Besides'what may be thus termed the ordinary dress, two grand distinctions are noticed in the costume of the Javans: these are the war dress and the court dress. The former consists of chelána or pantaloons, buttoned from the hip down to the ankles; the kátok, short kilt or petticoat of coloured silk or fine cotton, descending just below the knce ; and the ámben or girth, rolled tightly round the body seven or eight times, like a military sash, and securing the whole body from below the arms to the hips: this is made cither of silk or very fine cotton. Over this is drawn a tight vest without buttons, termed súngsang, and over this again the ordinary vest or kótan with buttons, buttoning close round the body and neck, the sikapan or jacket being worn over the whole. The túdung, or shade for the face, is usually worn on this occasion, as well as shoes or sandals. The ang'ger or sword belt, which goes round the waist, also forms an essential part of the war dress, in which the pedáng or sword is suspended on the left side. Three kríses are usually worn in the waist on these occasions, one on cach side and the other behind. These consist of the krís which the wearer particularly calls his own, the krís which has descended to him from his ancestors, and the krís which he may have received on his marriage from his wife's father. The latter is often placed on the left side for immediate use. This dress is worn in going into the field of battle, on which occasion it is the custom to appear in the richest attire their means admit, and to wear the rings and the other valuable jewels or trinkets which they possess.

In the court or full dress, the shoulders, arms, and body, down to the waist, are entirely bare; the drapery descending from the loins downwards, chelána, and what may be worn on the head, being the only covering. When a subject, whatever be his rank or family, approaches his prince, he must wear chelána or pantaloons of coloured silk or of fine cotton, without buttons; and instead of the járit or ordinary cloth, he must wear the dódot, a cloth which is of nearly double the dimensions. This is put on, however, nearly in the same manner as the járit, but so as not to descend on the right side further than just below the knee, while on the left it falls in a rich drapery, until it touches the ground in a point. The sábuk or waistband must be of gold lace, the fringed ends of which usually hang down a few inches, and the party must only wear one kris, which is tucked in the waistband on the right side behind, while on the left he wears a weapon, or rather implement, called a wédung, in the shape of a chopper, together with a small knife, indicative of his readiness to cut down trees and grass at the order of his sovereign. On his head he must wear a peculiar kind of cap (kuluk), said to have been introduced by the Sultan Pájang in imitation of the scullcap of the Arabs ; it is made of cloth, and either white or light blue, stiffencd with rich starch : on more ordinary occasions, and generally, except in full dress, the chiefs prefer a cap of the same form made of black velvet, ornamented with gold, and sometimes a diamond on the crown. The part of the body which is left uncovered is generally rubbed over with white or yellow powder. The sovereign himself is usually habited in the same manner on state occasions, his body and arms being covered with a bright yellow powder. When women approach the sovereign, besides having their hair ornamented with diamonds and flowers, they must wear a sémbong or sash round the waist, which generally is of yellow silk with red at the two ends. It is brought once round the body from behind, and the long ends are allowed to descend towards the ground, one over each hip.

Since the loss of the makóta, or golden crown ofMajapáhit, which disappeared on the banishment of Susúnan Mangkú- rat, both the Susúnan and Sultan, on public occasions, when they have to meet the European authorities, wear a velvet hat or cap of a particular fashion, somewhat different at each court; that of the Susúnan resembling what is distinguished by the term of the Madúra hat in consequence of its being still worn by the Madúra family, and that of the Sultan having a golden garúda affixed at the back, and two wings of gold extending from behind the ears. They both wear brecches, stockings, and buckles, after the European fashion.

The jámang or golden plate, which was worn over the forehead, as well as a variety of golden ornaments round the neck and arms, and which formerly formed the most splendid part of the costume, are now disused; except at marriages, or in dramatic or other entertainments, when the ancient costume of the country is exhibited in all its rich and gorgeous variety.

The following picture of a Javan beauty, taken from one of the most popular poems of the country, will serve better than any description of mine, to place before the reader the standard of female elegance and perfection in the island, and to convey an accurate idea of the personal decorations on nuptial occasions, in dances and dramatic exhibitions; it will at the same time afford a representation of what may be considered to have formed the full dress of a female of distinction, before the innovations of Mahometanism and the partial introduction of the European fashions. The extravagant genius of eastern poetry may perhaps be best employed in pourtraying such fantastic images, or celebrating such extraordinary tastes.

“Her face was fair and bright as the moon, and it expressed " all that was lovely. The beauty of Ráden Pútri far ex- “ celled even that of the widadári Déwi Ráti: she shone bright “ even in the dark, and she was without defect or blemish.

" So clear and striking was her brightness, that it flashed to

" the sky as she was gazed at: the lustre of the sun was even

" dimmed in her presence, for she seemed to have stolen from

“ him his refulgence. So much did she excel in beauty, that " it is impossible to describe it.

" Her shape and form were nothing wanting, and her hair

" when loosened hung down to her feet, waving in dark curls:

" the short front hairs were turned with regularity as a fringe,

" her forehead resembling the chendána stone. Her eyebrows

" were like two leaves of the imbo tree; the outer angle of the

" eye acute and slightly extended ; the ball of the eye full, and

" the upper cyelash slightly curling upwards.

" Tears seemed floating in her cye, but started not. Her " nose was sharp and pointed; her teeth black as the kóm- " bang; her lips the colour of the newly cut mangústin shell. " Her teeth regular and brilliant ; her cheeks in shape like the “ fruit of the déren; the lower part of the check slightly pro- " truding. Her ears in beauty like the giánti flowers, and her “ neck like unto the young and graceful gádung leaf. " Her shonlders even, like the balance of golden scales; her " chest open and full; her breasts like ivory, perfectly round " forest. Her nails like pearls; her skin bright yellow; her “ waist formed like the pátram when drawn from its sheath; “ her hips as the reversed límas leaf. " Like unto the púdak flower when hanging down its head, " was the shape of her leg ; her foot flat with the ground; her “ gait gentle and majestic like that of the elephant. Thus “ beautiful in person, she was clothed with a chándi patóla of " a green colour, fastened round the waist with a golden lúlut or cestus: her outer garment being of the méga mendúng (dark clouded) pattern. Her kémban (upper garment) was of the pattern jing'gomosi, edged with lace of gold; on “ her finger she wore a ring, the production of the sea, and her " ear-rings were of the pattern nóto bróngto. " On the front of the ear-studs were displayed the beauties “ of the segára múnchar pattern (emeralds encircled by rubies " and diamonds), and she bound up her hair in the first “ fashion, fastening it with the glúng (knot) bobokóran, and " decorating it with the green chámpaca flower, and also with " the gámbir, meláti, and mínor flowers; and in the centre " of it she fixed a golden pin, with a red jewel on the top, and " a golden flower ornamented with emeralds. Her necklace " was composed of seven kinds of precious stones, and most " brilliant to behold; and she was highly perfumed, without " it being possible to discover from whence the scent was produced. “ Her jámang (tiara or head ornament) was of the fashion “ sódo sáler and richly chased; her bracelets were of the pattern glang-kána, and suited the jámang. Thus was the

“ and inclining to each other. Her arms ductile as a bow ; her

" fingers long and pliant, and tapering like thorns of the

" beauty of her person heightened and adorned by the splen- " dour of her dress."

To this we may add, from one of the popular versions ofthe work called Jáya Langkárá the notions which the Javans have of the virtues, beauties, and dress, that should adorn a young man of family.

" In a youth of noble birth there are seven points which " should strike the observer, and these are indispensable. In

" the first place, he should be of good descent; in the second,

" he should possess understanding; in the third, he should

" know how to conduct himself. In the fourth place, he

" recollects what he learns in the sástras; in the fifth, his

" views must be enlarged ; in the sixth, he must be religious;

" in the seventh, he must exert the qualifications he possesses

" unhesitatingly. These are the seven points which must " strike the inmediate attention of the observer.

" In his heart and mind he must be quiet and tranquil. He " should be able to repress his inclinations, and to be álent

" when necessary: never should he on any account tella

" falsehood. He should not think long concerning property,

" neither should he fear death : in his devotions he should be

“ free from pride, and he should relieve the distressed. " It should be observed by all, that whatever he undertakes

" is quickly executed. He should quietly penetrate other " him; and in whatever he does, his actions should be rather " As long as he lives he must continue to thirst after more

" men's thoughts and intentions; his inquiries should be dis-

" creet, intelligent, and active. Whenever he meets with an

" able man, he should attach himself to hin as a friend, and

" never leave him till he has drawn all his knowledge from

" what is generally approved, than the result of his mere will.

" knowledge ; and he must constantly guard his own conduct,

" that men may not say it is bad. His recollection should be

" clear and distinct, his speech mild and gentle; so that peo-

" ple's hearts may be softened, and possessing these qualifica-

" tions his dependants may praise him.

"His appearance and stature should not be deficient. The

" light of his countenance should be sweet, like that of Batára

" Asmára (the god of love) when he descends to the earth.

" When men look upon him, they should be struck with the

" idea, 'how great would he not be in war!' In the form of

" his body no part should be ill shaped. His skin should be

" like unto virgin gold before it has undergone the process of

" fire ; his head rather large; his hair straight and long. His

" eyes watery and ready to overflow ; his brows like the ímbo

" leaf; his eyelash like the tánjung flower; his nose sharp

" and prominent, with but little hair above the upper lip; his

" lips like the newly cut mangústin shell; his teeth as if

"painted, shining and black like the kómbang; his breast " shoulders wide.

" A bright circle should irradiate his face and breast, and "he should stand unrivalled. Whatever he says should make

" an impression on all who hear him, and his speech should be " playful and agreeable.

“He should wear the chelána chindi, with a dark green " dódot of the pattern gádong-eng'úkup ; his sash of golden

" lace. His krís should have the sheath of the sátrían fashion,

" and the handle should be that of túng'gáksmi. The súmp-

" ing (an imitation of flowers or leaves which hang over the

“ ear) should be of gold, and of the fashion súreng páti (brave

" to death); and on his right thumb (palgúna) he should at

" the same time wear a golden ring."

In common with the Sumatrans, and other inhabitants of the Archipelago and southern part of the peninsula, both sexes of all ranks have the custom of filing and blackening the teeth, it being considered as disgraceful to allow them to remain " white like a dog's." The operation is performed when the children are about eight or nine years of age, and is a very painful one. The object is to make the front teeth concave, and by filing away the enamel, to render them better adapted for receiving the black dye. This extraordinary and barbarous custom tends to destroy the teeth at an early age, and with the use of tobacco, siri, and lime, which are continually chewed, generally greatly disfigures the mouth. The Javans, however, do not file away the teeth so much as is usual with some of the other islanders; nor do they set them in gold, as is the case with the Sunatrans. Neither do they distend the lobe of the ear, to that enormous extent practised on Báli and elsewhere, and which is observed in the representations of Búdh. This has been discontinued since the introduction of Mahomedanism.

Compared with the western Asiatics, the Javans have but few prejudices regarding food. They are Mahomedans, and consequently abstain rigidly from swine's flesh, and conmonly from inebriating liquors; and some few families, from the remains of a superstition which has descended to them from their Hindu ancestors, will not eat of the flesh of the bull or cow; but with these exceptions, there are few articles which come amiss to them. They live principally upon vegetable food, and rice is on Java, what it is throughout Asia, the chief article of subsistence; but fish, flesh, and fowl are likewise daily served up at their meals, according to the circumstances of the parties. With fish they are abundantly supplied ; and what cannot be consumed while fresh, is salted, or dried, and conveyed into the inland provinces. They do not eat of the turtle or other amphibious animals, but none of the fish known to Europeans are objected to by them. The flesh of the buffalo, the ox, the deer, the goat, and various kinds of poultry, are daily exposed for sale in their markets, and are of very general consumption. The flesh of the horse is also highly esteemed by the common people; but the killing of horses for food is generally prohibited, except when mained or diseased. The hide of the buffalo is cut into slices, soaked, and fried as a favourite dish. The flesh of the deer, dried and smoked, is well known throughout the Malayan Archipelago, under the term dinding, and is an article in high request on Java.

The dairy forms no part of domestic economy of Java, neither milk itself, nor any preparation from it, being prized or used by the natives : a circumstance very remarkable, considering that they were undoubtedly Hindus at one period of their history; and that, if so essential an article of food had once been introduced, it is probable it would always have been cherished. No good reason seems to be assigned for their indifference to milk; except perhaps the essential one, that the cows of Java afford but a very scanty supply of that secretion. The udder of a Javan cow is sometimes not larger than that of a sheep, and seems to afford but a bare subsistence for the calf; yet the buffalo gives a larger quantity, and butter or ghee might equally be prepared from it. The cows of the Indian breed are distinguished by a hump between the shoulders and a larger udder; and it has been found that the secretion of milk can be increased, as it is observed that where particular care has been taken by Europeans even of the Javan cows, they have in a short time afforded double the usual quantity. It has been conjectured, that on the introduction of the Indian breed by the Hindu colonists, the use of milk was forbidden, in order that the number of cattle might more rapidly increase; but the Javans have no tradition to this effect. It is however remarkable, that an absolute aversion to this aliment exists on that part of the continent of Asia, in which many popular usages are found sinmilar to those of the cast insular nations. In a recent publication it is stated of the people between Siam and China, who are not, by the bye, very nice in what they eat, “ qu'ils ne se permettent pas le lait des animaux, et qu'ils ont “ pour cette boisson la répugnance que peut inspirer la boisson " du sang. Cette répugnance va même jusqu'à exclure du “ nombre de ses alimens le beurre et le fromage *."

Salt is obtained in abundance throughout every part of the island, but being manufactured on the coast, is proportionally higher in price in the inland districts. The sugar used by the natives is not prepared from the sugar-cane, but from the áren and other palms. It is manufactured by the simple process of boiling down the tári, or liquor which exudes from these trees, which are tapped for the purpose.

None of the palms of Java furnish the worms which are employed for food in other eastern countries, but similar worms are found in various kinds of rótan, sólak, &c. which are considered as dainties, not only by the natives, but by the Chinese and by some Europeans: they are called géndon. Worms of various specics, but all equally esteemed as articles of food, are found in the teak and other trees. White ants, in their different states, are one of the most common articles of food in particular districts: they are collected in different ways, and sold generally in the public markets. Their extensive nests are opened to take out the chrysalis; or they are watched, and swarms of the perfect insect are conducted into basins or trays containing a little water, where they soon perish: they are called láron.

The cooking utensils are, as might be supposed, of the most simple kind, and either of coarse pottery or copper. Rice, after several poundings in a trough or mortar, is generally dressed by steam, though not unfrequently boiled in a small quantity of water. In the former case, it is remarkable for its whiteness and consistency when dressed ; and in this state it is publicly exposed for sale in the markets and along the high roads. Indian corn is usually roasted in the ear, and offered for sale in the same manner. Other aliments are for the most part prepared in the manner of curry, termed by the Maláyus gulai: of these they have almost an endless variety, distinguished according to the principal ingredients. Besides what may be considered as the principal dishes, they excel in a variety of preparations of pastry and swcetmeats (particularly of the kétan), of which many are by no means unpleasant to an European palate. They are fond of colouring their pastry, as well as other articles of their food. They occasionally make their rice yellow and brown, and even turn their boiled eggs red for varicty.

Black pepper, as among the Maláyus, is scarcely ever used, on account of its supposed heating quality. The most common seasoning employed to give a relish to their insipid food, is the lombok ; triturated with salt, it is called sámbel, both by the Maláyus and Javans, and this condiment is indispensable and universal. It is of different kinds, according to the substances added to increase or diversify its strength or pungency; the most common addition is trási, denominated by the Maláyus, bláchang. The name lálab is given to various leaves and kernels, mostly eaten raw with rice and sámbel : many of these substances possess a pungency and odour intolerable to Europeans. If several vegctables are mixed together, and prepared by boiling, they constitute what is called jang'an, or greens for the table, of which there are several distinctions. The various legumes are of great importance in the diet of the natives. Padomóro, pín'dang, and semúr, are dishes to which the flesh of the buffalo or fowls is added, and which resemble the Indian curry. Rújak is prepared from unripe mangos and other fruits, which, being grated, receive the addition of capsicum and other spices, and thus constitutes a favourite dish with the natives, though very disagreeable to Europeans.

The Chinese prepare from the gédelé a species of soy, somewhat inferior to that brought from Japan. The káchang-iju is highly useful as a general article of diet, and is a good substitute for various legumes, which form the common nourishment of the continental Indians: it contains much farinaceous matter. Trási or bláchang is prepared in many situations along the northern coast, but is mostly required for the consumption of the interior. It is prepared from prawns or shrimps, and extensive fisherics for the purpose are established in many parts of the coast. The shrimps being taken, are strewed with salt, and exposed to the sun till dry; they are then pounded in wooden mortars, dressed, and formed into masses resembling large cheeses : in this state they constitute an article of trade, and are distributed through the country. The putrescent fluid remaining after the expression strongly impregnated with the odour of the shrimps, is evaporated to the consistence of a jelly, and affords a favourite sauce called pétis. An inferior kind of trási is prepared from small fish, and, when made into the form of small balls, is called blények. Trási blúro is of a reddish colour, and much estcemed at the native capitals. Another kind of pétis is prepared from the flesh of the buffalo, chiefly in the interior districts.

Salted eggs are also an important article in the diet of the Javans. The eggs of ducks being most abundant, are chiefly preserved in this way. The eggs are enveloped in a thick covering made of a mixture of salt and ashes in equal parts, or salt and pounded bricks, and being wrapped cach in a large leaf, they are placed on one another in a tub, or large earthen vessel. In ten days they are fit for use; but they are generally kept longer in the mixture, and, being thoroughly impregnated with salt, can be kept many months. In some districts, the eggs of the Muscovy duck are particularly employed for the purpose.

In preparing their food, the Javans may be considered to observe the same degree of cleanliness which is usual with Asiatics in general; and in point of indulgence of appetite, they may be, perhaps, placed about midway between the abstemious Hindu and the unscrupulous Chinese. In a country where vegetation is luxuriant, and cultivation is already considerably advanced, it follows that there must be an abundant supply for a people who subsist principally on vegetable productions; and it may be asserted, that, except where the manifest oppressions of government, or the effects of civil discord, for the moment deprive the labourer of his just reward, there are few countries where the mass of the population are so well fed as on Java. There are few of the natives who cannot obtain their káti, or pound and a quarter of rice a day, with fish, greens, and salt, if not other articles, to season their meal. Where rice is less abundant, its place is supplied by maize or Indian corn, or the varicty of beans which are cultivated; and even should a family be driven into the woods, they would still be able to obtain a bare subsistence from the numerous nutritious roots, shoots, and leaves, with which the forests abound. Fanine is unknown; and although partial failures of the crop may occur, they are seldom so extensive as to be generally felt by the whole community. Thus abundantly supplicd, the Javans seem by no means inclined to reject the bounties of Providence : they are always willing to partake of a hearty meal, and seldom have occasion to make a scanty one. Yet among them a glutton is a term of reproach, and to bo notoriously fond of good living is sufficient to attach this epithct to any one.

The Javans, except where respect to Europeans dictates a different practice, eat their meals off the ground. A mat kept for the purpose is laid on the floor, which, when the meal is over, is again carefully rolled up, with the same regularity as the table-cloth in Europe; and a plate of rice being served up to each person present, the whole family or party sit down to partake of the meal in a social manner. A principal dish, containing the sámbel, jángan, or other more highly seasoned preparation, is then handed round, or placed in the centre of the company, from which each person adds what he thinks proper to the allowance of rice before him.

Water is the principal and almost exclusive beverage, and, amoug people of condition, it is invariably boiled first, and generally drunk warm. Some are in the habit of flavouring the water with cinnamon and other spices; but tea, when it can be procured, is drunk by all classes at intervals during the day.

On occasions of festivals and parties, when many of the chiefs are assembled, the dishes are extremely numerous and crowded; and hospitality being a virtne which the Javans carry almost to an excess, due care is taken that the dependants and retainers are also duly provided for. These, particularly in the highlands of the Súnda districts, where the people are furthest removed from foreign intercourse, and the native manners are consequently better preserved, are arranged in rows at intervals, according to their respective ranks; the first in order sitting at the bottom of the hall, and the lowest at some distance without, where each is carefully supplied with a bountiful proportion of the feast : thus exhibiting, in the mountainous districts of Java, an example of rude hospitality, and union of the different gradations of society in the same company, similar to that which prevailed in the Highlands of Scotland some centuries ago, where, it is said, " those of inferior description " were, nevertheless, considered as guests, and had their share, " both of the entertainment and of the good cheer of the day."

It is at these parties that the chiefs sometimes indulge in intoxicating liquors, but the practice is not general; and the use of wine, which has been introduced among them by the Dutch, is in most instances rather resorted to from respect to Europeans, than from any attachment to the bottle.

The Javans have universally two meals in the day; one just before noon, and one between seven and eight o'clock in the evening: the former, which is the principal meal, corresponding with the European dinner, and distinguished by the term mángán-áwan, or the day meal; the latter, termed mángán wéngé, or evening meal. They have no regular meal corresponding with the European breakfast; but those who go abroad carly in the morning, usually partake of a basin of coffee and some rice cakes before they quit their homes, or purchase something of the kind at one of the numerous rá- rongs, or stalls, which line the public roads, and are to the common people as so many coffee or eating-houses would be to the European; rice, coffee, cakes, boiled rice, soups, ready dressed meats and vegetables, being at all times exposed in them. What is thus taken by the Javans in the morning to break the fast, is considered as a whet, and termed sarap.

By the custom of the country, good food and lodging are ordered to be provided for all strangers and travellers arriving at a village; and in no country are the rights of hospitality more strictly enjoined by institutions, or more conscientiously and religiously observed by custom and practice. " It is not " sufficient," say the Javan institutions, " that a man should " place good food before his guest; he is bound to do more: "he should render the meal palatable by kind words and " treatment, to soothe him afler his journey, and to make his "heart glad while he partakes of the refreshment." This is called bójo krómo, or real hospitality.

Thechewing of betel-leaf (siri), and the areka-nut (pinang), as well as of tobacco (tambáko), and gámbir, is common to all classes. The síri and pínang are used much in the same manner as by the natives of India in general. These stinulants are considered nearly as essential to their comfort, as salt is among Europeans. The commonest labourer contrives to procure at least tobacco, and generally síri; and if he cannot afford a síri box, a small supply will be usually found in the corner of his handkerchief. Cardanums and cloves compose part of the articles in the siri box of a person of condition.

The inhabitants of Java, as a nation, must be accounted sober; although Europeans, in order to serve their own purposes, by inducing spme of the chiefs to drink wine to excess, have succeeded, to a certain extent, in corrupting the habits of some individuals in this respect. Two kinds of fermented. liquor are however prepared by the Javans, called bádek and bróm: the former from rice; the latter almost exclusively from kétan or glutinous rice. In making bádek, the rice previously boiled is stewed with a ferment called rági, consisting of onions, black pepper, and capsicum, and mixed up into small cakes, which are daily sold in the markets. After frequent stirring, the mixture is rolled into balls, which are piled upon each other in a high earthen vessel, and when fermentation has commenced the bádek exudes and is collected at the bottom. The remaining rice, strongly impregnated with the odour of fermentation, has a sweetish taste, and is daily offered for sale in the markets as a dainty, under the name of tapé. Bádek is, in comparison with bróm, a simple liquor, produeing only slight intoxication: it is often administered to children to dislodge worms from the intestines. In making bróm, the kétan is boiled in large quantities, and being stewed with rági, remains exposed in open tubs till fermentation takes place, when the liquor is poured off into close earthen vessels. It is generally buried in the earth for several months, by which the process of fermentation is checked and the strength of the liquor increased: sometimes it is concentrated by boiling. The colour is brown, red, or yellow, according to the kind of kétan employed. Bróm, which has been preserved for several years, is highly esteemed among the natives, constituting a powerful spirit, which causes violent intoxication followed by severe head-ache in persons not accustomed to its use. The substance that remains after separation is a deadly poison to fowls, dogs, and various other animals. Arrack is prepared by distillation : an inferior kind, made in a more simple and economical manner, is called chin. Both are prepared by the Chinese, and a particular account of the method employed will be found under another head *. A kind of small beer is made at Súra-kérta in a mode similar to the European process of brewing, by exciting fermentation in a solution of Javan sugar, with several spices and the leaves of the pári instead of hops. When fresh, the liquor is sprightly, and not unpleasant to the taste; but it cannot be preserved longer than four or five days.

The use of opium, it must be confessed and lamented, has struck deep into the habits, and extended its malignant influence to the morals of the people, and is likely to perpetuate its power in degrading their character and enervating their energies, as long as the European government, overlooking every consideration of policy and humanity, shall allow a paltry addition to their finances to outweigh all regard to the ultimate happiness and prosperity of the country. It is either eaten in its erude state as mánta, or smoked as mádat or chándu. In the preparation of mádat, the crude opium is boiled down with the leaves of tobacco, síri, or the like, and used in a sticky or somewhat liquid state. In chándn, the opium is merely boiled down without any admixture, to a still thicker consisteney, and rolled into small balls or pills, in which state, when dry, they are inserted into bámbus, and thus smoked. The crude opium is eaten principally by the people in the interior of the country, in the provinces of the native princes: the opium prepared for smoking is used along the coast, and generally in the other islands of the Archipelago; it is prepared by the Chinese. The use of opium, however, though carried to a considerable extent, is still reekoned disgraeeful, and persons addicted to it are looked upon as abandoned characters, and despised accordingly. The effects of this poison on the human frame are so well described by the Dutch commissioners who sat at the Hague in 1803, and who much to their honour declared, " that no consideration of pecuniary advan- " tage ought to weigh with the European government in allow- " ing its use," that together with the opinion of Mr. Hogendorp, who concurred with them, I shall insert their statement here. The wish to do justice to authorities, whose views were so creditable to their country and their own character, and the importance of their opinion to an extensive population, will plead an apology for the length of the extract which I now present.

" The opium trade," observe the Commissioners, " requires

" likewise attention. The English in Bengal have assumed an

" exclusive right to collect the same, and they dispose of a

" considerable number of chests containing that article an-

" nually at Calcutta by public auction. It is much in demand

" on the Malay coast, at Sumatra, Java, and all the islands

" towards the east and north, and particularly in China,

" although the use thereof is confined to the lower classes.

"The effect which it produces on the constituti is different,

" and depends on the quantity that is taken, or on other cir-

" cumstances. f used with moderation, it causes a pleasant,

" yèt always somewhat intoxicating sensation, which absorbs

" all care and anxiety. If a large quantity is taken, it pro-

" duces a kind of madness, of which the effects are dreadful,

" especially when the mind is troubled by jealousy, or'in-

" flamed with a desire of vengeance or other violent passions.

"At all times it leaves a slow poison, which undermines the

" faculty of the soul and the constitution of the body, and

" renders a person unfit for all kind of labour and an image

" of the brute creation. The use of opium is so much more

" dangerous, because a person who is once addícted to it can

"never leave it off. To satisfy that inclination, he will sacri-

" fice every thing, his own welfare, the subsistence of his

"wife and children, and neglect his work. Poverty is the

" natural consequence, and then it becomes indifferent to him

"by what means he may content his insatiable desire after

" opium; so that, at last, he no longer respects either the

" property or life of his fellow-creature.

"If here we were to follow the dictates of our own heart " only, and what moral doctrine and hunanity prescribe, no

" law, however severe, could be contrived, which we would

" not propose, to prevent at least that in future, no subjects

" of this Republic, or of the Asiatic possessions of the state,

" should be disgraced by trading in that abominable poison.

"Yet we consider this as absolutely impracticable at present

" with respect to those places not subject to the state. Opium

" is one of the most profitable articles of eastern commerce:

" as such it is considered by our merchants; and if the navi-

" gation to those parts is opened to them (which the interest

" of the state forcibly urges), it is impossible to oppose trading

" in the same. In this situation of affairs, therefore, we are

" rather to advise, that general leave be given to import opium

" at Malacca, and to allow the exportation from thence to

Bornco and all the eastern parts not in the possession of "the state."

" Opium," says Mr. Hogendorp, " is a slow though certain " poison, which the Company, in order to gain moncy, sells

" to the poor Javans. Any one whō is once enslaved to it,

" cannot, it is true, give it up without great difficulty; and if

" its use were entirely prohibited, some few persons would

" probably die for want of it, wh would otherwise languish

"on a little longer: but how many would by that means be

" saved for the future. Most of the crimes, particularly mur-

" ders, that are now committed, may be imputed to opium as

" the original cause.

" Large sums of money are every year carried out of the

." country in exchange for it, and enrich our competitors, the

" English. Much of it is smuggled into the interior, which

" adds to the evil. In short, the trade in opium is one of the

" most injurious and most shameful things which disgrace the

" present government of India. It is therefore necessary at

" once, and entirely, to abolish the trade and importation of

" opium, and to prohibit the same, under the severest pe-

" nalties that the law permits, since it is a poison. The

" smuggling of it will then become almost impracticable, and

" the health, and even the lives of thousands, will be pre-

" served. The money alone which will remain in the country

" in lieu of it, is more valuable as being in circulation, than

"the profit which the Company now derives from the sale " of it.

" This measure will excite no discontent among the Javans,

" for the princes and regents, with very few exceptions, do

" not consume any opium, but, as well as the most respectable

" of their subjects, look upon it as disgraceful. The use of

" opium is even adduced as an accusation of bad conduct,

" and considered as sufficient cause for the removal or banish-

" ment of a petty chief."

Importance of Agriculture to Java—Soil—State of the Peasantry—Price of Rice— Subsistence of the Peasantry—Dwelling—Agricultural Stock— Implements of Farming—Seasons—Different Kinds of Land—Rice Cultivation—Maize, &c.—Sugar—Coffee—Pepper—Indigo—Cotton—Tobacco —Tenure of Landed Property.

TíE island of Java is a great agricultural country; its soil is thegrand source of its wealth. In its cultivation the inhabitants exert their chief industry, and upon its produce they rely, not only for their subsistence, but the few articles of foreign luxury or convenienee which they purchase. The Javans are a nation of husbandmen, and exhibit that simple structure of society incident to such a stage of its progress. To the crop the mechanic looks immediately for his wages, the soldier for his pay, the magistrate for his salary, the priest for his stipend (or jákat), and the government for its tribute. The wealth of a province or village is measured by the extent and fertility of its land, its facilities for rice irrigation, and the number of its buffaloes.

When government wishes to raise supplies from particular districts, it does not enquire how many rupees or dollars it can yield in taxes, but what contribution of rice or maize it can furnish, and the impost is assessed accordingly : the officer of revenue becomes a surveyor of land or a measurer of produce, and the fruits of the harvest are brought immediately into the ways and means of the treasury. When a chief gives his assistance in the police or the magistracy, he is paid by so much village land, or the rent of so much land realized in produce ; and a native prince has no other means of pensioning a favourite or rewarding a useful servant. " Be it known " to the high officers of my palace, to my Bopátis (regents),

" and to my Mántris (petite noblesse)," says a Javan patent of nobility granted by Sultan Hamángku Búana, "that I " have given this letter to my servant to raise him from the " earth, bestowing upon him, for his subsistence, lands to " the amount of eleven hundred cháchas, the labour of cleven "hundred men." By the population returns, and by the number of leases granted under the late settlement, it appears, that sometimes there is not nore than a tenth part of the inhabitants employed in any other branch of industry. Out of a population of 243,268 in the Priáng'en regencies, 209,125 are stated as employed in agriculture. In Surabáya, the proportion of householders who are cultivators, is to the rest of the inhabitants as 32,618 to 634; in Semárang, as 58,206 to 21,404; in Rembang it is as 103,230 to 55,300 ; and in other districts there are considerable variations: but it rarely happens, that the people employed in trade, in manufactures, in handicrafts, or other avocations, amount to a half of those engaged in agriculture, or a third of the whole population. The proportion, on an average, may be stated as three and a half or four to one. In England, it is well known, the ratio is reversed, its agricultural population being to its general population as one to three or two and a half. By the surveys lately made under the orders of the British government, we are enabled to describe the processes of Javan agriculture, and to state its results with more accuracy and in greater detail, than can be attained on many subjects of superior public interest. If we avail ourselves of these means pretty largely, it is not so mnch in the hope of increasing the stock of agricultural knowledge, as of assisting the reader to form an estimate of the charaeter, habits, wants, and resources of the Javan.

The soil of Java, though in many parts much neglected, is remarkable for the abundance and varicty of its productions. - With very little care or exertion on the part of thè cultivator, it yields all that the wants of the island demand, and is capable of supplying resources far above any thing that the indolence or ignorance of the people, either oppressed under the despotism of their own sovereigns, or harassed by the rapacity of strangers, have yet permitted them to enjoy. Lying under a tropical sun, it produces, as before observed, all the fruits of a tropical climate ; while, in many districts, its mointains and eminences make up for the difference of latitude, and give it, though only a few degrees from the line, all the advantages of temperate regions. The bámbu, the cocoanut tree, the sugar-cane, the cotton tree, and the coffee plant, here flourish in the greatest luxuriance, and yield products of the best quality. Rice, the great staple of subsistence, covers the slopes of mountains and the low fields, and gives a return of thirty, forty, or fifty fold; while maize, or even wheat and rye, and the other plants of Europe, may be cultivated to advantage on high and inland situations. Such is the fertility of the soil, that in some places after yielding two, and sometimes three crops in the year, it is not necessary even to change the culture. Water, which is so much wanted, and which is seldom found in requisite abundance in tropical regions, here flows in the greatest plenty. The cultivator who has prepared his sáwah, or rice field, within its reach, diverts part of it from its channel, spreads it out into numerous canals of irrigation, and thus procures from it, under a scorching sun, the verdure of the rainy season, and in due time a plentiful harvest. Nothing can be conceived more beautiful to the eye, or more gratifying to the imagination, than the prospect of the rich variety of hill and dale, of rich plantations and fruit trees or forests, of natural streams and artificial currents, which presents itself to the eye in several of the eastern and middle provinces, at some distance from the coast. In some parts of Kedú, Banyumás, Semárang, Pasúruan, and Málang, it is difficult to say whether the admirer of landscape, or the cultivator of the ground, will be most gratified by the view. The whole country, as seen from mountains of considerable elevation, appears a rich, diversified, and well watered garden, animated with villages, interspersed with the most luxuriant fields, and covered with the freshest verdure.

Over far the greater part, seven-cighths of the island, the soil is either entirely neglected or badly cultivated, and the population scanty. It is by the produce of the remaining eighth that the whole of the nation is supported ; and it is probable that, if it were all under cultivation, no area of land of the same extent, in any other quarter of the globe, could exceed it, either in quantity, variety, or value of its vegetable productions. The kind of husbandry in different districts (as shall be mentioned afterwards more particularly) depends upon the natnre and elevation of the ground, and the facilities for natural or artificial irrigation. The best lands are those situated in the vallies of the higher districts, or on the slopes of mountains, and on the plains stretching from them, as such lands are continually enriched with accessions of new earth washed down from the hills by the periodical rains. The poorest soil is that found on the ranges of low hills, termed kendang, extending along many districts, and particularly in the southern division of the island ; but in no part is it so sterile or ungrateful, as not to afford a liberal return for the labour bestowed upon its cultivation, especially if a supply of water can be by any means directed upon it.

But when nature does much for a country, its inhabitants are sometimes contented to do little, and, satisfied with its comnon gifts, neglect to improve them into the means of dignity or comfort. The peasantry of Java, easily procuring the necessaries of life, seldon aim at inprovement of their condition. Rice is the principal food of all classes of the people, and the great staple of their agriculture. Of this necessary article, it is calculated that a labourer can, in ordinary circunstances, carn from four to five kátis a day; and a káti being equivalent to one pound and a quarter avoirdupois, is rcckoned a sufficient allowance for the daily subsistence of an adult in these regions. The labour of the women on Java is estimated almost as highly as that of the men, and thus a married couple can maintain eight or ten persons; and as a family seldom exoceds half that number, they have commonly half of their earnings applicable for the purehase of little comforts, for implements of agriculture, for clothing and lodging. The two last articles cannot be expensive in a country where the children generally go naked, and where the simplest structure possible is sufficient to afford the requisite protection against the elements.

The price of rice, which thus becomes of importanee to the labourer, varies in different parts of the island, according to the fertility of the district where it is produced, its situation with regard to a market, or its distance from one of the numerous provincial capitals. As the means of transport, by which the abundance of one district might be conveyed to supply the deficieneies of another, and to equalize the distribution of the general stock, are few and laborious, this variation of price is sometimes very considerable : even in the same district there are great variations, according to the nature of the crop. In the Native Provinees, a pikul (weighing 133 lbs. English) sometimes sells below the fourth part of a Spanish dollar, and at other times for more than two Spanish dollars; but in common years, and at an average over the whole island, ineluding the capital, the estimate may be taken at thirty Spanish dollars the kóyan of thirty píkuls, or three thousand kátis. A káti of rice, according to this estimate, may be sold to the consumer, after allowing a sufficient profit to the retail merchant, for much less than a penny.

But though the price of this common article of subsistence may be of some consequence to the Javan labourer, when he wants to make any purchase with his surplus portion, he is rendered independent of the fluctuations of the market for his necessary food, by the mode in which he procures it. He is generally the cultivator of the soil; and while he admits that law of custom, which assigns to the superior a certain share of the produce, he claims an equal right himself to the remainder, which is generally sufficient to support himself and his family : and he sometines finds in this law of custom, sanctioned by the interest of both parties, a security in the possession of his lands, and a barrier against the arbitrary exactions of his chief, which conld scarcely be expected under the capricious despotisn of a Mahomedan government. In addition to this reserved share, he raises on his own account, if he is industrious, within what may be termed the cottage farm, all the vegetables, fruit, and poultry requisite for his own consumptiom His wife invariably manufactures the slight articles of clothing, which, in such a clinate, the common people are in the habit of wearing. What can be spared of the fruits of their joint industry from the supply of their immediate wants, is carried to market, and exchanged for a little salt fish, dried meat, or for other trifling comforts, hoarded as a store for the purchase of an ox or a buffalo, or expended in procuring materials for repairing the hut and mending the implements of husbandry.

The farming stock of the cultivator is as limited as his wants are few and his cottage inartificial: it usually consists of a pair of buffaloes or oxen, and a few rude implements of husbandry. There is a small proportion of sheep and goats on the island; but, with the exception of poultry, no kind of live stock is reared exclusively either for the butcher or the dairy. By the returns made in 1813 of the stock and cattle of the provinces under the British government, containing a population of nearly two millions and a half, it was found that there were only about five thousand sheep and twenty-four thousand goats. The number of buffaloes, by the same return, and in the same space, was stated at 402,054, and of oxen at 122,691. Horses abound in the island, but are principally cmployed about the capitals, and not in husbandry, further than in the transport of produce from one district to another.

The buffalo and ox are used for ploughing. The former is of a smaller size than the buffalo of Sumatra and the Peninsula, though larger than that of Bengal and of the islands lying castward of Java. It is a strong tractable animal, capable of long and continued exertion, but it cannot bear the heat of the mid-day sun. It is shy of Europeans, but submits to be managed by:the smallest child of the family in which it is domesticated. The buffalo is either black or white: the former is larger and generally considered superior. In the Súnda, or western and mountainous districts, nine out of ten are white, which is not at all the case in the low countries; no essential difference in the breed has been discovered to be connected with this remarkable distinction of colour. The usual price of a buffalo in the western districts is about twenty-four rupees for the black, and twenty rupees for the white ; in the eastern districts the price varies from twelve to sixteen rupees. The Súnda term for a buffalo is múnding; the Javan, máisa and kébo: and in compliment to Laléan, the prince who is supposed to have introduced cultivation into the Sunda districts, that prince and his successors on the Súnda throne are distinguished by the appellation Múnding or Máisa. The name of the individual sovereigns enters into a compound with these general terms for the dynasty, and they are called Máisa-laléan, Múnding-sári, and so of others.

The ox of Java derives its origin from the Indian breed. Two varieties are common: that which is called the Javan ox has considerably degenerated; the other, which is termed the Bengal or Surat ox, is distinguished by a lump on the shoulder, and retains in his superior strength other traces of his origin. The bull after castration is used as a beast of burden, for the draught, and sometimes for the stall. Cows are chiefly employed in husbandry, and are particularly useful to the poorer class ; but in the sáwah and the extensive inundated plantations of the low districts of the island, the superior bulk and strength of the buffalo is indispensable. Eastward of Pasúruan, however, the lands are ploughed by oxen and cows exclusively. The wild breed, termed bánténg, is found principally in the forests of that quarter and in Báli, although it occurs also in other parts; a remarkable change takes place in the appearance of this animal after castration, the colour in a few months invariably becoming red.

The cows on Java, as well as throughout the Archipelago, remarkably degenerate from those properties, for which, in a state of domestication, they are chiefly prized in other quarters of the world, and afford little or no milk beyond what is barely sufficient for the nourishment of the calf: but the draught ox does not partake of a similar change, and in the central and eastern districts, particularly where the pasture is good, becomes a strong active animal. The degenerate domestic cows are sometimes driven into the forests, to couple with the wild bánteng, for the sake of improving the breed. A single pair of oxen, or buffaloes, is found sufficient for the yoke both of the plough and harrow; and these form by far the most expensive part of the cultivator's stock. The price of a draught ox, in the central and eastern districts, in which they are more generally used in agriculture, varies from eight to sixteen rupees, or from twenty to forty shillings English, and a cow may be purchased for about the same price. Either from the luxuriance of the pasture, the greater care of the husbandmen, or a more equal climate, both the buffalo and the ox are usually in better condition on Java than in many parts of India: indeed, those miscrable half-starved looking animals, with which some of the provinces of Bengal abound, are never seen in this island, except, perhaps, occasionally, in some of the few herds belonging to Europeans, in the vicinity of Batavia.

Buffaloes, however, more than other domestic animals, are subject to an.epidemic disease, the symptoms and nature of which have not been hitherto carefully noted, or satisfactorily explained. It prevails throughout the whole island, and generally re-appears after an interval of three, four, or five years: it makes great ravages in the stock of the peasantry, and is checked in its progress by no remedies which have hitherto been discovered or applied: it is of an infectious nature, and excites great alarm when it appears: it bears different names in different parts of the island. As the bull and cow are not liable to this disease; and as, in addition to this advantage, they are less expensive in their original purchase, they are preferred by many of the natives.

For draught, the buffalo and cow are employed; and for burden, the horse (particularly mares) and the ox. In level distriets,:and in good roads, the use of the latter is preferred. The usual burden ofa horse is rather less than three hundred weight, and that of an ox rather more than four; but in mountainous districts, and where the roads are neglected, one half of this weight is considered as a sufficient, if not an ex- 4.* cessive load,

The comparatively higher price of cattle on Java than in Bengal has been accounted for from the demand for them as food, and the absence of extensive commons on which to feed them.

When implements of husbandry are mentioned in British agriculture, many expensive instruments,<and complicated machinery suggest themselves to thiose acquainted with its practical details. From the preparation of the ground for receiving the seed, till the grain comes into the hǎnds of the miller, labour is economized and produce increased, by many ingenious processes and artful contrivances, of which a Javan could form no conception. He could form no idea of the fabrication or,advantages of our different kinds of ploughs; of our swing ploughs, our wheel ploughs, and our two-furrow ploughs; of our grubbers, cultivators, and other instruments for pulverizing the soil; of our ¿hreshing and winnowing machines, and other inventions. A plongh of the simplest construction, a harrow, or rather rake, and sometimes a roller, with a páchul, or hoe, which answers the purpose of a spade; an árit, which serves as a knife or small hachet; and the áni áni, a peculiar instrument used by the reapers, are all the implements employed by him in husbandry; and the total cost of the whole does not excced three or four rupees, or from seven to ten shillings.

The plough (walúku), in general use for the irrigated land, consists of three parts, the body, beam, and handle. It is generally made of teak wood, where that material can be provided, or otherwise of the most durable that can be found: the yoke only is of bámbu. Simple as it is, it appears, both in its construetion and durability, superior to the plough of Bengal, as described by Mr. Colebrooke, from which it differs, in having a board cut out of the piece which forms the body, for throwing the earth aside. The point of the body, or sock, is tipped with iron, which in some districts is cast for the purpose. There is another kind, of more simple construction, in use for dry and mountain cultivation : this is termed brújul, and consists of but two parts. Both kinds are so light, that when the ploughman has performed his morning's work, he throws the plough over his shoulder, and without feeling any inconvenience or fatigue, returns with it to his cottage. For gardens, and for small fields adjoining the villages, the small lúku china or Chinese plough, is used with one buffalo: the cost for a good plough seldom exceeds a rupee and a half. The harrow (gáru), which is rather a large rake having only a single rough row of teeth, costs about the same sum, and is in like manner made of teak where procurable; except the handle, beam, and yoke, which are of bámbu. When used, the person who guides it generally sits upon it, to give it the necessary pressure for levelling or pulverizing the soil.

The páchul is a large hõe, which in Java serves every purpose of the spade in Europe, and is consequently, next to the plough, the most important implement in Javan husbandry. The head is of wood tipped with iron ; and the handle, which is about two feet and a half long, frequently has á slight curve, which renders it more convenient for use: its price is about half a rupee. The árit, or weeding knife, costs about eight pence; and the áni áni,'with which the grain is reaped, about three pence. The latter is a small instrument of peculiar shape. The reaper holds it in a particular manner,. and crops off with it each separate ear, along with a few inches of the straw. This mode of reaping has been immemorially practised and is universally followed. Some of the most intelligent people being questioned respecting the origin of this operose process, answered, that it was reported to have been established in ancient times as a s'lámat, or grateful acknowledgment for an abundant harvest; that when his. field was covered with the bounty of Ceres, no reaper could refuse her this acknowledgment; and that the religious dischargé of this obligation was guarded by the belief, that if he ceased to offer this tribute ofhis labour at the season of harvest, the field would not continue to yield him the same abundant return.

The lands are ploughed, harrewed, and weeded by the men, who also conduct the whole process of irrigation; but the labour of transplanting, reaping, and, (where cattle are not used for the purpose) of transporting the different crops from the field to the village, or from the village to the market, devolves upon the women.

Besides the two general divisions of the year, marked out by nature in the great changes'of the earth and the atmosphere, there are other periodical distinctions, depending on less obvious or more irregular phenomena. These variations have been asccrtained by a referenee to the cóurse of the heavenly bodies, or the calculations of the wúku, which are described in another part of this work. It is the office of the village priest to keep this reckoning, and to apprize the cultivators when the term approaches for the commeneement of the different operations of husbandry. Ofthesé minor seasons of the year, the first, commencing after the rice harvest which falls in Augüst or September, lasts forty-one days. During this season the leaves fall from the trees, vegetation is interrupted, and the only field labour performed is the burning of grass and vegetables, as a preparation of the tégal or gágas. In the second season, which lasts twenty-five days, vegetation àgain resumes its vigour. The third, which lasts twenty-four days, is considered the most proper for planting sweet potatoes, yams, ånd such other vegetables as usually form the second crop; the wild flowers of the forest are now in blossom, and the period of what is termed dry cultivation commences. The fourth, which lasts also twenty-four days, is the natural season for the pairing of wild animals: high winds now prevail, the rains descend, and the rivers begin to rise. During the fifth, which lasts twenty-six days, the implements of husbandry are prepared, and the water-courses examined and renewed: this is the commencement of the wet cultivation. In the sixth season the ploughing of the sáwahs and sowing of the bibit for the great rice crop takes place: this season lasts forty-one days. In the seventh, which also lasts fortyone days, pári is transplanted-into fields, and the courses of the water properly directed. In the eighth, which lasts twenty-six days, the plants shoot'above the water and begin to blossom. In the ninth season, which consists of twentyfive days, the ears of the grain form. In the tenth, also consisting of twenty-five days, they ripen and turn yellow. The eleventh, which lasts twenty-six days, is the period for reaping; and in the'twelfth, which consists of forty-one days, the harvest is completed, the produce gathered in, and that-dry clear weather prevails, in which the days are the hottest and the nights the coldest of the whole year. The accurate assignment of the number of days by the natives themselves to the different operations of husbandry, affords-such complete information on this interesting subject that any further account would be superfluous. It may, however, be proper to observe, that the periods above described chiefly refer to the progress of the principal rice crop, as influenced by the annual rains; but there are many lands rendered quite independent of these rains, by the viçinity of streams which afford a plentiful supply of water at all times of the year. In many favoured situations, it is even common to observe at one view the rice, fields in almost every stage of their cultivation; in one, women engaged in planting the newly prepared, soil, and in another, the reapers employed in collecting the fruits of the harvest.

Lands in Java are classed under two 'general divisions; lands which axe capable-of being inundated directly from streams or rivers, and lands which are-not so. The former are termed sáwah, the latter tégal or gága. It is oħ the sáwahs that the great riee cultiation is carried on ; and these admit of a subdivision, according to the manner in which the land is irrigated. Those which can be irrigated at pleasure from adjacent springs or rivers, are considered as the proper sáwah; those which depend on the periodical rains for the whole or principal part of the water by which they are fertilized, are termed sáwah túdahan. The former are by far the most valuable, and lands of this description admit of two heavy crops annually, without regard to any particular time of the year: the fields seldom exceed forty or sixty fect in breadth, and the water is retained in them by means of a small embankment of about a foot in height. On the slopes of the mountains, where this mode of cultivation is chiefly found, these fields are carried gradually above cach other in so many terraces, for the purpose of irrigation, the water admitted in the upper terrace inundating cach of them in its descent. The tégal lands are appropriated to the culture of less important crops, such as the mountain rice, Indian corn, &c.

The vast superiority of the súwah, or wet cultivation, over that of tégal, or dry, is shewn in their relative produce, and may be still further illustrated by a comparison of the rents which the two descriptionsof land are calculated to afford. The quantity of tégal land, or land fit for maize, as compared with that of sáwah land, varies in different districts. In Ché- ribon, the tégal land, by the late survey, amounted only to 2,511, while the sáwan exceeded 16,000. In Tégal thc proportions were even more widely varied, the number of jungs of the former to the latter being as 891 to 11,445. In Surabáya they were as 1,356 to 17,397; in Kedú and Besúki they were nearly equal, being respectively as 8,295 to 10,757, and as 6,369 to 7,862.

The succession of crops, next to the facility of irrigation, depends upon the quality of the soil, which in the native provinces is divided by the cultivators into three principal kinds, tána ládu tána linchad, and tána pásir. The first is the best, consisting of rich vegetable mould, and a certain proportion of sand, and exists chiefly near the bânks of large rivers; the second is almost pure clay, and is found in the central plains ; and the third is alluvial, and covers the maritime districts. The term pádas péréng is applied to the oblique tracts enriched with a fertile mould, which form the acclivities of hills, and from which the water readily disappears. Tána ládu will bear a constant succession of crops. Tána línchad yields only a single annual crop of rice : during the rainy season the soil constitutes a stiff mud, in which the plants find the requisite moisture and display all their luxuriance; when it is afterwards exposed to the rays of tlre sun, it bursts into extensive fissures, which admitting the scorching heat by which they were produced, become detrimental to every species of vegetation.

Besides the annual crop of rice which is raised on the sáwah lands, a variety of plants are raised upon them as a second or light crop within the same year. Among these are several species of káchang or bean, the cotton plant, the indigo, and a variety of cucumbers, &c. But the more generally useful and profitable vegetables require nearly the same period as the rice, and only yield their increase once in a season: they mostly grow in situations, on which the supply of water can be regulated, and a continued inundation prevented. Among the most inportant are the gúdé, káchang pénden, or káchang chína, káchang iju, kédéle, jágung or Indian corn, jágung chántel, jáwá-wút, jáli, wijen, járuk or palma christi, térong, and kéntang jáwa.

In tégal lands of high situations a particular method of planting is sometimes practiced, which produces a result similar to a succession of crops. Together with the rice are deposited the seeds of other vegetables, which arrive at maturity at different periods, chiefly after the rice harvest. The most common and useful among these is cotton ; and, in some tracts, great quantities of this valuable product is thus obtained, without any exclusive allotment of the soil. Next to this are various leguminous and other plants, which do not interfere with the rice. No less than six or eight kinds of vegetables are sometimes in this manner seen to shoot up promiscuously in a single field.

Rice, however, as has been' repeatedly observed, is the grand staple of Javan, as well as Indian cultivàtion, and to this every other species of husbandry is subordinate. The adjacent islands and states of Sumatra, Malacca, Borneo, Celebes, and the Moluccas, have always in a great measure

VOL. I.

depended on the Javan cultivator for their supply, and the Dutch were in the habit of transporting an annual quantity of between six and cight thousand tons to Ceylon, to Coromandel, to the Cape, and their other settlements. Even at the low rate at which it generally sells, a revenue of near four million of rupees, or about half a million sterling, has been estimated as the government portion of its annual produce.

According to the modes of cultivation by which it has been reared, this grain is called pári sáwah, or pári gága ; corresponding, with some exceptions, to the pádi sáwah, and pádi ládang of Sumatra. In the western, and particularly the Súnda districts, the term gága is changed for típar, the term gága, in these districts, being only occasionally applied to the grain which is cultivated on newly cleared mountainous spots.

The lowland and the nountain rice, or more correctly speaking, the rice raised in dry lands and the rice raised in lands subjected to inundation, are varieties of the same species (the oriza sativa of Linnaus) although both of them are permanent : but the rice planted on the mountainous or dry ground does not thrive on irrigated lands; nor, on the contrary, does the súncuh rice suceced on lands beyond the reach of irrigation. The mountain rice is supposed to contain in the same bulk more nourishment than the other, and is more palatable ; but its use is limited to the less populous districts of the island, the greater proportion of the inhabitants depending exclusively on the produce of the sáwahs, or wet cultivation, for their support.

Stavorinus asserts, that the mountain rice is not so good as that of the low lands. Mr. Marsden informs us, on the contrary, that the former brings the higher price, and is considered of superior quality, being whiter, heartier, and better flavoured grain, keeping better, and increasing more in boiling. " The rice of the low lands," he says, " is more " prolific from the seed, and subject to less risk in the cul- " ture; and on these accounts, rather than from its superior " quality, is in more common use than the former." In gencral, the weightiest and whitest grain is preferred; a preference mentioned by Bontius, who includes in the character of the best rice its whiteness, its clearness of colour, and its preponderating weight, bulk for bulk. Dr. Horsfield conceives that Stavorinus formed his opinion in the low northern maritime districts of Java, and Mr. Marsden from a more extensive observation. Many intelligent natives state, that they prefer the mountain rice when they can procure it, on account of its whiteness, strength, and flavour; and that they are only linited in its use, by the impossibility of raising as much of it as can satisfy the general demand, all the mountain or dry rice not being suflicient to feed one-tenth of the population. In less populous countries, as in many parts of Sumatra, the inhabitants can easily subsist the whole of their numbers exclusively on mountain rice, or that produced on ludangs, which are fields reclained from ancient forests for the first time, and from which only one crop is demanded. The grain here, as in the mountain rice of Java, is highly flavoured and nutritious; but in countries where the population is crowded, where a scanty crop will not suffice, and where a continued supply of new land cannot be obtained, the peasantry must apply their labour to such grounds as admit of uninterrupted cultivation, and renew their annual fertility by periodical inundations, even although the produce is not so highly prized.

In the sáwahs of Java the fields are previously ploughed, inundated, and laboured by animals and hocing, until the mould is converted iato a semifluid mire : they then are considered fit to receive the young plants. No manure is ever used. Oil-cakes (búngkil), which are by some writers supposed to be used for this purpose generally, are only employed in the gardens about Batavia. One of the ehief characteristics of the soil on Java, is an exemption from the necessity of requiring manure : on the sáwah lands, the annual inundation of the land is suflicicnt to renovate its vigour, and to permit constant cropping for a suceession of years, without any observable impoverishment.

In the cultivation of the sáwahs, the plants are uniformly transplanted or removed from their first situation. In those of tégal or gága, they grow to maturity on the same spot where the seed was originally deposited, whether this be on high mountainous districts, or on low lands, the distinction of sáwah and gága depending exclusively not upon the situation of the field, but in the mode of culture, whether wet or dry.

In raising rice in the sáwahs, inundation is indispensable till it is nearly ripe. The seed is first sown on a bed prepared for the purpose, about one month before the season for transplanting it, and the plant is during that time termed bibit. Two methods are in use. According to the first, called úrit, the ears of pári are carefully disposed on the soft mud of the seed bed; in the second, called ng'éber, the separated seeds are thrown after the manner of broadcast in Europe. In by far the greatest portions of the island, the ground is prepared, the seed sown, and the plant removed, during the course of the rainy season, or between the months of November and March. In situations where a constant supply of water can be obtained from springs, rivulets, or rivers, two crops are produced in the course of twelve or fourteen months; but the advantage of double cropping, which exhausts the soil without allowing it time to recover, has been considered as ery questionable. If in some situaations commanding a supply of water, the carth is allowed to rest after the preceding harvest, during the latter end of the rainy season, and the transplantation made in the months of June and July, it generally yields more profitable crops than the comnon method of working the sáwah. This, which is termed gádu by the natives, has been recommended by the experience of European planters.

Irrigation is exclusively effected by conducting the water of rivers and rivulets from the more or less elevated spots in the vicinity, and in this respect, differs materially in its process from that of Bengal, for although considerable labour and ingenuity are exercised in detaining, regulating, and distributing the supply, by means of dams, called bandáng'ans, no machinery whatever is employed in raising water for agricultural purposes in any part of the island.

The rice grown on sáwahs, is of two kinds, pári génja and pári dálam. In the former, the harvest takes place four months after the transplantation; in the latter, six months. Pári génja having the advantage of a quicker growth, is therefore often planted when the rainy season is far advanced.

Pári dálam is more prolific, and yields a grain of superior quality, comprising those varieties in which the cars are longer and more compound. The varieties of each kind are distinct and permanent.

The subvarieties are very numerous, amounting, with those of kétan, to more than a hundred. Kétan is a distinct variety, with very glutinous seeds, seldom employed as an article of food, except in confections, cakes, and the like. Of the varieties of the pári génsha, mentik and anchar bántap are preferred. Of the pári dálam, those of krentúlan and súka nándi are most esteemed, being remarkably well flavoured and fit for keeping. S'lámat jáca yields also rice of good quality. The bearded kinds of pári are always preferred for keeping, as the grains do not readily fall off. Near Súrakérta, the principal native capital, close to the site of the former capital Kérta-súra, there is a peculiar tract inundated by water from a fountain at Ping'ging, which is said to produce a grain of very superior flavour, from which the table of the Susuhúnan is supplied. Súka nándi is the kind uniformly preferred for these plantations.

For pári gága, whether in high or low situations, the ground is prepared by ploughing and harrowing, and the seed is planted after the manner called setting in some parts of England. The holes are made by pointed sticks, called pónchos, and into each hole two seeds are thrown. Only carcless husbandmen, or those who cannot procure the requisite assistance in their labour, sow by broadcast. In high situations the earth is prepared before the rains eommence: the seed is sown in the months of September or October, and the harvest takes place in January and February following. Gágas of low situations are planted about a month after the harvest of the sáwah is got in, and frequently receive temporary supplies of water from a neighbouring rivulet. In high situations, to which water cannot be carried, they are sufficiently moistened by the first rains of the season. During their growth, they receive several hoeings from the careful husbandman.

As the grain ripens, an elevated shed is frequently erected in the centre of a plantation, within which a child on the watch touches, from time to time, a series of cords extending from the shed to the extremities of the field, like the radii of a circle, and by this cheap contrivance, and an occasional shout, prevents the ravages of birds, which would otherwise prove highly injurious to the crops. These little clevated sheds in the interior, and particularly in the district of Bányumás, are very neatly construeted of matting.

The reapers are uniformly paid, by recciving a portion of the crop which they have reaped : this varies in different parts of the island, from the sixth to the eighth part, depending on the abundance or scarcity of hands ; when the harvest is general through a district, one-fifth or one-fourth is demanded by the reaper. In opposition to so exorbitant a claim, the influence of the great is sometimes exerted, and the labourer is obliged to be content with a tenth or a twelfth.

The grain is separated from the husk by pounding several times repeated. The first operation is generally performed in wooden troughs, in the villages near which it grows, and before it is brought to market. The pári being thus converted into bras or rice, afterwards receives repeated poundings, according to the condition or taste of the consumer.

With the exception of the rice raised in súwahs, all other produce is cultivated on dry grounds, cither on the sácah fields during the dry season, or on tégal land, at all times exclusively appropriated to dry cultivation. The principal article next to rice, as affording food to man, is maize or Indian corn, terned jágung. It is general in every district of Java, but is more particularly an object of attention on Madúra, where, for want of mountain streams, the lands do not in general admit of irrigation. In the more populous parts of Java, likewise, where the sáwahs do not afford a sufficient supply of rice, the inhabitants have lately had recourse to the cultivation of maize. It is now rapidly incrcasing in those low ranges of hills, which, on account of the poverty of the soil, had hitherto been neglected, and is becoming more and more a favourite article of food. In the more eastern districts, it is procured from the inhabitants of Madúra in exchange for rice. It is generally roasted in the ear, and in that state is exposed while hot for public sale; but it is never reduced to flour, or stored for any considerable time.

The zea maize, or common jágung, is a hardy plant, and grows on any soil. In common with every other production of Java it thrives thero most luxuriantly; nor is there any reason to believe, that the Javan soil is less adapted to it than that of Spanish America, where Humboldt estimates its produce at a hundred and fifty fold. It is planted in fertile low lands in rotation with rice, and in high situations without intermission, often forming in the latter the chief, if not the only, support of the inhabitants. There are three different kinds, distinguished from each other by their respective periods of ripening. The first kind requires seven months, and is a large rich grain ; the second takes only three, and is ofinferior quality; and the third, which seems valuable only on account of its rapid growth, ripens in forty days, but has a poor small grain. They may be planted at all seasons of the year ; and of the two inferior kinds, several crops are often raised from the same ground within the year.

Of other cerealia, the jágung chántel is raised very partially in particular districts, at no great distance from the capitals of the interior, and mostly for the purpose of preparing from it, by fermentation, a liquor sometimes drunk by the natives ; as a general artiele of food it cannot be enumerated. The jáwawút and jáli are still more confined in their use ; although the natives have a tradition, that on the first arrival of the Indian colonists on Java, the former was the only grain found on the island : it yields a pleasant pulp, and is made into several articles of confectionary. As a principal artiele of food, or a substitute for rice, Indian corn can alone be considered.

In times of searcity, the natives make use of various kinds of the plaintain (musa), also the yam (ubi of the Malays, and uwi of the Javans), the sweet potatoe, katélo (convolvulus batatas), the varieties of which are described in one of the early volunes of the Batavian Transactions, and a number of leguminous vegetables, the various kinds of beans (káchang), together with a species of grass with minute yellow seeds, called túton, which in ancient times is said to have formed a principal article of food, and the dried lcaves of some other plants ; but, happily, these times seldom occur, and the use of the jágung chántel and jáwa-wùt, as well as of the various roots and leguminous vegetables to which I have alluded, is too limited to produce any sensible effects on the inhabitants.

Those natives who make use of the Indian corn exclusively, inhabit the highest districts, where the purity of the atmosphere conteracts any injury which their health might otherwise sustain from the want of rice.

From the áren (sagurus rumphii), which grows abundantly in many parts of Java, a substance is prepared, similar in all respects to the true sago of the Eastern Islands. It is particularly useful in times of scarcity, when large numbers of these valuable trees are felled, for the purpose of collecting the pith. The sap yields an excellent sugar of a dark colour, in common use with the natives. The wine or túwak (toddy) prepared from it is superior to that obtained from most other palms.

A very agreeable pulp is prepared from the pith of this tree, pounded with water, and exposed one night to spontaneous evaporation: it is eaten with palm sugar, and found by no means unpleasant by Europeans. The tuberous roots of a species of cucurma, tému láwak, grated and infused in water, yields a similar pulp. Both are denominated páti, and daily offered for sale along the roads and in the interior.

All the varieties of the cocoa-tree, noticed on Sumatra, are to be found on Java, were its quicker and more luxuriant growth is accounted for by the superiority of soil. The principal varieties of the cocoa-nut are enumerated in one of the early volumes of the Batavian Transactions.

Of the oil-giving plants there are many. The káchang góring of the Malay countries, or, as it is indifferently termed by the Javans, káchang chína, pénden, or tána, is cultivated almost exclusively for the purpose of obtaining its oil, near the capitals of the principal districts, both central and maritime. Itrequires a very strong soil for its support, and as the cultivation is profitable, the lands which produce it yield high rents. It is never employed as an article of food by itself; but what remains of it after the oil is expressed, forms an ingredient for the seasoning ofrice, in one of the common dishes of the natives. The oil is obtained by grinding the seeds between two grooved cylinders, and then separating it either by expression or boiling. The former is chiefly used by the Chinese, and yields as a refuse the oil-cakes, which I formerly observed were employed as manure in some of the gardens near Batavia. Where these cylinders are not in use, the following mode is adopted: the nut having been taken from the ground, is dried by exposure to the sun for a few days; after which the kernel is extractcd, and reduced, by successive beatings in the Javan lésung or mortar, to a grain sufficiently small to pass through a sieve; it is then boiled by steam, and having been allowed to cool for twenty-four hours, is put into a basket, and in that state placed between two oblong planks, which, being joined together at one extremity, are forced to meet at the other, on the principle of a lemon-squeezer. The oil exuding from the interstices of the basket is caught on an ox's hide, placed below to convey it to an earthen receiver.

The járak, or palma christi, is cultivated in nearly the same manner as maize, and thrives on similar soils: from this plant is obtained most of the oil for burning in lamps. In extracting the oil from this as well as from the cocoa-nut, various processes are employed, most of which tend to accelerate the rancidity of the oil. A pare cold drawn oil is not known. In the cocoa-nut, if the oil is obtained by expression, the broken nuts from which it is made are exposed till putrefaction commences. In other cases they are grated, and water being poured upon them, the parts mixed with it form sánten, a white milky fluid, which is evaporated till the oil alone remains. As this process requires much time and fuel, a more economical method is often resorted to: the milky fluid is left exposed for a night, when the oily parts rise to the top, and being separated from tho water are purified by a very short boiling.

Of the sugar-cane, or according to the native term, tébn (the name by which it is designated, not only on Java, but throughout the Archipelago), there are several varieties. The dark purple cane, which displays the greatest luxuriance, and shoots to the length of ten feet, is the most highly prized. By the Javans the sugar-cane is only cultivated to be eaten in an unprepared state, as a nourishing sweetmeat. They arc unacquainted with any artificial method of expressing from it the saccharine juice, and, consequently, with the first material part of the process by which it is manufactured into sugar. Satisfied with the nourishment or gratification which they procure from the plant as nature presents it, they leave the complicated process to be conducted exclusively by the Chinese.

The cane, as in the West Indies, is propagated by cuttings of about a foot and a half long, which are inserted in the ground in an upright direction, previously to the setting in of the rains. The Chinesc occasionally use oil-cake for enriching the lands; but where the plant is only raised for consumption in its fresh state, no manure whatever is thought requisite; and a good soil, without such preparation, will yield three or four crops in succession.

The cane is extensively cultivated for the juice in the vicinity of Batavia, where there are numerous manufactories, principally owned by the Chinese. It is also cultivated for this purpose in considerable tracts at Jápara and Pasúruan, and partially in other districts of the eastern provinces, where mills are established for expressing it. Previous to the disturbances in Chéribon, sugar likewise was manufactured in that district in considerable quantities, and furnished an important article of export.

The coffee-plant, which is only known on Java by its Enropean appellation, and its intimate connexion with Euroropean despotism, was first introduced by the Dutch early in the eighteenth century, and has since formed one of the articles of their exclusive monopoly. The labour by which it is planted, and its prodnce collected, is included among the oppressions or forccd services of the natives, and the delivery of it into the government stores, among the forced deliveries at inadequate rates. Previously to the year 1808, the cultivation of coffee was principally confined to the Súnda districts. There were but comparatively few plantations in the eastern districts, and the produce which they were capable of yielding did not amount to one-tenth part of the whole; but, under the administration of Marshal Daendels, this shrub usurped the soil destined for yielding the subsistence of the people; every other kind of cultivation was made subservient to it, and the withering effects of a government monopoly extended their influence indiscriminately throughout every province of the Island.

In the Súnda districts, each family was obliged to take care of one thousand coffee plants ; and in the eastern districts, where new and extensive plantations were now to be formed, on soils and in situations in many instances by no means favourable to the cultivation, five hundred plants was the prescribed allotment. No negligence could be practised in the exccution of this duty: the whole operations of planting, cleaning, and collecting, continued to be conducted under the immediate superintendance of European officers, who selected the spot on which new gardens were to be laid out, took care that they were preserved from weeds and rank grass, and received the produce into store when gathered.

A black mould intermixed with sand, is considered the best soil for the coffee plant. In selecting a situation for the gardens, the steep declivities ofmountains, where the plant would be endangered cither by the too powerful heat of the sun or an entire want of it, or where torrents in the rainy season might wash away the rich earth necessary for its growth, are avoided. The best situation for them is usually considered to be in the vales along the foot of the high mountains, or on the gentle declivities of the low range of hills, with which the principal mountains are usually skirted; and it is found that, cæteris paribus, the greater is the elevation of the garden, the longer is the period of its productiveness, and the finer is the berry.

Having selected a proper spot for the garden, the first operation is to clear the ground of trees, shrubs, and the rank grass or reeds, the latter of which, termed galága, are often found in these situations, and generally indicate a rich soil. In clearing the ground, it is the practise to collect together into heaps, and burn the trees, roots, and other rubbish found on it, the ashes of which serve to enrich the soil: when the trees are very large, the heavy labour of rooting them up is avoided, and the trunks being cut about five feet from the ground, are left in that state to rot, and in their gradual decay still further to enrich the land. As soon as the ground is thus cleared, it is levelled by three or four ploughings at short intervals, and laid out to receive the plants. A fence is planted round them, about twelve feet from their outer row, generally of the járak, or palma christi, intermixed with either the dádap, or the silk cotton tree; and, in low situations, outside of this a ditch is dug to carry off the water. These operations commence in August or September, and by the time the ground is in perfect readiness for planting, the heavy rains are nearly over. It then only remains to select the young plants, and prepare the dádap which is intended to shade them.

Of the dádap tree there are three kinds; the seráp, dóri, and wáru: but the first is preferred on account of the greater shade it affords. It is propagated by cuttings, and in selecting them for the coffee plantations, care is had that they are taken from trees at least two or three years old, and that they be three or four fect long, of which one foot at least must be buried in the ground. After the dádaps are planted, holes are dug, from a foot and a half to two fect deep, for the reception of the coffee plant, which is then removed from the seed place or nursery, and transplanted into the gardens.

In coffee gardens of four or five years old, are found quantities of young plants, that have sprung up spontaneously from the ripe berries dropping ofß the trees, and when these can be obtained about fourteen inches long, of a strong healthy stem, large leaves, and without branches, they are preferred to others: but as the plants thus procured are seldom found in sufficient quantities, nurseries for rearing them are formed as follows : When the berries are allowed to remain on the shrub after maturity, they become black and dry: in this state they are plucked, and sown in seed beds lightly covered with carth: as soon as two small leaves appear, the plants are taken from the bed, and transplanted, about.a foot asunder, under the cover of sheds prepared for that purpose; in about cighteen months, these plants are fit for removing into the garden or plantation where they are destined to yield their fruit. In taking the young plant up, the greatest care is necessary not to injure the roots, especially the tap root, and with this view it is generally removed with as much earth attached to it as possible. This precaution has the additional advantage of not too suddenly bringing the plant in contact with a new soil.

The plantations are generally laid out in squares. The distance between each plant varies according to the fertility of the soil: in a soil not considered fertile, a distance of six feet is preserved, and in each interval is a dádap tree for the purpose of affording shade; but in a rich soil, where the plant grows more luxuriantly, fewer dádaps are necessary, and the plants are placed at a greater distance from each other.

On Java a certain degree of shade seems necessary to the health of the coffee-plant, especially in low situations and during its early age; and the dádap is found better calculated for affording this protection than any other shrub in the country. It is a common saying, that where the dádap flourishes, there also will flourish the coffee: but they are not always constant or necessary companions; for in high lands many of the most flourishing gardens are to be observed with very few dádaps. The coffee tree yields fruit for a period of twenty years, yet in the low lands it seldom attains a greater age than nine or ten years (during six or seven of which only it may be said to bear), and the fruit is comparatively large and tasteless.

About the end of the rainy season, such coffee plants and dádaps as have not thriven are replaced by others, and the plantations cleaned : this latter operation, in gardens well kept, is generally performed three or four times in the year: but the tree is never cut or pruned, and is universally allowed to grow in all its native luxuriance. In this state, it often in favoured situations attains the height of sixteen feet, and plants of not less than eight inches broad have frequently been procured from the trunk. The general average produce of a coffee-tree is not estimated at much more than a káti, or a pound and a quarter English, notwithstanding some yield from twenty to thirty kátis.

There does not appear to be any fixed or certain season for the coffee to arrive at maturity. In the Súnda districts the gathering usually commences in June or July, and it is not till April that the whole crop is delivered into store. The season, however, generally gives what is termed three crops; of which the first is but small, the second the most abundant, and the third, being what is left to ripen, may be considered rather as a gleaning. When the berries become of a dark crimson colour, they are plucked one by one, with the assistance of a light bámbu ladder or stage, great care being taken not to shake off the blossoms which are still on the tree, or to pluck the unripe fruit. The women and children usually collect the crop, while the husband is elsewhere engaged in harder labour. Attached to every principal village, near which there are coflee plantations of any extent, there is a drying-house, to which the newly gathered coffee is brought : it is there placed on hurdles, about four feet from the floor, under which a slow wood fire is kept up during the night. The roof of the drying-house is opened in the mornings and evenings, to admit the air, and the berrics are frequently stirred to prevent fermentation. As the heat of the sun is considered prejudicial, the roof of the house is closed during the day. This operation is repeated till the husk is quite dry. The berries dried in this way are small, and of a sea green or greyish colour, and are supposed to acquire a peculiar flavour from the smoke, although it does not appear that any particular kind of wood is used for fuel. When dried in the sun, the bean becomes of a pale bleached colour, is larger, specifically lighter, and more insipid to the taste than the former. The most common mode of freeing the bean from the husk is, to ponnd the berries when dry in a bag of buffalo's hide, great care being taken not to bruise the bean. A mill of simple construction is sometimes used, but is not found to answer so well. The coffee being then separated from the husk, is put into bags or baskets, and kept on raised platforms till the season of delivery, when it is carried down to the storehouse, sometimes by men, but generally on the backs of buffaloes and mares, in strings of fifteen hundred or two thousand at a time.

In·the Súnda districts there have been, for many years past, three prineipal depôts for receiving the coffee from the cultivators ; viz. at Buitenzorg, Chikàn, and Karang-sámbang. From Buitenzorg it is either sent direct to Batavia by land in carts, or by the way of Linkong, whence it is forwarded in boats by the river Chi-dáni. From Chikàn the coffee is sent in boats down the river Chi-táram, and thence along the seacoast to Batavia. From Karang-sámbang it is sent down the river Chi-mánok to Indra-máyu, where it is received into extensive warehouses, and whence it is now generally exported for the European market.

Under this system, the Súnda districts were estimated to afford an annual produce of one hundred thousand píkuls of one hundred and thirty-three pounds and a quarter each, and it was calculated that the young plantations in the eastern districts, when they should come into bearing, would produce an cqual quantity; but in this latter quarter, many of the gardens had been fixed on ill-judged spots, and the inhabitants were averse to the new and additional burden which this cultivation imposed upon their labour. Had the system, therefore, even been persevered in, and enforeed by a despotic authority, it is questionable, whether the quantity anticipated in the above estimate, or even one half of it, would have been obtained from the eastern districts. The Súndas living in an inland and mountainous country, and having been long accustomed to the hardship of the coffee culture, are less sensible of its pressure than the rest of their countrymen : time and habit have reconciled them to what was at first revolting, and what must always be considered as unjust ; their modes of life, their arts, their domestie economy, and other social habits, have all adapted themselves to a species of labour, which was at first foreed pon them ; and a state of servitude, which the philosopher would lament as a degradation, is scarcely felt to be a grievance by them. Instances, however, are not wanting, in which the usual measure of exaction having been surpassed, they have been awakened to a sense of their wretehedness. A government of colonial monopolists, eager only for profit, and heedless of the sources from which it was derived, sometimes subjected its native subjects to distresses and privations, the recital of which would shock the ear of humanity. Suffice it to say, that the coffee culture in the Sánda districts has sometimes been so severely exacted, that together with the other constant and heavy demands made by the European anthority on the labour of the country, they deprived the unfortunate peasants of the time necessary to rear food for their support. Many have thus perished by famine, while others have fled to the crags of the mountains, where raising a scanty subsistence in patches of gánga, or oftener dependent for it upon the roots of the forest, they congratulated themselves on their escape from the reach of their oppressors. Many of these people, with their descendants, remain in these haunts to the present time: in their annual migrations from hill to hill, they frequently pass over the richest lands, which still remain uncultivated and invite their return; but they prefer their wild independence and precarious subsistence, to the horrors of being again subjected to forced services and forced deliveries at inadequate rates.

It is difficult to say what was the recompense received by the cultivator previous to the year 1808. The complicated system of accounts which then prevailed, seemed only calculated to blind the government, and to allow the European commissary to derive an ineome of from eighty to one hundred thousand dollars (25,000l. per annum), at the expence of the authorities by whom he was employed, and the natives whom he oppressed. This, in common with most of the establishments on the island, underwent a revision in the time of Marshal Daendels; and it was then directed, that the cultivators should receive on delivery at the storehouses, three rixdollars copper for each mountain píkul of two hundred and twentyfive pounds Dutch, being little more than one dollar per hundred weight, or one half-penny per pound. This same coffee was sometimes sold at Batavia, within fifty miles of the spot where it was raised, at twenty Spanish dollars the hundred weight, and has seldom been known to bring in the European market less than eleven pence the pound. This, however, was deemed a liberal payment by the Dutch, though in some cases it had been transported over sixty miles of an almost impassable country, where two men are required to carry a hundred-weight of coffee, on their shoulders, at an expence of labour which one would suppose at least equal to this remuneration.

Under the administration of the British governnent, the free cultivation of coffee, in common with that of all other articles, was pernitted to the inhabitants of Bantam, Chéribon, and all the eastern districts; and at the time when the island was again ceded to the Dutch, arrangements were in progress for extending the same provision throughout the Súnda districts, under a conviction, that the quantity produced would not be less under a system of free cultivation and free trade, than under a system in which it was found necessary, as one of the first acts of European authority, to compel the native princes to direct " the total annihilation of the coffee culture within their

" dominions," and to secure by treaty with them the destruetion and confiscation of all coffee found in the hands of the natives *. A considerable portion of the peasantry, as already observed, have long been accustomed to the cultivation, and it is owing to their skill and experience, as much as to any direct superintendence or interference of the European officers (who generally derive their information from the native chiefs, and have little more to do, than occasionally to ride through the garden with a pompous suite, keep the accounts, and examine the coffee as it is received), that the coffee has so long been furnished for the European market; the experience obtained in the eastern districts, during the last three years, proves at least that coercive measures are unnecessary. There are many parts of Java, particularly the Príang'en regencies, where the soil is peculiarly and eminently adapted to the cultivation; and although it is difficult yet awhile to fix the exact rate at which the coffee might be produced under a free system, it may be calculated to be raised for exportation at about forty shillings per hundred weight.

Of the quality of the Javan coffee, in comparison with that of other countries, it may be observed, that during the last years, it has invariably maintained its price in the European market in competition with that of Bourbon, and rather exceeded it, both of them being higher than the produce of the West Indies. During the last years of the British administration on Java, and after the opening of the European market again afforded a demand, about eleven millions of young coffee shrubs were planted out in new gardens.

Pepper, which at one time formed the principal export from Java, has for some time ceased to be cultivated to any considerable extent. It was principally raised in Bantam, and the dependencies of that province in the southern part of Sumatra ; and in the flourishing state of the monopoly, these districts furnished the Dutch with the chief supply for the European market.

But the system by which it was procured was too oppressive and unprincipled in its nature, and too impolitic in its provisions, to admit of long duration. It was calculated to destroy the energies of the country, and with them, the source from whence the fruits of this monopoly proceeded. In the year 1811, accordingly, neither Bantam nor its dependencies furnished the European government with one pound of this article.

That pepper may be produced on Java, and supplied at a rate equally moderate with that at which other productions requiring similar care are furnished, cannot admit of a doubt, and this reasonable price may be estimated at about six or seven Spanísh dollars (thirty to thirty-five shillings) the píkul. The plant grows luxuriantly in most soils, and when once reared requires infinitely less care and labour than coffee. The cultivation of it on Sumatra and Prince of Wales' Island having been so accurately and minntely described by Mr. Marsden and Dr. Hunter, it would be unnecessary here to detail the system followed on Java, as it is in most points the same. The only peculiarity regarding it which may deserve notice is, that on this island the plant is allowed to grow to a much greater size, entwining itself round the cotton trees, frequently to the height of fifty and sixty feet.

Indigo, called tom by the Javans, and by the Súndas tárum, is general, and raised in most parts of the island. The indigo prepared by the natives is of an indifferent quality, and in a semi-fluid state, and contains much quick-lime; but that prepared by Europeans is of very superior quality.

An inferior variety, denominated tom-ménir, having smaller seeds, and being of quicker growth, is usually planted as a second crop in sáwahs, on which one rice crop has been raised. In these situations, the plant rises to the height of about three feet and a half. It is then cut, and the cuttings are repeated three, or even four times, till the ground is again required for the annual rice crop. But the superior plant, when cultivated on tégal lands, and on a naturally rich soil, not impoverished by a previous heavy crop, rises in height above five feet, and grows with the greatest luxuriance. The plants intended for seeds are raised in favoured spots on the ridges of the rice fields in the neighbourhood of the villages, and the seed of one district is frequently exchanged for that of another. That of the rich mountainous districts being esteemed of best quality, is occasionally introduced into the low lands, and is thought necessary to prevent that degeneration, which would be the consequence of cultivating for a long time the same plant upon the same soil. In the province of Matárem, where indigo is most extcnsively cultivated, it is sold in the market in bundles, as low as eight-pence the píkul weight; but in the vicinity of Semárang, and in districts where it is not produced in great abundance, it bears an advance upon this price of fifty per cent.

The climate, soil, and state of society on Java, seem to offer peculiar advantages to the extensive cultivation of this plant; and under the direction of skilful manufacturers, the dye stuff might form a most valuable and important export for the European market. The periodical draughts and inundations, which confine the cultivation and manufacture in the Bengal provinces to a few months in the year, are unknown in Java, where the plant might, in favoured situations, be cultivated nearly throughout the whole year, and where at least it would be secure of a prolonged period of that kind of weather, necessary for the cutting. The soil is superior, and a command of water affords facilities seldom to be met with elsewhere; while, from the tenure on which the cultivators hold thcir land, and the state of society among them, advances on account of the ensuing crop, which in Bengal form so ruinous a part of an indigo concern, are here unnecessary, and would be uncalled for.

The dye (níla blue) is prepared by the natives in a liquid state, by infusing the leaves with a quantity of lime : in this state it forms by far the principal dye of the country. Besides the quantity of it consumed within the island, it is sometimes exported to neighbouring countries by native traders, and sold at the rate of from a dollar and a half to three dollars the pikul, according as the plant may be in abundance or otherwise.

It is impossible to form any idea of the rate at which this species of dye can reasonably be manufactured for the European market, from the prices paid by the Dutch, both because the article was one of those classed by them under the head of forced deliveries, and because the regents, who were entrusted with its exclusive management, not fully understanding the process of making it, conducted it always in a very expensive way, and were frequently exposed to entire failures.

The cotton of the country, distinguished by the name of kápas jáwa, is a variety of the gossypium herbaceum; but it is inferior to that generally cultivated on the Indian continent, which is also found on Java, and called by the Javans kápas múri. The plant of the forner differs from the latter, in having a smaller stem, and in yielding a material, both of coarser fibre and in less quantity. There is a third variety, with a subarborescent stem, called kápas táhon, which is very scarce. Trials remain to be made, to determine how far the culture of the Indian cotton might be extended, so as to superscde the Javan cotton. The inferior kind, which forms the principal, and indced with the mass of the people the only material for clothing, is cultivated in almost every part of the island. The soil, however, is not considered as universally favourable to its growth : many of the low lands, consisting of a clay, which bursts in the dry season, are unfit for it; and on several of the more fertile districts, where the plant itself flourishes, little cotton is obtained from it: the declivities of the hills, in which the mountain rice is raised, yield in general the best and most abundant supply. At present, scarcely a sufficient quantity is produced on the island to employ the female part of the inhabitants; and one district often depends upon another for the principal part of what it uses. The cotton of Bányumás is exported to Bá- galen, to Tégal, and the western parts of Matárem, where it is manufactured; the environs of Wong'go, Adi-langú, and other places towards the southern hills, supply both the capitals in the interior; Kediri, Pranárága, and the vicinity, likewise furnish considerable quantities for other parts of the island. In the Súnda districts, the principal supply is received from the cast and west Jámpang. The culture of cotton, and the manufacture of yarn, are in some degree promoted by an ancient custom, which imposes on every householder or village a certain contingent of cotton yarn for the sovereign, or for the person who holds the land on his account: this custom is called panyúmpleng. The chiefs on Java, and particularly on Báli, frequently wear a skein of cotton yarn entwined round the handle of the kris; a custom which sufficiently indicates the respect paid to this species of cultivation.

The Javan cotton is a hardy plant, which grows to about the height of a foot and a half. It is generally planted on the sáwahs after the reaping of the rice crop, and yields the cotton in less than three months. The Indian cotton grows to a larger size, and produces a material of an infinitely superior quality; but it is more delicate in its nature, must be watched with greater care, and requires a month longer to attain to maturity. Cotton cultivated on tégal, or dry land, is considered as generally better than that raised as a second crop on sácah; and this mode of cultivation has been adduced as the cause of the superiority ascribed to the cotton of Büli, and other more eastern islands.

Tobacco,* termed by the natives tombáku, or sáta, is an article of very general cultivation, but is only extensively raised for exportation in the central districts of Kedú and Bányumás : as it requires a soil of the richest mould, but at the same time not subject to inundations, these districts hold out peculiar alvantages to the tobacco-planter, not to be found on the low lands. For internal consunption, small quantities are raised in convenient spots every where; but the most castern districts and Madúra are principally supplied from Púgar. Bantam receives its supply from Bányumás, by means of native traders from Pakalúngan visiting that port in small craft. The produce of Kedú is conveyed by men to Semárang, the great port of exportation.

In Kedu it forus, after rice, by far the most important article of cultivation; and, in consequence of the fitness of the soil, the plant grows to the height of from cight to ten feet, on lands not previously dressed or manured, with a luxuriance seldom witnessed in India. Cultivated here alternately with rice, only one crop of either is obtained within the year; but after the harvest of the rice, or the gathering of the tobaccoleaves, the land is allowed to remain fallow, till the season again arrives for preparing it to receive the other. The young plant is not raised within the district, but procured from the high lands in the vicinity; principally from the district of Káli-béber, on the slope of the mountain Dieng or Práhu, where it is raised and sold by the hundred to the cultivators of the adjoining districts. The transplantation takes place in the month of June, and the plant is at its full growth in October.

Wheat has been introduced by the Europeans, and cultivated with success to the extent required by the European population. It thrives in many parts of the interior of the country: it is sown in May, and reaped in October; and, where the cultivation has been left to the Javans, the grain has been sold at the rate of about seven rupees the píkul.

Potatoes have been cultivated during the last forty years, in elevated situations, near all the principal European establishments, and are reckoned of a quality superior to those ordinarily procured in Bengal or China. Few of the natives, however, have as yet adopted them as a common article of food. Besides potatoes, most of the common culinary vegetables of Europe are raised in the gardens of the Europeans and Chinese. It must be confessed, however, that they degenerate, if perpetuated on the soil without change; and that their abundance and quality depends, in a great measure, on the supplies of fresh seed imported from Europe, the Cape, or other quarters.

Having now given an account of the different kinds of produce raised within the island, and the arts of husbandry practised by the natives, I shall conclude this short sketch of Javan agriculture by an account of the tenure of landed property, the rights of the proprietor and tenant, the proportion of the produce paid for rent, the division of farms among the inhabitants of villages, and the causes that have obstructed or promoted agricultural improvements.

The relative situation, rank, and privileges of the village farmer and the native chief in Java, correspond in most instances, with those of the Ryot and Zemindar of Bengal; but the more frequent and more immediate interference of the sovereign, in the former case, with any tendency to established usage or prescriptive claim, has left no room for that difference of opinion, concerning proprietary right, which exercised the ingenuity of the highest authorities in the latter. In Bengal, before the introduction of the permanent revenue settlement, there were usages, institutions, and established modes of proceeding with regard to landed estates, that rendered it doubtful in which of the three parties more immediately interested, the proprietary right should finally and lawfully be settled. The claim of the Ryot to retain the land which he cultivated, so long as he paid the stipulated contribution, seemed to raise his character above that of an ordinary tenant removeable at pleasure, or at the conclusion of a stipulated term. The situation of the Zemindar, as the actual receiver of the rents, standing between the sovereign and the cultivator, although merely for the purpose of paying them over with certain deductions to the sovereign, and his frequently transmitting the oflice with its emoluments to his children, although held only during pleasure, gave his character some affinity to that of an European landholder. And lastly, the sovereign himself, who ultimately reccived the rents, and regulated them at his pleasure, and removed both Zemindar and Ryot, in case of negligence or disobedience, was arrayed with the most essential attributes of proprietary right, or at least cxercised a power that could render any opposite claims nugatory. Thus the Ryot, the Zemindar, and the Sovereign, had each his pretensions to the character of landholder. After much cautions inquiry and deliberate discussion on the part of our Indian government, the claims of the Zemindars, rather perhaps from considerations of policy than a clear conviction of their superior right, were preferred. In Java, however, except in the cases of a few alienated lands and in the Súnda districts, of which more will be said hereafter, no such pretensions are heard of, as those which were advocated on the part of the Zemindars of western India ; although inquiries to ascertain the equitable and legitimate rights of all classes of the people, were known to be in progress, and a plan was declared to be in contemplation for their permanent adjustment. From every inquiry that was instituted under the British government, and every fact that was presented to the view of its officers, it appeared that, in the greatest part of the island, in the eastern and middle districts, and in short in those provinces where rent to any considerable amount was attainable, there existed no proprietary right between that of the sovereign and that of the cultivator, that the government was the only landholder.

There are lands, indeed, which contribute nothing to the state, some on which the cultivator pays no rent whatever, and others of which the rent remains in the hands of his immediate superior; but the manner in which individuals acquire, and the tenure by which they hold such lands, form illustrations and proofs of the proprietary right of the sovereign. As his resources arise almost entirely from the share of produce which he exacts, and as he considers himself invested with an absolute dominion over that share, he burthens certain villages or estates with the salaries of particular officers, allots others for the support of his relatives or favourites, or grants them for the benefit of particular charitable or religious institutions; in the same manner as, before the Consolidation Act in this country, the interest of particular loans were fixed upon the produce of specific imposts. Here the alienation shews the original right : the sovereign renounces the demand to which he was entitled; he makes no claim upon the farmer for a share of the crop himself, but orders it to be paid over to those whom he thus appoints in his place, so far as the gift extends. With the exception of the Súnda districts, as already stated, and a comparatively inconsiderable portion of land thus alienated on different conditions, the proprietary right to the soil in Java vests universally in the government, whether exercised by native princes or by colonial authority, and that permanent and hereditary interest in it so necessary to its improvement, those individual rights of property which are created by the laws and protected by the government, are unknown. With these exceptions, neither law nor usage authorizes the oldest occupant of land in Java to consider the ground which he has reclaimed from waste, or the farm on which he has exerted all his industry, as his own, by such a tenure as will enable him, and his successors for ever, to reap the fruits of his labour. He can have gained no title, even to a definite term of occupancy, but from the capricious servant of a capricious despot, who himself is not legally bound by his engagement, and whose successor is not even morally bound by it.

As a matter of convenience, the same cultivator may continue to occupy the same portion of land for life, and his children, after his decease, may inherit the ground which he cultivated, paying the dues to which he was liable. The head of a village, whether called Búkul, Peting'gi, or Lúrah, may be continued in the collection of the village rents for life, and may be succceded in office by his heirs; the superior officer, or Demáng, with whom he accounts, may likewise hold his situation for a long period, and transmit it to his family ; but none of them can stand in the possession against the will of their immediate superior, or of the sovereign, by any claim of law or custom.

Little of the revenue collected from the occupants is transmitted to the government treasury; the greatest part of that which is raised, and which, in other countries, would come into the hands of government, for subsequent distribution among its servants and the support of its various establishments, is intereepted in its progress by those to whom the sovereign immediately assigns it. The officers of police, of justice, of the prince's household, and, in short, public servants of all classes, from the prime minister down to the lowest menial, are paid with appropriations of the rent of land.

To this general principle of Javan law and usage, that the government is the only landholder, there are exceptions, as I mentioned before, in some districts of the island. These are chiefly in the districts inhabited by the Súndas, who occupy the mountainous and woody country in the western division of the island. Among them, private property in the soil is generally established; the cultivator can transmit his possession to his children : among them, it can be subdivided, without any interference on the part of a superior; the possessor can sell his interest in it to others, and transfer it by gift or covenant. He pays to his chief a certain proportion of the produce, in the same manner as the other inhabitants of Java; because, in a country without trade or manufactures, labour or produce is the only shape in which he can contribute to support the necessary establishments of the community. So long as he advances this tribute, which is onetenth or one-fifth of the gross produce, he has an independent right to the occupancy of his land, and the enjoyment of the remainder. The reason why the landed tenure of these districts differs, in so important a particular, from that of the most extensive and valuable part of the island, nay perhaps be explained from their nature, without resorting to any original difference in the laws of property, or the maxims of government. Where the population is small in proportion to the extent of soil, and much land remains unoccupied, the best only will become the subject of demand and appropriation. The latter alone is valuable, because it yields great returns for little labour, and therefore offers inducements to engage in its cultivation, in spite of many artificial disadvantages : it alone can afford a desirable surplns, after maintaining the hands that call for its fertility, and consequently tempts power to reserve unalienated the right to this surplus. On the other hand, when waste ground is to be reclaimed, when forests or jungle are to be cleared, or when a sterile and ungrateful spot is to be cultivated, the government have less interest in reserving the surplus, and must offer superior inducements of immunity, permanency, or exemption, to lead to cultivation. On this principle, the tenure of land in the Súnda districts, and on some parts of the coast, may be accounted for. It may be concluded, that many of these lands were reclaimed from waste by the present occupiers or their immediate predecessors, and their rights to possess them, which is similar to that which the discoverer of an unappropriated field, forest, or mine would have, by nature, to as many of their products as he could realize by his labours, has not been crushed or interfered with by the sovereign ; a forbearance, probably, more to be attributed to motives of prudence than to the restraint of law. Nearly coincident with this conclusion is the supposition which assumes, that before the introduction of the Mahomedan system, and the encroachments of despotic sovereigns, all the lands on the island were considered as the property of those who cnltivated them ; but that, as the value of the most fertile spots beeame more apparent, while the labour which had been originally expended in clearing them, and constituted the title to their original occupancy, was gradually forgotten, the government found inducements and facilities to increase its demands, and thus became possessed of the rights of some by violence, while it rendered those of all unworthy of being preserved. The land tenures of the Súnda districts, according to this hypothesis, are only wrecks of the general system, which have been protected against encroachment, because they did not so powerfully invite rapacity. Whatever truth there may be in this opinion, the fact is undoubted, that in the mountainous and less fertile districts of Java, and in the island of Báli, where the Mahomedan sway has not yet extended, individual proprietary right in the soil is fully established, while in that portion of Java where the Mahomedan rule has been most felt, and where proprietary right amounts to the greatest value, it vests almost exclusively in the sovereign.

The situation, however, of the cultivator in the Sunda districts, who is a proprietor, is not much more cligible than that of the tenant of the government: he may, it is true, alienate or transfer his lands, but while he retains them, he is liable to imposts almost as great as they can bear; and when he transfers them, he can therefore expect little for surrendering to another the privilege of reaping from his own soil, what is only the average recompense of labour expended on the estate of another. The Revenue Instruetions, therefore, bearing date the 11th February 1814, and transmitted from the local government to the officers intrusted with the charge of the several provinces subject to its authority, lay down the following general position: " The nature of the landed " tenure throughout the island is now thoroughly understood.

" Generally speaking, no proprietary right in the soil is

" vested in any between the actual cultivator and the sove-

" reign; the intermediate classes, who may have at any time

" enjoyed the revenues of villages or districts, being deemed

" merely the executive officers of government, who reccived

" these revenues from the gift of their lord, and who depended

" on his will alone for their tenure. Of this actual proprietary

" right there can be no doubt that the investiture rested

" solely in the sovereign ; but it is equally certain, that the

" first clearers of the land entitled themselves, as a just " reward, to such a real property in the ground they thus in a " manner created, that while a due tribute of a certain share of " its produce was granted to the sovereign power for the pro- " tection it extended, the government, in return, was equally " bound not to disturb them or their heirs in its possession. " This disposal of the government share was thus, therefore, "all that could justly depend on the will of the ruling " authority; and consequently, thc numerous gifts of land " made in various periods by the several sovereigns, have in " no way affected the rights of the actual cultivators. All " that government could alienate was merely its own revenue " or share of the produce. This subject has come fully under " discussion, and the above result, as regarding this island, "has been quite satisfactorily established." It is remarked, in a subsequent paragraph of the same instructions, " that " there have been, it is known, in many parts of the country, " grants from the sovereign of lands in perpetuity, which are " regularly inheritable, and relative to which the original " documents still exist. Of these, some have been made for " religious purposes, others as rewards or provision for rela- " tives or the higher nobility. These alienations, as far “ as it was justly in the power of the sovereign to make, must " certainly be held sacred; but their extent should be clearly " defined, that the rights of others be not compronised by " them. The government share, when granted, will not be " reclaimed; but the rights of the cultivator must not be " affected by these grants. Such proprietors of revenue, as " they may be termed, shall in short be allowed to act, with " regard to the cultivators on their estates, as government acts " towards those on its own lands, that is, they shall receive a “ fixed share of the produce, but whilst that is duly delivered, " they shall neither exact more nor remove any individual " from his land." It is remarked by Major Yule, the British resident, in his Report on Bantam, that there, " all property " in the soil is vested exclusively in the hands of the sovereign " power; but in consequence of its having been long cus- " tomary to confer grants of land upon the different branches " of the royal family, and other chiefs and favourites about

" court, a very small portion was left without some claimant

" or other. The púsákas granted to the relations of the " Sultan were considered as real property, and sometimes " descended to the heirs of the family, and at others were " alienated from it by private sale. To effect a transfer of " this nature, the previous sanction of the Sultan was neces- "sary, after which the party waited on the high priest, " or Mangku-bumi, who made the necessary inquiries, " and delivered the title deeds to the purchaser, in which " were specified the situation, extent, boundaries, and price " of the land sold. A register of sales was kept by the "priests, the purchaser paying the fees; and it rarely oc- " curred that lands sold in this manner were ever resumed by " the crown, without some adequate compensation being made " to the purchaser. Púsákas given to chiefs for services " performed, were recoverable again at pleasure, and always " reverted to the crown on the demise of the chief to whom " they had been granted : in all other respects, the same pri- "vileges were annexed to them as to the former. The " holders of púsáka lands were very seldom the occupants; "they generally remained about the court, and on the "approach of the rice harvest deputed agents to collect "their share of the crop. They do not let their lands for " specifie periods. The cultivators are liable to be turned out " at pleasure, and when ejected, have no claims to com- " pensation for improvements made while in possession, such " as water-courses, or plantations of fruit trees made by " themselves or their parents."

"We must make a distinction," say the Dutch Commissioners appointed to investigate this subject in 1811, " between the Príangén regencies, the province of Chéribon, " and the eastern districts. Throughout the whole extent of " the Príangen regencics exists a pretended property on "uncultivated lands, on which no person can settle without "the consent of the inhabitants of that désa, or village. In " the sáwah fields, or cultivated lands, every inhabitant, from " the Regent down to the lowest rank, has a share, and may " act with it in what manner he pleases, either sell, let, or " otherwise dispose of it, and loses that right only by leaving " the village in a clandestine manner. " In the province of Chéribon, according to the ancient

" constitution, each district and désa, like the Príangen regen-

" cies, has its own lands; with the difference, however, that

" whilst those regencies are considered as belonging to yillages

" and individuals, here the villages and lands are altogether the

" pretended property of the chiefs, or of the relations or

" favourites of the Sultans, who even might dispose of the

" same, with one exception, however, of that part allotted to

" the common people. Sometimes the Sultans themselves

" were owners of désas and chiefs of the same; in which

" case the inhabitants were better treated than in the former

" instances. If an individual thought himself wronged by the

" chief, who cither sold, hired out, or otherwise disposed

" of his lands, he took his revenge, not on that chief, but on

" the person who held possession of the property. To corro-

" borate this statement it may be mentioned, that the lands in

" the district of Chéribon were for the most part farmed out

" to Chinese, who increased their extortions in proportion as

" the chief raised his farm or rent, and thus almost deprived

" the common people of all their means.

" On the north-east coast of the eastern districts, no person

" can be called a proprietor of rice fields or other lands : the

" whole country belongs to government, and in this light do

" all the Regents consider it. The rice fields of a regency

" are divided among the whole of the population: in the

" division the chiefs have a share, according to their rank,

" occupations, or taxes they are paying.

"The chief enjoys his lands as long as he holds his station;

" the common people for a year only, when it falls to the

" share of another inhabitant of the désa, or village, that all

" may reap a benefit from it in turn. The ideas of the Javans

" concerning tenures, thus appear to be of three kinds: in

" the Súnda division they consist in allotting to the villages

" of uncultivated, and to individual persons of certain portions

" in the cultivated or sáwah fields: in Chéribon, the sultans

" and chiefs, as well as the common people, assert pretensions

"to similar allotments: in the eastern districts, on the con-

"trary, nobody pretends to the possession of land; every

" one is satisfied with the regulation laid down, but if a man's

" share is withheld, he is apt to emigrate. No person con-

"siders himself bound to servitude. The Javans, however,

" in the Príang'en regencies, in Chéribon, and in the eastern

" districts, pretend to have an unquestionable right to all

" the fruit trees and síri plants, at or near their kámpung " or désa."

" vereign among them ; considering the Regent as a subject " the sovereign. His idea of property is modified by the " be exchanged next year for others. They circulate (as in " if any one were excluded, he would infallibly emigrate. It " fruits without diminution or deduction. With regard to fruit " The Javan, however, has not, in my opinion, any real idea

" There is not," says Mr. Knops, another of the Dutch Commissioners, " a single Javan, who supposes that the soil

" is the property of the Regent, but they all seem to be sen-

" sible that it belongs to government, usually called the so-

" like themselves, who holds his district and authority from

" three kinds of subjects to which it is applied: rice fields,

" gágas, and fruit trees. A Javan has no rice fields he can

" call his own; those of which he had the use last year will

" the regency of Semárang) from one person to another, and

" is different with the gágas, or lands where dry rice is culti-

" vated: the cultivator who clears such lands from trees or

" brushwood, and reclaims them from a wilderness, considers

" himself as proprietor of the same, and expects to reap its

" trees, the Javan cultivator claims those he has planted as his

" legal property, without any imposts : if a chief were to tres-

" pass against this right, the village would soon be deserted.

" of property even in his fruit trees, but usage passes with him

" for a law. All dispositions made by the chief, not contrary

" to custom or the ádat, are considered as legal, and likewise

" all that would contribute to ease the people, by lessening or

" reducing the capitation tax, the contingent, the feudal ser-

" vices, in short all the charges imposed upon them. A dif-

"ferent system would be contrary to custom. Whatever fa-

" vours the people is legal, whatever oppresscs them is an " infraction of the custom."

The tenure of land in the native provinces is the same generally as in the eastern districts. Thus stands the question with regard to the proprietary right to the soil in Java; but it is of more consequence in an agricultural point of view, and consequently more to my present purpose, to inquire how that right is generally exercised, than in whom it resides. Though the cultivator had no legal title to his lands, there might still be such a prevalent usage in favour of his perpetual occupancy, as would secure him in the enjoyment of his possession, and enable him to reap the fruits of his industry equally with the protection of his positive law.

But unfortunately for the prosperity of the people, this was far from being generally the case. The cultivator had little security for continued occupancy, but the power, on his part, of enduring unlimited oppression without removing from under it, or the interest of his immediate superior in retaining a useful slave; and as he could not expect to reap in safety the fruits of his industry, beyond the bare supply of his necessities, he carried that industry no farther than his necessities demanded. The sovereign knew little about the state of his tenantry or the conduct of his agents, and viewed the former only as instruments to create the resources, which the latter were employed to collect or administer. All his care was to procure as much from the produce of the soil and industry of his subjects as possible, and the complaints of the people, who suffered under the exactions of these chiefs, were intercepted on their way to the throne, and pehaps would have been disregarded had they reached it. The sovereign delegates his authority over a province of greater or less extent, to a high officer called Adipáti, Tumúng'gung, or Ang'ebái, who is himself paid by the rent of ccrtain portions of land, and is responsible for the revenues of the districts over which he is appointed. He, in his turn, elects an officer, called Demáng or Mántridésa, to administer the sub-divisions or districts of the province, to appoint the chiefs, and to collect the rents of several villages. The village chief, Búkul, Lúrah, or whatever designation he bears in the different parts of the island, thus appointed by his immediate superior, is placed in the administration of the village, required to collect the government share of the crop from the cultivator, and to account for it to the Demáng. In some provinces, the village elects its own chief, called Peting'gi, who exercises similar functions with the Búkul appointed by government, as will be afterwards more particularly observed in the account of the native administration. As all the officers of government, of whatever rank, are paid their salaries in the produce of the land, the Búkuls and the Demángs become responsible for the share of the appropriations of villages to this account, as much as if it went into the government treasury. They are themselves paid by the reservation of a certain share of what they collect, and of course are always ready to please their employers, and to increase their own emoluments, by enforcing every practicable exaction. Every officer has unlinited power over those below him, and is himself subject to the capricious will of the sovereign or his minister. When the Regent makes any new or exorbitant demand upon those whom he immediately superintends, they must exact it with an inereased degree of rigor over the chiefs of villages, who are thus, in their turn, forced to press upon the cultivator, with the accumulated weight of various gradations of despotism.

The Búkul, or the Peting'gi is the inmediate head of the village, and however much his authority is modified in particular distriets, has always extensive powers. To the cultivators, he appears in the character of the real landholder, as they have no occasion to look beyond hin to the superior, by whom he is controlled. He distributes the lands to the different cultivators on such shares, and in such conditions, as he pleases, or as custom warrants, assesses the rents they have to pay, allots them their village duties, measures the produce of their fields, and receives the government proportion. He sometimes himself cultivates a small portion of land, and in so far is regarded only as a tenant, like the rest of the villagers. He is accountable for all the collections he realizes, with the rescrvation of a fifth part for his trouble, which share must be viewed merely as the cmoluments of office, and not as the rent of the landlord, or the profits of a farmer. He sometimes holds his situation immediately of the sovereign, or by the election of the cultivators; but more generally from the intermediate agent of government, whom I have mentioned above, to whom he is accountable for his receipts. By his superior he may be removed at pleasure; although the local knowledge and accumulated means, which are the consequence of the possession of office, generally insure its duration to his person for a considerable period, or as long as his superior himself retains his power.

VOL. I.

The lands which he superintends and apportions range from six or seven to double that number of jungs, or from forty or fifty to an hundred acres English, and these are divided among the inhabitants of his village, gencrally varying from about two acres to half an acre each. That this minute division of land takes place, may be shewn from the surveys made under the British government in the eastern provinces, which nearly resemble those under the dominion of the native princes, and consequently may be taken as indicating the general state of the island. The inhabitants in the agricultural districts of the residency of Surabáya amount in all to 129,938 : thesc compose 33,141 families, of which 32,618 belong to the class of cultivators, and 523 belonging to other professions pay only a ground rent for their houses. The area of the province contains about twelve hundred square miles, or 34,955 jungs, about 20,000 only of which are cultivated, so as to become of any consequence in the division of lands among the villages, the number of which amount to 2,770. By a calculation founded on these data, it would appear, that each village averages about twelve families, that a family falls considerably short of the average of four, and that a little more than seven jungs are allotted to a village. In Kedú the population amounts to 197,310, the number of villages to 3879, and the quantity of cultivated land to 19,052 jungs; so that in this province there are about five jungs attached to a village ; and a village is inhabited by fifty-one souls, or about twelve or thirteen families. In Grésik, the number of villages amount to 1896, the quantity of cultivated land to 17,018 jungs, and the population to 115,442 souls. In Probolíng'o and Besúki, the numbers are—of inhabitants, 104,359 ; of villages, 827 ; of cultivated land, 13,432 jungs. In these two last the proportions vary, the number of jungs to a village in the former being more than twelve, and of inhabitants more than eighty, or about twenty families; and in the latter, the proportion is more than one hundred and twenty souls to a village possessed of more than sixteen jungs of land. It would be superfluous to state any more examples. In different parts of the island, there are variations within certain limits ; but the quantity of land occupied by one cultivator seldom exceeds a báhu, (or the quarter of a jung), although the quantity occupied by a village, as will be seen by the above instances, varies from five to sixteen, according to the extent of the population.

The land allotted to each separate cultivator is managed by himself exclusively; and the practice of labouring in common, which is usual among the inhabitants of the same village on continental India, is here unknown. Every one, generally speaking, has his own field, his own plough, his own buffaloes or oxen ; prepares his farm with his own hand, or the assistance of his family at seed-time, and reaps it by the same means at harvest. By the recent surveys, when every thing concerning the wealth and the resources of the country became the subject of inquiry, and means were employed to obtain the most accurate information, it was ascertained, that the number of buffaloes on that part of the island to which these surveys extended, was nearly in the proportion of one to a family, or a pair to two families; and that, including the yokes of oxen, which are to those of buffaloes as one to three, this proportion would be very much exeeeded. In some provinces, more exclusively devoted to grain cultivation, the number of ploughs, and of course oxen or buffaloes, nearly amounts to one to a family. In other cases, where they fall much shert of this proportion, a considerable part of the inhabitants must be engaged in labou's unconneeted with agriculture, or tho cultivators must be engaged in rearing produce, where the assistance of those animals is not required. Thus in Japára and Jawána, where the number of inhabitants is 103,290, or about twenty-six thousand families, the number of ploughs amount to 20,730, and of buffaloes to 43,511; while in the Batavian Regencies, where the coffee culture employs a considerable part of the inhabitants, the number of families is about sixty thousand, and of ploughs only 17,366. The lands on Java are so minutely divided among the inhabitants of the villages, that each receives just as much as can maintain his family and employ his individual industry.

"A time there was, ere England's griefs began,

" When ev'ry rood of ground maintain'd its man ;

" For him light labour spread her wholesome store,

" Just gave what life requir'd, and gave no more :

"His best companions, innocence and health;

" And his best riches, ignorance of wealth."

But situated as the Javan peasantry are, there is but little induceinent to invest capital in agriculture, and much labour must be unprofitably wasted : as property is insecure, there can be no desire of accumulation ; as food is casily procured, there ean be no necessity for vigorous labour. There exists, as a consequence of this state of nature and of the laws, few examples of great affluence or abject distress among the peasantry; no rich men, and no common beggars. Under the native governments and the Regents of the Duteh Company, there were no written leases or engagements binding for a term of years; nor could sueh contracts well be expected to be formed with an officer, who held his own place by so unstable a tenure as the will of a despot. The cultivator bargained with the Búkul or Petíng'gi for a season or for two crops, had his land measured off by the latter, and paid a stipulated portion of the produee cither in money or in kind. When the crop had arrived at maturity, the cultivator, if his engagement was for so much of the produce in kind, cut down his own share, and left that of the landlord on the ground.

The proportion of the crop paid as rent varied with the kind of land, or produce, and the labour employed by the cultivator. In the sáwah lands, the share demanded by the landlord rarely execeded one-half, and might fall as low as one-fourth, according as the quality of the soil was good or bad, or the labour employed in irrigating or otherwise preparing it was greater or less. In tégal lands, the rent paid varied from one-third to one-fifth of the produce ; a diminution to be attributed to the uneertainty of the crop, and the necessity of employing more labour to realize an equal produce than on the other species of cultivation. In cases where there was a second crop of less value than the principal rice or maize crop, no additional demand was made upon the additional grain reaped by the farmer.

If such rates had been equitably fixed, after a deliberate estimate of the proportion between the labour of the cultivator and his produce, and if from the best kind of sáwah no more than the half had been required, with a scale of rents diminishing as labour increased or the soil deteriorated, the peasant could have had no reason to complain of the exactions of government. A jung of the best sáuwah lands will produce between forty and fifty ámats of pári, each ámat weighing about one thousand pounds. Suppose a cultivator occupied a quarter of a jung of such land, he would reap ten ámals, or ten thousand pounds of pári, and allowing a half for the government deduetion, would still retain five thousand pounds, which is equal to about eight quarters of wheat. The best sácah lands return about forty-fold; sácah lands of the second quality yield from thirty to forty ámals the jung ; and they are considered of inferior quality when they yield less than thirty. From these last, two-fifths or one-third was required as the landlord's share. Tégal lands were assessed at one-third, one fourth, or one-fifth of their produce, according to their quality, and their produce in value is about a fourth of sácah lands of the same relative degree in the seale. In Bengal, according to Mr. Colebrooke's excellent account of its husbandry, " the landlord's proportion of the crop was " one-half, two-fifths, and a third, according to the difference " of eireumstances." The value in money of a crop of rice grown on a jung of the best land under the wet cultivation, may anount to one hundred and sixty Spanish dollars; and on a bálu (the space oceupied by an individual cultivator), forty dollars. 1 formerly stated the price of the implements of husbandry, the price of buffaloes or oxen, the expence of building a house, and providing it with the necessary furniture. The whole farming stock of a villager may be purchased for about fifteen or sixteen dollars, or for little more than a third part of the produce of his land in one year. The price of labour, the price of cattle and of grain, as well as the fertility of the soil, varies in different parts of the island; but, in general, it may be laid down as an indisputable proposition, that from the natural bounty of the soil, the peasantry might derive all the means of subsistence and comfort, without any great exertion of ingennity, or any severity of toil, if their government made no greater demand than the shares stated above.

But besides the rent which the cultivator paid for his land, he was liable to many more grievous burdens. The great objection to a tax levied on land, and consisting in a certain share of its produce, arises from the effect that it has in obstructing improvements ; but there were other imposts and contributions exacted from the peasantry, which were positively and immediately oppressive. A ground-rent for houses, called pachúmplang, was prevalent over many parts of the island, amounting in the provinces subject to the native princes, to one-sixth or seventh of a dollar for each dwelling or cottage. The cultivator, in some parts of the country, instead of paying this tax, was obliged to pay for his fruit trees. In some districts there was a capitation tax; arbitrary fines were levied in others, and contributions on the birth or marriage of the children of the superior, regent, or the prince. There were several charges made on the villages, that had a more immediate reference to their own advantage, but which nevertheless were felt as burdens; such as contributions for the repair of roads, of bridges, for the making or repair of water-courses, dams, and other works necessary for irrigation. Demands on the inhabitants for charitable and religious objects or institutions are universal, though not very oppressive. Every village has its priest, who depends upon the contributions of the peasantry for his support, receiving so much rice or pári as his salary. The taxes on the internal trade of the country extended to every artiele of manufacture, produce, or consumption, and being invariably farmed out to Chinese, who employed every mode of extortion that their ingenuity could invent, or the passive disposition of the people would allow them to practice, constituted an inexhaustible source of oppression: to these we may add the feudal services and forced deliveries required under the Dutch government.

Tho following observations extracted from two reports, the one on Bantam, at the western side of the island, and the other on Pasúruan, almost at its other extremity, were unhappily by no means inapplicable to the greatest part of the intermediate space, and contain by no means an exaggerated representation. " The holders of púsaka lands in Bantam " were very seldom the occupants; they generally remained " about court, and on the approach of the pári harvest de- " puted agents to collect their share of the crop. But what " proportion their share would bear to the whole produce " does not appear to be well defined: it is by one stated " at a fifth, and by some (which I suspect to be nearest the

" truth) at as much as the cultivator could afford to pay, the

" always in attendance at the houses of their chiefs, and on " journies are employed in carrying their persons and bag- " often spared their own people and employed the others. " The Sultan always had a right to enforce the culture of any

" agents of the proprietors being the judges of the quantity.

" The proprietors of the púsakas have also a claim to the

“ services of the cultivators: a certain number of them are

“ gage. The lands not púsaka used to pay the same propor-

“ tion of produce to the Sultan as the others did to the pro-

" prietors; but the cultivators of the royal dominions laboured

“ under greater disadvantages than the others. Every chief

" or favourite about court had authority to employ them in

" the most menial offices; and chiefs possessing púsakas,

" article which he thought proper to direct; and, in such " cases, a price was paid upon the produce, which was

generally very inadequate to the expenees."

"It may be very desirable," says Mr. Jourdan, in his report on the completion of the settlement of Pasúruan, " that

“ I should mention a few of the oppressions from which it is

" the object of the present system to relieve the people. I

“ cannot but consider the greatest of these, the extent of the

" personal service demanded, not only by the Tumúng'gung

" and his family, but the Mántris and all the petty chiefs,

" who had trains of followers that received no stipendiary re-

" compence. These added to the individuals employed in the

" coffee plantations (to which they appear peculiarly averse), " carriers, may be calculated to have cmployed one-fifth of

" in beating out the rice for the contingent, in cutting grass

“ for and attending the jáyang sekárs, post carriage and letter-

" the male population of the working men. Another great

" source of exaction was the large unwieldy establishment of

" jáyang sekárs, and police officers: the former were liberally

" paid, the latter had no regular emoluments. Both these

" classes, however, quartered themselves freely in whatever

" part of the country their functions demanded their attend-

" ance. This was equally the case with any of the Regent's

" family or petty chiefs who travelled for pleasure or on duty.

" Whatever was required for themselves and their followers,

" was taken from the poor inhabitants, who have now been so

" long accustomed to such practices, that they never dare to “ complain or to remonstrate. The European authority did " not escape the taint of corruption. Monopolies, unpaid " services, licences, forced or at least expected presents, were “ but too common even in the best times, and must have con- “ tributed to estrange the affections and respect of the natives " from that power which should have afforded them protec- " tion. From this faint sketch it will be dedueed, that while " the men of rank were living in pampered luxury, the poor “ provincials were suffering penury and distress."

The Dutch Company, actuated solely by the spirit of gain, and viewing their Javan subjects with less regard or consideration than a West-India planter formerly viewed the gang upon his estate, because the latter had paid the purehase money of hunan property which the other had not, employed all the pre-existing machinery of despotism, to squeeze from the people their utmost mite of contribution, the last dregs of their labour, and thus aggravated the evils ofa capricious and semi-barbarous government, by working it with all the practised ingenuity of politicians, and all the monopolizing selfishness of traders.

Can it therefore be a subjeet of surprize, that the arts of agriculture and the inprovement of society, have made no greater advanees in Java? Need it excite wonder, that the implements of husbandry are simple; that the cultivation is unskilful and inartificial; that the state of the roads, where European convenience is not consulted, is bad; that the natural advantages of the country are neglected; that so little enterprize is displayed or capital employed; that the peasant's cottage is mean, and that so little wealth and knowledge are among the agrieultural population ; when it is considered, that the occupant of land enjoys no security for reaping the fruits of his industry ; when his possession is liable to be taken away from him every season, or to suffer such an enhancement of rent as will drive him from it; when such a small quantity of land only is allowed him as will yield him bare subsistence, and every ear of grain that can be spared from the supply of his immediate wants, is extorted from him in the shape of tribute; when his personal services are required unpaid for, in the train of luxury or in the culture of articles of monopoly; and when, in addition to all these discouragements, he is subject to other heavy imposts and impolitic restraints? No man will exert himself, when acting for another, with so much zeal as when stimulated by his own immediate interest; and under a system of government, where every thing but the bare means of subsistenee is liable to be seized, nothing but the means of subsistence will be sought to be attained. The Dutch aceuse the Javans of indolent habits and frandulent dispositions; but surely the oppressor has no right to be surprized, that the oppressed appear reluctant in his service, that they mect his exactions with evasion, and answer his call to labour with sluggish indifference.

The mode of dividing land into minute portions is decidedly favourable to population, and nothing but those checks to the progress of agriculture, to which I have referred, conld have limited the population of Java to numbers so disproportioned to its fertility, or confined the labours of the peasantry to so sinall a space of what would reward their industry with abundance. The cultivated ground on the Island has already been estimated at an eigth part of the whole area. In Proboling'o and Besúki, the total number of jungs of land amount to 775,483, the total of land capable of superior cultivation 174,675 jungs, while the space actually cultivated amounts only to 13,432 jungs. In Rembáng, the land belonging to villages is about 40,000 jungs, and not the half of that quantity is under cultivation. In Pasúruan, the same appearances are exhibited. From this last district the Resident's report on the settlement states, as a reason for his assessing the same rent on all the land, " that the cultivated part bearing so " small a proportion to the uncnltivated, the inhabitants have " been enabled to select the most fruitful spots exclusively: " hence arises the little variety I have discovered in the pro- " duce." Chéribon, Bantan, the Priang'en regencies, the castern corner of the Island, the provinces under the native governments, and in short the greatest and most fertile districts, furnish striking illustrations of this disproportion between the bounty of nature and the inefficient exertions of man to render her gifts avaifable, to extend population, and to promote human happiness; or rather they supply an example of unwise institutions and despotic government, counteracting the natural progress of both.

When the British arms prevailed in 1811, the attention of government was inmediately turned to the state and interests of its new subjects. It saw at once the natural advantages of the Island and the causes which obstructed its prosperity, and it determined to effect those changes which, having succeeded in Western India, and being sanctioned by justice and expediency, were likely to improve those advantages and to remove those obstructions. In consequence of the instructions of Lord Minto, the Governor-General, who was present at the conquest, and took a great interest in the settlement of the Island, no time was lost to institute inquiries and to collect information on the state of the peasantry, and the other points, the knowledge of which was necessary, before any attempt to legislate could be wisely or rationally made. The following principles, laid down by his Lordship, were those on which the local government acted.

“ Contingents of rice, and indced of other productions, have " been hitherto required of the cultivators by government at

" an arbitrary rate: this also is a vicious system, to be aban-

" doned as soon as possible. The system of contingents did

" not arise from the mere solicitude for the supply of the peo-

" ple, but was a measure alone of finance and control, to

" enable government to derive a revenue from a high price

" imposed on the consumer, and to keep the whole body of

"the people dependent on its pleasure for subsistence. I re-

" commend a radical reform in this branch to the serious and

" early attention of government. The priuciple of encourag-

" ing industry in the cultivation and improvements of lands,

" by creating an interest in the effort and fruits of that indus-

" try, can be expected in Java only by a fundamental change

" of the whole system of landed property and tenure. A wide

" field, but a somewhat distant one, is open to this great and

" interesting improvement; the discussion of the subiect,

"however, must necessarily be delayed till the investigation

" it requires is more complete. I shall transmit such thoughts

" as I have entertained, and such hopes as I have indulged

" in this grand object of amelioration; but I am to request

" the aid of all the information, and all the lights, that this

"Island can afford. On this branch, nothing must be done "that is not mature, because the exchange is too extensive " to be suddenly or ignorantly attempted. But fixed and im- " mutable principles of the human character and of human " association, assure me of ultimate, and I hope not remote " success, in views that are consonant with every motive of " action that operate on man, and are justified by the practice " and experience of every flourishing country of the world."

In compliance with these instructions, the object of which was cmbraced with zeal by the local governnent, to whom his lordship entrusted the administration of the Island, a commission was appointed, under the able direction of Colonel Mackenzie, to prosecute statistic inquiries; the results of which, as corrected and extended by subsequent surveys, will frequently appear in the tables and statistic accounts of this work. The nature of the landed tenure, and the demand made upon agriculture, in all the shapes of rent and taxes, were ascertained; the extortions practised by the Dutch officers, the native princes, the regents, and the Chinese, were disclosed; the rights of all classes, by law or usage, investigated ; the state of the population, the quantity and value of cultivated land, of forests, of plantations of cotton and coffee, the quantity of live stock, and other resources of the country subject to colonial administration, inquired into and made known. The result of these inquiries, with regard to landed tenure, I have given above; and, as it will be seen, it was such as opposed the rights of no intermediate class between the local government and the beneficial changes it contemplated in behalf of the great body of the people. After attaining the requisite information, the course which expediency, justice, and political wisdom pointed out was not doubtful, and coincided (as in most cases it will be found to do) with the track which enlightened benevolence, and a zealous desire to promote the happiness of the people would dictate.

The peasant was subject to gross oppression and undefined exaction : our object was to remove his oppressor, and to limit demand to a fixed and reasonable rate of contribution. He was liable to restraints on the freedom of inland trade, to personal services and forced contingents: our object was to commute them all for a fixed and well-known contribution. The exertions of his industry were reluctant and languid, because he had little or no interest in its fruits : our object was to encourage that industry, by connecting its exertions with the promotion of his own individual welfare and prosperity. Capital could not be immediately created, nor agricultural skill acquired; but by giving the cultivator a security, that whatever he accumulated would be for his own benefit, and whatever improvement he made, he or his fanily might enjoy it, a motive was held out to him to exert himself in the road to attain both. Leases, or contracts for fixed rents for terms of years, in the commencement, and eventually in perpetuity, seemed to be the only mode of satisfying the cultivator, that he would not be liable, as formerly, to yearly undefined demands ; while freedom from all taxes but an assessment on his crop, or rather a fixed sum in commutation thereof, would leave hin at full liberty to devote the whole of his attention and labour to render his land as productive as possible.

In confornity with these views, an entire revolution was effected in the mode of levying the revenue, and assessing the taxes upon agriculture. The foundation of the amended systein was, 1st. The entire abolition of forced deliveries at inadequate rates, and of all fendal services, with the establishment of a perfect freedom in culti:ation and trade: 2d. The assumption, on the part of government, of the immediate superintendance of the lands, with the collection of the resources and rents thereof: 3d. The renting out of the lands so assumed to the actual occupants, in large or small estates, according to local cireumstances, on leases for a moderate term. In the course of the following years (1814 and 1815) theso measures were carried into execution in most of the districts under our government, with a view to the eventual establishment of a perpetual settlement, on the principle of the ryotwar, or as it has been termed on Java, the tiáng-álit system.

The principles of land rental and detailed settlement were few and simple*. After mature inquiry, no obstable appeared to exist, either in law or usage, to the interference of government, in regulating the condition of the peasantry ; and it was

" the soil must be introduced by granting all the cultivated lands to those

" who have hitherto cultivated them, or, in other words, to the common

" Javans. All the rice fields belonging to each désa should be distributed

" among its inhabitants, and the gardens or spots of ground in which

" their cottages stand, should also, in future, be their personal property. " same proportion the land-tax should be established. I am very ready " to admit, that this will naturally be difficult and troublesome; but what " all established, introduced throughout the island, and fixed as the regu- " necessary, to calculate how many jungs of land our territories on Java

"Correct registers hereof should be kept, and certificates given to the

" different owners. Who can produce a better and nearer right to the

" personal possession of the land, than he who has cultivated and made

"it productive? And is there a country in the world where the natives

" are happy, free, and well settled, without having a property in the soil?

" Our own country, and all the kingdoms of Europe, afford the most di-

" rect proofs of this: they flourish in proportion as property is more or

"less secure and equally divided among the inhabitants of cach. All

" Enrope groaned under the feudal system of government : all Europe

" has freed itself from it; but by various means and in different degrees

" Why, therefore, can similar changes not be brought about on Java?

" Every thing urges us to make them, and the results must be important

" and most advantageous to us. Java is alone able to relieve our com- " monwealth froin all its difficulties.

" In order to collect a land-tax properly, a general and correct survey " should, in the first instance, be effected in all the distriets belonging to

" us, aeçording to an established land measure, to be introduced generally

" throughout Java ; for this is, at present, very irregular. All the lands

" should then be divided into three classes, first, second, and third class,

" according to the proportionate fertility of the soil, and according to the

" system of government is exempt from these incońveniences? and par-

" ticularly in this country, where it is necessary to effect a radical change

" and reform, in order to produce any beneficial results? But with dili-

" gence, zeal, and deliberation, all difficulties may be overcome; and even

" should the survey not be exactly correct in the first instance, it might

" be improved from year to year. The word jung is now used by the

" Javans for a certain measure of land ; but this differs so much in different

" districts, that it is impossible to ascertain how many square roods of

" land a jung ought to contain. The name might be retained, however,

" after having found by experience how many square roods, in general or

“ on an average, are contained in ajung, the proportion might be once for

" lar land measure of the country. It would be difficult, and as yet un-

" contain, and how much might be collected as a land-tax from each jung,

" in order to ascertain what this tax would amount to. I think it should

" be taken as a principle, that the land-tax can and ought to produce as resolved, therefore, that it should take into its own hands the management of that share of the land produce which was allowed to be its due, and protect the cultivator in the enjoyment and free disposal of the remainder. The undue power of the chiefs was to be removed, and so far as they had a claim for support, founded either on former services or deprivation of expected employment, they were to be remunerated in another way. The lands, after being surveyed and estimated, were to be parcelled out among the inhabitants of the villages, in the proportions established by custom or recommended by expediency. Contracts were to be entered into with each individual cultivator, who was to become the tenant of government, and leases specifying the extent and situation of their land, with the conditions of their tenure, were to be granted for one or more years, with a view to permanency, if at the end of the stipulated term, the arrangement should be found to combine the intcrest of the publie revenue with the welfare and increasing prosperity of the occupant. If that was not the case, room was thus left for a new adjustment, for a reduction of rate, or for any change in the system which might adapt it more to the interests and wishes of the people, without prejudice to the rights of governmeut.

This experiment hazarded nothing, and held out every prospect of success; it committed no injustice, and compromised no claim. The peasantry could not suffer, because an assessment less in amount, and levied in a less oppressive manner than formerly (all rents, taxes, and services included), was required of them : the chiefs could not complain, because they were allowed the fair emoluments of office, and only restrained from oppressions which did not so much benefit themselves as injure their inferiors. Most of the latter were not only allowed an equivalent for their former income, but employed in services allied to their former duties,—the collee. tion of the revenue, and the superintendance of the police. As the cultivator had acquired rights which the chief could not violate, as the former held in his possession a lease with the conditions on which he cultivated his farm, no infringement of which could be attempted on the part of the latter with impunity, no evil could result from employing the chiefs in collecting the revenue of districts, while, from their practical knowledge of the habits and individual concerns of the peasantry, of the nature of the seasons and the crops, they were the fittest persons for the office. For these services it seemed most expedient to pay them, cither by allowing them a certain per-centage on their collections, or by allotting them portions of land rent free. The village constitution (which will be more particularly noticed in treating of the institutions of the country) was preserved inviolate; and the chiefs or head men of the villages, in many instances elected by the free will of the villagers, were invariably continued in office as the inmediate collectors of the rents, and with sufficient authority to preserve the police, and adjust the petty disputes that might arise within them; the government scrupulously avoiding all unnecessary interference in the customs, usages, and details of these societies.

In looking at the condition of the peasantry, and in estimating the fertility of the soil, the wants of the people, and the proportion of produce and industry that they formerly were accustomed to pay for supporting the establishments of government, it was thought reasonable to commute all former burdens into a land rent on a fixed principle ; all sáwah lands being estimated by the pári, or unhusked rice, they could produce, and all tégal lands by their produce in maize. The following (as stated in the eighty-third article of the Revenue Iustructions) was considered as the fairest scale for fixing the government share, and directed to be referred to, as much as possible, as the general standard:

For Sáwah Lands. 1st sort................Onc-half of the estimated produce. 2d do.........Two-fifths..........ditto. sd do.....One-third........ditto.

For Tégal Lands. 1st sort..............Two-fifths of the estimated produce. 2d do. ..One-third..........ditto. 3d do. ...........One-fourth.........ditto.

" Government," it is said in the cighty-fifth section, " think it necessary to declare explicitly, that they will be “ satisfied when the land revenue shall be productive to them " in these proportions, determining at no future period to “ raise the seale; so that the inhabitants, being thus exactly " acquainted with what will form the utmost demand on 44 them, and resting in full confidenee that government will “ not exact any thing further, may in that security enjoy their 1 possessions in undisturbed happiness, and apply their ut- 46 most industry to the improvement of their lands ; assured that, while they conduet thenselves well, that land will “ never be taken froin them, and that the more productive they “ can render it, the more beneficial it will be for themselves."

The government share might cither be received in money or in kind from the sárah lands ; but the tégal produce, though estimated in maize, was always, if possible, to be commuted into money at the lowest price in the market; and as cultivators generally held portions of both, this rule, it was conceived, could not be considered generally as a hardship.

In the first settlement, leases were only granted for a year, or at the utmost three years, and were given to intermediate renters; but in the more detailed settlement of 1814, after sufficient information had been collected on the state of the country, government determined to act directly with the individual cultivator, and to lay the foundation of a permanent system. By this latter period, the experiments have been tried to a certain extent, and had succeeded beyond the most sanguine expectation. Difficulties met us in the way, but they were by no means insurmountable; there were at first imperfections in the systein, but they did not affect its principle, and were easily removed. By the zeal, the ability, and industry of the various officers entrusted with the execution of the duty, whatever was practicable in furtherance of the object in which they felt deeply interested, was accomplished. In the course of the years 1814 and 1815, the new system was introduced into Bantam, Chéribon, and the castern districts, over a population of a million and a half of cultivators, not only without disturbance and opposition, but to the satisfaction of all classes of the natives, and to the manifest inerease of the public revenue derivable from land. In several journies which I undertook into thedifferent provinces, for the purposes of examining in person the effect of the progressive system of reform which I had the happiness to introduce, and of lending the sanction of official authority to such modifications of it as local circumstances might render advisable, I was a pleased spectator of its beneficial tendency, and of the security and satisfaction it universally diffused. The cultivator, protected agaiust all vexatious exactions, and no longer at the beck of a tyrannical chief who made unlimited demands upon his personal services, was beginning to feel additional stimulants to his industry, to acquire a superior relish for property, and to acknowledge that government and power were not always the enemies of the lower ranks of society, or as they modestly call themselves, the little people (tiang-halit). The British administration of Java, with all its agents, having watched the progress of the amended system at first with vigilant anxiety, at last saw it nearly completed with success, and rejoiced in its beneficial operation on the prosperity, improvement, and happiness of the people. During the two years that we retained possession of the island, after the greatest part of its arrangements were carried into effect, we had daily proofs of the amelioration they were producing. The cultivation was extending, the influence of the chiefs appeared to be progressively weakening, and the number of crimes, both from the superior industry of the people now become interested in the result of their labours, and from the contented tranquillity produced by an increase of the means of subsistence, as well as from the amended system of police (mentioned in another part of this work), was gradually diminishing. Without N VOL. I.

troubling the reader with further details, I may mention that, in the beginning of December 1815, a few months before I left the island, not satisfied with my own observation or the vague report of others, I circulated specific qucries to the different residents, on the comparative state of cultivation in the different provinces, before the introduction of the detailed settlement, and at the latest date to which an answer could be returned, and on the comparative number of crimes at the same two periods, and the return was as gratifying to humanity and benevolence as it was corroborative of the opinions previously formed. I shall quote a few extracts from these reports. The Resident at Chéribon " cannot, from certain " data, tell what progress has been made in extending the " cultivation of that province, but thinks it has been con- " siderable;" and adds, " I have no doubt but that a few " years of the amended system of government would render “ the district of Chéribon, so notorious for crimes, one of the " most flourishing and valuable in any part of the island." The Resident of Tégal is nearly in similar circumstances with regard to authentic documents, but gives a very favourable opinion, both with regard to the increase of industry and the reduction of crimes. The return from Kedú is more definite : it states a positive increase of tégal land to the amount of thirty-six jungs, but a much greater increase of produce from improved culture. The revenue afforded a sufficient proof of the latter fact. The same favourablo account is given of the state of police and the diminution of crime. No data are given in the report from Pakaláng'an to ascertain the additional quantity of rice lands brought into cultivation; but an opinion is expressed, that it has increased; and an assurance is afforded, that the culture of indigo and tobacco has sensibly extended. As an evidence that the means of subsistence are raised in greater abundance than forncrly, their price has very considerably diminished.

A commission which was appointed to inquire into the state of the revenue, report from Japára the great facility there was in collecting the revenue under the amended system, and certify its beneficial effects in extending cultivation, securing tranquillity, promoting industry, and diminishing crimes. The same commission conclude their report of Grésik with similar assurances of the happy results of the revenue, and judicial arrangements for the prosperity of that province. The Resident of Rembáng gives an increase of cultivation of fifty-two jungs of sácah and about thirteen of tégal land, and accounts for the smallness of this increase from the comparative sterility of the soil, and the precarious supply of water. Indigo had not inereased, but tobaceo had to a great degree. The vigilance of the police, and the ameliorating effects of the revenue settlement, are seen, it is said, in the improved state of morals. In Surabáya it is stated, that during the time the amended system had been in action, there had been an increase of three hundred and twenty governnent jungs, making upwards of two thousand English acres. In the residency of Pasúruan there is an increase of cultivation to the amount of three hundred and six jungs: this, however, does not comprehend the whole advantage that the new system produced in that province, for industry had been so much promoted by it, as to obtain two crops within the year, on many of the lands where the cultivator was formerly content with one. It is needless to enter into any further particulars, to shew the advantages of the regulations adopted with regard to the settlement of the landed revenue.

By a steady adherence to a system which, even in its origin, was productive of such fruits, by continuing to the peasant the protection of laws made for his benefit, by allowing full scope to his industry, and cncouraging his natural propensity to accumulate, agriculture on Java would soon acquire a different character: it would soon become active and enterprizing; there would soon be created a difference in farms and in the circumstances of individuals; capital would be fixed and augmented in the hands of the skilful and the industrious among the cultivators; the idle and the indifferent would relinquish their possessions in their favour; roads, intercourse, and markets would be increased, the organization of society would be changed, and an improved race would shew themselves, in some measure, worthy of the most fertile region of the globe. What Egypt and Sicily were in different ages to the south of Europe, Java might become to the south of Asia and the Indian Archipelago. From the exertion with which the British government endeavoured to lay the foundation of such improvements, at first amid the embarrassments of a recent conquest, and latterly with the prospect of only an intermediate possession; from the attachment it cherished for a people whose gratitude it deserved and acquired, and from the interest that every friend of humanity must feel in the anticipation of seeing this highly favoured island, the metropolis, the granary, and the centre of civilization to the vast regions between the coast of China and the Bay of Bengal, it might have been expected, that those who were instrumental in introducing the late arrangements, should watch with peculiar anxiety the first movements of the power to which the colony was transferred, and should look into the regulations for its Indian empire for the support, or the death-blow, of the most animating hopes. It must therefore be with peculiar satisfaction that we see, with regard to the freedom of cultivation, the Dutch government sanctions what we had done, and gives our regulations permanency by embodying them in its colonial policy. In articles seventy-eight and seventy-nine of the fundamental laws for the civil, judicial, and mercantile administration of India *, we find the following enactments. " The " free cultivation of all articles of produce which may be " raised in the possessions of the state in India, is granted to

" the inhabitants of these possessions; with the exception of

" cloves, nutmegs, and opium, and without prejudice to the

" regulations which might be adopted concerning the con-

" tingents and forced deliveries, which on a resumption of

" these possessions out of the hands of the English, will be " forced deliveries, and every kind of produce not com-

" found to be continued in force. All the fruits of cultivation

"raised within the possessions of the states beyond the

" prehended under the exceptions mentioned above, are to be

" the lawful property of the cultivator. The free unrestrained

" disposal thereof belongs to him of right, as soon as the land

" rent assessed thereon, cither in kind or money, shall be

"paid. It is the duty of the Indian administration to " maintain him in these rights." Let him be maintained in those rights, and the Dutch government will realize a revenue far beyond the amount of their former assessments, without, as formerly, disgracing the Europeans in the eyes of the Asiatic, by their weakness, corruption, and injustice.

CHAPTER IV.

Manufactures—Handicrafts—Bricks—Thatch—Mats—Cotton—Cloths— Dyes—Tanning—Ropes—Metals—Road and Ship-building—Paper—Salt —Saltpetre Works—Gunpowder, &c.—Felling and Transporting of Teak Timber—Fisheries.

It is here proposed to state the progress made by the Javans in a few of the common arts and handicrafts, and in one or two of the more extensive manufactures; their docility in working under European direction, and some other observations, which could not be so appropriately placed in any other part of this work. I have already had occasion to notice the limited skill and simple contrivances with which they carry on the labours of agriculture, and prepare the produce of the soil for consunption, in the various ways that their taste or their habits require. In a country like Java, where the strueture of society is simple, and the wants of the people are few, where there is no accumulation of capital and little division of professions, it cannot be expected that manufacturing skill should be acquired, or manufacturing enterprize encouraged, to any great extent. The family of a Javan peasant is almost independent of any labour but that of its own members. The furniture, the clothing, and almost every article required for a family, being prepared within its own precincts, no extensive market of manufactured commoditics is necessary for the supply of the island itself; and for foreign trade, the produce of their soil is more in demand than the fruits of their skill or industry. In a country where nature is bountiful, and where so much of her bounty can be collected with so little labour to pay for manufactures from abroad, there is but little encou. ragement to withdraw the natives from the rice field, the forest, or the coffee-garden, to the loom, the forge, or the workshop; and it is not in this respect, certainly, that a change of their habits would be beneficial This short notice of Javan manufactures, therefore, must be very limited, both in the number of the articles that it embraces, and in the importance that Europeans may attach to them : for Java can neither send us porcelain, like China ; nor silks, shawls, and cottons, like Western India. To a nation, however, so much accustomed as we are to the exertions of manufacturing skill and perfection of manufacturing machinery, it may not be uninteresting to see the simple means, by which a half-civilized people accomplish the objects which we attain by such expe. ditious and ingenious processes. The most experienced naval arehiteet may be interested by the manner in which a savage seoops his canoe.

The Javans have names in their language for most of the handicrafts. The following enumeration of terms applied to trades and professions will shew the extent to which the division of labour is sometines carried, while the foreign extraction of some of them may, perhaps, serve to point out the source whence they were derived.

1. Pándi or émpu … .....Iron-smith and cutler.

2. Túkang-káyu, or mergóngso ....Carpenter.

3. Meráng'gior túkang-weróngko Kris-sheath maker.

4. Túkang úkir .......... ..... Carver.

5. déder ... .......Spear-shaft maker.

6. lámpet .........Mat maker.

.......Turner. 7. bábol

8. bóto.. .......Brush maker.

9. wátú or jelog'ro .......Stone-cutter.

...Lime maker. 10. lábur

11. - nátah wáyang ........Wayang maker.

12. génding .............Musical instrunent maker.

18. keming'an ............Brazier.

14. Sayáng, or túkung-tambógo ...Coppcrsmith.

15. Kemásan, or tukáng-mas ......Goldsmith.

...Potter. 16. Kúndi ..

.....Distiller. 17. Túkang árá.

jílid.. ..Bookbinder. 18.

......Weaver. 19. ténun ...........

bátik .................Cotton printer. 20.

….Dyer. 21. médal.

22. Túkang léng'o ................Oil maker.

23. nióro-wédi ............Diamond cutter.

24. delúcang .............Paper manufacturer.

25. pándom or gírji .........Tailor.

26. súlam ...............Embroiderer.

27. jáit .....Sempstress.

28. súng'ging.........Draftsman.

29. chál...............Painter.

30. pásah ....Tooth filer.

I shall procced to describe a few of the manufactures of the island, without attending much to the order in which it might be proper to arrange them. The construction of a habitation is among the first and most necessary arts of uncivilized man, as the perfection of arehiteeture is one of the most convincing proofs and striking illustrations of a high state of refinement. I have already described the hut of the peasant, and have mentioned that it is generally construeted of wood. Sueh structures suit the climate of the country, and save the labour of the people; but they are not rendered necessary by an ignorance of more durable materials.

Bricks are manufactured in almost every part of the island, being generally employed in the better sort of buildings, not only by Europeans and Chinese, but by the natives of rank. The quality of the clay varies greatly in different districts. It is all obtained from the decomposition of the basaltic stones, and possesses different degrees of purity, according to the proportion and nature of the other earths which are adventitiously mixed with it. In some parts of the island it is very pure, and might be advantageously employed in the manufacture of porcelain; but the natives are unacquainted with the principles of this art: some instruction in the glazing of their pottery would be of very general benefit. They are unacquainted with the process of making glass.

Cut stones are, at present, but rarely used by the Javans, and stone-cutting is almost exclusively performed by the Chinese. But although the Javans do not, at present, possess or practicc any considerable skill in this art, the extensive remains of edifices constructed in stone, and of idols carved from the same materials, afford abundant testimony that the arts of

, architecture, sculpture, and statuary in stone, at one period reached to a very high pitch on Java. As, however, these arts have long been lost to the Javans, the consideration of them rather falls within the department of antiquities than that which we are now upon.

In the vicinity of Grésik there are several hills composed of a soft white stone, which hardens on exposure to the air. Stones are here cut in the quarry into regular squares of various sizes, from that of a brick to the largest tomb-stone. They are principally required for the latter purpose, and in the cemeteries of Grésik and Madúra the inscriptions upon them are very neatly executed. Beyond this, the skill of the natives in stone-cutting does not at present pretend.

The covering of the native houses is generally of thatch. In the maritime districts, átap, or thatch, is made almost exclusively from the leaves of the nípa or búyu. In the preparation, the leaflets separated from the common petiol are employed. Being doubled, they are attached close to each other on a stick of three feet in length, and when thus arranged are placed on the roof, like shingles or tiles. The leaves of the gébang, on account of their fan-like form, are differently arranged: they constitute large mats, which are chiefly employed for sides of houses or for composing temporary sheds, but they are too large and brittle to form durable átap. In the interior districts, where nipa does not grow, the houses are almost uniformily thatched with a species of long grass called alang-alang (the lálang of the Malay countries). Near large forests, where bámbu abounds, the natives cover their houses with this reed. The leaflets of the cocoa-nut cannot be made into thatch, but wherever the sago and nipa grow, it is made from their leaflets.

An article of household furniture in use among all classes, and displaying in some cases considerable beauty and delicacy of execution, is matting. Mats are made from several species of pandanus, from a kind of grass called mándong, and from the leaves of various palms. A species of the latter affords the most common kinds, coarser and less durable than others, as well as bags (straw sacks) resembling coarse mats: the leaves being divided into laminæ, about one line in breadth, are woven in the same manner and on the same frames as coarse linen. These fibres, called ágel, are sometimes manufactured into twine, which possesses but little strength. The mats or bags, called kúrong, are much inferior to the gunnybags of India.

The coarsest kinds of mats, cmployed chiefly by the lower class, are called in the central districts klóso bóngko; thoso prepared from grass, klóso mándong; and the others, klóso psántrem (from the place where they are made). The materials of all these are plaited by hand. The klóso psántrem are of superior quality, and in use through the central and eastern parts of the island; especially among the natives of the first class, with whom they constitute the principal furniture of the dwelling-house. A person of the highest rank aspires to no luxury, more delicate or expensive in this way, than the possession of a bed composed of mats from psántrem.

A kind of umbrella hat worn by the common people, and universal in the Súnda districts denominated chápeng, is also manufactured in this manner, principally from bámbn, dyed of various colours, which being shaped in the form and of the size of a large wash-hand basin worn reversed, is rendered impervious to the wet by one or more coverings of varnish.

A great part of the manufacturing ingenuity of every people must be displayed in collecting the materials, or arranging the fabries of those articles of clothing, required for protection, decency, or ornament. Whether these materials are derived from the fleece, the fur, or the feathers of the larger animals, from the covering of an insect, the bark of a tree, or the down of a shrub, they have to undergo several laborious and expensive processes before they are fit for use ; and in conducting these processes, or forming machinery for rendering them more expeditious, complete, and easy, the superior manufacturing skill of one nation over another is chiefly evinced. The sheep on Java, as in all tropical climates, loses its fleece before it can be used with advantage. The silkworm has never succeeded, although no reason can be given why it should not, and therefore the chief matcrial of Javan clothing is cotton.

Cotton, in its rough state, is called kápas, and when cleaned kápok. The process of separating the seeds is performed by means of a giling'an, which is a roller, consisting of two wooden cylinders revolving in opposite directions, between which the fibre is made to pass. This operation is very tedious, two days being necessary for one person to clean a káti, equivalent to a pound and a quarter English. After the separation of the seed, it is géblek, or beaten with a rattan, and píndi or picked. 'The fmer sort is then bowed after the Indian manner; this operation is called wusóni. The cotton thus prepared is afterwards pulled out and drawn round a stick, when it is called púsuh. To perform the process upon a single káti will employ one person abont two days. The cotton is now ready for spinning ('ngánti), and requires ten additional days'labour of one person, to convert the small quantity above mentioned into yarn, when the result is found to be three tukal, or hanks, of the ordinary kind.

Previous to the operation of weaving, the yarn is boiled, and afterwards dressed and combed with rice-water. When dry, it is wound round a sort of reel, termed 'íngan, and prepared for weaving. These are the last operations it undergoes till it is put into the hands of the weaver, and requires, in ordinary circumstances, three days for its completion. Four days are required even by an expert weaver, and five or six by an ordinary one, to manufacture a sárong, or piece of cloth, a fathom and a half long and five spans broad (equal to three square handkerchiefs of the ordinary size worn on the head). The cloths thus prepared, while uncoloured, are distinguished by the term lácon.

The spinning-wheel is termed jántra, and the spindle kísi. The loom, with all its apparatus, is called ábah ábah tenún, the shuttle trópong, the woof máni, and the warp pákan. Both machines resemble those described on the continent of India, but are neater and much better made : the loom especially is more perfect: the weaver, instead of sitting in holes dug in the ground, invariably sits on a raised flooring, generally in front of the house, her legs being stretched out horizontally under the loom. The price of the spinning-wheel varies from less than half a rupee to a rupee, and that of the loom from a rupee to a Spanish dollar. The operations of spinning and weaving are confined exclusively to the women, who from the highest to the lowest rank, prepare the cloths of their husbands and their families.

Coloured cottons (járit) are distinguished into lúri or lúri ging'gang, those in which the yarn is dyed previously to weaving; and bátik, those which are dyed subsequently. The process of weaving the former is similar to that of the gingham, which it resembles, and need not therefore be detailed ; but the latter, being peculiar to Java, may deserve a more particular description.

The cloths termed bátik are distinguished into bátik látur púti, bátik látur irang, or bátik látur bang, as the ground may be cither white, black, or red. The white cloth is first steeped in rice water, in order to prevent the colour with which the patterns are intended to be drawn, from running, and when they are dried and smoothed (calendered), commences the process of the bátik, which gives its name. This is performed with hot wax in a liquid state, contained in a small and light vessel, either of copper or silver, called chánting,* holding about an ounce, and having a small tube of about two inches long, through which the liquid wax runs out in a small stream. This tube, with the vessel to which it is attached, being fixed on a stick about five inches long, is held in the hand, and answers the purpose of a pencil, the different patterns being traced out on both sides of the cloth with the running wax. When the outline of the pattern is thus finished, such parts of the cloth as are intended to be prescrved white, or to receive any other colour than the general field or ground, are carefully covered in like manner with the liquid wax, and then the piece is immersed in whatever coloured dye may be intended for the ground of the pattern. To render the colour deeper, cloths are occasionally twice dipped. The parts covered with wax resist the operation of the dye, and when the wax is removed, by being steeped in hot water till it melts, are found to remain in their original condition. If the pattern is only intended to consist of one colour besides white, the operation is here completed; if another colour is to be added, the whole of the first ground, which is not intended to receive an additional shade, is covered with wax, and a similar process is repeated.

In order to render the dye fixed and pernanent for the scarlet or blood-red colour, the cloth is previously steeped in oil, and after five days washed in hot water, and prepared in the usual way for the bátik. In the ordinary course, the process of the bátik occupies about ten days for common patterns, and from fifteen to seventeen for the finer and more variegated.

A very coarse kind of cloth, which serves for curtains or hangings, is variously clouded, and covered sometimes with rude figures, by the art of colouring the yarn, so as to produce this effeet when woven. For this purpose, the strands of the yarn being distributed in lengths equal to the intended size of the cloth, are folded into a bundle, and the parts intended to remain white are so tightly twisted round and round, that the dye cannot penetrate or affect them. From this partycoloured yarn the designed pattern appears on weaving. The cloths so dyed are called gebér.

The sashes of silk, called chúndi, are dyed in this manner, as well as an imitation of them in cotton, called jóng'grong.

Of the several kinds of coloured cottons and silks there is a very great diversity of patterns, particularly of the bátik, of which not less than a hundred are distinguished by their appropriate names. Among these are the patterns exclusively worn by the sovercign, termed bátik párang rúsa, and bátik sáwat, and others which designate the wearer, and are more or less esteemed, as well on this account as their comparative beauty of design and execution.

With the exception of blue and scarlet or blood-red, all the dyes of the inhabitants are liable to fade, and the processes offer nothing worthy of investigation or remark.

In dying blue, indigo, the palm wine of the áren, and various vegetable acids are employed.

Black is obtained from an exotic bark called ting'i, and the rind of the mangustin fruit. In making the inferior infusion for this and for various other dyes, the chaff of rice, called meráng, is employed.

In dying green, a light blue is first induced, which is afterwards converted into the requisite hue, by infusion in a decoction of tegráng (an exotic wood), to which blue vitriol is added.

Tegráng alone affords a yellow colour, and generally is qualified by receiving the addition of some bark of the nángka and plem-dodól.

A beautiful and lasting scarlet and blood-red is obtained from the roots of the wóng-kudu. The yarn or cloth is first boiled in the oil of wijen or kamári: being washed in a decoction of meráng or burnt pári chaff, it is dried, and subsequently immersed in an infusion of the roots of wong-kudu, the strength of which is increased by the addition of the bark jirak, a varicty of the fruit kepúndung. In the preparation of this dye, the roots of the wóng-kudu are bruised and well mixed with water, which is then boiled until it is reduced to one third, when it is fit for use. No light red or rose colour of durability is produeed by the Javans : they employ for this purpose the kasomba kling.

In several of the maritime districts, the Maláyus impart a beantiful crimson colour to silk, by means of the gúnlak tembálu or embálu, but with this Javans are unacquainted.

The kápas jáwa, or Java cotton, in its raw and unclcaned state costs from about three halfpence to three pence the káti, according to its quality, and the kápas múri from six to cight pence. The price of each advances sometimes fifty per cent. beyond this, when the production is scarce or out of season.

A káti of uncleaned Java cotton is calculated to produce two and a half túkul or hanks of coarse, and three and a half hanks of fine yarn; and a káti of kápas múri, five hanks of the latter. The value of the former is from three to four pence, and of the latter from seven to ten.

Three hanks and a half of coarse yarn, and from five to nine of fine, make one sárong, or three head handkerchiefs, the price of which, undyed, is from half a rupce to four Spanish dollars ; if dyed, the ging'ams bring from one rupee to four Spanish dollars, and the bátik from a rupee and a half to six Spanish dollars for the same quantity.

Another kind of coloured cottons, in imitation of the Indian chintz, is also prepared; but it is not held in much estimation, on account of the superiority of the foreign chintzes imported, and the uncertainty of the colours, which the natives allege will not stand in the same manner as those which have undergone the process of the batik, frequently fading in the second washing. In these cloths, the patterns being carved on small wooden blocks are stamped as in India. They serve as coverlids, and are employed as a substitute for the Indian pálenmpore, when the latter is not procurable. The price is about four rupees.

The natives of Java, like those of every other country, must have been, from the earliest tines, in the habit of manufacturing various articles of leather; but the art of rendering it more compact, more tough, and more durable, by the application of the tanning principle, has been acquired only by their connexion with Europeans. They now practice it with considerable success, and prepare tolerable leather in several districts. There are two trees of which the bark is particularly preferred for tanning; one in the maritime districts, the other in the interior. These, with some others which are occasionally added, contain very large quantities of the tanning principle, which makes excellent leather in a short space of tine. Of this native article, boots, shoes, saddles, harness, &e. are made in several parts of the island; but in the greatest perfection at Súra-kérta, where the prices are moderate, and the manufacture extensive and improving. Neither the leather nor the workmanship of these articles is considered much inferior to what is procured at Madras and Bengal. The prices are moderate : for a pair of shoes half a crown, for boots ten shillings, for a saddle from thirty to forty shillings, and for a set of harness for four horses from ten to twelve pounds.

Neither flax nor hemp is cultivated for the purposes of manufacture. The latter is sometimes found in the gardens of the natives of continental India, particularly at Batavia, who employ it only to excite intoxication; but the island affords various productions, the fibrous bark of which is made into thread, ropes, and other similar articles. These are, with one or two exceptions, never cultivated, and when required for use, may be collected in sufficient quantity on spots where they are of spontaneous growth. A particular account of these has already been given in thc first chapter, when describing the vegetable productions of the island.

To enable rope or cord which is often exposed to water or moisture, as fishing-nets, cables, and the like, to resist its influence, the sap exuding from various trees is employed.

No manufactures are calculated to show more clearly the extent to which the arts of life are carried in a country, than those in which the metals are used. Without the knowledge of iron, our dominion over nature would be very limited ; as may be seen in the case of the Americans at the discovery of the western hemisphere. The manufacture and use of iron and steel has been known over the Eastern Islands, as well as in the western world, from time immemorial. The various iron implements of husbandry, the common implements and tools, the instruments and military weapons now in use among the natives of these regions, are fabricated by themselves. The importance and difficulty of the art may be gathered from the distinetion which the knowledge and practice of it conferred.

The profession of a smith is still considered honourable among the Javans, and in the early parts of their history, such artizans held a high rank, and were largely endowed with lands. The first mention made of them is during the reign of the chiefs of Pajajáran, in the eleventh century. On the deeline of that empire they went over, to the number of eight hundred families, to Majapáhit, where they were kindly received, and a record is preserved of the names of the head master-smiths. On the destruction of that empire in the fifteenth century, they were dispersed, and settled in different districts of the island, where their descendants are still discoverable. They are distinguished by the term Pándi.

Iron is cast in small quantities of a few ounces, and used occasionally for the point of the ploughshare. The metal is rendered fluid in about half an hour: charcoal is invariably used, and the operation is termed sing'i or chitak.

The bellows, which is peculiar, and believed to have been in use at the time of Pajajáran and Majapáhit, and of which a representation sculptured in stone was found in the recently discovered ruins at Suku (which bear date in the fourtcenth century of the Javan ara), appears to be the same as that described by Dampier*, in his account of Majindánuo and the neighbouring islands. " Their bellows," says this faithful and intelligent traveller, " are much different from ours. " They are made of a wooden cylinder, the trunk of a tree,

" about three feet long, bored hollow like a punp, and set " upright on the ground, on which the fire itself is made. " Near the lower end there is a small hole in the side of the " trunk next the fire, made to receive a pipe, through which " the wind is driven by a great bunch of fine feathers fas- " tened to one cnd of the stick, which closing up the inside " of the cylinder, drives the air out of the eylinder through " the pipe. Two of these trunks or cylinders are placed " so nigh together, that a man standing between them may " work them both at once, alternately, one with each hand." This account so exactly corresponds with the Javan bellows, that no further description is necessary. The Chinese bellows are partially used. The wages of a man skilled in iron-work are sometimes as high as a rupee a day.

Cutlery of every description is made by the smith. The most important manufacture of this kind is the krís, or dagger, of the peculiar form well known to be worn by all the more civilized inhabitants of the Eastern Islands.

The price of a krís blade, newly manufactured, varies from half a rupee to fifty dollars ; but the same krís, if it is of good character, and if its descent can be traced for three or four generations, is frequently prized at ten times that sum. A pándi employed to manufacture a good krís blade, if the materials are furnished, is paid three dollars for the job.

The manufacture of sheaths or scabbards (sárong) for tho krís constitute an exclusive profession; and the manufacturers are called túkang meráng'gi, or mergóngso. These men attend at the public market, where they occnpy a particular quarter, in which may be seen people employed in the finishing or repair of every part of the mounting necessary for this instrument; some upon the handle, others upon the sheath; some in applying thc paint and lacquer, others attending with a preparation of acids and arsenic for cleaning the blade, and bringing out the appearance of the pámur, a white metal obtained from Biliton and Celebes, which is worked up with the iron, in order to produce the damasked appearance of the blade.

Copper is manufactured into the kettles and pots employed by the natives for cooking; most of the other domestic vessels

VOL. I.

are of brass, which is manufactured into various other articles, from the smallest, such as buttons, ear-studs, and other ornaments, in imitation of the gold patterns, to brass guns of considerable calibre, employed for the defence of small vessels. A very extensive foundery of this kind is established at Grésik. From the specimen of the casts in brass, copper, &e. which are occasionally dug up near many of the ruinous temples sacred to the ancient worship ofthe country, we may assert, that great proficieney was onee attained in this art: like that, however, of stone-cutting, it has very much declined.

Gold and silver, as is well known, are wrought by the natives of the Eastern Islands into exquisite ornaments; and the Javans are by no means behind their neighbours, the Sumatrans, in the knowledge of this manufacture. They do not, however, usually work the gold into those beautiful filigree patterns,.described as common among the Maláyus on Sumatra, nor is their work generally so fine.

Diamond-cutters, and persons skilled in the knowledge of cutting precious stones, are also to be found in the principal capitals.

Carving in wood is followed as a particular profession, and the Javans may be considered as expert in all kinds of carpenter's work, but more particularly in cabinct-work. They imitate any pattern, and the furniture used by the Europeans in the eastern part of the Island is almost exclusively of their workmanship. Carriages and other vehicles are also manufactured by the natives after the European fashion.

Boat and ship-building is an art in which the Javans are tolerably well versed, particularly the former. The latter is confined principally to those districts in which the Europeans have built ships, for the Javans have seldom attempted the construction of square-rigged vessels on their own account. The best carpenters for ship-building are found inthe districts of Rembáng and Grésik, but small native vessels and boats are contiuually constructed by the natives in almost every district along the north coast.

When the quantity of teak timber, and the advantages of Java in respect of ports and harbours, are considered, the most flattering prospects are held out, that this Island may, in time, be able to supply shipping to an increasing commeree of its own, and perhaps aid the dock-yards of other states.

Among the articles, the making of which may be interesting to Europeans, from the difference of the materials used or the process employed, is that of paper. The paper in common use with the Javans is prepared from the glúga (morus papyrifera) which is cultivated for this pufpose, and generally called the delúwang, or paper tree. Having arrived at the age of two or three years, the young trees are cut while the bark casily pecls off, and the fragments are portioned about twelve or eighteen inehes in length, according to the intended size of the paper. These fragments are first immersed in water about twenty-four hours, in order that the epidermes may be separated; this being effected, the fibrous tissue of the inner bark is rendered soft and tractable by soaking in water, and by long and repeated beating with a piece of wood. During the intervals of this process, the fragments of the bark are piled in heaps in wooden troughs, and the affusion of fresh water is repeated till all impurities are carried off. The separate portions, which are about two or three inches broad, are then attached to cach other on a plane surface, generally formed by the trunk of a plantain tree, and the union of the fibres is finally effected by continued beating. The quality of the paper depends upon the care employed in the preparation, and on the frequent affusion of fresh water. By applying successive layers to the'spots which are bare from the defect of the fibres, and beating them till they unite, an uniform thickness is attained. The paper which is intended for writing is momentarily immersed in a decoction of rice, and rendered smooth and cqual, by being rubbed to a polish on a plane surface. Such paper as is intended for common domestic purposes, for packing goods, &c. does not require this operation : in this the fibrous contexture of the bark is quite obvious; it much resembles a species of paper brought from Japan, and manufactured from the same tree, and was formerly mployed instead of cloth by the poorer inhabitants. The pročess of manufacturing is strikingly like that in use among the inhabitants of the South Sea Islands, for the preparation of their cloth. The culture of this plant, as well as the manu-

O4 facture of paper, is chiefly confined to particular districts, where it forms the principal occupation of the priests, who gain a livelihood by it.

Large quantities of a coarse and homely sugar, distinguished by the name of Javan sugar, are prepared from the cocoa-nut, áren, and other palms. The average quantity of liquor extracted from one of these trees during a day and night, is about two quarts, and this is estimated to give from three to four ounces of sugar. The trees begin to yield it at about six or seven years of age, and continue to do so for ten or twelvè years. The process of preparing the sugar is extremely simple : it consists merely in boiling the liquor in an carthen pot for a few hours, and afterwards pouring it into small cases made of leaves and prepared for the purpose, in which, when cool, it attains a due consistence.

Sugar from the cane is manufactured by the Chinese alone; the process followed resembles that of the West Indies. 'The juice is expressed between two rollers, sometimes turned by a water-wheel; but in all cases the machinery is rude and imperfect. The quality of the sugar made on Java is considered to be equal to that of Manilla and the West Indies : it contains as much of the saccharine principle as the latter, and is brought to a drier state. It differs from the sugar of Bengal, as much in its quality as in the mode of preparing it, but can be brought to market at about the same price. Considerable quantities are sent to the Malabar coast, but the principal exportation is to Japan and Europe.

The manufactory of Batavian arrack, the superior quality of which is well known, is also conducted by the Chinese: the process is as follows: About seventy pounds of kétan (glutinous rice) is heaped up in a small vat; round this heap or pile one hundred cans of water are poured, and on the top twenty cans of molasses. After remaining two days in this vat, the ingredients are shifted to a larger vat adjoining, when they receive the addition of four hundred cans of water and one hundred cans of molasses.

'Thus far the process is carried on in the open air. In a separate vat within doors, forty cans of palm wine or toddy from the cocoa-nut tree, are immediately mixed with nine hundred cans of water and one hundred and fifty cans of molasses. Both preparations being allowed to remain in this state for two days, the former of these preparations is carried to a still larger vat within doors, and the latter being in a vat placed above, is poured upon it, through a hole bored for the purpose near the bottom. In this state the preparation is allowed to ferment for two days, when it is poured into small carthen jars, containing about twenty cans each, in which it remains for the further period of two days: it is then distilled.

The liquor drops into a tin vessel under ground, from whence it is ladled into receiving vessels. This is the third or common sort of arrack, which by a second distillation in a smaller still, with the addition of a small quantity of water, becomes the second sort, and by a third distillation, what is called the first sort. The third or common sort is called by the Chinese. síchew, the second tánpo, and the first kiji, the two latter being distinguished as arrack ápi. When cooled, it is poured into large vats in the store-houses, where it remains till it is convenient to put it into casks.

The whole process, therefore, to the completion of the first sort, does not require more than ten days, six hours being sufficient for the original preparation to pass through the first still. The receivers of the stills are of copper, and the worm consists of about nine turns of Banka tin.

The proof of sitflicient fermentation is obtained by placing a lighted taper about six inches above the surface of the liquor in the fermenting vat ; if the process is sufficiently advaneed, the fixed air rises and extinguishes the light.

To ascertain the strength of the spirit, a small quantity of it is burnt in a saucer, and the residuum measured. The difference between the original quantity and the residuum gives the measure of the alcohol lost.

Among the most important manufactures of Java, both viewed in its relation to the comforts of the inhabitants and the interests of the revenue, is that of salt. In almost every country it is an indispensable commodity, but particularly where the people subsist on a vegetable dict, as in India and the Eastern Islands; and wherever government has seen it necessary, it has been converted into a source of taxation.

Nearly the whole of the north-east coast of Java and Mádúra abounds with places well calculated for its manufacture, and unfit for any other useful purpose. The quantity already manufactured has for many years exceeded the demand, both for home consumption and exportation, and might be increased almost ad libitum.

On Java the principal salt-pans are situated at Pákis, in the vicinity of Batavia; at Bantam, Chéribon, Tégal ; at Wédong and Bráhang, in the Semárang districts; at Paradési, in Rembáng ; at Sedáyu, Grésik, and Simámi; on Madúra, at Sámpang, Pamákasan, and Súmenap. Salt is also manufactured at several places along the south-coast, but of inferior quality, and by a different process. About two hundred tons are annually procured in the interior, from the Blédegs, as already described. The principal supply, however, is from the north-coast, where the quality of the salt, and the facility with which it can be manufactured, give it a decided advantage in demand and cheapness.

The process of nmanufacturing the salt on the north-coast is very simple, and depending on evaporation by the heat of the sun alone, may be favourably contrasted with the comparatively expensive process adopted in the Bengal provinces. Reservoirs are filled from the sea at high tide, and in them the water is allowed to remain for several days; this being found necessary to prevent the salt from being bitter. It is then conveyed by means of canals and sluices to the pans, which are distributed in compartments and banked in, so as to contain the sea-water, much in the same manner as the rice fields. If the weather be dry and the sun clear, five days are found sufficient for the process of cvaporation in the pans; after which the salt is collected together in heaps, where it usually remains five days longer before it is brought into store.

Under the Dutch government, the manufacture of salt was farmed out to Chinese as an exclusive privilege ; and to these farms, under the plea of enabling the farmer to command a sufficient number of hands for conducting his undertaking, and enabling him to make his advances to government, extensive tracts of rice land were attached, over the population of which thefarmer was allowed unlimited authority. By a continued extension of these tracts, a population far more numerous than the work at the salt-pans required was wrested from the administration of the regents and transferred to the Chinese : as they found their advantage in renting out the ricefields, and employing the people in the transport of goods and other laborious offices of the country, the farms of course sold for more money. Under this system, it is difficult to say what was the actual cost of the salt to the farmer: the manufacturers were partly remuncrated in land and partly in money, and the mode varied in every district; but this remuneration seldom amounted to more than a bare subsistence.

It was the practice of these farmers-general to underlet to other Chinese the privilege of selling salt, supplying them with the article at a certain rate, and these under-farmers sold the salt again to the petty retailers in the public narkets at an advanced price. The price of the salt, after passing through the hands of the farmers, varied not only according to the distance from the place of manufacture, but according to the capital and speculation of the under-farmer ; if he adopted the liberal system of obtaining small profits upon a large sale, the narket was abundantly supplied at a low rate ; but if, on the contrary, he traded on a small capital, and enhanced the price by insufficiently answering the demand, the price became proportionally exorbitant. In some places, as at Salátiga and Ung'arang, through which the salt was transported by inland carriage to the populous districts of the interior, the price was sometimes as high as one hundred and twenty, and even one hundred and forty Spanish dollars per kóyan, while along the coast, as at Chéribon and Surabáya, it was as low as thirty, and at Grésik twenty-five. The average in the year 1813, when the farming system was abolished, may be taken, one district with another, at about fifty-seven Spanish dollars the kögan, or rather less than thirty dollars per ton.

. The quantity usually calculated for the annual consumption of Java and Madura, including about one thousand kóyans estimated to be manufactured in the native provinces, is sixteen thousand kóyans, or thirty-two thousand tons. Under the arrangements now adopted for the manufacture and sale of this article, the average rate at which the manufacturers are paid is about six rupees the kéyan, including the charges of transport to the depôts, and the sale price varies from twenty-five to thirty-five Spanish dollars, according to the distance from the principal depôts; an adequate supply by means of smaller depôts is insured in every part of the country.

The salt of Java exported to the other islands of the Archipelago, competes with that of Siam and the Coromandel coast, and generally supersedes it, both on account of its quality and cheapness. The exportation is free to all places except Bengal, where, on account of its interference with the monopoly there established, it has, since the conquest of Java, been found necessary to prohibit its importation under penalty of confiscation.

The salt of the south coast being manfactured by a process which is much more expensive than that einployed on the north, and at the same time being inferior in quality, it is only consumed in places which the latter is prevented from reaching by the difliculty of conveyance or inland tolls and prohibitions; and it has consequently been calculated, that the north coast salt, if allowed to pass toll free through the country, would in a short tine supersede that from the south altogether. The inferior quality of the latter is caused by the quantity of the sulphate of magnesia it contains, which renders it by its bitterness unpleasant for culinary purposes.

Of late years, the value of the manufacturing industry of the country may be in some degree appreciated from the assistance it has afforded to the European government, when, in consequence of the war, the importation of European articles had become insufficient for the public service. Broad cloth not being procurable for the army, a kind of coarse cotton cloth was manufactured by the Javans, with which the whole army was clothed. At Semárang were established five of these manufactories, having seventy or eighty looms each. One or two of them made cotton lace, and supplied the army agents with epaulets, shoulder-knots, tassels, &c. There were likewise manufactures of cotton stockings, tape, fringes, cartridgeboxes, sword-belts, saddles, bridles, &c. and in short every thing that could be required for the dress and accoutrements of both cavalry and infantry.

Under European superintendants were established saltpetre works, powder-mills, foundries for shells, shot, anvils, &c. and manufactories of swords and small arms ; and when it is added, that the French government found means, within the the resources of Java alone, to cquip an army of not less than fifteen thousand effective men, besides a numerous militia in every district, and that, with the exception of a few European superintendants in the more scientific works, all the articles were manufactured and supplied by the natives, it is not necessary to adduce any further proof of the manufacturing ability of the country.

Saltpetre is obtained in many parts of the island, and gunpowder has long been manufactured by the native inhabitants. A saltpetre manufactory was established near Grésik, under the superintendance of European officers, which it was calculated would furnish annually two thousand píkuls of that article to government, at the rate of eight rix-dollars per píkul, of one hundred and thirty-three pounds English. The inportance of this establishment is manifest in the following observations of Colonel Mackenzie.

"I considered that one day would be usefully employed in

" viewing the saltpetre works, which a very few years back " of these mines, one of them is cut in caverns into the soft

" had been established here, at the risk, and by the zeal and

" ingenuity of private individuals,with the view of supplying

" this colony with that necessary ingredient for gunpowder.

" The best sulphur is supplied from a mountain near the

" straits of Báli. For further details of these mines; of the

" manner in which the nitre is obtained, by an ingenious ap-

" plication of the latest European inprovements in chemistry;

" of the sulphureous crater of the mountain, whence the sul-

" phur, in its utmost purity, is supplied; of the reports of the

" French engineers, last year, on the improvement of the gun-

" powder of Java; of the wood selected for the best charcoal,

" and of the present state of the manufactory and powder-mills

" at Semárang, I must refer, at present, to several papers col-

" lected by me on this subject, which may be usefully appli-

" cable to our manufactures of gunpowder in India. Passing

" over these and other considerations, I shall only observe, that

" white calcareous rock ; and another, more regularly designed,

" supported by pillars or masses of the native rock, covers re-

" gularly formed beds of the native earth, which being impreg-

" nated with the native nitre, saturated with the evacuation of

" the numerous bats that haunt these caverns, and mixed with " a compound of wood ashes, supplies the liquid that is boiled " in large kettles, and afterwards left to cool and crystallize. " The whole process is carried on, in a regular manner, under " the direction of the first executor of this really grand work, " who now resides at Surabáya *."

The labour of felling the teak trees and transporting the timber from the forests, gives employment to a very considerable population, who are distinguished from those employed in other avocations, by the term of blándong people, or foresters. The teak timber was formerly delivered to the government as a contingent, by the regents of those districts in which the principal forests were situated, the quantity being regulated according to the supposed extent of the different forests, and the means of cutting and transporting the wood. Previously to the year 1808, the amount of this annual contingent was cight thousand cight hundred beams of different sizes, according to the wants of the public service, of which more than three thousand were delivered from the central forests of Rembáng.

The cutting and dragging of the timber delivered in contingent was performed by the inhabitants of the villages adjacent to the forests, and the buffaloesrequired were left to be provided by the regents. For this service, in the Rembáng districts, four hundred cutters and labourers, and four hundred and twelve pair of buffaloes, were appropriated for the supply of three thousand one hundred beams annually, a proportion which varied in the other districts, only according to the distance of the forest from the timber yard on the coast, where payment was made for timber oħ delivery, at the rate of sixteen pence for cutting and conveying a beam of from cighteen to twenty feet long and from nine to ten inches broad, forty-eight stivers for a beam of from thirty-one to thirty-six feet long and from thirteen to fifteen inches broad, and for others in proportion. This was the regular and only payment made for the contingent timber; but when the demands of governinent exceeded the fixed contingent, which was generally the case, the excess was paid for at an advance of fifty per cent. on these prices. Crooked and other timber for ship-building was paid for at about the same rate, but calculated according to a fixed table by the weight.

Under this system, the regents rented out many of the villages adjoining the forests to individuals, and sold, on their own account, such timber as was not of proper quality to be delivered to government. As the demands of governinent increased, as well as those of the European residents, who were many of them concerned in ship-building and in the sale of timber, the forests near the coast were soon exhausted of their best timber, and as it became necessary for the cutters to go further into the interior, the labour and expense increased, but without any corresponding recompense to them, for the government never raised the price. Individuals, however, did so ; and the consequence was, that government finding no regulations they could make for the internal management of the forests sufficient to ensure them an adequate supply, were contented to believe that a greater quantity than was actually furnished could not be cut without injury to the forests ; although, at that very time, the deliveries to individuals in the eastern districts were estimated at not less than fifty or sixty thousand beans per annum, the coast was lined with Java-built trading vessels of every description, and these, as well as the rough timber, were frequently sent for sale to a distant market.

In the year 1808, however, in common with all the other departments on the island, this important one was newly organized by Marshal Daendels, who placing the highest value on the forests, and determining to prevent the abuses which had previously existed, removed all the population which had formerly been engaged in the forests in the different parts of the island from the controul of the native regent, as well as the local European authority, and placed them, with the villages and lands to which they were attached, under a separate board or administration for the forest department. This change effectually secured government in the monopoly, and succeeded in the prevention of the· abuses which had formerly existed: but in the degree that it had this effect, it also operated to the serious injury of general commerce and the domestic comfort of the inhabitants; for every one was now obliged to buy the timber from government, at a high monopoly rate fixed by general regulation, and the timber could only be obtained in comparatively small quantities, seldom of the dimensions required, and only at the fixed staples. Shipbuilding, and even boat-building, which had before been carried to the greatest extent along the whole coast, was discontinued, and the cottage of the native, which had formerly cost a few rupees, now cost ten times the amount if built of desirable materials.

Under the administration of the Board of Forest, whose residence was fixed at Semárang, and who were altogcther independent of the local authorities, was now placed a population of nearly one hundred thonsand souls, exclusively devoted to the labours of the forests; and as no revenue had been given up by the arrangement, and a small annual delivery of iron, salt, and gunpowder, to the foresters, was the only payment made, considerable profit was expected to result from it to the government. It was found, however, after the establishment of the British government, that the timber which had been cut, and of which there was an iinmense quantity on hand, was not of a description required for the building of coasting vessels, and could not compete in Bengal with that of Pegu, without such a reduction in the monopoly price, as added to the loss occasioned by so large a proportion of the population, who were set apart for this duty and contributed nothing else to the revenue, the extent of the establishment necessary to enable the government to be the sole timber merehant, and the abuses connected with it, would amount to more than all the profits that had been calculated on. The coasting trade was perishing for want of vessels, and the forest department was alosing coucern. Under these circumstances, it was judged expedient to include the population of the Blándongs in the general arrangements for the release of the peasantry from feudal bondage, and the establishment of a fixed rent from the land, in lieu of all services and payment formerly rendered.

The people who lived near the forests, and had long been in the habit of cutting and dragging the timber, still however continued in this employment, an annual contract being made with them for their services in the forests, in remuneration for which a remission of rent was granted. The largest and most valuable forests are, under this system, reserved for the exclusive use of government; others of less value, and the limits of which can be easily defined, have, in consideration of a recognition of ten per cent. ad valorem on the timber when worked up, been thrown open to individuals engaged in ship-building, who generally contract with the people of the adjoining villages, to cut and deliver the timber at fixed prices: a mode which has also been occasionally resorted to by government, especially for the inferior and small kinds of tinber, shingles, pipe staves, &c. which are allowed to be cut iu particular forests.

The industry which has been excited by opening these facilities in procuring timber, and the impetus which it has afforded to trade, may be estimated by this fact, that within the last few years have been launched no less than ten to twelve square-rigged vessels, of from one hundred and fifty to four huudred tons, and that many more of larger dimensions were about to be built, when the restoration of the colony was announced.

It need hardly be observed, that due precautions have been taken for the preservation and renovation of the valuable forests, which so far from being exhausted, are capable of supplying besides crooked and compass timber for ship-building, forty or fifty thousand beams in the year without injury. European overseers are appointed, and one general superintendent is placed over the whole.

As illustrative of the inportance attached to these forests by the Dutch, and of the capabilities of the island for shipbuilding, it may not be uninteresting to annex an extract from Mr. Hogendorp's appeal to the authorities in Holland on this subject.*

The Blandong people or foresters are generally cmployed in cutting or in dragging timber during eight months out of the twelve, but they are obliged to watch the forests the whole year through : they are regularly relieved, and half the working men are at all times left disposeable for the rice fields. The Blandong people have always been accustomed to the work, and generally have their villages near the principal forests. It is one of the advantages of the system of contracting with the people for land payments, that in emergencies they are willing to lend their own buffaloes to assist those of government in dragging heavy timber, which could not be removed otherwise without great expenee, while their children at other times watch and attend the cattle belonging to go-

" only Europeans who build ships, for it is too difficult and dangerous for " Chinese, who are favoured in every thing, are well aware how to turn " all along the coast, from fifteen to two hundred tons burthen, for which vernment. In short, the resources of the village are at the disposal of government, for a land payment considerably less than one-third of the expence of hired labourers, whom it would be difficult to procure, and still more difficult, from the character of the people, to retain in constant and unremitting employment.

Under the system of granting remissions of rent, it has been calculated that in the districts of Semárang, where the assessment is comparativcly high, on account of the vicinity to a large capital, a remission of cight rupees and a half, or about twenty shillings, being the average amount paid annually by each cultivator, government obtains a man's hard labour for six months of the year. But as the inhabitants of the same village are generally accustomed to labour in the fields alternately, and thus to assist each other, it has been found advisable to make the remissions of rent for the Blandongs to the village as a community, in order to avoid the delay and endless vexation which would cnsue, in adjusting the petty claims of each individual.

In the maritine districts on the north-cast side of the island, a very large proportion of the population is employed in the fisheries, and so moderate are the seasons, that except perhaps for a few days at the change of the monsoon, they are seldom interrupted by the weather.

The sea fish is taken cither by the net, in stakes (widi), or with the hook and line: the most considerable quantity is of course procured by means of the two former, generally distinguished by the tern máyang, whence práhu máyang, fishing boat. The whole apparatus of the hook and line is called pánching, the usual term for angling among the Maláyus.. The fishing-boats quit the shore at about three or four o'clock in the morning, and are driven out by the land breeze beyond sight before day-light. At about noon they are seen returning with the sea-breeze, and generally reach the shore by two in the afternoon. The stakes along the whole of the northern coast, wherever the banks and projecting land admit, are very extensive: they are often fixed in several fathom water, and constitute a very important property. They are usually closed in the night.

Nets are principally made of rámi, though sometimes of gadáng'an, and even of cotton. They are steeped in an infusion, which not only darkens their colour, but is considered essentially to contribute to their strength. Fish that is not eaten or disposed of while fresh, is salted and dried in the sun, or smoke-dried at a short distance from a fire, and in that state forns an extensive article of internal commerce. Besides the abundance of fish thus obtained from the sea, extensive tracts of country, salt marshes, and inlets of the sea, have in several parts of the island been converted into fishponds (támba). These ponds are to be found in most of the low maritime districts: those at Grésik, which are the most extensive, appear to have been first established during the visit of one of the early Mahomedan princes of the island in the fifteenth century. The bándeng is generally considered as the richest and highest-flavoured fish known in these seas: the young fry are taken in the sea, and transferred to these ponds, where they grow and fatten for seven months, when they are fit for the table. An annual supply of young fish from the sea is found necessary to keep up the stock in the tanks; and, whether from a desire to raise the value of the fish so obtained in them, or otherwise, the natives generally affirm, that the fish rarely attains its full size in the sea. The extent and value of these nurseries for the fish may be estimated froin the rent paid for those at Grésik, which are the property of government.

The river fish are taken by a variety of methods: one is to thröw a number of branches of trees into a deep part of the river; here the fish collect: they are then surrounded by stakes, or the branches are taken out, and the fish casily caught; this method is termed rúmpon. Bámbu fences are sometimes thrown across the rivers at night, and so constructed that the fish are easily entrapped as they pass down the stream : this method is called pásang wádong. The rivers and ponds are frequently dragged by nets of different sizes. The coculus indicus, and other intoxicating drugs, are sometimes thrown into the river, after which the fish are found floating on the surface and easily taken; this method, termed túba, is prohibited on large rivers: when the fish are afterwards driven down the river by a number of men into a snare laid below, the usual term is jámprong. In the western districts, a fishing party of this description affords a very favourite amusement on great occasions. A time is selected when the river is moderately low; temporary stands made of the trunks of small trees or stout bámbus are then thrown across, each consisting of three piles, fastened together at the top and expanding below, the bottoms being pointed so as to fix in the ground. On a small stage on each, just above the surface of the water, are piled a few stones, by which they are steadied while the current is allowed a free course below. The piers or stages thus formed, answer well for the construction of a temporary bridge over the rocky or stony bed of the most irregular river. A coarse matting, made of bámbu or some other material, is then carried from one to the other, so as to shut the current in within a narrow space, across which a temporary platform and shed is thrown, with a sloping floor rising above the surface of the water, to where the party is assembled. The drug having been thrown into the river, a considerable distance higher up several hundred people now enter the river, and driving the half-intoxicated fish before them, they come floundering one after the other on the bámbu stage, to the no small amusement of the party collected, fish of a considerable size literally jumping into their laps. On these oceasions, when the entertainment is given to Europeans, a great concourse of people attend, a feast is prepared, and the wild and antic music and dance of the mountaineers, performing on the ánklang and rude drun, give great peculiarity and zest to the amusement. Fish are sometimes struck at night by torch light, both at sea and in the rivers; but this method is not very general.

Pearls are obtained in the vicinity of Bányuwáng'i, where the privilege of fishing for them is farmed out by the year, as well as in the vicinity of Núsakambáng'an, on the south side of the island; but they are generally of the description called seed pearls, and of little value.

CHAPTER V.

Commerce—Advantageous Situation of Java for Commercial Intercourse— Importance of Batavia in particular—Native Trade—Roads and Inland Carriage—Markets—Influence of the Chinese—Coasting Trade—Exports and Imports—Trade with the Archipelago—China—Kamtschatka—Western India—Europe, &e.—Dutch Commercial Regulations—State of the Eastern Islands—Advantages which they possess—Causes of the Depression of the Nations and Tribes which inhabit them—Japan Trade.

FRom the importance which the Dutch, in the days of their greatness, attached to their East-India commerce, of which Batavia was the emporium, and the importance which this commerce conferred upon them, from the desire excited in the other nations to obtain a share in its advantages, and the crimes committed to maintain its undivided monopoly, some idea may be formed of its magnitude and value. When the French troops, in the summer of 1672, under Louis XIV. had overrun the territory of Holland, with the rapidity and irresistible force of the sea after bursting the dykes, the Republic formed the magnanimous resolution of transporting its wealth, its enterprise, and its subjects to another hemisphere, rather than submit to the terms of the conqueror, and fixed upon Batavia, already the seat of its eastern commerce, as the capital of its new empire. They could have found shipping in their own ports for the transport of fifty thousand families; their country was inundated with the ocean, or in possession of the invader; their power and political importance consisted in their fleets and colonies; and having been accustomed to maintain their naval superiority by the fruits of their eastern trade, and to buy the corn of Europe with the spices of the Moluccas, they would have felt less from a removal of their seat of empire from the north of Europe to the south of Asia, than any people who ever contemplated a similar change ; while, at the same time, the very project of such an extraordinary emigration, and the means they had of carrying it into effect, give us the highest ideas of the independent spirit inspired by their free government, and of their commercial prosperity, derived, in a great degree, from their eastern establishments and connexions.

The same advantages which the Europeans derived from the navigation of the Mediterranean, the inhabitants of the Malayan Archipelago enjoyed in a higher degree; and it cannot be doubted, that among islands lying in smooth and unruffled seas, inviting the sail or oar of the most timid and inexperienced mariner, an intercourse subsisted at a very early period. To this intercourse, and to the fertility of the soil of Java, which soon rendered it an agricultural country, must be attributed the high degree of civilization and of advancement in the arts, which, from the monuments of its progress which still exist, there is every reason to believe it once attained. In short, to adopt the expressions of Dr. Adam Smith, when speaking of a very different country *, Java, " on account of " the natural fertility of its soil, of the great extent of its sea- " coast in proportion to the whole of the country, and of the

" number of its navigable rivers, affording the convenieney of " water carriage to some of its most inland parts, is conve- " niently fitted by nature to be the seat of foreign commerce, " of manufactures for sale to the neighbouring countries, and " of all the improvements which these can occasion."

But though there can be little doubt that Java very early emerged om barbarism, and rose to great commercial prosperity, to determine the precise time at which these events took place is perhaps impossible ; and to approach the solution of the question would involve an inquiry that will be better reserved till we come to treat of its languages, institutions, and antiquities. If, in the consideration of these topics, it should be made to appear, that, in very remote ages, these regions were civilized from Western India, and that an extensive Hindu empire once existed on Java, it will be reasonable to infer a commercial intercourse still earlier than the communication of laws and improvement.

In the remarkable account of the rich commodities conveyed to ancient Tyre, it would appear that there were many articles the pecnliar produce of the Malayan States; and in that given by Strabo of the importations into Egypt, cloves, which we know to be the exclusive produce of the Moluccas, are expressly mentioned. The same taste for the fine kinds of spices, and the same desire to obtain them, which prompted European nations successively to make themselves masters of these islands, must in all probability have operated, in a very remote period, on the merchants of Hindustan, and even of countries lying farther to the westward, who had already found their way into the gold regions; and if the hypothesis, which places Mount Ophir on Sumatra or the peninsula of Malacca, cannot be maintained, it will at any rate be admitted, that previously to the discovery of America, no country was known more rich in gold than the Malayan Islands, and that, on that account, they were peculiarly attractive to foreigners, who could not be supplied from any other quarter.

The Arabs, it is known, had in the ninth century, if not long previously, made themselves acquainted with these countries; and the Chinese, if we may trust the Javan annals, had visited Java at the same period. According to Kempfer, the Maláyus in former times had by far the greatest trade in the Indies, and frequented, with their vessels, not only all the coasts of Asia, but even ventured to the shores of Africa, and particularly to the great island of Madagascar; " for," adds this author, " John de Barros in his Decades, " and Flaccourt in his History of Madagascar, hires us, " that the language spoken by the inhabitants of that large

" African island is full of Javan and Malayan words: sub- "sisting proofs of the commerce with these two nations, " about two thousand years ago the richest and most pow- “ erful of Asia, had carricd on with Madagascar, where they “ had settled in great numbers."

Whatever credit we may attach to these statements and inferences, respecting the commerce of these islands before they were visited by Europeans in the fifteenth century, it is certain that, at this period, an extensive trade was established at Malacca, Acheen, and Bantam, then the great emporiums of the Eastern Archipelago. Hither the rich produce of Sumatra, Borneo, and the Moluccas, was conveyed in the small trading craft of the country, and exchanged for the produce of India and China. These ports were then filled with vessels from every maritime state of Asia, from the Red Sea to Japan. The Portuguese, who preceded the Dutch in India, and who had fixed upon Goa, on the coast of Malabar, as the capital of their castern settlements, selected Malacca as the most convenient station for conducting and protecting their trade with the islands, and erected it into a secondary capital. The Dutch finding this desirable station preoccupied, and being foiled in their attempts to dislodge their rivals, first established a commereial settlement at Bantam, and subsequently subdued by foree of arms the neighbouring province of Jákatra, (or Jokárta), on which, as will be afterwards mentioned, they built the fortress, the city, and the port of Batavia.

Nor was it without reason that they seleeted this spot for the capital of their new empire. " What the Cape of Good “ Hope is," says Adam Smith, “ between Europe and every

" part of the East Indies, Batavia is between the principal

" countries in the East Indies. It lies upon the most fre-

" quented road from Hindustan to China and Japan, and

“ is nearly about midway on that road. Almost all the ships,

“ too, that sail between Europe and China, touch at Batavia ;

" and it is, over and above all this, the centre and principal

“ mart of what is called the country trade of the East Indies,

“ not only of that part of it which is carried on by Europeans,

" but of that which is carried on by the native Indians, and " of Tonquin, of Malacca, of Cochin China, and the Island

“ vessels navigated by the inhabitants of China and Japan,

“ of Celebes, are frequently to be seen in its port. Such ad-

" vantageous situations have enabled these two colonies to

" surmount all the obstacles which the oppressive genins of

" an exclusive company may have occasionally opposed to

" their growth: they have enabled Batavia to surmount the

" additional disadvantage, of perhaps the most unwholesome " climate in the world."

It would be as difficult to describe in detail the extent of the commerce enjoyed by Java *, at the period of the establishment of the Dutch in the eastern seas, as it would be painful to point out how far, or to show in what manner, that commerce was interfered with, checked, changed in its character, and reduced in its importance, by the influence of a withering monopoly, the rapacity of avarice armed with power, and the short-sighted tyranny of a mercantile administration. To convey an idea of the maritime strength of the native princes anterior to this date, as giving a criterion by which to judge of the trade of their subjects, it may be sufficient to state that warlike expeditions, consisting of many hundred vessels, are often reported to have been fitted out against Borneo, Sumatra, and the peninsula. In the art of ship-building, however, they do not appear to have advanced beyond the construction of that sort of vessel adapted to the navigation of their own snmooth seas, and now to be met with in all their ports and harbours; nor do they seem to have had any knowledge of maritime geography beyond the shores of their own Archipelago, and the information which they gained from the reports of the Arabs, or the traditions of their own more adventurous ancestors. This cireumstance would lead us to infer that the trade of Java was carried on chicfly in foreign vessels, and through the enterprize of foreign adventurers. The habits of the people had become agricultural; they had nearly deserted an element which they had no powerful temptation to traverse, and on which they could reap little, compared with what they could draw from the fertility of their own territory. Leaving therefore their ports to be filled, and their commodities to be carried away by the Maláyus, the Búgis, the Indians, the Chinese, and the Arabs, they for the most part contented themselves with enjoying the advantages of a trade, in which they incurred no chance of loss; and thus, though their own country yielded neither gold nor jewels, they are said to have been plentifully supplied with these and other valuable articles on their own shores, in exchange for the produce of their tranquil industry and their fertile soil. This kind of traffic was almost entirely annihilated, or at least very much diverted from its ancient course, by the restrictive system of Dutch colonial policy. Some branches of it were, it must be allowed, partially encouraged by the influx of European capital and the demand for particular articles which bear a high price in the European market ; but this was an inadequate compensation for the loss of that commerce, which may be said to be as much the growth of the country as any of its indigenous plants. In order to show to what insignificance it was reduced under Dutch oppression, and what tendency it has to improve under a better system, it is only necessary to compare its state during the latter years of the Dutch government, before the blockade, and afterwards during the short interval of British administration. For the first of these purposes, I have drawn, in the introduction to this work, a short sketch of the condition of the Dutch East India Company, for a considerable period previous to our arrival; and I now proceed to give some account of the external and internal trade of Java, as it existed at the time when we restored it to its former masters.

The extent of this commerce, since the establishment of the British governnment, and since a greater freedom of trade has been allowed, may, for a want of a better criterion, be estimated from the amount of tonnage employed since the beginning of the year 1812, at which period the operations of the military expedition had ceased, and the transports were discharged.

In the year 1812, the number of square-rigged vessels which entered the port of Batavia amounted to 239, and their aggregate tonnage to 48,290 tons, and in the sane year the native craft ainounted to 455 vessels, or 7,472 tons, or together 55,762 tons. The quantity cleared out during the same year was 44,613 tons of shipping, and 7,762 of native craft, making together 52,375.

In the year 1813, the number of square-rigged vessels was 288, and the tonnage 51,092, the native craft amounting to 796 vessels, or 13,214 tons, or together 64,306 tons.

In 1814, three hundred and twenty-one ships, or 63,564 tons, cleared out with 568 native vessels, or 9,154 tons, shewing the total tonnage of Batavia during this year to have amounted to 72,718 tons.

The returns for the following year have not been received, but they are estimated to exceed either of the two former years, and not to have fallen much short of one hundred thousand tons; and it may be noticed, that during one year after the first accounts were received of the successes of the allied armies against France, no less than thirty·two ships, measuring fifteen thousand tons, cleared out, and carried cargoes, the produce of Java, to the London market.

The average annual tonnage which clearced out from the port of Surabáya, for the three last years, amounted to about thirty thousand tons, and the native tonnage trading to the neighbouring port of Grésik is estimated to have even exceeded that quantity.

At the small port of Súmenap, situated at the east end of Madúra, which is a principal resort for the native trade, the tonnage which cleared out was

Small prahus and vessels. Tonnage. For 1812... …8,765.. ....15,230 1813.. …..4,752. ..83,769

Exports. Imports.

And the estimated value of the same,

For 1812........Rupces 625,628........Rupees 396,820

1813.... ……492,020*. 740,080....

The value of the imports and exports of Semárang, on which dutics were actually collected at that port, were

Imports. Exports. For 1812.......Rupees 555,044......Rupees 167,101 1818....1,530,716.....985,709 1814... 686,330....549,038

The native tonnage which cleared from Rembáng was as follows:

In 1812.... 862 vessels...........or 8,058 tons. 1818.....1,095 ditto......... 8,657

1814... ….1,455 ditto.….12,935

The trade from the other minor ports was inconsiderable, the effect of the regulations passed in 1813 being yet hardly felt. From Pakalúngan the tonnage which cleared was for 1812, 5,962 tons, and for 1813, 4,679 tons, the imports being about 150,000 rupees, and the exports 300,000 rupees in each year ; from Tégal for 1812, 2,445 tons, and for 1813, 1,926 tons, the imports being about 50,000, and the exports about 60,000 rupees in each year.

The amount of tonnage which touched at Anyer, on the way through the Straits of Súnda, to and from Europe, Africa, and America, was

In 1812...... 73 ships...............29,450

1813...... 73.......87,546

1814...125....56,942

By an official return made in March 1816, it appears that the total quantity of tonnage in vessels boarded on their passage through the Straits of Súnda, amounted in 1812 to 45,000 tons; in 1813, to 56,000 tons; in 1814, to 64,000 tons; and in 1815, to 130,000 tons ; to which, adding a third for vessels which passed without being boarded, the whole amount of tonnage for these four years, would be 390,o00, the quantity in the fourth of these years being nearly triple that of the first.

The conmerce of Java may be considered under the two general divisions of the native and the European, the former including the internal and coasting trade, with that of the Malayan Arehipelago in general; the latter comprehending that carried on by Europeans and Americans with India, China and Japan, Africa, America, and Europe.

Java has already been described as a great agricultural country. It has long been considered as the granary of the Eastern Islands.

The southern coast is for the most part inaccessible, and seldom visited by traders; but along the north coast there are no less than thirteen principal ports, besides numerous other intermediate and less considerable ones, frequented by native vessels at all seasons of the year. Many of these are sheltered, and form safe harbours in all weather, as Bantam, Bataria, Rembáng, Grésik, and Surabáya. Even where the vessels lie in an open roadstead, the wind is seldom sufficiently strong to render the anchorage unsafe. Several of the rivers are navigable for many miles into the interior, and most of them are capable of receiving native vessels into the heart of the town, through which they generally run; but the rivers of Java, as well as those of the eastern coast of Sumatra and the western coast of Bornco, are for the most part obstructed at their entrance by extensive bars, which preclude the admission of vessels of any very considerable burthen. Piers have been run out in many places, to remedy this inconvenience; but in consequence of the quantity of soil annually carried down, the bars or banks are continually increasing, and in some places, as at Tégal, have nearly blocked up the communication between the rivers and the sea.

The produce and manufactures of the country are conveyed from one district to another and to these maritime capitals, either by water or land carriage. The principal navigable rivers to the westward, are those which disembogue themselves below Táng'ran, Kráwang, and Indramáyu, and the produce brought down by them is usually conveyed to Batavia. To the eastward, the great Sólo river, which is navigable from Súra-kérta, affords, with the Kediri, the principal and only outlets from the native provinces by water towards the northern coast. Down the former, which empties itself by several mouths, near Grésik, into the great harbour of Surabáya, during the rains, large quantities of the produce of the richest provinces of the interior are conveyed. The boats employed, which are of considerable burthen, return with cargoes of salt. This river runs through many valuable teak forests, and consequently affords the means of easy transport for the tinber; an advantage which is also derived from several smaller rivers on the northern coast, particularly in the neighbourhood of the principal building yards. Facilities of the same kind are also found at most of the sea ports, which are generally seated on rivers passing through forests in the interior, down which timber required for house-building and the construction of small craft is floated with ease. An inland navigation is carried on to a considerable extent, by means of small canals, in Demák and some of the neighbouring districts, where it is common, even during the harvest, at the driest season of the year, to observe innumerable boats with their light sails crossing an extensive, flat, and highly cultivated country and traversing the corn-fields in various directions. In the rich and fertile delta of Surabáya, the whole produce of the adjacent country is conveyed by water carriage, generally on light rafts constructed of a few stems of the plantain tree.

Goods not conveyed by water carriage, are usually carried on the backs of oxen or horses, or on the shoulders of men and women, carts not being generally used, except in the western districts, where the population is thin, or in some of the more eastern districts, particularly those recently under Chinese direction. The cart of the western districts, termed pedáti, is of clumsy construction, running on two large solid wheels, from five to six feet in diameter, and from one to two inches broad, on a revolving axle, and drawn by two buffaloes. It is the ordinary conveyance of goods to the capital, within a range of about sixty miles from Batavia.

Few countries can boast of roads, cither of a better description, or of a greater extent, than some of those in Java. A high post road, passable for carriages at all seasons of the year, runs from Anyer, on the western side of Bantam, to within twenty miles of Bányuwángi, the castern extremity of the Island, being a distance of not less than cight hundred English miles. Along this road, at intervals of less than five miles, are regular post stations and relays of carriage horses. A portion of it towards the west, which proceeded into the interior, and passed over soine high and mountainous tracts, was found to occasion great delay and inconvenience to passengers, and to impose an oppressive duty upon those inhabitants, who, residing in the neighbourhood, were: obliged to lend the use of their cattle, or the assistance of their personal labour, to aid carriages in ascending the steeps; this part of the line has therefore been abandoned, and a new road has recently been constructed along the low lands, from Batavia to Chéribon, by which not only the former inequalities are avoided, but a distance of fifty miles is saved. This route is now so level, that a canal might easily be cut along its side, and carried on nearly through all the maritime districts of the eastward, by which the convenience of inland navigation might be afforded them, for conveying the commodities continually required for the consumption and exportation of the capital. Besides this main road from one extreme to the other, there is also a high military road, equally well constructed, which crosses the Island from north to south, leading to the two native capitals of Súra-kérta and Yúg'ya-kérta, and consequently to within a few miles of the South Sea. Cross roads have also been formed wherever the convenience or advantage of Europeans required them; and there is no part of the Island to which the access is less difficult. But it is not to be concluded, that these conmunications contribute that assistance to agriculture or trade on Java, which such roads would afford in Europe: their construction has, on the contrary, in many instances, been destructive to whole districts, and when completed by his own labour, or the sacrifice of the lives of his neighbours, the peasant was debarred from their use, and not permitted to drive his cattle along them, while he saw the advantages they were capable of yielding reserved for his European masters, that they might be enabled to hold a more secure possession of his country. They were principally formed during the blockade of the Island, and were intended to facilitate the conveyance of stores, or the passage of troops necessary for its military defence. The inhabitants, however, felt the exclusion the less, as good inferior roads were often made by the side of these military roads, and bye-roads branched off through all parts of the country, so that the internal commeree met with no inpediment for the want of direct or convenient lines of communication.

Nor is it discouraged by the want of understood or established places of exchange. Bazars or public markets (here called pékan) are established in every part of the country, and usually held twice a-week, if not oftener. The market days are in general regulated by what are called pásar days, being a week of five days, similar to that by which the markets in South America appear to be regulated. At these markets are assembled frequently some thousands of people, chiefly women, on whom the duty devolves of carrying the various productions of the country to these places of traffic. In some districts, extensive sheds are erected for the accommodation of the people; but, in general, a temporary covering of thatch, to shelter them from the rays of the sun, is made for the occasion, and thought sufficient. Where the market is not held within a town of considerable size, the assemblage usually takes place under a large tree, in a spot occupied from immemorial usage for that purpose. In these markets there are regular quarters appropriated for the grain merchant, the cloth merchant, venders of iron, brass, and copper ware, and dealers in the various small manufactures of the country, as well as those of India, China, and Europe. Prepared eatables of every kind, as well as all the fruits and vegetables in request, occupy a considerable space in the fair, and find a rapid sale. In the more extensive bazars, as at Sólo, the kris handle makers have thcir particular quarter, and in an adjoining square, horses and oxen are exposed for sale.

Small duties are generally levied in these bazars, the collection of which was formerly farmed out to Chinese; but it being found that they exacted more than the settled or authorized rate, and that they contrived, by means of the influence which their office conferred, to create a monopoly in their own favour, not only of the articles of trade but of many of the necessaries of life, that system has latterly been relinquished wherever practicable, and government has taken the management of that portion of the public revenue into its own hands. In the bazars, accordingly, regulated under the immediate superintendence of its officers, extensive sheds are built, and a small compensation only is required for the use of them by those who there intend to expose their goods for sale. This duty is collected at the entrance into the market-place, and is taken in lieu of all other taxes or customs whatever, formerly levied on the transit or sale of native commodities. It is to be regretted, that this improvement had not been extended to the native provinces, where every article of produce and manufacture is still impeded in its progress through the country to the place of consumption or export, by toll duties and other impolitic exactions, and charged on its arrival there with heavy bazar duties, to the discouragement of industry and enterprize, and the depression of agriculture and trade, in a degree not compensated by a proportionate benefit to the revenue *.

Almost all the inland commerce, beyond what is thus carried on though the medium of bazars, is under the direction of the Chinese, who, possessing considerable capital, and frequently speculating on a very extensive scale, engross the greater part of the wholesale trade, buy up the principal articles of export from the native grower, convey them to the maritime capitals, and in return supply the interior with salt, and with the principal articles imported from the neighbouring islands, or from foreign countries. The industry of the Javans being directed almost exclusively to the cultivation of the soil, they are satisfied if they can find an immediate market for their surplus produce; and the Chinese, from their supcrior wealth and enterprize, offering them this advantage without interfering with their habits, have obtained almost a monopoly of their produce, and an uncontrolled command of their market for foreign commodities.

The trade carried on by native vessels along the coast, with the neighbouring islands, and with the peninsula of Malacca, has been even more shackled than that placed under the impolitic restraints of interior regulation ; and if it exists now to any considerable extent, it is owing only to the great natural advantages that attend it. Independently of the dangers to which the peaceable unprotected trader has so long been exposed, from the numerous pirates who infest the Eastern Seas, and who for many years have been in the habit of annually sweeping the coast of Java, the various restrictions, penalties, and prohibitions established by the Dutch government, in order to insure their own monopoly, closed all the minor ports against him.

Among these restrictions, none operated more forcibly to prejudice the native trade than the rigid and enforeed monopoly of the teak timber; an article of produce with which Java abounds, and of which the shipping of the Archipelago had, from time immemorial, been principally constructed. The facilities for building and repairing vessels along the coast, while the sale of timber was unrestricted, not only allowed a more abundant supply of shipping at a cheap rate for the convenience of the native trader, but attracted the beneficial visits and the intercourse of foreigners, and encouraged a species of trade, which under the recent system has been lost. The

Búgis and Arabs of the different eastern ports, návigating in large vessels, were induced to give them an annual repair on Java; and rather than depart in ballast, frequently carried out cargoes, the profits of which alone, independently of their refit, would not have been sufficient to tempt them to the speculation. These adventurers not only imported considerable quantities of gold-dust to defray the expence of their repairs, but many other articles the produce of the Malayan islands; for which they in return exported large quantities of salt and other bulky commodities, which would otherwise hardly repay their freight. In consequence of the stop put to this kind of intercourse, the Malayan States were principally supplied with salt from Siam and the Coromandel coast, or manufactured the article for themselves, while an accumulating undemanded surplus for many years remained on Java unsaleable. Of the nature of the restrictions under which the internal commerce and the native trade in general were placed until lately, some idea may be formed from the amount of the duties which were exacted at Chéribon prior to the introduction of the land revenue settlement*.

These, with still heavier and more vexatious duties and exactions, were levied on trade in other districts of the island. Constant requisitions were made by the Dutch government for the services of native vessels, at rates far below a just compensation to the owner, and the native traders were forbidden to traffic in any of the articles of Dutch monopoly ; considerations which incline us rather to express our surprize, that there should have been any native trade at all, than that there should be so little as now exists.

The coasting trade is carried on in vessels belonging chiefly to Chinese, Arabs, and Búgis (natives of Celebes), and in smaller 'Malayan práhus †. The enterprize of the Arabs,

Chinese, and Búgis is very conspicuous. They are in general fair traders; and Europeans acquainted with their several

atrocious conduct with which the Malayan sailor is so generally reproached.

A reference to the maritime eustoms of the Maláyus will shew the manner in which the outfit of a native vessel in the Eastern Seas is effected•. Each individual on board has a share and interest in the concern, and among themselves the maritime population is distinguished for good faith and attachment. In the vessels either commanded or owned by Chinese or Arabs, the same prineiple is attended to ; and although the common sailors in these generally receive wages, the petty officers, who are also generally Javans, have some trifling interest in the cargo, the common men are protected by them, and the poliey of the commanders induces every possible attention to the usages, prejudices, and comforts of the crews. They are able to assimilate more nearly with them, and to enter more immediately into their feeling and their wants, than it is possible for Europeans to do, and as they do not possess the authority to obtain crews by force, it is only by a character for good treatment that they can insure an adequate supply of hands. These vessels navigate throughout the whole extent of the Archipelago, to Malacea and Acheen on one side, and to the Moluceas and New Guinea on the other. They are manned exclusively by Javans, usually called Malays, and no instances occur of the crews rising either upon the Arab or Chinese commander : they are, on the contrary, found to be faithful, hardworking, and extremely docile. How is it when Malays are employed in vessels belonging to Europeans? The Javans are originally not a seafaring people ; they have an aversion for distant voyages, and require the strongest inducements to quit the land, even for a coasting expedition in the smooth seas of their own Archipelago, beyond which, if they ever engage themselves on board a colonial vessel, they make an express agreement, not to be carried : European vessels in want of hands for more distant voyages to Europe, India, and China, have been compelled therefore to resort to force or fraud, as the means of obtaining crews. The Dutch government were in the habit of employing people, known among the Javans by the term sélong, as kidnappers, who prowled about at night, pounced upon the unwary peasant who might be passing along, and hurried him on ship-board. When the direct influence of government was not used, the native regents or chiefs were employed to obtain people for the crews of vessels : this they did sometimes in the same manner, though more frequently condemning to sea as many as were required, by an indiscriminate draft on the neighbouring population. The native chiefs were perhaps paid a certain head-money, on what may have been considered by the European commanders as nothing more than crimpage. The people who were seized

• See a paper on the Maritime Institutions of the Malayan Nation, in the twelfth volume of the Asiatic Researches.

characters can rely on their engagements, and command their confidence. Many of them, particularly the Búgis, are possessed of very large capital.

By means of the coasting trade, the produce of the maritime and inland districts is conveyed to Batavia, Semárang, and Surabáya, the principal ports of consumption and exportation; and in return those districts receive iron, steel, and other articles of foreign produce and manufacture from abroad. The western districts being but thinly inhabited, do not yield a sufficient supply for the consumption of Batavia; and on this account, as well as its being the principal mart of foreign commeree, the trade of the castern districts is attracted to it, in a higher degree than to any of the other great towns in their own immediate neighbourhood : but owing to the unhealthiness of the clinate, the loss occasioned by the paper money, which the native traders of other islands could never understand, and the various vexations and impositionsto which they were subjected, these latter invariably prefer the more castern ports of Semárang and Surabáya, or rather Grésik, in the immediate vicinity of the latter, which has always been the principal establishment and residence of the Arabs.

The Búgis import into Java from the other islands, Malayan camphor, tortoise-shell, cdible birds'-nests, bees'-wax, cloth called sárongs, of a very strong texture, their own manufacture, and-gold dust, which they lay out in the purchase of opium, iron, steel, Europe chintzes and broad cloth, and Indian piece goods, besides tobacco, rice, salt, and other productions and manufactures of Java, with which they return eastward during the favourable monsoon.

The Arabs navigate square-rigged vessels, from fifty to five hundred tons burden. The Chinese also have many brigs, besides their peculiar description of vessels called junks, as well as native-built práhus. They extend their voyages to Sumatra, the Straits of Malacea, and castward as far as the Moluccas and Timor, collecting birds'-nests, camphor, bich de mar, and other articles, making Java a grand depôt for the produce of all the countries to which they resort. Throughout the whole of Java, trade is usually conducted by the Chinese: many of them are very rich, and their means are increased by their knowledge of business, their spirit of enterprize, and their mutual confidence.

If a cargo arrives too extensive for the finances of one individual, several Chinese club together, and purehase the goods, each dividing according to his capital. In this manner a ready market is always open at Java, without the assistance of European merchants, and strangers are enabled to transact their business with little trouble or risk.

The objections which have been made to the political influence of the Chinese and Arabs in the Eastern Islands, do not equally apply to them as traders. In this last capacity, and subject to regulations which prevent them from uniting the power of a chief with the temper of a merchant, and despotism with avarice, their value cannot be too highly rated.

The persevering industry and speculative turn of the Chinese is too well known to need description ; and the Arab traders are here what they are all over the world, keen, intelligent, and adventurous. The Búgis have long been distinguished among the Eastern Islands for the extent of their speculations and the fairness of their dealing.

Java exports, for the consumption and use of the other islands of the Archipelago, including the Malayan ports on the peninsula, rice, a variety of vetches, salt, oil, tobacco, timber, Java cloths, brass ware, and a variety of minor articles, the produce of her agriculture and manufactures, besides occasionally, as the market admits, a considerable quantity of European, Indian, and Chinese goods. Almost the only artieles for which Java is at present dependent on its neighbours are gámbir, inported from Lingen (Ling'ga) and Rhio, where it is produced to the annual amount of from twenty to thirty thousand pikuls,—and pámur, the metal used for damasking the Javan krís, of which a small quantity is imported from Biliton and Célebes, where alone it is found. The following articles, the exclusive produce of the Eastern Islands, are collected at its principal ports, for re-exportation to India, China, and Europe : tin, from Bánka; gold-dust, diamonds, camphor, benjamin and other drugs, edible birds'- nests, bich de mar, rattans, bees'-wax, tortoise-shell, and dyeint woods, from Borneo and Sumatra; sandal and other fineoods, nutmegs, cloves and mace, coarse, wild and damaged spices, káyu-púti and other pungent oils, from the Moluccas ; horses aud sapan wood, from Sumbáwa; Búgis cloths, and many collections for the Chinese market, from Célebes. Cloths are also sometimes imported from Báli, and pepper is collected at Bánjermásin, on Borneo, and from several of the Malayan states.

The tin brought to Java is almost exclusively from the mines of Bánka. This metal is also exported from several of the other islands, and from thc peninsula of Malacca, whence these countries have been considered the Temala of Ptolemy, timáh being the Malayan word for tin; but the quantity obtained from all other sources falls far short of what is procured on Bánka, which exports to the annual amount of thirty thousand pikuls, or nearly forty thousand cwt. of this metal. The mines on Bánka are worked by Chinese, who deliver the metal into the government stores in slabs, at the rate of about eight Spanish dollars the píkul, of one hundred and thirty-three pounds and a quarter.

A very extensive branch of trade is carried on by a direct communication between Java and China, entirely upon Chinese capital, in a deseription of vessels called junks. From eight to ten of these vessels arrive annually from Canton and Amoi, with cargoes of teas, raw silk, silk piece goods, varnished umbrellas, iron pots, coarse china-ware, sweetmeats, nankeen, paper, and innumerable minor artieles, particularly caleulated for the Chinese settlers. They are from three to eight hundred tons burthen, and sail at stated periods, generally reaching Batavia with the north-east monsoon, about the month of January. Of all the imports from China, that which produces the most extensive effeets on the commercial and political intcrests of the country is the native himself: besides their cargoes, these junks bring a valuable import of from two to five hundred industrious natives in each vessel. These emigrants are usually employed as coolies or labourers on their first arrival; but, by frugal habits and persevering industry, they soon become possessed of a little property, which they employ in trade, and increase by their prudence and enterprize. Many of them, in course of time ttain sufficient wealth to render themselves independent,nd to enable them to remit considerable accunulations yearly to their relations in China. As these remittances are generally made in the valuable articles, such as birds'-nests, Malayan camphor, bich de mar, tin, opium, pepper, timber, leather hides, indigo, gold and silver, the return cargoes of these vessels amount to an almost ineredible value.

The quantity of edible birds'-nests alone, annually exported from Java to China on vessels of this description, is estimated at not less than two hundred pikuls, of which by far the largest proportion is the produce of the Javan rocks and hills. It is well known that these are the nests of a species of swallow (hirundo esculenta) common in the Malayan islands, and in great demand for the China table. Their value as a luxury, in that empire, has been estimated on importation to be weight for weight equal with silver. The price which these nests of the best quality have of late years brought in the Canton and Amoi market, has been forty Spanish dollars per káti, of rather more than a pound and a quarter English. 'They are usually classed into first, second, and third sorts, differing in price from forty to fifteen Spanish dollars, and even to ten and less for the most ordinary. The price in the Batavian market rises as the period for the departure of the junks approaches; but as the principal produce of Java is still a monopoly in the hands of government, it is diffieult to fix the price at which they might be sold under other cireunstances. Generally speaking, however, they sell throughout the Eastern Islands considerably lower than they are caleulated to do in China, which may be accounted for by the perishable nature of the conmodity, and the great care necessary to preserve them from the damp, as well as from breakage. On this account, they are seldom bought by European traders. Birds'-nests consigned by the Javan government to the Canton factory in 1813, sold to the amount of about fifty píkuds, at an average rate of about twenty dollars per kati: but this was at a period when the China markets were unusnally low.

The quantity of birds' nests obtained fron the rocks called Kúrang bólang, on tho southern coast of Java, and within the provinces of the native princes, is estimated, one year with another, at a hundred píkuls, and is calculated to afford an annual revenue to the governnent of two hundred thousand Spanish dollars. The quantity gathered besides by individuals, on rocks and hills belonging to them, either in private property or held by farm from the government, in other parts of the island, may amount to fifty píkuls; making the extent of this cxport not less than one hundred and fifty pikuls, besides the amount of the collections from the other islands of the Archipelago.

In the Malayan islands in general, but little care is taken of the rocks and caverns which produce this dainty, and the nests procured are neither so numerous nor so good as they otherwise would be. On Java, where perhaps the birds are fewer, and the nests in general less fine than those to be met with in some of the more Eastern Islands, both the quantity and quality have been considerably improved by European management. To effect this improvement, the caverns which the birds are found to frequent are cleansed by smoking and the burning of sulphur, and the destruction of all the old nests. The cavern is then carefully secured from the approach of man, the birds are left undisturbed to form their nests, and the gathering takes place as soon as it is calculated that the young are fledged. If they are allowed to remain until eggs are again laid in them, they lose their pure colour and transpareney, and are no longer of what are termed the first sort. They are sometimes collected so recently after their formation, that time has not been given for the bird to lay or hatch her eggs in them, and these nests are considered as the most superior ; but as the practice, if carried to any extent, would prevent the number of the birds from increasing, it is seldom resorted to, where the caverns are in the possession of those who have a permanent interest in their produce. Much of their excellence and peculiar properties, however, depend on the situation of the place in which they are forned. It has often been ascertained, for instanee, that the same bird forms a nest of somewhat different quality, according as it constructs it in the deep recesses of an unventilated and damp cavern, or attaches it to a place where the atmosphere is dry, and the air cireulates freely. The nature of the different substances also to which they are fixed, seems to have some influence on their properties. The best are procured in the deepest caverns, (the favourite retreat of the birds), where a nitrous dampness continually prevails, and where being formed against the sides of the cavern, they imbibe a nitrous taste, without which they are little esteemed by the Chinese. The principal object of the proprietor of a birds'-nest rock is to preserve sufficient numbers of the swallows, by not gathering the nests too often, or abstracting those of the finer kinds in too great numbers, lest the birds should quit their habitations and emigrate to a more secure and inaccessible retreat. It is not unusual for a European, when he takes a rock under his superintendence, after ridding it of the old nests and fumigating the caverns, to allow the birds to remain undisturbed, two, three, or even more years, in order that they may multiply for his future advantage. When a birds'-nest rock is once brought into proper order, it will bear two gatherings in the year : this is the case with the rocks under the care of the officers of government at Kárang bólang.

In the vicinity of the rocks are usually found a few persons accustomed from their infancy to descend into these caverns, in order to gather the nests; an office of the greatest risk and danger, the best nests being sometimes many hundred feet within the damp and slippery opening of the rock. The gatherers are sometimes obliged to lower themselves by ropes (as at Kárang bólang) over immonse chasms, in which the surf of a turbulent sea dashes with the greatest violence, threatening instant destruction in the event of a false step or an insecure hold. The people employed by government for this purpose were formerly slaves, in the domestic service of the minister or resident at the native court. To them the distribution of a few dollars, and the preparation of a buffalo feast after cach gathering, was thought sufficient pay, and the sum thus expended constituted all the disbursements attending the gathering and packing, which is condueted by the same persons. This last operation is however carefully superintended by the resident, as the slightest neglect would essentially deteriorate the value of the commodity *.

Although the Malayan camphor, which is the exclusive produce of Sumatra and Borneo, is much stronger than the camphor from China, it has not yet been considered an article of extensive export for the European market. It is always, however, in the greatest demand in China, where it is either consumed, or as has been supposed by some, it undergoes a certain process previous to its re-exportation under a different appearance. It is not known in what manner the China camphor for the European market is prepared; and unless the Malayan camphor is used in the composition, it seems difficult to account for the constant demand for it in China, whence it is never re-exported in its original state. Whatever value may be set on the Chinese camphor, that exported from Japan is of a still superior quality, and more in demand for the European market.

Bich de mar is well known to be a dried sea slug used in the dishes of the Chinese: it is known among the Malayan Islands by the name of trípang, and collected on the shores of nearly all the islands of the Archipelago. It usually sells in China at from ten to fifty dollars per píkul, according to its quality, but being an article still more perishable than the birds'-nests, and very bulky and offensive, it seldom composes the cargoes of European vessels. It would be very difficult to ascertain the average price, as it varies according to the difficulties experienced in collecting it, and the immediate demand in the market, for its perishable nature will not admit of the excess of one season being laid by to meet the deficiency of another. It requires constant care on the voyage, and a leaky vessel frequently loses a whole cargo.

Stic-lac, used in dying, is procured in many parts of Java, and can easily be obtained in a quantity sufficient to mect the demand. The insect which yields it abounds in the Bantam districts, and the lac prepared is considered of good quality; but it is not an article which appears to have attracted much attention.

The trade between Java and China in vessels belonging to Europeans, at present consists principally in carrying out tin, pepper, spices, rattans, and betel-nut, for the China market, and receiving in return a few articles of China produce in demand for the European market, a balance of cash, and a supply of manufactures required annually at Batavia ; but it is calculated that cotton, rice, and timber, which may be considered as the staple produce of Java, might be exported to China with advantage.

A small quantity of Javan cotton lately sent to China, was sold at a higher rate than the ordinary prices of the cotton from Western India *. Cotton-yarn is an article sometimes exported to China, but in the existing state of society on Java, the exportation of the raw material is likely to be attended with the greatest advantages. Some writers have estimated the capability of Java to export raw cotton almost incredibly high, but it must be admitted, that although the soil is not universally favourable, yet few countries afford greater general advantages for the cotton cultivation, it being practicable to raise it to a great extent, without interfering with the general grain produce of the country. It could be grown as a second crop on the rice fields, being planted shortly after the harvest, and attaining maturity before the season again comes round for irrigating the lands. Nothing ean convey a higher idea of the richness of the soil of Java, and of the advantages of its climate, than the fact, that during one half the year the lands yield a rich and abundant crop of grain, more than sufficient for the ordinary food of the population, and during the other half a valuable staple, which affords the material for clothing them, and opens in its manufacture a source of wealth and of continual domestic industry through the year.

Enterprising individuals, merchants of Batavia, have not been wanting to engage in the valuable fur trade, hitherto car-

" There is no doubt that the Javan cotton would be as good at least, if ried on principally by the Americans, between Kamtschatka and China. Mr. Timmerman Thyssen, an enlightened Dutch gentleman, whose name for honourable dealing and extensive business has always stood high among the merchants of Batavia, has entered into more than one speculation of this kind. Vessels fitted out from Batavia took in furs at Kamtschatka, which were intended to be exchanged in China for dollars; but the dangers of the passage in one instance, and the informality of the papers in another, rendered this bold and promising enterprize productive of but little pecuniary advantage. Nothing,however, has occurred, to prove that the adventure would not have fully answered its intention in time of peace, the principal difficulties which attended and frustrated it ceasing with the war.

Since the conquest a very extensive trade has been carried on by the English country ships importing from Calcutta, Madras, and Bombay, all kinds of piece goods, opium, and other articles, the returns for which have been usually made by bills, gold-dust, bees'-wax, tin, Japan camphor, sago, and. teak timber.

The piece goods of Western India have always formed an extensive article of import into Java, and the annual value of those latterly imported cannot well be estimated at less than a million of dollars. Those generally meet a ready sale, at an advance of from thirty to forty per cent. upon the prime cost in India, and much more when the supply is scanty.

In consequence of these heavy and valuable importations, the returns to Bengal were till lately made principally by bills, obtainable either from government, or individuals desirous of purchasing colonial produce for the European market by means of funds in Western India. But there are also several articles, which experience has proved well calculated for making their returns direct to Bengal, particularly Japan copper and teak timber. Java is known to abound with valuable teak forests, and the quality of the wood has been considered as superior to that of Pegu or the Malabar coast. The restrictions under which this export was formerly placed as a government monopoly, prevented its finding its way beyond the immediate Dutch dependencies; but the extent to which it was even then sent to the Moluccas, to Malacca, and to the Cape of Good Hope, where all the public buildings are constructed of Javan teak, sufficiently attests the value and extent of the forests, as well as the good quality and durability of the wood. This valuable, but bulky article of export, is always in demand for ship-building in Bengal, aud has afforded to the merchant a very liberal profit on exportation, after paying the present government prices, which are calculated at something above ten per cent. upon the actual expence of cutting and dragging the timber fron the forests to the port of exportation. During the last two years, large ships have taken cargoes to Bengal, and afforded very handsome profits. From the neighbourhood of Rémbáng, where permission has been given to individuals to cut the timber, on paying a duty of ten per cent. on the estimated value when worked up, it has not only been exported at a cheap rate to Bengal, but several ships have been construeted of it, while along the whole line of coast, from Semárang to Grésik, small vessels and country craft are launched every month.

But although the direet trade with Bengal has thus been always against Java, the demand for sugar in the Bombay market always affords the means of a circuitous return of capital. Large quantities of Javan sugar have been exported to Bombay during the last four years, principally on the returning ships in ballast touching at Batavia on their way from China, and these cargoes have afforded considerable profit. A lucrative trade in this article is also sometimes carried on by the Arabs to the Red Sea, and particularly to Mocha; but Arab traders, of sufficient capital for these extensive speculatious, have, by the effects of the former monopoly on Java, long been driven out of the market, and sufficient time has not been given for them to return.

The extensive produce of this fine island in sugar and coffee of superior quality, and the pepper and various other articles, either yielded by it or collected from the neighbouring countrics, such as sago, tin, Japan copper, spices, clephants' tecth, sticlac, long pepper, cubebs, tortoiseshell, gold, diamonds, Japan wood, ebony, rattans, indigo, &c. present fine subjects for commercial speculation to all parts of Europe and America, the Cape of Good Hope, and the Mauritius; and the more so, as from the extensive native and

European population, a very considerable and constant demand exists for the produce and manfactures of Europe, not only for the consumption and use of the island itself, but to supply the neighbouring Malayan states by way of barter.

The quantity of sugar seems to depend almost entirely upon the demand, and is likely at all times to equal it, few countries affording equal advantages for its manufacture. Owing to the want of a demand for this kind of produce, for several years antecedent to the conquest, many of the manufactories were discontinued; but since the trade has been opened, and the demand renewed, many of them have again commenced working, and the quantity produced in the year 1815 was not less than twenty thousand píkuls.

The manufacturers being no longer compelled to deliver their produce to government, can afford to sell the sugar at Batavia at from four to six Spanish dollars (or from twenty to thirty shillings) per píkul, the quality being distinguished into first, second, and third sorts, of which the first may be bought in the market for exportation at six Spanish dollars per píkul, or about twenty-five shillings the hundred-weight. The quality of this sugar is altogether different from the sugar in Bengal, and is said to be equal to that of Jamaica, being manufactured in a great mcasure according to the same process. While the European market is open for coffee and other light artieles, the sugar of Java is always in demand for dead weight, and large quantities have recently been 'sold in the London market as high as ninety and one hundred shillings per hundred-weight *.

• By an official statement of the quantity of sugar manufactured at Batavia and the various resideneies of the island of Java, from the year 1779 to the year 1808, it appears that

In the year 1779 it was 30,131 pfkuls.

In the year 1800......106,513

In the year 1801......107,498

In the year 1808.......94,903

that during the first fourteen of these years, the quantity made and delivered over to the Company for export to Holland, Persia, &c. amounted to 642,234 píkuls, or to an average of 47,874 annually, two of these years being almost entirely unproduetive, on account of the non-payment to the manufacturers of money, to enable them to carry on their business. During the latter half of the period, or from 1794 to 1808, the quantity

The quantity of coffee delivered to government in the year 1815, exceeded seventy thousand píkuls; about thirty thousand píkuls more may have been exported by individuals, and the produce is greatly on the inerease *.

manufactured and delivered over to the Company amounted to 917,598 ptkuls, averaging 65,542 annually. All the sugar for export, during this period, as stated in the text, was delivered over at fixed rates to the government, and was placed under laws of the strictest monopoly. To shew the great practicability of an inerease to almost any extent, we may adduce the sudden start in the supply oceasioned by the American demand in 18oo. In no preceding year had this article of produce been delivered over to the Company to a greater amount than 67,552 píkuls, and in that year the quantity sold at Batavia to Americans alone, amounted to 91,554, and for the subscquent years averaged 100,000 píkuls, and sold for 900,000 Java rupees, or 11,00ol. sterling. The principal part of this was manufactured at Batavia, the quantity supplied by Jawdna, Japára, Chéribon, Surabáya, and Semárang, being but proportionally small till 18o3, when Japára contributed to the exports of the island in this article 12,219. In 1804, the same provincee supplied 21,175 píkuls. The disadvantage under which the manufacturer laboured, by foreed deliveries at inadequate rates, need not be here insisted on, though it must be taken into the account in any estimate of the attainable increase of the manufacture.

• Mr. Hogendorp makes the following observations on the coffee and pepper of Java :—" In comparing the produce of the West Indian islands, " according to thcir proportionate extent, population, and expenses of " cultivation, I have frequently left off in the middle of my calculations; "but I am sure that Java, on a very moderate calculation, can without

" difficulty yield fifty millions of pounds of coffee annually.

" For a long period, the planting of coffee was confined to the Batavian “ high and Priáng'en lands, and to Chéribon, on the principles of that

" short-sighted and sclf-destroying policy and spirit of monopoly, by

" which the company and the government of Batavia have ever been

" characterized. It is only of late years that it has been permitted to

" extend and-revive the cultivation in the eastern distriets. But the Com- " country, where the natives are so treated, so oppressed? To-day the

" missioners, in May 1796, ordered that the cultivation should be abo-

" lished; and in the month of September in the same year, this order was

" countermanded, and the planting of coffee ordered to be promoted in

" the most rigorous manner possible. But what is to be expected from a

" Javan is ordered to plant his garden with coffee trees: he does so, and

" although well aware how little he will get for the fruit, he sees them

" grow up with pleasure, considering their produce as a tribute whieh he

" must pay to his master for enjoyment of protection ; but now, when

" they are about to bear fruit, he is ordered to root them out: he does

The Batavian arrack is well known in the European market, and was at one time imported in considerable quantities into

" so, and four months afterwards he is again ordered to plant others!

" Can a more infamous tyranny be imagined? Can it be credited, that any

" government should act so madly, so ineonsistently ? And yet this is the

" plain and real truth. But how can stupid ignorance, which by the

" vilest means, by base meanness, mercenary marriages, and every kind

" of low trick, rises into power and importance, and then becomes by

" wealth luxurious, and by flattery intoxicated, act otherwise? And will

" you, Batavians, continue to trust in such hands as these, your valuable

" possessions and interests in India ?

" Pepper grows but slowly on any soil, and is so nice with regard to it,

" that in some places, where to all appearance there would be an abund-

" ant produce of the plant, it will not grow at all. The vine requires

" four or five years to produce fruit. The improvident Javan, who under

"the present despotie administration, can and will searcely provide for

" his daily subsistence, finds this too long a delay between his labour and

" its reward : having, therefore, no sufficient motive to pursue the culti-

" vation cheerfully or actively, he can only be driven to it by force ; but

" let him onee experience the advantage of property in land; let lim see

" the trader ready with plenty of money to purehase the fruits of his

" labour ; let him, if he should still be idle, observe his more industrious

" neighbour aequire wealth, by the sale of those articles which he sloth-

" fully declines to cultivate, and with it procure the necessaries or conve-

" niences of life, and he will soon be induced, by emulation and the desire

" of ameliorating his condition, to plough and plant his ground. The

" Island of Java will then produce a considerable quantity of pepper, for

* which, if the cultivator obtains twelve rix-dollars per píkul, he will be " amply paid.

" Although every thing goes on with difficulty at first, and it eannot be

"denied that it will require time and trouble to stimulate the Javans,

" who are now confounded, as it were, with tyranny and oppression, to

" industry and emulation, it is notwithstanding equally certain, that an

" improved system of administration, founded on property of the soil,

" freedom of person and trade, would by degrees, though perhaps much

" quicker than may be imagined, bring about such a change, and that

" Java might and would produce as much pepper for exportation annually

" as coffee, or about two hundred thousand píkuls, which will bring three

" thousand six hundred rix-dollars into the country."

In the year 1801, it was estimated by one of the first commercial houses in Europe, that the following quantities of pepper might be obtained from different ports of the Archipelago.

" Ponts and PLaces where Perren is to be had:—estimated in March 1801.

"At Bencoolen, belonging to the English, may be had about twelve " hundred tons of pepper per annum.

the continent of Europe. It is distilled in a great measure from molasses, in which respect, as well as in the process employed, it differs so materially from the arrack of continental India, that it cannot with propriety be considered as the same spirit: it is in fact vastly superior to it, and capable of competing in the European market with the rum of the West Indies. Its price at Batavia, where any quantity can at all times be procured, is for the first sort about sixty Spanish dollars, for the second sort fifty, and for the third thirty Spanish dollars the leaguer ; the first sort, which is above proof, thus selling by the leaguer of one hundred and sixty gallons, at the rate of about twenty-pence the gallon. In consequence of the prohibitory duties against the importation of this article into Great Britain or British India, this branch of commerce has latterly declined, and many of the distilleries have been discontinued.

The Dutch possessions of Ceylon, the Cape of Good Hope, and the Moluccas, dependent on the government of Batavia, always received their principal supplies of rice from Java, and considerable quantities have of late been occasionally exported to those places, as well as the Coromandel coast, with great advantage. During a searcity of grain in England, the Java rice has also found its way to that market*.

From Europe the most important imports, and those in constant demand for the native population, are iron, steel, copper, printed cottons of a peculiar pattern, and woollens. Of iron, not less than from one thousand to fifteen hundred tons are annually imported, which is worked up into the inplements of husbandry, and into the various instruments, engines, and utensils, required in the towns and agricultural distriets. The price has varied, during the last four years, from six to twelve Spanish dollars: the average has been about eight dollars per hundred weight for the English, and about nine per hundred weight for the Swedish iron. The small bar iron is always in demand

" rix-dollars, which cannot be reckoned at more than thirty thousand in the market, in consequence of its convenience for working up into the different implements required. Steel is also in demand, to the extent of two or three hundred tons annually.

English printed cottons, of peculiar patterns adapted to the taste of the natives and Chinese, and white cotton sheeting cloth, always meet a ready and extensive sale; but the great objection to the former is the want of permaneney in the colours, a disadvantage which all the English printed cottons labour under. A yery extensive and valuable assortment of these cottons, imitated after the Javan and Malayan patterns, was recently imported into Java by the East India Company, and on the first sale produced very good prices; but before a second trial could be made, the natives had discovered that the colours would not stand, and the remainder were no longer in any demand. Would it not tend greatly to the improvement of the British manufacture, and consequently greatly extend the export, if the enquiries of scientific men in India were dirccted, in a particular manner, to an observation of the different dye-stuffs used in Asia, and to the manner followed by the natives in different parts, for fixing the colours and rendering them permanent?

Broad-cloths, velvets, glass ware, wines, and in short all articles of consumption and use among Europeans, may on Java be considered also, in a great measure, in demand by the native population, who free from those prejudices which preclude an expectation of the introduction of European manufacture into Western India, generally indulge in them according to their means. The climate of many parts of the Island renders the broad-cloth, particularly at some seasons of the year, an article of great comfort, and among the higher orders it is usually, as with Europeans, worn as a jacket : sometimes this is of velvet. A constant demand, limited only by the means of the purehaser, is also daily increasing for gold-lace and the other European manufactures used in dress, furniture, sadlery, &c.; it may therefore be easily conccived, to what an extent the demand for these articles is likely to be carried, among a native population of more than four millions and a half of souls, advancing in wealth and intelligence.

It is unnecessary to notice the extent of the articles re- VOL. I. R quired from Europe by the European population, as they are the same in all parts of India. The demand is, of course, partially affected by the extent of the military force, and by the wants of the officers ; but where there is a permanent resident European population, of not less than a thousand souls, generally in good circumstances, it may be inferred that the demand is always great.

A continual traffic is carried on between Batavia, the Isle of France, and the Cape of Good Hope, by which the latter in particular is supplied with timber, rice, oil, and a variety of articles of consumption, the voyage being frequently effected in five wecks. While the Bourbon coffee bore a higher price in the European market, considerable quantities of coffee were sent from Java to that island, and from thence re-exported as Bourbon coffec.

The American trade was carried to the greatest extent during the existence of the anti-commercial system of the late French ruler, when American traders purchased the Java coffee at the rate of eighteen Spanish dollars the píkul at Batavia, and by a circuitous route imported it into France, at an advance of one hundred per cent. During this period, the purchases of the Americans in the market of Batavia amounted in some years to nearly a million sterling, for which they obtained principally sugar, coffec, and spices.

Having thus given some account of the internal and external trade of Java as it at present exists, of the advantages for an extensive commerce which it enjoys, of the articles which it can supply for the consumption of other countries, and those which it receives in return for its own consumption, and of the places with which its dealings are or might be most profitably conducted on both sides, I might now be expected to enter into the history of that trade since the subjection of the Island to the Dutch, the regulations enacted and enforced by them, for restraining or directing it, and the fluctuations it has undergone during two centuries of a rigid monopoly; but this inquiry would lead me to swell this part of the work to a disproportionate size. I shall now merely present my readers with a few extracts from the orders made in 1767, and strictly enforced throughout the Archipelago, for regulating the trade and navigation of the dominions subject to Batavia, and with a brief abstract of the amount of exports and imports during some of the subsequent years.

"All persons whatever," says the first article of those orders, " are prohibited, under pain of death, from trading " in the four fine kinds of spices, unless such spices shall be " first bought of the Company." Opium was placed under the same restrictions, and enforced by the same penalty. The exportation of pepper, tin, and Japan copper was prohibited, unless bought for the Company; and the inportation of them not permitted, except for sale to the Company, under the penalty of confiscation, and a fine of four times the value of the article. The import and export of Surat silks and of India cloths, were strictly prohibited under the same penalty. White cotton yarn and all other sorts of it, Semárang arrack, and unstamped gold, were prohibited from being exported under the penalty of confiscation. No port was open to any vessel coming from the northward or from the Moluccas, except Batavia. No práhu or vessel was to carry any greater quantity of gunpowder and shot, than might be permitted, and regularly entered in the pass given to the party, under penalty of confiscation of the vessel, and the infliction of a corporal punishment similar to that inflicted for theft. All persons belonging to the coast of Java were strictly prohibited from sailing from any part of the coast where there was not a Company's Resident. No navigation was allowed to be carried on by the vessels of Bánka and Bíliton, except to Palémbang. All navigation from Celebes and Sumbáwa was prohibited, under pain of confiscation of the vessel and cargo. No vessel fron the latter place could pass Malacca, and the Company's pass to proceed to Siak was given only once in a year to three vessels from Batavia, two from the coast of Java, and one from Chéribon. The China junks were only permitted to trade at Batavia and Bánjer-másin. No trade or navigation whatever was permitted beyond the west point of Bantam, without a pass from Batavia. Such are the most important of thirty-one articles of restriction, serving to shackle every movement of commerce, and to extinguish every spirit of enterprize, for the narrow selfish purposes of what may be called the fanaticism of gain. After perusing them, the reader will rather be inclined to think the following amount of the trade too highly stated, than be surprised that it is so low.

The precious metals have always been a great article of import into Java, as well as into the other regions of the East. In 1770 there was imported into Java fron Holland, cash and bullion to the amount of 2,862,176 Java rupees*, and the sums imported from other quarters in the same year, and raised by bills of exchange on Holland, amounted to 1,419,565 rupees, making in all 4,281,742, or more than half a million sterling. The amount imported in that year was almost as great as that in any subsequent year till 1803, when the importation of precious metals was estimated at 7,617,122 rupees, or nearly a million sterling. This period corresponds with that of the greatest exportation of sugar by the Anericans, who, no doubt, imported the precious metals in exchange for their cargoes, as the quantity bronght from Holland in the same year amounted only to 448,370 rupees. In the following year (1804) the quantity imported was 6,499,001 rupees, of which none at all came from the mother-country. In forty years, from 1770 to 1810, the total of the imported precious metals amounted to 118,607,472 Java rupees, or nearly three millions annually upon an average. A great portion of this was reexported to India, China, and the Dutch possessions in the Archipelago, to pay for the articles brought to Batavia for the supply of the European demand. The quantity of goods imported from all quarters of the globe, exclusive of cash and bullion, amounted in the year 1770 to the value in Spanish dollars of 2,850,316, and the exports to 3,318,161, leaving a balance in favour of the exports of 867,845 Spanish dollars. A great part of the exports was destined for Holland, and a great part of the imports came from Holland. The imports from Holland were again re-exported to China, Japan, the Spice Islands, &c. from which, and from Bengal, Ceylon, the coasts of Coromandel and of Malabar, and the Cape of Good Hope and other castern countries, the other shipments came, and to which the other exports proceeded. The profits on the sale of that portion of the imports of 1770, disposed of in the market of Batavia for the consumption of Java, are stated

• The rupees are throughout calculated at thirty stivers each.

at 7,895 Spanish dollars, so that, so far as the import trade was concerned, Batavia only became the entrepôt between the mother-country and her other possessions or stations of commercial resort in the Indian seas. The exports of Java almost every year exceeded the imports, as will appear from official returns which follow.

There was, of course, a lamentable falling off in the foreign trade of Java after the commencement of the war of the French revolution: some of the best markets were almost entirely closed to it, and the intercourse with the mother-country was nearly destroyed. The total of exports to Holland and her eastern possessions, from the year 1796 till 1806, amounted in value to only 7,097,963 Spanish dollars; the imports to 3,073,894 Spanish dollars; leaving a surplus of exports of 4,024,069 Spanish dollars. The Americans began to frequent the market of Batavia in 1798, and through them principally was the trade carried on till the conquest of the Island by the British, except during the short interval of the peace of Amiens. No specie (with which Holland chiefly paid for her castern commodities) was imported from the mother-country from 1795 downwards, except during 1802-3 and 1803-4, during which there was only the very inconsiderable sum of about half a million of rupees imported.

It is impossible to convey a just idea of the native or foreign trade of Java, without adverting to the commercial and political state of the other islands of the Archipelago. Of these it may be stated generally, that the interior is possessl by the natives, collected under leaders who have taken aca5tage of the great extent of the country, in proportion to in population, to render themselves independent of the lawful s vereign; that the coast is occupied, in many places, cither by pirates, by some of the ruder tribes whom it is dangerous to invade, or by adventurous traders, chiefly Maláyus and Búgis. These traders arrive in well-armed vessels, which some of them remain to protect; others travel up the country, not unfrequently to the distance of a hundred miles, and at the change of the monsoon return to their companions, charged either with plunder, or with the fruits of a commerce carried on with the natives at an exorbitant profit. The pirates, as they drive the peaceable and honest trader from the coast, recruit their nunbers from among the seafaring men to whom he used to give employment. The decay of commerce is accelerated; and the natives retreat into the interior, where, for want of a market, they cease to collect the rich productions of their country, and rapidly sink into poverty and barbarism. The sea and the coast remain a scene of violence, rapine, and cruelty. The mouths of the rivers are held by lawless banditti, who interrupt the trade of those who inhabit their banks, and capture the vessels destined for the inland towns: the bays and harbours are entirely within thcir power; and in these smooth seas they are never driven a moment from their stations, or diverted by danger from their predatory vigilance. The sovereigns of the country have too little authority over their nominal subjects; and their resources are too confined for them to oppose any effectual resistance to these outrages. All restraints are withdrawn by the divisions and weakness of the native governments; and men, rendered desperate by the experience of lawless violence, are induced to join in the system of plunder against which they can find no protection.

This extensive, rich, and beautiful clustre of islands is thus deprived of all the advantages which it might derive from the sea with which it is surrounded; its harbours become tho retreats of marauders, instead of the resort of peaceful commerce; its seafaring people are reduced to a state of nature. Where force decides right, no sovereign is possessed of paramount authority to sweep this pest from his shores ; no vessel is safe, no flag is respected. The trade is thus confined to desperate adventurers only, to whom the existence of piracy is more advantageous than the unmolested security of navigation, as the danger which it creates drives away all competitors of a less daring character, and gives them a monopoly of these ports. It is too true, also, that European traders have materially contributed to the strength of the pirates, by the supply of arms and ammunition. At the port of Sambas, European vessels had not dared to touch openly for twenty years ; but such means of resistance as the pirates were found to possess in two recent attacks upon it, could never have been collected without large supplies from British traders.

The small colonial craft, so necessary for the prosperity of these regions, cannot without great risk venture beyond the coast; while armed Malayan and Bugis práhus, and a few European speculators, engross most of the trade.

The above observations apply more particularly to the coasts of Borneo and the adjacent islands; but they are, in a great measure, applicable to many parts of Sumatra. The unfortunate king of Acheen, who has long been intimately connected with the British establishments, is a young man of estimable qualities, with a title ancient and undisputed, though perhaps a weak prince. All his chiefs acknowledge his authority, though none submit to his control. Native traders from the coast of Coromandel, and Europeans from Pinang, frequent every river; and the profit derived from their dealings furnishes the inhabitants with inducements and means to throw off their allegiance. The king, too feeble to reduce the revolters, is only able to keep up a state of continual alarm and warfare, to which the mutual jealousies among the petty usurpers themselves mainly contribute. The trade of his dominions is in a great measure carried on like smuggling, by armed boats running out at a favourable moment, hiding themselves from danger, or fighting their way through opposition, as occasion may require, and laying their account with making up for frequent losses by exorbitant profits. In some places, these almost independent bands are commanded by Malabar chuliahs; and, in most instances, the petty chiefs whom they elevate to authority are foreign vagrants. Those places which, from their vicinity to the residence of the king, are least able to resist his power, are supported in their opposition by the interests of the English traders; and it is not to be forgotten, that when he made a partial attempt to regain his authority over all the neighbouring country, they petitioned the European authority to prevent, by its interference, his levying a duty upon his own subjects. The petition was attended to ; and the king was compelled, by the command of strangers, to forego the only means by which he could have preserved his dominions from anarehy and confusion. At the period, therefore, when the resources of his kingdom would have been unfolding themselves, by the improving industry of a well-regulated population, it is falling into decay, through the personal imbecility and political weakness of the monarch; and, breaking into detached fragments, is about to form as many separate principalities, as formerly there were independent governments throughout all the Archipelago*.

That there has been, at some tine, a more extensive commerce on the shores of the Arehipelago is highly probable, and that there might be cannot be doubted. The great resources, vegetable and mineral, with which they abound, such as spices, camphor, gold, and diamonds, and the facilities which they enjoy for navigation, offer means and inducements of the highest nature. The general character of the people, also, as far as it can be ascertained, appears equally favourable to commercial intercourse. They are represented as mild, inoffensive, not indisposed to industry, free from any obstinate prejudices of superstition, and altogether of a different temper from that of the few who remain in a constant state of warfare on the coast.

Another favourable circunstance is the existence of sovereigns, whose rights, however infringed, are in principle acknowledged, and who have never been known to favour, what must be considered the chief misfortune of these countries, and the source of almost all the rest, the horrible system of piracy. The evil is manifest, and the renedy is not of difficnlt discovery. Were legitinate and acknowledged sovereigns assisted in resuming their due authority, piracy and rebellion might be destroyed, these shores would be peopled with their native inhabitants, whose industry, awakened and invited by the opening of a safe navigation to the capitals, would in fleets of small vessels, so essential to the prosperity of the Eastern settlements, bring the produce of the interior down the innumerable rivers, and communicate to countries, beyond the reach of foreign adventurers the comforts of civilised life.

A few years of repose to these islands, and of safe uninterrupted commerce, with its attendant blessings, would repay with gain incaleulable, what they now claim from the benevolence and philanthropy, if not fron the justice of Europeans, who have so essentially contributed to their degradation. If left neglected, without capital, without a safe navigation, almost without laws, the government disunited, the people groaning under vassalage and slavery, these races must descend still further in the scale of degradation, until scarcely a vestige will remain to vindicate the records of their history; and their political existence will only be testified by acts of piracy perpetrated on defenceless vessels, which from accident or ignorance may visit their inhospitable shores.

In all their Eastern settlements, the favourite policy of the Dutch scems to have been to depress the native inhabitants, and give every encouragement to the Chinese, who, generally speaking, are only itinerants and not children of the soil, and who follow the almost universal practice of remitting the fruits of their industry to China, instead of spending them where they were acquired. The Chinese, in all ages equally supple, venal, and crafty, failed not, at a very early period, to recommend themselves to the speculating Hollanders. They have, almost from the first, been their agents; and in the island of Java, in particular, they acquired from them the entire monopoly of the revenue farms and government contracts. Many of the most respectable Duteh families were intimately connected with the Chinese in their contracts and speculations, and whole provinces had been sold in perpetuity to some of them, the extensive population of which were thus assigned over to their unfeeling oppression, for the purpose of raising temporary supplies of money.

On Java, the Chinese have been generally left to their own laws and the regulations of their own chiefs ; and being, for the most part, merely temporary residents in the country, they devote themselves to the accumulation of wealth, without being very serupulous about the means of obtaining it : when, therefore, they acquire grants of land, they generally contrive to reduce the peasants speedily to the condition of slaves. The improvement of the people, which was never much attended to by the Dutch, was still less so by the Chinese, and the oppression which they exercised in the vicinity of Batavia had opened the eyes of the Dutch themselves. A report of the Council of Batavia, a short time prior to the landing of the English, accordingly states, that " although " the Chinese, as being the most industrious settlers, should " be the most useful, they on the contrary have become a " very dangerous people, and are to be considered as a pest " to the country; for which evil," they add, " there appears " to be no radical cure but their expulsion from the interior." Wherever the Chinese formed extensive settlements in Java, the native inhabitants had no alternative but that of abandoning the district or becoming slaves of the soil. The monopolising spirit of the Chinese was often very pernicious to the produce of the soil, as may be seen even at this day in the immediate vicinity of Batavia, where all the public markets are farmed by them, and the degeneracy and poverty of the lower orders are proverbial.

The Chinese of Batavia are a very numerous body, and possess considerable wealth. They are active and industrious, enterprising and speculative in the highest degree in the smallest or most extensive concerns, and equally well adapted for trade or agriculture ; but, at the same time, they are cunning, deceitful, covetous, and restless, and exceedingly unwarlike in their habits and dispositions. This is the character given of them by Mr. Hogendorp, who, in considering the injurious consequences of their extensive influence on Java, has drawn a very just and able representation of it *.

• " We, the Batavians," says Mr. Hogendorp, " or rather our good " and heroie ancestors, conquered these countries by force of arms. The " Javans, who are immediately under our jurisdiction, acknowledge the " Batavian nation or the East India Company as their lord or sovereign; " but by so doing, although they resigned their political rights, they still "retained their civil and personal liberty, at least their right thereto. " But what relation do the Chinese bear to us, and what are the rights "they can require from us? As foreigners and itinerant traders, this " may be easily defined, but as inhabitants aud settlers a further inquiry " becomes necessary. To political rights, or to a share in the government " and revenues of the country, they have not the slightest claim, and as " inhabitants, they cannot even claim the enjoyment of the same civil or " personal privileges as the Javans : in the first place, because they are " not natives of the country; secondly, because they take no interest in " the welfare or preservation of the country; thirdly, because they only " endeavour to derive their gain at the expense of the Europeans as well " as the Javans, in order to return to China with the profits they make, " or at least to send as much of it as possible to their families there; " fourthly, because they have no regard whatever to the welfare of our " country, and would be quite indifferent to the English, or any other " nation, driving us from Java. For these reasons, I conceive that the " Chinese have not the same right as the Javans to the freedom or pri- " vilege of citizens. The basis of all civil communities is incontrovertibly " the sacrifice of a part of the liberty, rights, and even property of each " individual, for the enjoyment and security of the remainder; and this " remainder, when fixed, forms the civil freedom and privileges of such a " community. Not only are the Chinese quite exempt from this sacrifice, " but they are also, by the corruption of the Batavian government, much " less burthened than all the other inhabitants, even the Europeans, and " are besides favoured with considerable privileges and exclusive means of " Batavia can or will contradict. "Were impartial justice to be adhered to, the Chinese would be looked

" upon and treated only as foreigners, who are suffered and admitted, as

In all the Malayan states, the Chinese have made the greatest efforts to get into their hands the farming of the port

"numbers, it is allowed by our indulgence, as long as they conduct

" themselves well and peaceably, to preserve and practise their own

" manners and customs, and even in particular places, to dwell together

" under their own chiefs.

" All the Chinese who come to Java every year in such vast numbers,

" in the junks from China, or in other vessels from neighbouring places,

" are the refuse of theirnation, and principally from a province, the natives

" of which are considered by their own countrymen the worst of the

" whole empire. These people come half naked and poor in the extreme :

" they add, therefore, so many more to the population, which must be

" supported by the country, to which however they contribute nothing.

" It must be acknowledged, they are, particularlyat first, very active, in-

" dustrious, inventive, and frugal. At Batavia they exercise almost every

" useful art, trade, and handieraft, they cultivate and produce the best ve-

" getables, they work the sugar-mills, and appear therefore to be uncom- " monly useful and perhaps indispensible.

" The trade in the interior, wholesale and retail : the trade to sea, to the

" opposite shores, and elsewhere in the Straits, is entirely in their hands,

" and is almost wholly carried on by them. In all considerable places on

" the eoast, as well as in the interior of Java, they have distinet towns,

" called kampongs, where they live under their own chiefs, and follow

" tl:eir own customs and nanners. Finally, they have exclusively all the

" farms of the government taxes and revenues, both in the Company's

" districts and in the dominions of the native princes: by which means

" they are complete masters of all trade, internal and foreign; and are en-

" abled to make monopolies in every thing, which they do accordingly in

" the most extensive manner. The burthens they have to bear are, on the

" contrary, very trifling ; in fact, almost nothing : especially because they

" are exempt from all feudal and personal services, which are so op- " pressive to the Javans.

" To what ean this impropriety and injustice be ascribed but to the go- " vernment of Batavia? The Chinese have obtained all these favours and

" privileges by making eonsiderable presents, and thus sacrificing the in-

" terests of the Company and the nation to their selfishness and avarice.

" These arbitrary governors of the East Indies have made the Chinese

" possessors of Java: for I undertake to prove, that the wealth of the

" Chinese on that island amounts to ten times as much as the property

" of all the Europeans added together, and that their profits every year " bear the same proportion.

"With reference to their numbers and character, I am of opinion that the

" following resolutions regarding them might be adopted : That the Chi-

" nese on Java should be allowed to remain, and even that further arrivals

" of them should be permitted; care being taken, however, to keep then

in good order, that they should be prevented froin injuring the Javans, duties, and this has generally proved the ruin of the trade. In addition to these circumstances it should be recollected, that the Chinese, from their peculiar language and manners, form a kind of separate socicty in every place where they settle, which gives them a great advantage over every competitor in arranging monopolies of trade. The ascendancy of the Chinese requires to be cautiously guarded against and restrained ; and this, perhaps, cannot be better done, than by bringing forward the native population, and encouraging them in useful and industrious habits.

Some of these observations regarding the Chinese are, in a high degree, applicable to the Arabs who frequent the Malayan countries, and under the specious mask of religion prey on the sinple unsuspicious natives. The Chinese must, at all events, be admitted to be industrious; but by far the greater part of the Arabs are mere useless drones, and idle consumers of the produce of the ground : affecting to be descended from the Prophet and the most eminent of his followers, when in reality they are commonly nothing better than manumitted slaves, they worm themselves into the favour of the Malayan chiefs, and often procure the highest offices under them. They hold like robbers the offices which they have obtained as sycophants, and cover all with the sanctimonious veil of religious hypocrisy.

Under the pretext of instructing the Maláyus in the principles of the Mahometan religion, they inculcate the most intolerant bigotry, and render them incapable of receiving any species of useful knowledge. It is seldom that the East is visited by Arabian merchants of large capital, but there are numerous adventurers who carry on a coasting trade from port to port, and by asserting the religious claims of Sheikh, generally obtain an exemption from all port duties in the Malayan states. They are also not unfrequently concerned in piracies, and are the principal promoters of the slave-trade.

This may serve, in some degree, to illustrate the necessity of establishing an equal and uniform system of port regulations throughout the whole of the Malayan countries; for if the Chinese, on the one hand, are permitted to farm import and export duties in different ports, they have every facility allowed them to form combinations, in order to secure a monopoly to Chinese traders; and on the other hand, if the Arabs, under religious pretexts, are entirely exempted from duties, they may bafle all competition, and engross the trade of the Malayan countries to the exclusion of European traders altogether.

Let the Chinese and Arabs still trade to the eastward. Without them, the trade would be reduced to less than onethird of even what it is at present, for it is only through the stimulus which they give to the industry of the country that its resources are to be developed : but let their trade be regulated ; and above all, let them not be left in the enjoyment of immunities and advantages, which are neither possessed by Europeans, nor the indigenous inhabitants of the country. Since the reduction of the Dutch influence in the East, several . of the ports formerly dependant on them have almost become Arab colonies. The evil is obviously increasing every day, and can only be checked by encouraging the native population, and regulating on equal terms the duties of the Malayan and other Eastern ports.

In many other respects besides those which we have stated, the commercial policy adopted by the Dutch, with regard to the Eastern islands and the Malayan states in gencral, was contrary to all principles of natural justice, and unworthy of any enlightened and civilized nation *.

• Among the exports from Java for the Europe market, no particular notice has been taken in the text of the extent of the spice trade, the produce of the Moluccas having, during the provisional administration of the British government, been conveyed direet from Amboina to the port of London, without being landed and re-assorted at Batavia, as was formerly the case under the Dutch government.

The sovereign Prince of the Netherlands has, by a solemn act, abandoned his right to the feudal services of his native subjects in the Eastern Archipelago, but has at the same time reserved to the state the exclusive monopoly of the spices. It may perhaps have been deemed expedient, in aid of the finances of Great Britain, that this odious monopoly should have been permitted to remain for upwards of five years under her uncontrolled dominion; and that, while the cloves on Amboina were raised by foreed services, the nutmeg gardens on Banda should have been cultivated by slaves. There may have been reasons also which induced her to continue the system of extirpation in the neighbouring islands, and to act up to those stipulations for depressing these unhappy countries, for which the Dutch have in all ages been so justly reprobated. But now that the sovereign, to whom they are again ceded, lhas recommenced the Dutch administration in the Eastern seas, with an appearance of something more like justice, humanity, and sound policy than we have been in the habit of witnessing for the last two centuries, it is to be hoped that the profits of two annual cargoes of spices, whatever they may amount to, will never be considered of sufficient importance to tempt a great and magnanimous nation longer to trample on the hallowed rights of humanity, and to persevere in a system, which, while it may have afforded a temporary profit, has tended to degrade, depopulate, and destroy the fairest countries in creation. If the nutmeg and clove trees were allowed to grow where Providence would seem to have ordained that in their natural course they should, and this trade were opened to a free commerce, nutmegs might perhaps be procured as cheap as betel-nut, and cloves as cheap as pepper.

" In the Spice Islands," observes Adam Smith, " the Dutch are said to " burn all the spiceries which a fertile season produces beyond what they

" expect to dispose of in Europe, with such a profit as they think sufficient.

" In the islands where they have no settlements they give a premium to

" those who collect the blossoms and green leaves of the clove and nutmeg

" trees which naturally grow there, but which this savage policy has now,

" it is said, completely exterminated. Even in the islands where they

" have settlements, they have very much reduced, it is said, the number

" of those trees. If the produce even of their own islands was much

From authentic accounts it appears, that they attempted to destroy and eradicate 'from a vast range of countries the most advantageous produce of the land, in order to favour their own petty traffic, and burnt a large proportion of the residue, in order to keep up their monopoly price in Europe on a small proportion of this produce. Against errors of this kind, it is to be hoped the more enlightened policy of the present era will be an effectual preventive; but there are others, so interwoven with the interests of these islands, and so local in their nature, that they may not so easily attract the attention of the governing power.

One feature of the Dutch policy in the Eastern Isles seems to have been the exclusion of all foreign trade, whether European or native ; excepting at certain specified ports under their own immediate control. This policy was as much connected with the general government of the country, as with the commereial profits of the Company ; for in an Arehipelago of such unparalleled extent, inhabited by tribes of such various characters, formidable in a high degree from their very want of civilization, it was necessary to bring forward some of the most powerful and most favourably situated of these numerous states, and to hold them answerable for the proceedings of the several districts under their influence. Such views gave rise to the establishment of certain regular and determined trading ports, and led to the vigilant suppression of all attempts at competition and independence on the part of the inferior states.

Had this measure been combined with a liberal encouragement of the home trade, as it may be denominated, between these privileged ports established by the Dutch, and the various countries under their influence, little doubt can be entertained that it would have tended materially to promote the civilization and general improvement of all the neighbouring nations. Very different, however, was the object of the Dutch agreements with the different rajas of the Eastern Archipelago. In sone cases it was to secure a monopoly of all the tin, pepper, camphor, and other saleable articles produced in their dominions; in others it was to bind the chiefs themselves to destroy the only saleable articles that their country could furnish, lest the monopoly price of the Dutch should be injured by a greater quantity of such produce being brought to market. The Dutch genius, thongh exclusively devoted to commerce, has never yet been able to discover the truth of the maxim, that in the long run it may be as gainful " to make " small profits on large sales as large profits on smaller sales;" their policy, on the contrary, has not been inaptly compared to a man putting out one of his cyes to strengthen the sight of the other.

It must be admitted, that the line of conduct pursued by the English towards the Malayan nations, had by no means been of a conciliatory or prepossessing character. Our intercourse with them had been carried on almost exclusively through the mediuni of adventurers little acquainted with either the country or people, who have been frequently more remarkable for boldness than principle *. Indeed, the want of any settled basis of traffic, and the long indifference of the British government to the complaints of either party, had produced so many impositions, reprisals, piracies, and murders, that any castern trader must have felt himself very much in the situation of a dealer in spirits, tobacco, and blankets, among the Indians of North America. It was the remark of Mr. Farquhar, than whom no man is more extensively acquainted with the interests and resources of East insular India, that the indifference of the British government must have originated solely in the want of information or incorrectness of knowledge; sinee it is not improbable, that the riches of Sumatra and Borneo are equal to those either of Brazil or New Spain; and it is only from the disadvantages under which we had hitherto entered into the competition, that these great sources of wealth had so long been engrossed by other nations *.

The doctrine, that a colony should always be considered a distant province of the mother-country, has been foreign to the political creed of the Dutch; and at any rate the radical want of strength in the government of Batavia may have prevented them from venturing to act upon it. Of course, they must always have contemplated the prosperity of the eastern tribes with the invidious regret of a rival shopkeeper, and regarded their progress in civilization with the jealousy of a timid despot. The fact sufficiently establishes the truth of this remark.

Independently of the effects of the European influence just described, the causes which have tended most to the depression of the Malayan tribes, and the deterioration of their character, are the civil commotions to which every state is liable, from the radical want of strength in the sovereign ; the constant wars between the petty chicftains and heads of villages; the ill-defined succession to the throne, from the doctrine of primogeniture being imperfectly recognized; the prevalence of piracy in all the Eastern Seas ; the system of domestic slavery, and all its concomitant evils, as wars for the purpose of procuring slaves, and the want of confidence between family and family, man and man ; the want ofa generally-established and recognized system of laws, civil and criminal; the want of a similar system of commercial regulations respecting port duties, anchorage, and other charges, to prevent arbitrary exactions and impositions in the various Malayan ports ; and, finally, the monopoly of the trade assumed by the Malayan rajas. Had Java remained permanently annexed to the British crown, the redress of these evils would have been, in a great measure, in the power of the English nation : the undertaking would have been worthy of their general character, and there was no other nation that could have possessed the means in an equal degree, even if it had indeed possessed the inclination.

The prevalence of piracy on the Malayan coasts, and the light in which it was viewed as an honourable oceupation, worthy of being followed by young princes and nobles, is an evil of ancient date, and intimately connected with the Malayan habits. The old Malayan romanees, and the fragments of their traditional history, constantly refer with pride to piratical cruizes.

In addition to other causes, which I shall not stop to specify, the state of the eastern population, and the intolerant spirit of the religion of Islam, have eminently tended to increase the practice. The Arab Sheikhs and Sayeds, whatever doctrines they failed to inculeate, never neglected to enforce the meril of plundering and massacreing the infidels ; an abominable tenet, which has tended more than any other doctrine of the Kóran to the propagation of this religion. Numerous and various are the tribes of the Eastern Isles which have not embraced the religion of Islam to this day, and consequently are reckoned infidels: cruizes against such were, and are, constantly certain of receiving the approbation of all the Arab teachers settled in the Malayan countries. The practice of piracy is now an evil so extensive and formidable, that it can be put down by the strong hand alone ; though precautions against its recurrence might be taken, by rendering, under the system of acknowledged ports, every chieftain answerable for his own territory.

Connected with this evil, though of much wider extent, is the system of slavery in the Malayan countrics, which, to apply the energetic language of Mr. Pitt to this subject, has been none of the least efficient causes of keeping down these regions " in a state of bondage, ignorance, and blood." In the beginning of the year 1805, the Marquis Wellesley abolished slavery throughont India; and, on the 4th of June, 1811, the Earl of Minto, by an order to emancipate all the government slaves at Malacea, and to direct that hereafter no slaves should be purchased or received on account of government, gave to the Malayan nations an carnest of his sentiments on the subject. It is certainly to the credit of our countrymen in the East, that they have ever opposed all attempts to introduce the abominable slave traffic into our settlements there. It was prohibited at Madras by an act of the Governor and Council, of so early a date as 1682.

The sources of slavery in the Malayan countries are chiefly piracy at sea, captivity in war, man-stealing along the coast, and the penalties enacted in the Malayan law respecting debfs and sundry misdemeanors. The surviving crews of vessels which fall into the hands of the pirates are generally disposed of by sale at the first market. The captives taken in the constant wars which the Malayan chieftains carry on against each other, are generally employed in domestic occupations, tending cattle, and cultivating the ground, where there is no opportunity of bringing them to market. This, however, is seldom the case, since such numbers are constantly required by the Arabs and Chinese traders, and heretofore by the Dutch. Many of the Arab trading vessels are almost exclusively navigated by the slaves of the owner; and in their progress from island to island, they find little difficulty in recruiting their crew, by receiving presents of slaves, or if that should fail, by kidnapping the unfortunate natives. This forms a strong argument against admitting the unrestricted range of the islands to either Chinese or Arab traders; for while this is permitted, the abolition of the system of kidnapping would be absolutely impossible. The pagan tribes in the vicinity of the Mahometans, such as those on Báli, and some of the tribes of Celebes, the Harafuras, the black Papúas or oriental negroes, the original inhabitants of Hálamahira, Coram, and other easterly nations, are in a great measure the victims of the kidnapping system, and being infidels are considered as fair booty.

Nothing has tended more decidedly to the deterioration of the Malayan character, than the want of a well defined and generally acknowledged system of law and commercial regulation. The Malayan nations had, in general, made considerable progress in civilization, before the introduction of the Mahometan religion among them : they had, accordingly, regular institutions of their own, some of which were probably of considerable antiquity, derived from the continent of India, and consequently radically different from those of the Arabs.

Some diffieulty appears to have occurred in adapting these institutions to the general tenor of the Mahometan law, and many anomalous ones appear accordingly to have sprung up in different states. These occur in every part of jurisprudence, whether commercial, civil, or criminal, and are recited in the Undang úndang and Adat Maláyu, which are the systoms of national law among the Maláyus. They vary considerably from cach other in different states, and still more from the generally acknowledged principle of Mahometan law, as received by the Arabs. Hence there is, in almost every state, a constant struggle between the adherents of the old Malayan usages and the Hájis, together with other religious persons, who are desirous of introducing the laws of the Arabs, in order to increase their own importance.

Among the numerous and inportant evils which result from this complex and ill-defined system, may be reckoned its affording an opening for the caprice and tyranny of the rulers, and producing a general insecurity both of person and property.

The state of the Moslem religion is very different here from what it is in the old Mahomedan states, such as Persia, Turkey, or Arabia. In many of the Eastern Islands paganism still remains: in some districts there are many Christians, and the Chinese swarm in every Malayan country, and live intermingled with the Mahomedans. This mixture of religion and tribes has tended, in some degree, to soften the intolerance of the Mahomedan system among the Malayan nations, and neither the positive authority of Islam, nor the persuasions of their Arab teachers, have hitherto been able to induce them to abandon entirely their own peculiar usages and customs. With some of these usages, especially those which relate to wrecks on the Malayan shores, and the commercial regulations of the different ports, it becomes incumbent on the supreme European authority to interfere. In revising these, the opportunity might perhaps be taken to procure the abandonment of some of those maxims and usages, which have the strongest tendeney to prevent their improvement, and counteract the habits of civilized life.

A circumstance highly injurious to the commerce of the Malayan nations is the trading monopoly, which in most of the Malayan ports is actually assumed by the chiefs. Of this monopoly there is no trace in the Undang úndang of the Maláyus, or in the fragments of their history which have yet come to light, and it is a question whether this pernicious practice has not been copied from the monopoly regulations of the Dutch. Where this system has been fully carried into effect, it has generally succeeded effectually in repressing industry and commercial enterprize; and where it has been for some time established, its evils have been felt so deeply, that it may be presumed the Malayan chiefs might be induced to relinquish it in favour of a regulated commerce, whenever they might regain the power of collecting regular duties in lieu of it. The Malayan laws and customs are fortunately of a very different kind from those adopted anong the great nations of the continent in their vicinity. These nations, especially the Siamese and Cochin Chinese, have long been accustomed to look up to the Chinese, with whom they coincide in religion and manners, and from whom they have adopted their exclusive maxims of foreign intercourse. The Málayus, on the other hand, though accustomed to look up to the Arabs as their religious instructors, seldom hesitate to admit the superiority of both the Europeans and Chinese, both to themselves and to the Arabs, in the arts of life and general science; and it is certainly our interest to encourage them in this mode of thinking, and to prevent the inerease of the Arab influence among them.

The Dutch nation appears to have pursued, as a principle of policy, the propagation of Christianity among the Eastern Islands. The same object had been previously followed by the Portuguese with great success, and there are now several small islands in the Malayan Archipelago, inhabited almost exclusively by Christians of the Catholic persuasion. In many other islands the Protestant persuasion has made considerable progress, and teachers, in the flourishing times of the Batavian Regency, were dispersed over all the low chain of islands which extend from Báli and Lumbok (Sásak) to the great island Timor. The islands in which the Christian faith has been most extensively diffused are the great island Endé or Meng' arái, the great island of Timor, and the several snall islands in the vicinity, and Amboina. In many of these islands the natives having no written character of their own, have been instructed in the Roman character, and taught to read Malayan and other dialects in it. There have also been various formularies printed for their use, and translations have been executed for them in some of their languages, which have little or no affinity to the Malayan. The propagation of Christianity among these islands is obviously liable to none of those objections which have been urged against its missionaries on continental possessions. A great proportion of the natives are still pagans, under the influence of a wild and almost unintelligible superstition, the principles of which are not recorded in books, but are handed down, like stories of ghosts, fairies, and witches, with all the uncertainty of tradition. In most instances, the people, though they stand in great awe of the priests or enchanters, or dealers with invisible spirits, are very little attached to the superstition in which they are educated. Many of them are said to be very desirous of procuring instruction, and in some places they look up with a degree of veneration to the Mahomedans, as a people who have reccived something which they still want.

These observations on the Malayan Islands in general, apply to no part of the Archipelago more than to the important and great island of Borneo.

BoRNEo is not only one of the most fertile countries in the world, but one of the most productive in gold and diamonds*.

Its camphor is the finest known, and it is thought capable of producing every kind of spice. Its eastern coasts, which

man, the total produce is 128,000 bengkals, worth 2,224,000 Spanish dollars, equal to 556,o0ol., at the rate of five shillings the dollar. But it is asserted, that upon the general run of the mines, seldom less than six bengkals per head has been obtained, and in very rainy seasons seven. Taking the medium at six and a half bengkals, the 32,ooo Chinese will procure 208,000 bengkals, which at eighteen Spanish dollars the bengkal is 3,744,000 Spanish dollars, equal to 936,000l. Such is the result of a very moderate caleulation of the produce of these mines. According to an estimate made in the year 1812, the annual produce of the mines on the west coast of Borneo was estimated at 4,744,000 Spanish dollars, being an excess of a million sterling. The quantity of gold procured on Sumatra, the supposed golden Chersonesus of the ancients, is according to Mr. Marsden about 30,800 ounces, which, at 4l. sterling the ounce, is worth 123,200l., equal to 492,800 Spanish dollars.

With respect to the disposal of the gold from the mines of Borneo, it may be observed, that every native Chinese, whether employed in the mines, in agriculture, as merchant or artificer, manages every year to remit at least the value of one tahil, more or less, of gold to his relations in China. These remittances are generally made by the junks in gold, as it saves freight, is more easily smuggled on shore without the notice of the capacious Mandarin, and reinitted over-land to the residence of their families. Taking the Chinese male population who can thus remit at double the number employed in the mines, and supposing one half to be born in the country, most of whom may not remit to China, this remittance would amount to 34,000 bengkals or tahils, which at eighteen Spanish dollars is 612,000 dollars, or 153,000l.

It is calculated that, one year with another, at least five hundred Chinese return in the junks to their native country with a competeney. Several have been known to take away one thousand bengkals of gold, many from three to five hundred, but very few return before they have cleared a competeney of two thousand dollars, or from one hundred to one hundred and twenty tahil of gold. This goes partly in gold ; though they prefer investing a part of it in tin from Banka, opium, and other articles. Say, however, that they remit one half in gold, five hundred men, at one thousand dollars each, will give five hundred thousand dollars, which added to the small family remittances, accounts for an amount exceeding one million of dollars, or 250,o00l. This calculation, however, seems to be far within the mark, and gives less by one half than what is usually stated to be remitted to China from the Bornean mines, which has been estimated at a loose guess at two millions of dollars, or 500,o00l.

A further amount of not less than the value of a million of dollars (250,o00l.) is supposed to find its way annually to Western India, and principally to Bengal, viá Batavia, Malacca, and Pinang, for the purabound in sago, also furnish a greater quantity of birds'-nests, sea-slug, and other commoditics in great demand in the

chase of opium and piece goods. The surplus enriches Java and some of the other islands, in exchange for salt, tobacco, coarse cloths, &e.

As the mines are worked with so little expence of machinery, the funds necessary for commencing an undertaking of the kind are small; and as the property of the soil belongs to the first occupant, almost every Chinese would become a proprietor, but from the mode by which their services are, in the first instance, sccured by the council of proprietors or kongsis. A parcel of half-starved Chinese, enchanted with the prospect of wealth on the golden shores of Borneo, readily find a passage in the annual junks that sail from the mother-country to Borneo, at ten dollars a head. On their arrival, being unable to pay the passage money, and the tax of a dollar per head, established by the native authority, while their immediate wants of food, clothing, and habitation, are urgent and imperious, the proprietors of the mines find it easy to engage their services for three or four years. In some other cases, agents are employed to obtain men from China, on stipulated agreements, to work for a number of years ; the usual rate of payment to the miners so engaged is not considered to average less than five Spanish dollars a month. No sooner, however, are these engagements concluded with their masters, than a number of them club together with the funds they have been able to save, and commence a new mine upon their joint account, in a few years acquiring a competeney to return to their native country.

Diamonps—There appears to be no just foundation for the idea, that the diamonds of Borneo are inferior to those of Golconda. Many of an inferior quality have no doubt found their way into the market, because there was perhaps less skill and judgment in the selection; but the value of diamonds here, as well as every where else, depends upon their shape, size, and water, and in this respect the diamonds of Borneo will bear a comparison with those of any country yet known. Indeed, as far as we may judge from the present state of our information, the Lándak mines alone are as productive, and its diamonds as precious, as any other in the world.

The principal mines where diamonds are regularly dug for on Borneo, and found in any considerable quantities, are those of Lándak, Sángau, on the great river Lawi, and the districts of Bánjer-másin. Dianonds have been occasionally found within the limits of Borneo Proper, at Mátan and Şukadána. The mines of Lándak are as ancient as the Malayan dominion on the islands, those of Sángau are of more recent date, and those of Bánjermásin are said to have been first discovered in the reign of Sultan Sepoh, from whom the present sultan is the fourth in descent.

Diamonds are not only found in the bottom of rivers when dry, but at the foot of craggy hills and mountains. The párits, or mines, are dug to the depth of from one to five fathoms only; but experience has invariably proved, that the deeper they are dug, not only are the diamonds more abundant, but superior in size, shape, and water. The soil which produces

Chinese market, than the other islands of the East ; but the interior has never been explored by Europeans. It may be

diamonds is known from a species of earth called by the natives lábor or labor-gig'gi. This is sometimes black, sometimes white, red, orange, and green : it is a species of earth which stains the clothes of the labourer, and is distinguished by many names.

At Lándak there are ten párits worked by Chinese, and in each from twenty to thirty labourers employed. As a general average, eight Chinese are supposed to find about cight bengkals of diamonds in a year. From two to three hundred of the smallest sort are supposed to go to a bengkal, valued at from twenty to twenty-four rupees. This is independent of the larger ones, which are casual. So far back as the year 1738, the Dutch annually exported from the produce of these mines, diamonds to the value of from two to three hundred thousand dollars.

Few courts of Europe could perhaps boast of a more brilliant display of diamonds than, in the prosperous times of the Dutch, was exhibited by the ladies of Batavia, the principal and only mart yet opened for the Bornean diamond mines, and whence those known in the European world have been proeured. With the decline of the Dutch government, however, the demand has decreased, and the mines are now almost neglected, the numerous diamond-cutters not being able to obtain a livelihood. Formerly, when more Chinese were employed in the mines of Lándak, diamonds from ten to thirteen carats were common in the publie markets. The Pangéran of Lándak now wears one of eighteen, and another of fourteen carats and a half. Since Java has been in the possession of the English, rough diamonds from Borneo have been sent to England, and, even in a very unfavourable state of the market, turned out an advantageous remittance.

Among the larger diamonds which these mines have produced, it may not be uninteresting to mention, that the great diamond now in the possession of the Sultan of Mátan, which has been seen and examined by Europeans, weighs three hundred and sixty-seven carats : it is of the shape of an egg indented on one side. It is, however, uncut; and, on this account, it may be difficult to say, whether it will become the largest cut diamond ever known; for the famous diamond of Aurung Zebe, called the Mogul, in its rough state weighed seven hundred and ninety-five carats, and was then valued at 600,000l., but when cut was reduced to two hundred and seventy-nine carats. This celebrated diamond, known by the name of the Mátan diamond, was discovered by a dáyak, and claimed as a droit of royalty by the Sultan of the country, Gúru-Láya; but was handed over to the Pangéran of Lándak, whose brother having got possession of it, gave it as a bribe to the Sultan of Súkadána, in order that he might be placed on the throne of Lándak : the lawful prince, however, having fled to Bantam, by the aid of the prince of that country and the Dutch, succeeded in regaining possession of his district, and nearly destroyed Súkadána. It has remained as an heir-loom in the family of conjectured, that the ignorance of the state of the country is one of the principal causes that no European settlement on it has hitherto proved advantageous, but has generally been abandoned after a short trial. The only exception to this observation is the Dutch settlement of Bánjer-másin, which continued from 1747 to 1810, when it was formally abandoned by Marshal Daendals to the Sultan, by agreement, for the sum of fifty thousand Spanish dollars. The Sultan soon after sent an embassy, inviting the English to settle; and previous to the conquest of Java, the Earl of Minto received the ambassadors at Malacca, and accepted thcir invitation.

The only territory to which the Dutch had any claim on the island of Borneo, was the coast from Súkadána to Mempáwa; this territory they acquired by virtue of a cession from the Sultan of Bantam in 1778. They destroyed Súkadána, and established factories at Pontiána and Mempáwa, which however they abandoned as unproductive after a period of fourteen years.

In no other part of the island of Borneo has there been any European settlement. The English, in 1772, intended to have established a factory at Pásir, but they abandoned the design on some commotions taking place in that state. Its object was to make Pásir a depót for opium and India piece goods, and for the contraband trade in spices. In 1774, a short time after the first settling of Balambángan, Mr. Jesse was deputed as Resident to Borneo proper, and concluded a treaty with that state, by which he acquired for the settlement of Balambángan the exclusive trade in pepper, stipulating in return to protect Borneo from the piratical incursions of the Súlu and Mendanáwi men. Neither of the parties, however, fulfilled its agreement, though the Resideney at Borneo was continued for some years after the first breaking up of the settlement of Balambángan in 1775.

On the north-cast of Borneo proper lies a very considerable territory, the sovereignty of which has been long claimed by the Súlu government ; a very considerable part of this, together with the islands off the coast, have been for upwards of forty years regularly ceded to the English by the Sálus, and has also at different periods been assumed by them, without any objection on the part of the government of Borneo proper. This ceded district, extending from the river Ki-manis on the north-west, which forms the boundary of Borneo proper, to the great bay on the north-east, is undoubtedly a rich and fertile country, though in a rude and uncultivated state, and it is admirably situated for commerce, notwithstanding the different failures of Balambángan may seem to indicate the contrary. Balambángan is one of the small islands off the northern extremity of the island of Borneo, and inclnded in the Súlu grant to the English. It would be foreign to the present object to enter into any details concerning the history of the settlenent of Balanbángan, but it may be proper to mention, that all the gentlemen who were engaged in the last atteimpt were convinced that the botton of the great Malúdn Bay would have been infinitely preferable as a settlement on cvery account. Balambángan is exactly analogons, in every respect, to Pinang ; it does not admit of territorial extension, and must exist, if at all, by commerce solely. Malúdu, on the other hand, is a dependency on the island of Borneo, which admits of any degree of territorial extension, may always subsist any number ofinhabitants by its own produce, and is said to communicate, by a land carriage of little more than forty miles, with the central lakes in the vicinity of the gold countries.

From every inquiry, however, and the result of some experience, and much reflection, it may be stated, that no settlement which is founded on a commercial, instead of a territorial basis, is likely to succeed in that quarter. We have already acquired territorial rights, and therefore the only question seems to be, whether these cannot be turned to advantage, as well by cultivation as by commerce. The Dáyaks, or original inhabitants of Borneo, are said to be not only industrious, but particularly disposed to agriculture, and so manageable, that a handful of Maláyus have, in numerous places, reduced many thousands of them to the condition of peaceful cultivators of the ground. Indeed nothing seems wanting but a government strong enough to afford efficient protection to person and property. In the case of the Dáyaks, it must be considered as an advantage, that they have not hitherto adopted the religion of Islam, and would consequently be more ready from the first to regard us as thcir friends. It ought to be calculated among the inducements to form a settlement on Borneo, that in that quarter our territorial arrangement would interfere with the claims or the rights ofno European nation. To recommend, however, the immediate establishment of a settlement at this particular spot, and on a basis so new, would obviously be premature, as notwithstanding the length of time we occupied Balambángan, not only the interior of Bornco was alnost unknown, but until lately, even a great part of its coasts. This supineness in the government of Balambángan is perhaps not unexampled. The want of local information has, indeed, often proved fatal to the infant settlements of the English. " Colonies and settlements of every kind," says the author of the Letter on the Nagrais Expedition, " must at " first be attended with many difficulties, which however a " judicious perseverance will surmount, if there be not some " original fault in the establishnent. It must be obvious to " every one, that the English never made a settlement, in " which they were not impeded by some unforeseen difficul- " ties, so as at least frequently to make abandoning the infant "establishment appear the most prudent step, without even " hoping any return for the prodigious expense which may have "been incurred by theundertaking."—"Various reasons,"adds that author, " may be ascribed for this event; but incapacity "in the person entrusted with the management, and the " want of previous examination of the place, seem to me the " most common and the most considerable." Without stopping to inquire how far the want of success in our several attemptsto settle Balambángan may have been fairly attributable to either of these causes, it may be confidently asserted, that the last establishment failed chiefly from its being solely of a military nature, without cither professional merchants or mercantile adventurers being attached to it.

These observations respecting Balambángan apply to it chiefly as a territorial establishment; but there is no doubt that it would speedily attain commercial importance. Many of the commercial advantages which recommended its selection still exist, to an equal or greater extent ; especially those which related to Cochin China, Champa, and Cambodia. But this digression has already exceeded its reasonable limits, and it is necessary to revert to the more immediate point under consideration, the commerce of Java. Any account of this commerce would be imperfect, which after stating the extent to which it is carried, and the mode in which it is conducted with the adjacent islands in the same Archipelago, should omit to mention the advantages of an intercourse with Japan, and some notices on the Japan trade.

The history of the Dutch connexion with that country is well known, and can never be forgotten. Perhaps there is not such an instance in the annals of commerce, of the disgraceful arts to which mercantile cupidity will resort, and the degradation to which it will submit for the attainment of its object, as in the Dutch proceedings at Japan ; nor is there, perhaps, a more remarkable example of the triumphant success, and complete disappointment of conmercial enterprize. As it may be interesting to many readers to see an authentic history of the origin, fluctuations, and decline of the Dutch Japan trade, and as even a very succinct statement of it would swell this chapter to a disproportioned size, I have placed a short history of it in the Appendix to this work, to which I beg leave to refer those who have any curiosity for such details *. From the year 1611, when the Dutch established commercial relations with Japan, till 1671 (a period of sixty years), their speculations were unrestricted and their profits were enormous. This was the golden age of their trade : they opened a mine of wealth, and they fondly thought it inexhaustible, as well as rich and easily wrought. In 1640, the Company obtained a return in gold, that yielded a profit of upwards of a million of guilders. They had been accustomed to procure, for some time previous to 1663, a return of silver to the extent of two hundred chests of one hundred pounds each, and it was suggested that it would be desirable for as many chests of gold of the same weight to be sent in future. The golden and silver ages of Japan commerce being past, the latter half of the seventeenth century began with what the Dutch called its brazen age, that is its export of copper, which has ever sinee continued the staple of the Japan market. The trade was on the decline during the whole of the last century, and had become of so little importance about 1740, that the Company deliberated upon the expediency of its total abandonment. From employing, as at one time, eight or nine ships, and exporting copper alone to the amount of more than thirty thousand pikuls, of one hundred and twenty-five pounds each, it diminished to the use of two vessels, and the purehase of cargoes of five or six thousand píkuls. The Appendix contains an account of the nature of the trade, and the result of the Dutch adventures of 1804-5 and 1806, and of our own in 1813.

CHA PTER VI.

Character of the inhabitants of Java—Difference between the Súndas and the Javans—The Lower Orders—The Chiefs—Nature of the Native Government—Different Officers of the State—Judicial Establishments and Institutions—Laws, and how administered—Police Institutions and Regulations —Military Establishments—Revenue.

HAvING, in the foregoing pages, attempted to introduce the inhabitants of Java to the reader, by an account of their person, their manners, and employment in the principal departments of agriculture, manufactures, and commerce, I shall now endeavour to make him, in some degree, acquainted with their intellectual and moral character, their institutions, government, and such other particulars as may contribute to enable him to form some estimate of their relative rank in the scale of civilized society.

From what has been stated of their progress in the manufacturing and agricultural arts, their general advancement in knowledge may be easily estimated. There are no establishments for teaching the sciences, and there is little spirit of scientific research among them. The common people have little leisure or inclination for improving their minds or acquiring information, but they are far from being deficient in natural sagacity or docility. Their organs are acute and delicate, their observation is ready, and their judgment of character is generally correct. Like most Eastern nations, they are enthusiastic adnirers of poetry, and possess a delicate ear for music. Though deficient in energy, and excited to action with difficulty, the effect probably of an enervating climate and a still more enervating government, they are capable of great occasional exertion, and sometimes display a remarkable perseverance in surmounting obstacles or enduring labours. Though ignorant and unimproved, they are far from wanting intelligence in the general objects of their pursuit, and frequently astonish Europeans by the ingenuity of their expedients, and the facility with which they accomplish difficult operations by apparently inadequate means.

People in a rude state of society are not always prepared to admit their inferiority, or inclined to adopt manifest improvements : what is much beyond their skill or their power, may excite their wonder, but does not always tempt their imitation. This is more peculiarly the case, where national pride or religious prejudice stand in the way; and the contempt of unbelievers, with which the Mahomedan system inspires its votaries, leads them usually to undervalue the arts in which othcrs excel, or the instruction which they communicate. The Javans, though far from deficient in national pride, and though Mahomedans, are free from this senseless and pernicious prejudice, and are ready to acknowledge the superiority of the Europeans, as well as disposed to imitate their arts and to obey their direction. No people can be more tractable; and although thcir external appearance indicates listlessness and sometimes stupidity, none possess a quicker apprehension of what is clearly stated, or attain a more rapid proficiency in what they have a desire to learn. The restraints under which conversation labours by the necessity of using different dialects in addressing different orders of socicty, as well as the respect paid to supcriority of rank, prevents them from such a frequent intcrcourse of thought and opinion as might otherwise be expected, and often renders them, to appearance, reserved and taciturn, although in fact, they are social, cheerful, and good humoured.

An uninstructed people are often credulous, and the Javans are remarkable for their unsuspecting and almost infantine credulity. Susceptible of every impression that artifice may attempt to make upon them, and liable to every delusion propagated by the prejudiced or the designing, they not inaptly compare themselves to a piece of pure whitc cloth, on which any dye or shade of colour may be laid. They lend an easy credence to omens, to prognostics, to prophets, and to quacks. They casily become the dupes ofany religious fanatic, and credit, without scruple or examination, his claim to supernatural powers. Their profession of Mahomedanism has not relieved them fromthe superstitious prejudices and observ-

VOL. I.

ances of an anterior worship: they are thus open to the accumulated delusion of two religious systems.

They are great observers of lucky or unlucky days, or natural phenomena, and undertake no journey or enterprize without attending to them. It is unlucky to go any where on the day that you hear of the death of a friend: the sight of two crows fighting in the air is unlucky : two small birds (called prenjak) fighting near a house, afford a prognostic of the arrival of a friend from a distance. Explosions or noises heard from the mountains not only excite terror for their immediate consequences, but are thought to forebode some great calamity, unconnected with the convulsions of nature, of which they are the symptoms, such as a sanguinary war, a general famine, or an epidemic sickness. The eclipses of the sun and moon powerfully excite this superstitious spirit, and induce many absurd notions and observations. Earthquakes furnioh certain prognostics, according to the day of the month on which theyhappen. In none of their superstitions, however, is there any thing of that gloomy, dark, or malignant cast, which distinguishes those of less favoured climates or of more savage tribes.

Although, on many occasions, listless and unenterprising, their religious enthusiasm is no sooner excited, than they become at once adventurous and persevering, esteeming no labour arduous, no result impossible, and no privation painful. We witnessed an instance, both of their simplicity and of their energy, connected with this part of their character, which excited our astonishment. The population of some of the districts of Bányumás contributed their voluntary labour, in 1814, to the construction of a broad high road, from the base to the summit of one of the loftiest mountains on the island (the mountain Súmbing), and this extraordinary public work was almost completed, before intelligence of its commencement reached the government. It was in consequence examined, and found to be a work of immense labour and care, but without the least appearance of object or utility. Upon enquiring into the motiv of such a singular undertaking, it was learnt that a general belief prevailed, that there was a very holy man at the top of the mountain, who would not come down till there should be a good road made for him.

The Madúrese are said to believe, that the spirits of the dead revisit the earth; but this does not appear to be a Javan superstition.

Their prejudices are neither very numerous nor unyielding, and seem generally to have originated in some laudable feeling or amiable weakness. Their nationality, which is very strong, although it delights in the traditionary narratives of ancient Javan exploits, and supports a hope of future independence, which they are not backward to express, does not lead them to despise the character, or to undervalue the acts of strangers. They have a contempt for trade, and those of higher rank esteem it disgraceful to be engaged in it; but the common people are ever ready to engage in the labours of agriculture, and the chiefs to honour and encourage agricultural industry. Those of the highest rank and greatest anthority, generally attend at tho opening of new sáwah fields, performing part of the'work with their own hands, andleading their inferiors or dependents, as they express it, to pay respect to the carth, in whose honour they also observe annually the sedéka búmi, or feast to the earth. It is in the same spirit that the buffalo, as the chief assistant of the husbandman, is viewed with such peculiar regard, that in some of the interior districts, new-born infants are sometimes carried to be breathed upon by them, from a superstitious belief that such a ceremony will render them fortunato.

Notwithstanding the despotic nature of their government, and the feudal principles on which it rests, the Javan must be considered as a patriarchial people, still retaining many of the virtues, and all the simplicity, which distinguish that state of society. Their village settlements constitute detached societies, under their local chief and priest, and the same internal concord prevails in these little associations which characterises patriarchial tribes. Vicinity and daily intercourse afford opportunities of conferring real assistance and acts of kindness: injustice and even violence may sometimes be committed against the inhabitants of other villages, but very seldom by the inhabitants of the same illage against each other. The patriarchial spirit of the Javans may be further traced, in the veneration which they pay to age, the respect and acquiescence with which they receive the maxims or the counsels of experience, tho ready contented submission which they shew to the commands of their immediate superiors, the warmth of their domestic attachments, and the affectionate reverence with which they regard and protect the tombs and the ashes of their fathers. To the same description of feelings may be referred that consideration for ancestry, that attention to the line of descent, and that regard to the history and merits of distant kindred, which in the meanest people appears often to assume the character of family pride.

These observations apply principally to the inhabitants of villages, at some distance from the seats of the princes or regents, and the contagion of the larger capitals, and more particularly to the people of the Súnda districts. 'Those of higher rank, those employed about court, or in administering to the pleasures or luxuries of the great, those collected into the eapitals or engaged in the public service, are frequently profligate and corrupt, exhibiting many of the vices of civilization without its refinement, and the ignorance and deficiencies of a rude state without its simplicity. The people in the neighbourhood of Batavia are the worst in the Island, and the long intereourse with strangers has been almost equally fatal to the morals of the lower part of Bantam. The population collected at the native capitals is naturally influenced, to a certain extent, by the vices of the court; but the further they are removed from European influence and foreign intercourse, the better are their morals and the happier are the people.

In attempting to exhibit some of the more striking features of the Javan character, it becomes necessary to distinguish between the privileged classes of soeiety and the mass of the people. Iong continued oppression may have injured the character of the latter, and obliterated some of its brighter traits; but to the former, the constant exercise of absolute dominion has done a more serious injary, by removing every salutary restraint on the passions, and encouraging the growth of rank and odious vices. In the peasantry we observe all that is simple, natural, and ingenuous: in the higher orders we sometimes discover violence, deceit, and gross sensuality.

Where not corrupted by indulgence on the one hand, or stupified by oppression on the other, the Javans appear to be a generous and warm-hearted people. In their domestic relations they are kind, affectionate, gentle, and contented; in their publie, they are obedient, honest, and faithful. In their intereourse with society, they display, in a high degree, the virtues of honesty, plain dealing, and candour. 'Their ingenuousness is such, that as the first Dutch authorities have acknowledged, prisoners bronght to the bar on crininal charges, if really guilty, nine times out of ten confess, without disguise or equivocation, the full extent and exact cireumstances of their offences, and communicate, when required, more information on the matter at issue than all the rest of the evidence. Although this may, in some degree, be the result of the former use of torture, it cannot be wholly so.

Though not much addicted to excess, and of rather a slow temperament, they are in general liberal and expensive, according to their means, seldom hoarding their wealth, or betraying a penurious disposition. Fond of show and pomp, they lay out all thcir money, as soon as it is acquired, in the purchase of articles of dress, horses, splendid trappings, &c. : but they possess a quality which is not always joined with a love of splendour, either in nations or individuals; they are cleanly in their persons, and pay the greatest attention to neatness, as well as to glare and finery.

Hospitality is universal among them; it is enjoined by their most ancient institutions, and practised with realiness and zeal. The Javans are exceedingly sensible to praise or shame *, and ambitious of power and distinction; but their national oppressions or agricultural habits have rendered them somewhat indifferent to military glory, and deprived them of a great portion of their ancient warlike energy. They are more remarkable for passive fortitude than active courage, and endure privations with patience, rather than make exertions with spirit and enterprize.

Though living under a government where justice was seldom administered with purity or impartiality, and where, of course, we might expect to see the hand of private violence stretched out to punish private wrong, or a general spirit of retaliation and insidious cruelty prevailing, the Javans are, in a great degree, strangers to unrelenting hatred and bloodthirsty revenge. Alnost the only passion that can urge them to deeds of vengeance or assassination, is jealousy. 'The wound given to a husband's honour by seducing his wife, is seldom healed, the crime seldom forgiven ; and what is remarkable, the very people who break the marriage tie on the slightest caprice, or the most vague pretence, are yet uncommonly watehful over it while it remains entire. They are little liable to those fits and starts of anger, or those sudden explosions of fury, which appear among northern nations. To this remark have been brought forward as exeeptions, those acts of vengeance, proceeding from an irresistible phrenzy, called mucks, where the unhappy sufferer aims at indiscriminate destruction, till he himself is killed like a wild beast, whom it is impossible to take alive. It is a mistake, however, to attribute these acts of desperation to the Javans.

That such have occurred on Java, even during the British administration, is true, but not among the Javans : they have happened exclusively in the large towns of Batavia, Semá- rang, and Surabáya, and have been confined almost entirely to the class of slaves. This phrenzy, as a crime against society, seems, if not to have originated under the Dutch, certainly at least to have been increased during their administration, by the great severity of their punishments. For the slightest fault, a slave was punished with a severity which he dreaded as much as death; and with torture in all its horrid forms before his eyes, he often preferred to rush on death and vengeance.

Atrocious crimes are extremely rare, and have been principally owing to misgovernment when they have occurred. In answer to what has been asserted concerning robberies, assassinations, and thefts, it may be stated, that during the residence of the English, an entire confidence was reposed in the people, and that confidence was never found misplaced. The English never used bars or bolts to their houses, never travelled with arms, and no instance occurred of their being ill used. 'The Dutch, on the contrary, placed no confidence: all their windows were barred, and all their doors locked, to keep out the treacherous natives (as they called them), and they never moved five miles abroad without pistols and swords. What could be expected by a government that derived a principal part of its revenue by the encouragement of vice, by the farms of gaming, cock-fighting, and opium shops? After the two former were abolished by the English, and the local government had done all in its power to discourage the latter, a visible amelioration took place in the morals of the lower ranks.

Hordes of banditti, formidable for their numbers and audacity, formerly infested some parts of the country, particularly the provinces of Bantam and Chéribon; but since they have been dispersed by the strong hand of government, the roads of Java may be travelled in as much security as those of England.

Much has been said of the indolence of the Javans, by those who deprived them of all motives for industry. I shall not again repeat what I have formerly on several occasions stated on this subject, but shall only enter a broad denial of the charge. They are-as industrious and laborious as any people could be expected to be, in their cireumstances of insecurity and oppression, or as any people would be required to be, with their advantages of soil and climate. If they do not labour during the whole day, it is because such persevering toil is unnecessary, or would bring them no additional enjoyments. The best refutation of the charge of indolence is to be found in the extent of their cultivation, the well dressed appearance of their rice fields, and the abundant supplies of their harvests. They generally rise by daylight: at half-past six they go out to the rice fields, where they employ their buffaloes till ten, when they return home, bathe, and refresh themselves with a meal. During the violent heat of the noon they remain under the shade of their houses or village trees, making baskets, mending their implements of husbandry, or engaged in other necessary avocations, and at about four return to the sáwahs to labour them, without baffaloes or other cattle. At six they return to their homes, sup, and spend the remainder of their time till the hour of rest (which is generally between cight and nine) in little parties for amusement or conversation, when the whole village becomes a seene of quiet content and pleasure. The sane round of toil and relaxation is observed during the season for garden culture, dry field labour, or other employments.

Under this system, the villagers seem to enjoy a greater degree of happiness than they could derive from those increased means that would result from increased exertion. I can bear testimony to their general cheerfulness, contentedness, and good humour, for having visited their villages at all seasons, and often when least expected or entirely unknown, I have always found them either pleased and satisfied with their lot when engaged at their work, or social and festive in their hours of pleasure. One observation generally made and admitted, would seem to militate against this part of the

Javan character; they are remarked to be envious and jealous of one another's success : but if this trait of character be with difficulty reconciled to their general reputation for contentedness and benevolence, it is surely still more inconsistent with that indolent apathy with which they are often charged.

It will appear throughout their history, that when strongly excited by the animosities of the constant wars in which they were engaged, they were frequently guilty of acts of great barbarity: such as decapitating a vanquished cnemy, and kicking his head about like a football. In war and politics, much is not to be said in their favour, stratagem and intrigue being relied upon in preference to discipline, courage, or good faith : even the Chinese, during what is called the Chinese war on Java (A.D. 1750), would appear to deserve a higher character for bravery and good faith than the Javans. But it is reasonable to attribute this, in some measure, to the degrading influence of European despotism. A great disregard for the little people is shewn throughout their political history, as is particularly exemplified in the instance of a mock battle that was fought between the Chinese and Javans, near Semárang, in order to impose upon the Dutch. 'The Chinese wished to know how they should act upon the occasion. " Attack the whole army of the Javans by surprize," said the Javan negociators, " but be careful not to kill any of the “ chiefs or great people, and it will be a sham fight."

Of their nationality it may be observed, that ever since the first arrival of Europeans, they have neglected no opportunity of attempting to regain their independence. A reference to the chapters on history will be sufficient to illustrate this, as well as to shew the national feeling on the encroachments and assumptions of their European rulers. In the great causo of national independence all would unite, but they seem hardly to be sufficiently advanced in civilization to effect such an object, without the risk of relapsing into many barbarities, from the practice of which they have been weaned, by a long continuance of established government and general tranquillity. Quiet and peaceable as the Javans now are, were they once roused to insurrection, their blood would rapidly boil, and they would no doubt be guilty of many excesses.

I might illustrate the Javan character still further by a comparison of it with the Malayan, by shewing, from the remains of those customs that are to be referred to an anterior and milder system, how much it has been altered by the introduction of Mahomedanism, and by giving an estimate of the effects produced upon it by the government of the Dutch; but this would anticipate some observations which will be more appropriate in other parts of this work.

Of the causes which have tended to lower the character of the Asiatics in comparison with Europeans, none has had a more decided influence than polygamy. To all those noble and generous feelings, all that delicacy of sentiment, that romantic and poetical spirit, which virtuous love inspires in the breast of an European, the Javan is a stranger, and in the communication between the sexes he seeks only convenience, and little more than the gratification of an appetite. But the evil does not stop here: education is neglected and family attachments are weakened. Among the privileged orders, the first wife is generally selected by the friends of the party, from motives of interest, and to strengthen family alliances, and the second is rather to be considered as the object of the husband's choice. But if his circumstances admit of it, he has no scruple to entertain other women as concubines, who hold an honourable rank in his household. 'The progeny from these connections is often immense. It has already been stated, that a Javan chief has been known to have upwards of sixty acknowledged children; and it too often happens, that in such cases sons having been neglected in their infancy, become dissipated, idle and worthless, and spring up like rank grass and overrun the country, or serve but to fill up a long and useless retinue. Fortunately for the peasantry, who are the mass of the population, they have escaped this deteriorating institution ; and perhaps much of the comparative superiority of the character of the peasantry over that of the higher orders is to be attributed to this advantage. The higher orders have also been more exposed to the influence of Mahomedanism and European innovation; and if the former has removed from their usages some traits of barbarism, and tended to the developement of their intellectual qualities, it has introduced Mahomedan vices; and the European power having gradually obtained its supremacy over the island, rather by stratagem and intrigue than by open conquest, it is probable that the necessity under which the natives found themselves to resist its encroachments by similar mcans, has powerfully contributed to corrupt their natural ingenuousness. It is not at the court of the sovereign, penned up as he now is, and kept like a bird in a cage by the intrigues and power of the European authority, that we are to look for the genuine character of the people ; neither is it among those numerous chiefs and petty chiefs attendant on the European authorities, who by continual association have, in a great degree, assimilated with them. What we have said of the Javans must therefore be considered, as more particularly applicable to the peasantry or cultivators, who compose three-fourths of the whole population, and is to be received with some reserve in its application to the higher classes.

Thus far I have given a faithful representation of the people as they appeared to me ; but it may be amusing to the reader to read the Javan character, as transcribed from the impressions of the Dutch. The following is an official account * of this people given by a subject of that nation, which has contributed so much to depress and degrade them.

" If the Javan is a person of rank, or in affluent circum- " stances, he will be found superstitious, proud, jealous,

“ vindictive, mean, and slavish towards his superiors, haughty

" and despotic towards his inferiors and those unfortunate

“ beings that are subject to his orders, lazy and slothful. " The lower class is indolent and insensible beyond con-

" ception, and although certain persons, who presume to be

" perfectly acquainted with the character oftheJavan,maintain

“ the contrary, stillI am convinced by daily experience,that the

" Javan in general is most shockingly lazy, and that nothing

" but fear of his superior, and apprehension of being punished,

" or momentary distress or want, can compel him to labour. If

" left to himself, he will do no more than what is absolutely

" requisite to furnish the necessaries of life, and as he needs

" but little, his labour is proportionate : yet as soon as he has " a sufficiency for four days, or for the next day only, nothing

“ will put him in motion again but force or fear.

" Cowardly, vindictive, treacherous, inclined to rob and to " murder rather than work, cunning in evil practices, and un-

" accountably stupid (supposed intentionally,) if any good is

" required of him. These are the principal traits of the Javan " character.

" The Maláyu, speaking of him as an inhabitant of this " island, because I am unacquainted with the character of

“ those living at a distance, is possessed of a little more cou-

" rage and activity, fond of small trade and travelling, and

" but seldom a robber like the Javan, whom in other respects

" he very much resembles. A Maláyu, who is a little cun-

“ ning, will, as soon as an opportunity offers, commit a fraud,

" especially when he has had some loss which he wishes to " retrieve."

Others of the colonists, and some particularly who are likely to have greater influence with the restored government, entertained more correct, because more favourable opinions of the Javans, coinciding nearly with those which I have stated as my own.

The following extracts are intended to convey some notion of Javan ethics. The first is from a popular work, called Raja Kapa-kapa*.

" It is ineumbent upon every man of condition to be well " versed in the history of former times, and to have read all

" the chirita (written compositions) of the country : first, the

“ different Ráma, the B'rata yúdha, Arjúna wijáya, Bíma

" súchi; secondly, the different accounts of Panji; thirdly,

" the Júgúl múda, Pralámbang, and Jáya langkára ; also

“ to know their different tunes, as well as the mode of striking

" the gámelan; he must know how to count thc years,

“ months, and days, and comprehend the Sangkála, under-

" stand the Káwi language, and also must be clever in all

“Niung'ging…Painting;

"Ukir ukir.....Carving in wood;

“Pándi..Iron-work;

• See a further account of this work under the head Literature

“Kemásan....Gold-work; “Argénding.............Musical instrument making; " M'ráng'gi...........Kris-sheath making; "N'gapúus.......Compositions (literary); f Sewing with the needle ; “ Gárdji..… working; " Anyára-wedi retna........Jewellery; fIn gilding and the applica- “ Anyádur-rasa....... tion of quicksilver.

" And he must also be skilled in horsemanship, and in the " management of an clephant, and have courage to destroy " all bad men, and drive away all women of loose cha- " racter."

The Níti sástra is a work of the greatest celebrity on Java: the original is in the Káwi language, but there are many versions. The following is translated from a modern version in the present language of Java.

“ Praise be to Batára Gúru, who is all powerful! to Batára " Vishnu (wisnu), who purificth the minds of men! and “ to Batára Súria, who enlightencth the world! May they " render their divine assistance to the author who com- “ poseth this work, Níli Sás/ra, which contains an account " of the truths to be found in the sacred writings, and " which are highly necessary to be known by all public " officers.

“ A man who cannot regulate his conduct according to cir- " cumstances, and to the situation in which he may be " placed, is like unto a man who has lost the senses of “ taste, and enjoyeth not the advantage of siri, for such a " man doth not shine in the world, however fair may be his “ appearance.

" A man who is ignorant of the sacred writings, is as one who " has lost his speech ; for when these become the conversa- " tion of other men, he will be under the necessity of re- " maining silent.

" It is an abomination to the Divinity to worship him in an " unclean place; and the man who does so may be com-

" pared to one who eats another man's bread without his

" consent. The food is unwholesome to him, even as if he

"ate of his own bread with aversion, in which case he re-

" sembles the poor man who overeats himself and after- " wards suffers from hunger.

“ A woman who takes not a husband until her hair becomes " grey and her teeth fall out, is despicable in her own eyes, " because men will no longer feel any inclination to her.

" A man, to be accounted able, must know how to adapt his " words to his actions and his actions to his words, so that " he may give offence to no one, but render himself agree- " able to his companions : he must also know how to com- " mand in war, and to inspire his followers with cou- “ rage.

In order to obtain this distinction, a man must conduct " himself towards his equals cven as a lover conducts him- " strive to obtain the good will of mankind by flattering " to which they are most inclined, and which consists, if “ better, but at the same tine, excite them to excel in their “ profession.

" self towards his mistress; for as the lover cannot obtain

" his object without flattery and indulgence, so must we

" them occasionally, and by indulging them in those things

" we are in company with religious men, in treating of reli-

" gious matters, and if in company with warriors, in treat-

44 ing about war. This will not only make them like us the

The subtle nature of the snake, and the venom ofits poison,

" as well as the ferocious disposition of the tiger, may be " surrender; and even then not entirely, for although the

" removed by sympathetic remedies; the wild elephant

" may also be tamed by means of the well-known small

" iron hook: but the fierceness of the warrior, when once

“ in close engagement, is not to be tamed, unless his enemy

" vanquished surrender, it is to be inferred that he still har-

" bours resentment for the loss of his freedom, and the con-

" queror must keep a lively watch over the vanquished, " lest he still oppose him.

" It is well known that waters, however deep, may be fa- " thomed; but the thoughts of men cannot be sounded.

" In order to know the nature of another, we must atten-

“ tively observe his appearance, his manner of speaking,

“ and his judgment; and if a man gives himself out as a

" holy man, it must be proved by his observance of the ser-

" vice of the Deity and his knowledge of the sacred writ- “ ings.

" Such a man is distinguished, who is able to expound all "abstract expressions.

" A rich man, who maketh not use of his riches in procuring " for himself good food and clothing, is an abomination, " and ought not to be admitted into the society of the " learned or men of rank; neither ought a man, who has " learnt a profession or studied religion, but who still con- " tinues attached to his idle and vicious propensities.

The man who advances in years, and he who is too lazy to " labour, and does nothing but eat and sleep, is like a sheep, " which is useless except on account of its flesh.

" It is said, that neither the ravens nor the gadárbo birds, " are good for man; but much less are such men who hav- " ing once embraced a holy life, return to worldly pursuits, " or such as can find it in their hearts to seduce the wives " and daughters of their friends to commit adultery.

“ The water in a vessel which is only partly full will by the "least agitation splash on the sides: experience also " proves, that the cow which has the loudest voice gives "the least milk. So it is with men: those who have " least understanding or wealth make the greatet noise and " show; but in reality they are inferior, and all they say " and do vanisheth like smoke.

"Friends must be faithful and forbearing towards each " other, otherwise the consequences will be fatal to both. " Of this we have an example in the fable of the tiger and " the forest.

" The forest and the tiger lived together in close friendship, " so that no one could approach the forest, for the tiger was

" always in the way; nor the tiger, for the forest always

" afforded him shelter. Thus they remained both undis-

" turbed, on account of the mutual security they afforded

" to each other; but when the tiger abandoned the forest

" and roamed abroad, the people seeing that the tiger had

" quitted it, immediately cut down the forest and converted

" it into plantations: the tiger, in the meantime, taking

" shelter in a village, was seen by the people, who soon

" found means to kill him. In this manner, both parties,

" by abandoning their mutual duties to cach other, were “ lost.

" A child ought, in every respect, to follow in the footsteps of " its father; but this is seldom the case, either among men " or animals in general. Among the latter, however, there " are three sorts which follow their parents in every re- " spect: all kinds of fish, frogs, and tortoises. The first " and second spawn in water, which is carried away until " the young are produced, when they again join their pa- " rents : the last lay their eggs in holes, and as soon as " the young are hatched they follow the old ones into the “ water.

" Man, although he is borne in his mother's womb a long " time, and after his birth is taken care of and nourished, " still seldom follows in the footsteps of his parents. If his " father is a holy man, he ought to follow the same profes- " sion ; but instead of this, children do not generally attend " to the advice of their parents, nor to the lessons of the " sacred writings, or those given by holy or good men.

" That men of rank should do every thing in their power to “ attach the lower class of people to them, is not only pro- " per but necessary, in order to keep them faithfully to “ their duty. To this end, therefore, men of rank ought to " be indulgent and liberal towards their inferiors, like a " woman who implores the assistance of man to bring " forth children and support her ; but not like a tigress that " brings forth its cubs, nor the snake which brings forth so " many young, that sometimes having no food for them or " for herself, she devours them.

" Man is pleased with the dódot cloth (apparel), and women " are proud of their bosom; but a good man prefers the " sacred writings, which may lead him to the life to come.

" Property obtained by man's own labour is valuable, but " more valuable is that which is obtained by a man's blood " in time of war: of less value is property inherited from " a man's parents. Of little value is the property taken " from a man's parents or his wife, but still less valuable is " that which comes to a man from his children.

“ It is the duty of the chief of the nation to inquire into every " thing which can affect his subjects; to know whether

" they are prosperous or not, if every one attends to his

" duty, if they are skilful in the execution of it or not, and

" in all cases to take measures accordingly, never losing

" sight of justice. He must, as far as possible, be lenient

" in the punishment of the guilty, and liberal in the reward " distributed to the soldiers (prajárit), in order to animate

" of the deserving; particularly in the field of battle, when

" in sight of the enemy, when presents ought then to be

" them ; for if ever so justly treated, they will not, except

" they have been obliged by their commander, either be

" so faithful, or risk so much in an attack against the " enemy.

" Highly prejudicial is it for the chiefs to discover fear before " their enemies, for in that case the men will also be afraid ;

" but when the chiefs conduet themselves in such a manner

" as to shew they do not fear the enemy, then the men are “ animated by their example.

“ A chief should keep his plan of attack as secret as possible,

" because the knowledge of it may enable the enemy to be " on his guard, and turn the measures taken to his own " battle, as in that case the enemy will have an opportunity

" advantage. He ought not to challenge his enemy to give

" of preparing himself for the same : but he should attempt

“ to surprize him, and rush upon him like a fire, that quickly

" and without much noise consumeth all with which it “ comes in contact.

" The most formidable enemy of a man is his own conscience, " which always brings his crimes before his cyes, without " leaving him the means of avoiding it.

" The most valuable and lasting friendship is that which " exists between persons of the same rank.

" The severest misfortune which a man can suffer, is to be de- " prived by force, of the land upon which he lives and " which he has cultivated, or to have his wife and children " taken from him by force.

" Man loveth nothing more than his own children, and he “ always esteems his own feelings in preference to those of " others.

" Of all birds the chiong (miner) is the most highly prized, VOL. I. U

" because it has a beautiful appearance and can imitate " the speech of man.

“ A woman who loves her husband so tenderly, that at his " death she wishes to die with him, or surviving. never “ marries again, but lives as if she were dead to the world, " is valued above all others of her sex.

“ The lessons of our parents are like the lessons of the ten " wise masters. No master can be called wise, unless he " attends to what is written, as well on sacred as on worldly " subjects. Such a master may be justly called a superior " mortal; for it is a difficult task to learn and to attend to " the same, even as difficult as to catch and tame a wild " elephant on the edge of a precipice without injury.

Melancholy is it to sce a young man of condition unac- " quainted with the sacred writings; for, be he ever so 4“ gracefully formed or clegant in his manners, he remains " defective; like the wúrawári flower, which, notwith- “ standing its fine appearance and bright red colour, cmits " no fragrance whatever.

No man can be called good or bad, until his actions prove " him so. Thus if a man declares that he has never taken

" any but delicious food, it will be shewn in his appearance.

" If he is stout and well looking, then may he be credited;

" but if, on the contrary, he is poor and lean, then it is im- " possible that he should have lived on good food.

" In like manner, when a man pretends to be the friend of " mankind, it must be proved by his behaviour when he " receives the visits of others. If he receives his guests " with kindness and hospitality, then is he the friend of " mankind, otherwise he is not so. And further, if a man pretends to have fasted and prayed, and to have become “ a holy man, it will be known whether he is really so, " by the success which attends the prayers which he puts " up for another: if the Deity hears them not, then is he a " deceiver.

4 A caterpillar has its poisón in its head, a scorpion in its " tail, and a snake in its teeth, but it is unknown in what

“ part of the body the poison of man is concealed: a bad

" man is therefore considered poisonous in his whole frame.

" A child which is indulged by its parents in every thing, is " like a young fish in a clear and pure stream, in which " it grows and sports, unconscious whither it may lead.

" As the strength of a bird is in its wings, so does the power

" of a prince consist in his subjects ; but then only through

" the means of persons properly informed on the following

“ points. First, how a country ought to be properly ad-

" ministered; secondly, how to please a prince; thirdly,

" how to prepare all delicacies for him; and fourthly,

" how to preserve discipline and direct the conduct of an “ army.

" The dread of the subject should be such, that the orders of " the prince should be to him like a clap of thunder, that " may be heard far and wide.

A man who does evil to his companions acts against the " sacred writings and the lessons of his instructor: he can " never enjoy prosperity, but will meet with misfortunes in " all his proceedings. Such a man is like a piece of por- " celain, which when it falls to the ground breaks into many " pieces and can never be rendered perfect.

" A field without pasture is not frequented by cattle, neither “ does a river without water contain fish. An instructor " who knoweth not how to perform the duties of his situa- " tion can have but few disciples, and a prince who pays " little regard to his country and subjects, will in time not " only lose his fame and glory, but his authority also.

" It is well known that a man cannot take the goods of this " world with him to the grave, and that man after this life " is punished with heaven or hell, according to the merits " of his actions in this life: a man's duty, therefore, re- " quires of him to remember that he must die; and if he " has been merciful and liberal in this life to the poor, he " will be rewarded hereafter. Happy is the man who " divides his property equally between himself and the in- " digent, who feeds the poor and clothes the naked, and ". relieves all who are in distress ; he has hereafter to expect “ nothing but good.

" The following animals, as being injurious to the health of " man, are not proper to be used by him as food : rats,

" dogs, frogs, snakes, worms, monkeys, lizards, and the like

" A handsome man is an ornament to the community, and “ one that has good manners besides, is an ornament to his " prince; but he who understands the sacred writings is " the pride of the community and a delight to his prince.

" A prince who wishes to know his subjects well, ought to " be attentive to their manners, actions, and courage ; and " as gold is known by the touchstone, or broken into pieces " in order to ascertain its intrinsic value, so ought a prince “ to try his subjects, before he intrust them with the charge " of his women or treasure, and make himself acquainted “ with their valour and knowledge : for a person who does “ not possess the qualifications required for this purpose, " is unworthy to associate with people of condition, and “ much less to be the servant of a prince.

“If a man violates the law, he may for the first offence be " punished by a pecuniary fine, for the second by punish- " ment affecting his person, but for the third offence he may " be punished with death.

" A joy generally followed by sorrow is that which we feel in " borrowing money. We feel happy in having obtained what “ we wished, but as soon as our creditors come for their mo- " ney, our joy is converted into grief; and that is the greatest " when the money is spent, and we have not wherewith to “ satisfy our creditors: then arise quarrels and ill will, and " yet no sooner are these settled than we again have re- " course to the old habit of lending and borrowing.

" Laughing and joking at our companions is also a bad cus- “ tom, for it generally begets quarrels, and is thus the cause " of grief.

" Should medicine be mixed with poison, we would naturally “ separate the poisonous parts before we swallowed it, and " we would also clcan rusty metal in time before it becomes " rusty and corroded. In the same manner we should dis- " tinguish between the good and bad actions of man, re- " warding knowledge and opposing evil : and be it recol- " leeted, that a woman, however low her birth, if her man-

" ners are amiable and her person good, may without im- " propriety be made the wife of a great man.

" Riches only tend to torment the mind of man, and some- " times even to death ; they are therefore, with justice, dis-

" regarded and despised by the wise. They are collected “ with pain and troubles in afterwards administering them ;

" for if we neglect to watch them properly, thieves will

" come and steal them, and the loss occasions as much “ grief as the point of death.

". Therefore is it adviseable to give part of our property to

" the poor and indigent, who will thence naturally become

" under obligatious to us, and not only assist in guarding

“ our property against all accidents, but pray that our pro-

“ perty may increase, being themselves interested in our

" success, and our names will be blessed by our children “ and grand-children.

" As dykes cannot long resist the force of water, unless the " water is allowed a free current and a place to pass " ployed for charitable purposes; but, on the contrary, " they will turn to the injury of the possessor, both here “ and hereafter, who will be exposed to the wrath of all the “ nine deities.

" through, so riches cannot long be enjoyed, unless em-

" Batára gúru is cool, still colder is the moon ; but the cool- “ ness of neither is to be compared to that which is instilled " by the voice of a holy man. Fire is hot, still hotter is the " sun ; but neither is to be compared to the heat of a man's “ heart.

" Like those flies and birds, which fly in the air to procure " food, and still continue to feed on filth and dirt, is the " man of bad character; for although he may have the “ means of procuring an honest subsistence, still will he " continue to take what he should not, by unlawful means, " to the prejudice of others. But a good man wishes the " success of another, and is happy when his brother pros- “ pers.

" As the moon and stars enlighten the night, and the sun en- " lighteneth the day, so do the Holy Seriptures enlighten

" the hearts of men; and a son who is superior in know-

" ledge to his father, is a light to his family.

" A child accustomed to nothing but amusement, neglects " the lessons of its parents. The child on this account,

" often abandoned to its fate, becomes a dangerous subject;

" it is therefore essential that a child should be kept under

" subjection while it is yet time to prevent its committing " any bad acts. For this purpose these rules should be " attended to:

" A child under five years of age may be indulged in many “ things; but afterwards it must be kept under strict subjec- “ made to instil that sort of knowledge which will form the " year further instruction must be given in the higher and " more important branches of knowledge.

" tion, and instructed in the knowledge of the Holy Writ-

" ings until its tenth year, when a commencement may be

" intellects for the benefit of society. After the sixteenth

"Man should always be on his guard against the commis- " sion of wicked acts, for the end of them is always. pain " and misery.

" A man must, on no account, listen to the advice ofa woman, "be she ever so good; for the end of it will be death and “ shame: but he must always consult his own mind in " what he has to do or not to do, never losing sight of the " lessons of his instructors. Thus, not only will he obtain " knowledge, but his actions will be good.

" Riches, beauty, knowledge, youth, and greatness often lead " a man into error ; he, therefore, who is blessed with any " of them ought to be, at the same time, humble and ge- " nerous, for then he will excel; otherwise, his virtues will " be hidden.

" As the man who advances by fair means from poverty to " riches, or from insignificance to greatness, is rewarded in " this world, so will he who is generous and kind-hearted " be rewarded hereafter in heaven. So will the warrior " killed in battle, who is like a conqueror, enjoy all the de- " lights imaginable; while a deserter is despisod by all " men, and covered with shame and disgrace, because he " deserted his comrades in the moment of danger.

" No man ought to be termed a hero but he who has already " conquered a hundred heroes; nor should any man be

" termed a holy man until he can boast of surpassing in

" virtue a hundred holy men : for as long as a hero has not

" conquered a hundred heroes, or a holy man has not sur-

" passed a hundred other holy men in virtue, he can neither

" be considered as a real hero or holy man.

" The signs of the approaching end of this world will be all " kinds of depravity among mankind; that is to say, the " wise will turn foolish, the holy men will become worldly, " children will abandon their parents, princes will lose " their empires, the little will become great, and commit

" depredations; in short, every thing will be in confusion, “ and an entire revolution take place.

" In the beginning every thing was at rest and quiet. During " the first thousand years princes began to start up, and " wars arose about a woman named Déwi Darúki : at this “ man named Déwi Sínta. Two thousand years after this " a third war broke out, about a woman named Déwi Dru- " pádi: and two thousand five hundred years afterwards “ another war took place, about the daughter of a holy man " not named in history.

" period writing was first introduced. One thousand five

" hundred years after this another war began, about a wo-

" Every man can thus see what has been the first cause of " war. Even as the roots of trees and the course of rivers “ cannot run straight, but wind here and there, so cannot “ a woman be upright: for the saying is, that a raven can " sooner turn white, and the tanjang-plant (a water lily) " grow from a rock, than a woman can be upright.

" A perfect man should be, in firmness and ability, equal to " eight women; and to satisfy a woman, a man must be " able to please her in nine different manners.

" A bad man is like a fire, which inflames every thing which " approaches it; we, therefore, ought n'ver to go near it " with an intention to extinguish it. A good man, on the " contrary, is like a sweet-scented tree, which continues to " produce flowers and fruit, pleasant to the taste and smell " of every one, and the fragrance of which remains in the " wood even after the tree is cut down and rooted out.

" When a harlot begins to feel shame, then is her improve- " ment approaching; but when a holy man begins to " meddle with worldly affairs, then is he about to become " a worldly man himself.

" When a prince allows encroachments to be made on his " territories, it is a sign that the loss of both his court and

“ lands is nigh at hand.

" A man may receive instruction from his gúru (instructor) " until his twentieth year: after which he should apply " himself to study until his thirtieth year; at which time " he ought to know every thing necessary, as well for this “ world as for that to come.

" The art of elocution may properly be reckoned superior to " all others, because happiness and misery, fortune or mis- " fortune, very often depend upon it: it is, therefore, nc- " cessary to use prudence in speech.

“ A man who does not eat síri (betel) does not shine.

“ Married people who have no children ought to lead a re- " tired life, and people without fortume should not attempt " to make a shining appearance: they should look pale “ and melancholy, like unto the dullness and quiet of a « country without a prince.

“ These are the qualities necessary to constitute a good " housewife :—She must be well-made and well-mannered, " gentlc, industrious, rich, liberal, charming, of good birth, " upright, and humble. A stingy, curious, dirty, foul- “ mouthed, vulgar, false, intriguing, lazy, or stupid woman, " is not only entirely unfit for a housewife, but will never " be beloved by a husband."

Intimately connected with the character, moral and intellectual, of a people, are its civil and political institutions. In a country like Java, the frame of society is so simple, the hand of power is so universally felt or seen; rank, wealth, and authority are so identified, and the different classes of the community are so referable to each other, by contrast or reciprocal influence, that it was impossible to give any account of the state of the peasantry, or of the tenure and distribution of the land, without introducing some notices concerning government and revenue. As there is little division of labour among a rude people, so there is no division of power in a despotism : the despot is proprietor, all the rest is property.

The Island of Java appears at different times to have been divided into states of greater or smaller extent. History informs us, that it was at one period under the sway of one principal chief, and at others subject to two or more. In the former case, the provinces into which it was divided were administered, as they are still, by subordinate and delegated governors; and in the latter, many of them composed independent sovereignties. In all these cases, the form of government and the privileges of the people were the same; the only difference between a state co-extensive with the Island, and one limited to a few districts, consisting in the different extent of territory or number of subjects at command. In looking at the map, the divisions of the Island now under European dominion, and those under the native princes, can easily be traced. Bantam (the sultan of which surrendered his rights to the British governinent for a pension of a few thousand dollars), and Chéribon, an extensive province to the castward of Batavia, enjoyed till lately a nominal independence ; but the only great native power on Java, till the establishment of Yúg'ya-kerla about sixty years ago, was that of the Susuhúnan, or as he is termed, the Emperor of Java; and a slight sketch of his government, of the maxims by which it is regulated, and the officers it employs, will be sufficient for my present purpose.

The sovereign is termed cither Susuhúnan or Sultan, both demoninations adopted since the establishment of Mahomedanism: the titles previously employed were Kiaí Gedé, Prábn, Browijáya, &c. as will bo perceived on reference to the list of Hindu princes in the historical details. The line of succession to the throne is from father to son, but the rights of primogeniture are not always allowed or observed. If there is no direct descent, the claims of collateral branches of the reiguing dynasty are settled by no law or uniform custom. Females have sometines held offices of power, but have never occupiel the throne since the establishment of Mahomedanism. The chiefs of districts and the heads of villages are sometimes women ; in that case widows continued in the office of their deceased husbands.

The government is in principle a pure unmixed despotism; but there are customs of the country of which the people are very tenacious, and which the sovereign seldom invades. His subjects have no rights of liberty of person or property: his breath can raise the humblest individual from the dust to the highest distinction, or wither the honours of the most exalted. There is no hereditary rank, nothing to oppose his will. Not only honours, posts, and distinctions, depend upon his pleasure, but all the landed property of his dominions remains at his disposal, and may, together with its cultivators, be parcelled out by his order anong the officers of his household, the members of his family, the ministers of his pleasures, or the useful servants of the state. Every officer is paid by grants of land, or by a power to receive from the peasantry a certain proportion of the produce of certain villages or districts.

When a sovercign enjoys unlimited power, he generally in castern countries surrenders it for case and pleasure, and his servant, under the namo of Vizier or some other title, becomes the despot. The highest executive officer or prime minister in the Javan government is called Ráden Adipáti: he usually rules the country while his master is satisfied with flattery, with pomp, and the seraglio. He is intrusted with power so great, as even, in particular cases, to extend to the royal family. All communications to and from the sovereign are made through him: he reccives all reports from different parts of the country, and issues all orders. The power and importance of this office has, however, naturally lessened of late years, since the European government has assumed the right of nominating the person who shall fill it : the sovereign naturally reposes less confidence in a prime minister so nominated than in one of his own choice; and if he does not take an active part himself in the politics of his court, he is generally under the influence of an ambitious member of his own family, by which means the Ráden Adípati, or prime minister, though left to conduct the details of government, is often ignorant of many of the intrigues carried on in the place.

The gradations of power and rank are as follow.

After the royal family, which includes the prince or sovereign, called Susuhúnan or Sultan, and the sons and daughters of the sovereign, called Pangérans, the heir apparent being called Pángéran Adipáti, come the nobility, and at their head the Ráden Adipáti.

The nobility or privileged orders may be classed under the two general divisions of Bopátis, and their immediate assistants or Pátehs, and Mántris or public officers. Bopáti is the general term given to the governors of provinces, being the plural of Adipáti. This, however, is rather a title of office than of mere rank, as these governors are sometimes Tumúng'- gungs, An'gebáis, and of still inferior rank. Adipáti appears to be the highest title below royalty. The dignity of this title, as well as that of others, is again raised, by prefixing the epithet Kiai (venerable) or Mas (golden), as Kiai-adipáti, Kiaí-tumúng'gung, Mas-adipáti, Mas-tumúng'gung. Rádentumúng'gung is also occasionally used, to express a rank above an ordinary Tumúng'gung, in the same manner as Ráden Adipáti.

These officers, when appointed to the administration of provinces, are called Regents by the Dutch. Since the innovations of Europeans, the distinctions above referred to have been a good deal confounded. In the Súnda districts, where the absolute sway of the native sovereign has long ceased to be felt, and in the eastern provinces, which are subject to Europeans, the Regent assumes the state of a petty sovereign, and is the fountain of honour. The power and rank attached to particular titles, especially those of inferior importance, differs in some degree in almost every province.

The sons of the Regents, or of those who may be properly termed the nobles of the country, are usually called Rádens, and in the Súnda districts invariably so ; but there is properly no hereditary nobility, no hereditary titles, although few people have a greater respect for family descent than the Javans; custom and consideration, in this as in other cases, generally supplying the place of law.

Nearly the same form of government is followed in the administration of each particular province as is observed in the general administration of the country, every Adipáti, or governor of a province, having a Páteh, or assistant, who acts as his minister. In general there is a Páteh-luar, and a Páteh-dalam; one for conducting affairs abroad or public business, the other for the superintendence of the household.

The same union of the judicial, revenual, and executive authority, which exists in the sovereign, descends to the governor of a province; and if there are subdivisions of the province, it descends to each head of the subdivision. This is also the case with each village ; the consequence of which is, that every chief, of whatever rank, has an almost absolute power over those below him. The only exception to this, and the only part of the Javan constitution which wears the appearance of liberty, is the mode of appointing the heads of villages; these are elected by the people, as will be hereafter more particularly described.

In every considerable province or district there are several subdivisions over which an inferior chief presides: the district of Semárang, for instance, has several. Although this absolute authority is vested in the different chiefs, according to their ranks, it is dangerous for a publie fiunetionary, whatever be his rank, and even for the Susulúnan himself, to violate what is called the custom of the country; and the ancient Hindu institutions are revered and generally followed by all classes. The priests also exercise a considerable influence; and although the power of the Jáksa, or law officer, is essentially redueed since the establishment of Mahomedanisn, and a great part of his authority transferred to the Panghúlu or Mahomedan priest, he is still efficient, as far as concerns the police and minor transactions. The observations which follow on the administration of justice and the judicial instruetions established by the British government, will explain the present nature of his duties.

In the suite of every governor of a province, of his Páteh, or assistant, and of every public functionary of importance, are numerous petty chiefs, generally classed as Mantris, but having various titles, as Demángs, Lúras, Klíwons, &c. varying in authority and relative rank in different districts.

Three-fourths of the island having been long subjected to the European authority, and the provinces which still remain under native administration having been divided under two distinct authorities, and their original constitution otherwise departed from, it would be impossible to lay down a scale of rank for the different titles of honour, which should be applicable to eyery part of the island, but the subject will be resumed in a future chapter.

The following observations of Mr. Hogendorp, who resided on Java not many years before the arrival of the English, and was employed in a commission of inquiry into the state of the island, are extracted from a report or memoir which he drew up for the use of the Dutch government, recommending a policy similar to that which we subsequently pursued. They contain a just account of the principles of the Jayan government, and of the state of the Regents under the Dutch Company. After remarking, in perhaps too broad and unqualified terms, that the structure of the government is feudal, he procceds to state:

" 'The first prineiples of the feudal system, which form the " basis of the whole edifice, are: that the land is the pro-

" perty of the sovereign; that the inhabitants are his slaves, " and that the will of the prince is the supreme law.

“ and can therefore possess no property, all that they have

“ and all that they can obtain ·belonging to the sovereign,

" who allows them to keep it no longer than he chooses;

" These are the real fundamental prineiples of the fendal “ system: for though the English and French kings could “ not always maintain their despotic sway, but were some- " times opposed, hostilely attacked, and eyen foreed by arms " to treat for terins with their subjects, this was only the “ natural consequence of the acknowledged rule, that " tyranny destroys itself; and it is only necessary to reyert to “ what James and Charles of England, in so late a period, " thought their divine rights of royalty, to ascertain what " were the rudiments of the feudal form of government : and “ even now, notwithstanding the numerous changes and " revolutions which have happened in England, the most " surprizing traces of that system are to be found, since " in that country, so free, no individual soever possesses a " foot of land in absolute property (allodium), but merely " from the king (feodum), to whom only belongs the dóminum " absolutum et directum, although subscquent laws and " regulations have rendered this title more imaginary than “ real.

" The same system of government has been continued " in the Company's districts, under the pretext of allowing

" the natives to retain their own laws and customs, but in

" reality from ignorance and self-interest. Although they

" were too ignorant to effect any improvement, they knew

“ perfectly well that this plan was the best adapted to pro-

“ mote their own interest and advantage.

" The princes of Java, as well as those of Europe in

" former times, and as a natural effect of the same cause,

" were also almost continually at war with their chief vassals, " not the smallest right to hereditary possession or succession.

“ until the Dutch power and influence re-established and

“ maintained the general tranquillity. This, however, has

“ never had any effect on the system of government itself,

and the subject who dethroned his sovereign and then suc-

ceeded him, thought that he had thereby obtained the same

divine right of property in the lands and persons of his

subjects, as his predecessor had possessed.

" The princes allotted the lands to their chiefs and imme- " diate dependents, as rewards for military and other services.

" These chiefs (termed by the Dutch regents) again sub-

" divided the lands among others of inferior rank, on the

" same conditions, and so on, down to the poor labourer who

“ cultivated the land, but to whom a very small proportion

“ of the fruits of his labour was left for his own support.

" The exclusive administration of the country was con-

" ferred on the regents, an appellation given to the native

" chiefs, who had acquired their lands from the Dutch, by

“ contract or agreement, binding them annually to deliver

“ partly for payment and partly not, a quantity, in some cases

“ fixed, in others uncertain, of the produce of such lands,

" obliging them also to the performance of feudal services,

" both of a military and other nature.

" The titles of these regents are cither Adipáti, Tumúng'-

‘ gung, or Ang'ebái. The Prince of Madúra, styled Panam-

" báhan, and the Prince of Súmenap, who is called Pangé-

" ran, are however only regents as well as the rest. The

" Prince of Madúra enjoys that title as being of the imperial

" family, and the Prince of Súmenap purchased his by a " large payment to a Governor-General.

" These regents are only officers of government, and possess

" Yet when one of them dies, he is in general replaced by one

" of his sons, considered most fit for the office, provided he

" can afford to pay the customary present to the governor of

" the north-east coast of Java; for if he is unable to do this,

" or if any other person offers a more considerable sum, a

" pretence is easily found to exclude the children in favour

" of the more liberal purchaser.

" These presents form a principal part of the emoluments " of the governor of the north-east coast, and consequently “ all new appointments of regents are for his advantage. " The present chief régent of Samárang paid 50,000 dollars " for his promotion, and all the children of his predecessor “ werc superseded. The others pay in proportion to the " value of their regencies; and as this is arbitrary and un- “ certain, it is casily to be conceived, that they find means " to recover the amount of their place-money *.

" These Regents although very proud, are, with very few " exceptions, ignorant and idle persons, who give themselves

“ little concern about their lands and their people; of whom,

“ indeed, they frequently know nothing, but only endeavour to

" squeeze and extort from them as much as possible, both for

46 their own subsistence and pleasure, and to satisfy the cupi-

“ dity of government and of their immediate superiors. They

" leave the administration of affairs entirely to thcir Pátehs,

" who are also appointed by the Dutch, and are held account-

" able for every thing †.

" To their brothers, wives, children, and other near rela- “ tions, they assign villages or désas, sufficient for their main- “ tenance, for all these consider thenselves born not to work,

standard which I have assumed. I might, for instance, notice the intellectual endowments and moral character of the present Panambáhan of Súnenup, Náta Kusúma. This chief is well read, not only in the ancient history of his own country, but has a general knowledge of Arabie literature, is conversant with the Arabic treatises on astronomy, and is well acquainted with geography. He is eurious in mechanics, attentive to the powers of mechanism, and possesses a fund of knowledge which has surprised and delighted all who have had an opportunity of conversing with him and of appreciating his talents. Of his noral character I have given an instance, in the manner in which he liberated his slaves. He is revered, not only for his superior qualifications and talents, but also for the consideration and attention he pays to the happiness and comfort of the people committed to his charge.

Of the capacity of the Javans to improve, of their anxiety to advance in civilization, and of the rapidity with which they reccive knowledge and instruction, an insfance might be given in the case of the two sons of the Regent of Semárang, Kiái Adipáti Súra Adimangála. This Regent, who, next tothe Panambáluan of Súmenap, ts the first in rank as well as character, shortly after the establishment of the British government on Java, sent his sons to Bengal, in order that they might there receive an education superior to what they could have had at home. They remained there for about two years under the immediate protection and patronage of the late Earl of Minto, and on their return not only conversed and wrote in the English language with facility and correctness, but evinced considerable proficiency in every branch of knowledge to which their attention has been directed. The eldest, in particular, had made such progress in mathematics before he quitted Calcutta, as to obtain a prize at a public examination, and had acquired a general knowledge of the ancient and modern history of Europe, particularly in that of Greece and Rome. He is remarked for his graceful and polite manners, for the propriety of his conduct, and for the quickness and correctness of his observation and judgment. As this is the first instance that has been afforded of the capacity of the Javan character to improve under an European education, it may enable the reader to form some estimate of what that character was formerly in more propitious times, and of what it may attain to hereafter under a more beneficent government. Among all the English on Java, who have had an opportunity of conversing with this young nobleman, there has not been one who has hesitated to admit, that his mind, his qualifications, and conduct, would be consqieuous among their own countrymen at the same age, and that, as an accomplished gentleman, he was fitted for the first societies of Europe. This young man, Ráden Sáleh, is now about sixteen years of age, and when the British left Java was an assistant to his father as Regent of Semárang.

" and look upon the peasantry as only made for the purpose " of providing for their support.

" In order to collect the rice and other kinds of produce, which they are by contract obliged to deliver to the Com-

66 pany as contingents, they compel the inhabitants of the

district to furnish as much of it as is at all possible, with-

66 out any fixed ratio or calculation, and without any kind of

payment, leaving them scarcely what is absolutely neces-

sary for their own support and that of their families, and of failure in the crops; on which occasions the miserable

46 even sometimes not nearly so much, especially in the event

4 inhabitants desert by hundreds to other districts, where, at

" least in the first instance, they may expect a less rigorous

“ treatment. Several regents also, when distressed for money,

" are compelled by want, to let out many of their best désas

" to the Chinese : these blood-suckers then extort from such

" villages as much as they can possibly contrive, while the

“ inhabitants of the other désas are alone obliged to deliver

“ the contingent required from the whole aggregate. It may

“ easily be conceived, how oppressively this demand must fall

upon those unhappy individuals; and how greatly these

“ and other acts of injustice, which are the natural conse-

“ quences of the present faulty administration, must tend to

“ the ruin of the country, it would be superfluous reasoning “ to prove."

The only restraint upon the will of the head of the government is the custom of the country, and the regard which he has for his character among his subjects. To shew what that character ought to be, what is expected of a good prince, and what are the reciprocal duties of a prince, prime minister, and people, I may here quote a few sentences out of the Niti Prája, a work in very high esteem, and constantly referred to by the Javans.

" A good prince must protect his subjects against all un- " just persecutions and oppressions, and should be the light

" of his subjects, even as the sun is the light of the world.

" His goodness must flow clear and full, like the mountain

" stream, which in its course towards the sea enriches and

" fertilizes the land as it descends. He must consider that

“ as the withered foliage of the trees awaiteth the coming of VOL. L.

" rain to flourish anew, so aro his subjects waiting for his “ lects to extend his benevolence and protection towards his subjects, he exposes himself to be abandoned by them, or “ truth, that no one will be faithful or attached to a man upon whom no dependence can be placed.

“ benevolence, to be provided with food, with raiment, and

“ with beautiful women. If, on the contrary, a prince neg-

“ at any rate to lose their confidence; for it is an undeniable

" When a prince gives audience to the public his conduct “ must be dignified. He must sit upright and not in a bend- " ing posture, and say little, neither looking on one side or " the other, because, in this case, the people would not have “ a proper sight of him. He must assume a pleasing appear- “ ance, which will enable him to observe his subjects who " surround him, and then enquire if any one has any thing to " say to him ; and if there is, he must animate him to speak “ openly.

" In his discourse he must not speak loud, but low, and with " dignity, and not more than is necessary for the purpose; for

" it does not become a prince to withdraw his words if once

" given, and much less to give them another turn.

" It is, above all, the duty of a prince to take notice of " every thing going on in his country and among his subjects, " and, if possible, to turn every thing to a good end: if he " passes over unnoticed the least crime, he may create nu- " merous cnemies. It is further the duty of a prince, besides " knowing the merits of his subjects and the state of his “ country, to explain all abstract and difficult expressions, " particularly such as occur in writings.

" It is a disgrace to a prime minister for any hostile attack " to be made on the country intrusted to his charge without " his knowledge, or that he should be careless or inattentive " to the same, rather thinking how to obtain the favour of his " prince than to secure the safety of the country. So it is " when he does not understand how to administer the country " properly, or fails to invent what is useful; when he makes “ many promises, but fulfils few; when he is careless with “ regard to public affairs, and talks much about what is of no " consequence, seeking to be admired by the people, and “ putting on fair appearances when hisintentions do not cor-

" respond; when he cares nothing about the misfortunes of

" his inferiors, provided he gets money himself; when, finally,

" he is not faithful, but deceitful. Such a prime minister is

" like the hawk, which soars high in the air, but descends

" low on the earth to seize and steal its food.

" But a good prime minister is he who is upright in his " heart, moderate in his fear of the prince, faithfully obedient

" to all his orders, kind-hearted, not oppressive to the people,

“ and always exerting himself to the utmost for the happiness

“ of the people and the welfare of the country.

" And a prime minister is good beyond measure who can “ always please his prince in every thing that is good; who “ knows cvery thing that is going on in the country, and “ takes proper measures accordingly ; who always exerts “ himself to avert whatever is likely to be injurious; who “ considers nothing too trifling to merit his attention; who “ accumulates not wealth, but offers to his prince whatever " comes in his way that is curious; who heeds not his own “ life in effecting what is right ; who considers neither friends, “ family, nor enemies, but does justice alike to all; who cares “ not when he is praised or reviled, but trusts to the dispen- “ sations of Providence; who possesses much experience; who can bear poverty, and cares not for the enjoyment of “ pleasures; who is polite to every one ; who with good will " gives alms to the poor and helpless; who consults much " with his brother officers, with whom he ought always to " advise on affairs of business. Against such a prime mi- " nister it is impossible for any one to speak, for he will be " feared at the same time that the people will become attached " to him: the people will then live quiet and happy, perform

" their labours with cheerfulness, and wish that his adminis-

" tration may be lasting.

" A prime minister ought, nevertheless, not to be too con-

" fident in this, but always remain on his guard against the

" designs of bad men.

" There are many examples of such prime ministers:

" among which is Rája Jájahan, (prime minister of Mesir

" Egypt,) to whom all the people of the country, great and

“ small, were much attached.

" Whenever his brother officers intended to visit the prince

" for the purpose of paying their respects, they always as-

“ senbled at the prime minister's house, where they generally

" partook of a meal : after this they proceeded to the court,

" followed by the prime minister on foot, dressed in white,

“ with only three attendants, carrying a spear and other ar- " and chief officers of the court, direct the administration of " tach themselves to them ; they must see that the guilty are

" ticles of state before him. By this conduct he supposed

“ that he was screened from reproach, and that he was freed

" from enemies; but at the very time there were enemies

“ conspiring against his life, as was afterwards discovered :

" therefore ought a prime minister not only to be virtuous,

“ but cautious also, and always armed against his enemies, in

“ the same manner as a sportsman arms himself against wild “ beasts.

" A subject going into the presence of his prinee must be “ clean and well-dressed, wearing proper chelána (panta-

" loons.) He must have a good girdle and a sharp krís, and

" be anointed with aromatic oils. He must range himself

“ with his equals, and convince them of his abilities and

good breeding ; because from this it is that he has to ex-

66 pect favour or disgrace, grief or joy, happiness or misery;

“ for a prince can cither exalt or humble him.

" A prince is like a dálang (wáyang player,) bis subjects

" like wáyangs, and the law is as the wick of the lamp used

" in these entertainments: for a prince can do with his sub-

" jeets what he pleases, in the same manner as the dálang

“ acts with his wáyangs, according to his own fancy; the

" prince having the law, and the dálang the lamp, to prevent

them from going out of the right way.

" In like manner, as it is incumbent on the dálang to make " magnanimity and justice the principal subjects of his repre-

" sentation, in order that the spectators may be instructed

“ and animated thereby, so should a prince, a prime minister,

" the country with such propriety, that the people may at-

4“ punished, that the innocent be not persecuted, and that all

4 persons falsely accused be iħmediately released, and re-

3 munerated for the sufferings they may have endured."

The judicial and executive powers are generally exercised by the same individual. The written law of the island, according to which justice is administered and the courts are regulated, is that of the Koran, as modified by custom and usage. The Javans have now been converted to the Mahomedan religion about three centuries and a half, dating from the destruction of the Hindu kingdom of Majapáhit, in the year 1400 of the Javan ara. Of all the nations who have adopted that creed, they are among the most recent converts ; and it may be safely added, that few others are so little acquainted with its doctrines, and partake so little of its zeal and intolerance. The consequence is, that although the Mahomedan law be in some instances followed, and it be considered a point of honour to profess an adherence to it, it has not entirely superseded the ancient superstitions and local customs of the country.

The courts ofjustice are of two deseriptions: those of the Panghúln or high priest, and those of the Jáksa. In the former the Mahomedan law is more strictly followed; in the latter it is blended with the customs and usages of the country. The former take cognisanee of capital offences, of suits of divorce, of contracts and inheritance; they are also, in some respects, courts of appeal from the authority of the Jáksa. 'The latter take cognisance of thefts, robberies, and all inferior offences; its officers are employed in taking down depositions, examining evidence, inspecting the general police of the country, and in some measure acting as public prosecutors: these last functions are implied in the title of the office itself, jáksa meaning to guard or watch *.

At the seat of government are supreme courts of the Panghúlu and Jáksa: to these there is an appeal from similar but inferior tribunals, established within each province. Petty tribunals, under like names, are even established under the jurisdiction of a Demáng, or chief of a subdivision, and sometimes of a Bákol, or head of a village ; but in these the authority of the Panghúlu and Jáksa extend no further than to take down evidence to be transmitted to some higher authority, to settle petty disputes, and perform the ordinary ceremonies of religion, inseparable among the Javans, as well as all other Mahomedans, from the administration of justice.

Such however is the nature of the native government, that these officers are considered rather as the law assessors or council of the immediate superior officer of the executive government, than as independent ministers of justice. In such cases as come before thcm, they examine the evidence, and point out the law and custom to the executive officer, who is himself generally too ignorant and indolent to undertake it. When the evidence is gone through, and the point of law as-

* brought before him, and duly investigate the evidence; after which he " listens to the advice of others: such a one is like that kind of bird, certained, the whole is brought before him, at whose discretion it rests to pass judgment. It is however admitted, that in matters of little moment, where his passions and interests are not concerned, the division is frequently left to the law officers ; but in all matters of importance he will not fail to exercise his privileges of interference.

The court of justice in which the Panghúlu or high priest presides, is always held in the serámbi, or portico of the mosque ; a practice, which, as it inspires the people with a considerable share of awe, appears judicious. It is also convenient for the adninistration of oaths, which among the Javans are always administered within the mosque, and usually with much solemnity. The forms of the court are regular, orderly, and tedious; all evidence is taken down in writing, and apparently with much accuracy.

The court, at least at the seat ofgovernment, consists ofthe Panghúlu, the officiating priest of the mosque, and four individuals, also of the religious order, called Páteh nagári, meaning literally the pillars or supports of the country, to whom, after the examination of evidence in capital offenees, the point of law and decision is referred. At the seat of government the sovereign or his minister passes judgment.

The court of the Jáksa at the seat of government consists of the head Jáksa, who may be styled the law officer of the prime minister, and the Jáksas of bis Klíwons or assistants, for they too have their law councils. The functions of this court being of less importance, of a more mixed nature, and less solemn because less connected with religion, are still more subject than that of the Panghúlu to the rude interference of the executive authority *.

The Javan code of law is divided into two departments, that of the Mahomedan law and that of custom and tradition. The former is distinguished by the appellation of húcum állah, the commands of God, from the Arabic ; the latter by the Javan words yúdha nagára, meaning consideration for the country, or in other words, allowance for the state of society.

The decisions in Mahomedan law are chiefly guided by several works in the Arabic language. In all the courts of Java these works are said to be consulted in the Arabic language, but reference is more frequently made to a collection of opinions extracted from them, and translated into the language of the country.

The law of custom is chiefly handed down by oral tradition, but has in part been committed to writing in the following performances.

The earliest work relating to jurisprudence which is now referred to, is that of Júgul Múda Páteh, or minister of Sri Ma Púng'gung (of Méndang Kamúlan), now Wirosári : it is computed to be about six hundred years old. The second bears the name of Rája Kápa, said to have been the son of Júgul Múda, and like him minister of his sovereign Kandiá- wan, also prince of Méndang Kamúlan.

By the authority of the Sultan of Demák, the first Mahomedan prince, a compilation of the Javan laws was made, in which they were in some measure blended with the Mahomedan jurisprudence. Probably this was intended to pave the way to an entire introduction of Mahomedan law. The body of regulations, &c. compressed in these codes is curious, from the laborious refinement of their distinctions, from the mixture of moral maxims and illustrations with positive law, from the most incongruous combinations, and from their casuistical spirit. In the Appendix will be found the translation of a modern version of the Súria Alem, a work of this description in high repute, as well an abstract of the laws and regulations said to have been in force in the carliest periods to which Java tradition refers *.

Mahomedan law. The Regent having compared the sentence with the law and with equity, and finding the same correspondent with both, judgment was pronounced by the Jáksa.

• See Appendix C.

The proclamations (úndang-úndang), and the laws and regulations (ánger ángeran) of the sovereign, forn another source of deviation from the Mahomedan law. Collections of these have been committed to writing.

The prince, by himself or his officers, is always supposed vested with a discretionary power of adapting the Mahomedan law to the circumstances of socicty, a prerogative liberally exercised. This power, which sanetions every deviation from the letter of Musselman law, the Javans also express by the term of yúdha nagára. The krising of crininals instead of beheading them, the combat of crininals with tigers, the severe penalties for infractions of the sumptuary laws of the Javans, the constant commutation of corporeal punishment for a pecuniary fine, and in the case of persons of rank found guilty of murder, the commutation of the strict law of retaliation for a fine, without regard to the wishes of the relations of the deceased, if the latter be of no consideration, were among the deviations from the Mahomedan law sanctioned by the Yúdha nagára.

Such was the composition of the courts, and the code of laws that existed on Java before the arrival of the Dutch, and remained unchanged at the conquest of the island by the British. The Dutch legislated for the colonists, but took little interest in the system by which the judicial proceedings of their native subjects were guided, excepting in so far as their own advantage or security was coneerned in them. The following statement contains the changes introduced by the Dutch.

Besides the colonial laws and regulations, enacted from tine to time by the Governors and Council at Batavia; besides some standing orders of the Court of Directors, and some rules and provisions contained in the sucçessive charters of the Company, and in what was called the article brief; the Dutch law, which was always considered the foundation of the colonial law, was of authority, as far as it remained unaffected by these institutions.

A collection of the colonial statutes and regulations, called the Placart Book of Batavia, and an abstract of them, entitled the Statutes of Bataria, were made under the authority of the colonial government; but as the latter never underwent a regular promulgation, the rules contained in it were not considered as possessing the force of law, except in so far as they might be found to be conformable to the orders, proclamations, and regulations of the Indian government, or of the Directors of the East India Company.

The power of the Directors and of the Council of Batavia to enact local laws and regulations, seems not to have been very circumspectly defined in the first charters of the Company, those charters conferring on them, in general terms only, authority to provide for the administration of justice and establishment of police.

But from the nature of the occasion it seems evident, that this power of making colonial laws, as far at least as related to the Council of Batavia, could only have been a limited one, to be exercised with considerable discretion, and only upon points requiring an immediate provision, subject always to the approbation of the authorities at home; and even the Directors could hardly be considered to have possessed a greater extent of legislative power, than was necessary for the security of their new territories, and of their rights and privileges, or to have been authorised to deviate wantonly from the established law of the country, or neglect the dictates of justice and equity.

In the great variety of matter comprehended in the colonial statutes, no subject secms to have occupied more attention than the laws respecting slavery. These, as already observed, appear to have been formed in general upon principles of humanity and consideration for the condition of the unfortunate beings to whom they related.

In consequence of a resolution of the year 1760, the Council of India ordered that the customs of the Mahomedans, in matters of inheritance and successions ab intestat, &c. should be sanctioned and published.

In civil matters, natives and Chinese in the districts of Batavia seem to have been governed by the same laws as the European inhabitants.

Crimes committed by natives or Chinese in the city of Batavia and its environs, had, from the first settlement of the Dutch on the island, always been tried by European judges, and according to European law.

In Bantam the criminal jurisdiction over the natives was left to the Sultan, and that over the Chinese resident there, was exercised as at Batavia according to the European law.

The Jakatra and Priáng'en Regencies seem formerly to have enjoyed a peculiar and fortunate state of tranquillity. Almost entirely removed from every communication and intercourse with Europeans, Chinese, and other foreign settlers found in the neighbourhood of Batavia, engaged in agriculture, and ruled by their own native chiefs, these districts seem to have been in a high degree free from crime; but whenever enormities did happen, the offenders were sent down to Batavia, and tried according to European law. It is to be observed, however, that on the first submission of those districts to the Company, their chiefs or regents reserved to themselves the jurisdiction over the inhabitants of their respective districts; but this stipulation appcars to have been disregarded in the latter times of the Dutch Company, and under the late administration of Marshal Daendals, a court was established for these districts, the rule of which was European law.

From Chéribon the Chinese were amenable, as from Bantam and Batavia; but the natives were subject to a landraad (or local court), of which the Resident was president, and the Sultans members ; and this court was, partly at least, directed by a papákam, or native code, compiled under the sanction of the government.

In the Eastcrn districts of the island, the Javans seem always, in criminal matters, to have enjoyed their own laws, founded on ancient custom and the precepts of the Koran. Of these laws the Council of Batavia caused abstracts to be printed, for the guidance of the great landraad or high court at Semárang, to which all the Javans in the European provinces, from Losári to Banyuwángi were amenable.

Under the native government, the prime minister (Ráden Adipáti) is the head of the police, as well as every other department of authority. The higher class of functionaries is most frequently to be found in those parts of the country most remote from the seat of government, where, as governors of provinces, they possess some extension of powers. The great and fertile provinces near the capital, on the other hand, are divided into small appropriations, of from two hundred to one thousand cháchas, or families, placed under the administration of division officers, whose authority is limited to the duties of police.

Each village is possessed of a distinct organization within itself, has its chicf, its Kabáyan or assistant, and if of any considerable size, its priest, whose advice is frequently had recourse to, and who generally decides petty disputes, especially respecting divorces and matters of inheritance. The chief of the village is not without his share of judicial authority, and often takes upon himself to punish by fine and imprisonment. In each village the inhabitants kecp regular nightly watches and patroles.

The manner in which these little societies have been recently formed in the districts to the cast of Surabáyu, where the European authority had not interfered, and where the influence of the Mahomedan government was seareely felt,,will tend to illustrate their nature and constitution.

The frequent wars, in which the people had been engaged with the inhabitants of Báli and Madúra, as well as with the Dutch, had reduced those provinces to a state of wilderness towards the middle of the last century. The encouragement held out to the people of the neighbouring island of Madúra brought over several adventurers, who were allowed to occupy the land they cleared ; first rent-free, and afterwards at a fixed assessment. If several persons came together, their leader was invested with the authority of Peting'gi over the new village which they formed. When individuals associated to construct a village, the chief was clected by themselves, subject to the approval of the landlord ; and they possessed the privilege, common in all the districts east of Surabáya, of annually clecting their chief, or Petíng'gi.

The nature of the duties rendered by this person was so essential to the well-being of a village, that this privilege was most intimately connected with its existence. Whenever a new assessment was imposed on the lands, it was the business of the Peting'gi, if the amount was too high, to represent the matter to the superior, and to state the inability of the people to make good the demand : the consequence was, either a reduction of assessment on the part of the principal, or desertion on that of the people. But when the amount of the assessment was considered reasonable (and any amount less than three-fifths seems to have been so considered), the Petíng'gi had to assemble all the people, and to distribute to each, in the common presence of all, his individual proportion of land, with a statement of the produce to be paid. He had to keep a roster of all duties required of the people, and to see that every man took his proper turn. When the harvest ripened, he had to watch the collectors, that they exacted no more from each man than his proportion ; and the cultivator, that he did not embezzle any part of the due of government. In large villages he had an assistant, called a Kabáyan, who represcnted hin during his absence, and with the Kamitúah and Múdin (priest), formed a court for settling petty village disputes; subject, however, to a reference, if the parties should be dissatisfied.

It was customary for the people of the village to cultivate the lands of their Peting'gi without payment. This and the honour of chiefship rendered the office an object of village ambition; while an annual election, and the fear, if turned out, of being called upon to justify his conduct, rendered this officer generally a steady and careful representative of his constituents.

All strangers passing through the country were expected to apply to the Petíng'gi for the assistance they required; and if payment was tendered, all procurable necessaries were furnished. The Pefing'gi also took charge of the strangers' property, examined the same in the presence of the other head-man, and was bound to return the whole undiminished the next morning, or to pay the value. If, however, the stranger preferred keeping his property under his own charge, and rested himself for the night under some of the public sheds, the loss he might sustain fell on himself alone, and all he could procure from the village was assistance to trace the offenders.

It was customary, as well to deter beasts of prey as thieves, for a part of the men of each village to keep a night watch round it, and to perform this duty in successive rotation.

Such appears to have been the internal regulation of these villages; and it seems to have been framed according to the ancient usage of the island, the similarity of which to that of

Western India has been adduced as a strong instance of one common origin *.

• With the exception, perhaps, of the right of election, which I have not seen noticed in any account of Continental India, the constitution of

the Javan village has a striking resemblance to that of the Hindus, according to the following statement in the Fifth Report of the House of Commons on Indian Affairs. " A village, geographically considered, is a " tract of country comprising some hundreds or thousands of acres of " arable and waste lands; politically viewed, it resembles a corporation " or township. Its proper establishment of officers and servants consists " of the following descriptions: the Potail or head inhabitant, who has " generally the superintendance of the affairs of the village, settles the " personal influence and minute acquaintance with the situation and con-

" disputes of the inhabitants, attends to the police, and performs the

" duty of collecting the revenues within his village, a duty which his

" cerns of the people render him the best qualified to discharge. The

"Kurnum, who keeps the accounts of cultivation, and registers every " appearing to consist in a wider and more enlarged sphere of action, in " from for the purposes of agriculture. The Bramin, who performs the

" thing connected with it. The Tallier and Totie, the duty of the former

" gaining information of crimes and offences, and in escorting and pro-

" tecting persons travelling from one village to another; the province of

"the latter appearing to be more immediately confined to the village,

" consisting among other duties in guarding the crops and assisting in

" measuring them. The boundary man, who preserves the limits of the

" village, or gives evidence respecting them in cases of dispute. The

" superintendant of tanks and water-courses, distributes the water there-

" village worship. The schoolmaster, who is seen teaching the children

" in a village to read and write in the sand. The calendar Bramin or " astrologer, &c.

" These officers and servants generally constitute the establishment of " a village ; but in some parts of the country it is of less extent, some

" of the duties and functions above described being united in the same

" person : in others it exceeds the number of individuals which have been " described.

" Under this simple form of municipal government, the inhabitants of

" the country have lived from time immemorial. The boundaries of the

" villages have been but seldom altered; and though the villages them-

" selves have been sometimes injured, and even desolated by war, famine,

" and disease, the same name, the same limits, the same interests, and

" even the same families, have continued for ages. The inhabitants give

" themselves no trouble about the breaking up and division of kingdoms;

" while the village remains entire, they care not to what power it is

" transferred, or to what sovereign it devolves; its internal economy

" remains unchanged. The Potail is still the head inhabitant, and still

It follows from the above, that each village has in itself the materials of a good police, and that a right of choosing their chiefs gives to the people a considerable share of real liberty*. This right of election in the inhabitants of the village, as before obseryed, would appear at one time to have been general throughout the island. It is still respected in the districts of Surabáya, where the office of Petíng'gi was always elective, for although the same person might hold it for many years, a ballot for the situation was regularly held at specified periods, varying from one to three years †.

The right of election is also clearly acknowledged in the districts of Japára and Jawána. “ That the Petíng'gi is " elected by the inhabitants of a yillage," observes the officer who introduced the settlement into those districts ‡, " there " cannot be a doubt; and even the right of election is " foregone by the people, though I have not met with a " single instance of the kind, it may be taken for granted, " that it is so only, in consequence of the influence of the " Regent, to serve some particular purpose. While the " Petíng'gi continues in office, he is looked up to and obeyed " by the people of the village to which he belongs as the im- " mediate chief. He gencrally occupies the paséban usually " to be found in villages of consequence, and has two or " more men, inhabitants of the village, appointed to attend " him wherever he goes. A Petíng'gi was usually elected for " one year, during which time he could not, according to the " ancient usage, be removed, except in consequence of some

" gross misconduct, but if his conduct was such as to give satisfaction to the inhabitants, they continued him for " several years. As far as I could learn," continues the same officer, " the Regent, or other superior native authority, " seldom interfered in the election of a Petíng'gi; but it was

" confirmation was required before the person elected could

" generally understood, that although he could not force a

" Peting'gi upon them who was disliked by the people, his

" act with effect."

In the Súnda districts of Chéribon and Tegál, the appointment to this office is invariably made, if not by the election of the villagers, generally from among themselves, and always with their concurrence. It is a common practice for the people of a village, even where the right of election is not in use, to represent in a body the conduct of their chief, if incorrect; and it has always been necessary for the chief native authority to remove him, if the complaints were justly founded.

A reference to the judicial regulations in the Appendix * will show how desirous the British government on the island has been to protect the privileges of these societies, and in particular the right of electing their chief.

When the British authority was established on the island, it was immediately seen that something must be done to supply the deficiencies, and to correct the imperfections of the native code. All the other changes in contemplation for the encouragement of industry and for the abolition of oppressive and impolitic exactions, would have been nugatory, without such an improvement in the judicial and police regulations, as would secure, by a full and impartial administration of justice, the rights and privileges about to be conferred. It would have been in vain to define the limits of power, to issue directions for guiding the conduct of public servants in their transactions with the people, or to have abrogated the oppressive privileges of the chiefs, and to have assured the people of the intention of goyernment to protect them against all invasion of their rights, either by open violence, by the exaction of services, or by oppressive contributions, without establishing effective means of obtaining redress whenu aggrieved. The system acted upon was at once barbarous and revolting. Practices prevailed under the sanction of native law, which were abhorrent to the criminal jurisdiction of any enlightened nation, without being at all necessary to the due administration of justice *. I allude particularly to torture and mutilation. These the Earl of Minto immediately abolished, by his proclamation of the 11th September 1811, in which, besides this beneficial and humane enactment, he laid down clearly and distinctly the liberal and enlightened principles which should guide the local government in the subsequent revision of the civil and criminal code of the colony. The result was the enactment of the code of judicial and police regulations which will be found in the Appendix to this work †. The outlines of these regulations, and the principles which dictated them, are contained in a Minute which I recorded on the 11th February 1814, when they were completed and promulgated; and the following quotations from that document may be sufficient to put the reader in possession of the change which was effected.

"It was essential, in conducting the revenue arrangements, " that the measures taken for the establishment of a good

" and efficient police, and the full and impartial adminis-

" tration of justice throughout the island, should preserve an “ equal pace.

"Rights were not to be bestowed and defined, without

" a suitable provision for their being effectually guarded

" against any invasion; and it became an object of the first

" moment, to form such an adequate and consistent code of

“ regulations, as should serve, in every instance, to guide the

“ executive officers of government in the perfornance of their

" duty, and to make known, and sccure to the people, the

" means of obtaining redress, whenever they felt themselves " in any way aggrieyed.

" The system found existing on our first arrival was at once " complicated and confused. In the principal towns there

" were established courts, but these were constituted in all

" the troublesome formalities of the Roman law; and in the

" different residencies were provincial courts, styled land-

" raads, where the native form and law was left to take its

“ course, with all its barbarities and tortures.

" The Dutch government, proceeding entirely on the sys- " tem of commercial monopoly, paid very inferior attention to

" their internal administration. They had little other con-

" nexion with their best subjects, the cultivators of the soil,

" than in calling on them, from time to time, for arbitrary and

" oppressive contributions and services; and for the rest, gave

"them up to be vassals to the various intermediate autho-

" rities, the Regents, Demángs, and other native officers.

" These cither at first purchased their situations, or stipu-

" lated for a certain tribute, in service or money, in conside-

" ration of which all the inferior classes of inhabitants were

" made over, to be dealt with by them as most pleasing to

" themselves. Policy, and the common attention to their own

" good, suggested to these a certain equity of procedure, and

" it was generally the custom to leave each village to its own

" management, with respect to police and settling the petty

" quarrels that occurred within its limits; but for the con-

" tinuance of what was good in such a system, there was no

" security whatsoever, and oppression and injustice must have

"constantly occurred. Where the will of the lord was the

" paramount law, his vassals could only have depended on

" his natural goodness of disposition for being equitably

" treáted. No remedy was afforded where the reverse was

" the case, and they possessed, in short, no security, no free-

"dom whatsoever.

" On the propricty of the measures to be adopted by us to “ remedy such evils, no doubt could exist.

" The first proclamation of the enlighteued founder of the " present government adverted immediately to this subject.

" As a step that could not, consistently with British ideas,

" admit of a moment's delay, it instantly ordained, that torture

" and mutilation should no longer make part of any sentence " to define clearly the relative situation of the English and

" to be pronounced against criminals; and it then proceeded

“ Dutch inhabitants, laying down rules for the future gui-

" dance of government concerning them. This proclaination,

" dated 11th September, 1811, has long been before the world,

" and it would be superfluous, in this place, to dwell on that

" love of justice and benevolence of disposition, which is to

" be traced through every part of it. It forms the basis of the “ present respective European rights in this colony *.

" As a continuation of the measures so ably sketched out by " my predecessor, I issued the proclamation, dated the 21st “January, 1812.

" In this I attempted to simplify the clumsy and unwieldy " structure of the former courts, by abolishing some, lessening

" the nunber of the judges in the remaining ones, and by de-

“ fining, as accurately as I could, the limits of their respective " jurisdictions.

"It was found that, formerly, there were separate courts " for investigating the conduct of the immediate European

" servants of the Dutch Company, and of Europeans not in-

" cluded in that service. This distinction, as Lord Minto

" observed, never could have been grounded on any sound

"principle, and it being resolved, that justice, under the

" British government, should be administered equal and alike " ministration, formed a court, was reduced in each to a pre- " sident and three members. "delay. The practice was accordingly strictly prohibited,

" to all classes and denominations, the judicial power of the

" College of Schepenen was abolished, and transferred to the

" jurisdiction of the courts of justice.

"The great number of judges who, under the Dutch ad-

" One court was established in each of the three principal

" towns, Batavia, Semárang, and Surabáya, the jurisdiction

" of which extended over its European inhabitants; proceed-

" ing, in civil cases, in the mode before established, but in

“ criminal ones, so as to conform as much as possible to that

" established in Great Britain; in all cases confronting the

“ prisoner with the evidence, and a jury being called to judge

“ of the fact on the evidenee so adduced.

"To relieve these courts from numerous inconsiderable " causes, courts, of the nature of Courts of Requests, were

" also established in these three towns, for the recovery of " small debts.

" For matters of police within the towns, magistrates were " appointed; but they were ordered to confine themselves " entirely to this branch.

" An abuse which had been discovered to be usual, the “ compounding crimes and offences, in consideration of a sun

" of money paid to the Fiscal or other officer, had also met

" with Lord Minto's most severe reprehension, as being one

" of an abominable nature, and to be suppressed without

" and consonantly with British ideas was termed scandalous.

"Thus much had been donc with regard to Europeans, " and it has been found fully suflicient.

" But with respect to the native inhabitants of the Island, " it was to be expected that much greater changes would be "necessary.

" In the first instance, it was ordered that courts should be

"established in the different districts, in which the chief

" civil authorities should preside, aided by the Regents and

" other native officers, for the purpose of hearing and trying

" all causes in which natives only were concerned; the

" amount of their civil decisions, when exceeding fifty dollars,

' being submitted for confirmation to the courts of justice;

" and all criminal cases, of a capital nature, being made over

" by them to judges of circuit, who were ordered to be sent

" on this duty twice a year, from among the members of the " superior courts.

" Thus much was known not to militate either against the

" principles of universal and natural justice, or against the

“ particular laws and usages of the country; and thus much

" was only, at first, done, because it was resolved to obtain

" the fullest knowledge of the subject, with regard to the

" manners, habits, and institutions of our native subjects,

"before we established one general code of regulations for " the internal administration of the country.

"In effeeting this grand object, it was rather my wish to " have it maturely and well done, than by accelerating it too

" much, to run the risk of taking up a crude system, which

" would require to be afterwards re-considered, and perhaps " entirely new modelled.

"On the principle, however, which would eventually guide " me, there was no doubt, nor is it necessary for me to dilate

" on the impolicy, the inconvenience, or the injustice, of sub-

" jecting the natives of Java to any other laws, than those of “their ancient government and established faith.

"The tranquillity of the country and the duties of police

" have been provided for, by preserving the original consti-

" tution of the villages, and continuing the superintendence

" and responsibility in the hands of those, whose rank enables

" them to exert a due influence, and to command respect.

" For the administration of justice, the duties of the Resident,

" as judge and magistrate, have been considerably extended.

" In civil cases, the mode of proceeding, and the establish-

" ment of petty courts, are founded on the practice of the

" country; in criminal, the jurisdiction and authority of the

" Resident has been considcrably extended. Hitherto, his

" duties had been strictly confined to police; but considerable

" delay and injury to the parties accused, as well as to the

" witnesses, had been occasioned by allowing all causes of a

"higher nature to lie over for the Court of Circuit: and as

" the separation of the collection of the Revenue would afford

" more time to the Resident, it was resolved to extend the

" criminal jurisdiction of the Provincial Courts to all cases, in

“ which the punishment for the crime alleged does not amount

" to death. In these courts, which instead of being termed

" Landraad, as heretofore, are now styled the Resident's

" Courts, the Panghúln, or chief priest, and the superior,

" Jáksa, or native fiscal, attend to expound the law. The

" Bopátis, or Regents, with their Pátehs, are present, to aid

" and assist the Resident with their opinion in the course

" of the investigation, but they have no vote in the decision.

" If the opinion of the law oflicers appears to the Resident to " into effect, provided the punishment does not extend to

"be according to substantial justice, and is in accordance

" with his own opinion, the sentence is immediately carried

“ transportation or imprisonment for life.

"In cases where the punishment adjudged is more con- " siderable, or wherein the opinion of the law officers may be

" at variance with that of the Resident, a reference is to be

" made to the Licutenant Governor; and in all cases where

" the pumishment for the crimes charged is of a capital nature,

" the prisoner is committed to jail, to take his trial before the

“ Circuit Judge.

" On the first establishment of the Courts of Circuit, it was " directed that the President and one other member of the

" Courts of Justice, should proceed once in six months, or as

" much oftener as circumstances might require, to the different

" Residencies in their several jurisdictions, for the trial of

"offenders. Much inconvenience, however, was found to

" arise from the absence of those members of the courts from

"the towns in which they were established, as it necessarily

" followed, that all civil business was at a stand while they

" were away. On the other hand, to prevent delay on the

" trial of criminals, it was necessary that they should visit the

" Residencies more frequently than once in six months.

" To remedy this in future, and to provide for the prompt " and due administration of justice among the native inhabit-

" ants, in a manner that is not repugnant to their notions of

" right and wrong, one member of each of the courts of justice

" has been appointed a Judge of Circuit, who will be present

“ in each of the Residencies at least once in every three

" months, and as much oftener as necessary. In the mode

" of proceeding, they are to avoid the formalities of the Roman

" law. A native jury, consisting of an intelligeut foreman

" and four others *, decide upon the fact: the law is then

" taken down, as expounded by the native law oflicers, and

" the sentence, with the opinion of the Judge of Circuit, and

" on the application of the Dutch and Colonial law on the

" cases, is forwarded for the modification or confirmation of " the Lientenant Governor.

" Hitherto the jury required by the Court of Circuit did " not exceed five in number, and these, as justly observed,

"(were chosen from a class of men (Europeans) who had no

"'common feelings, no common rights; who were, in no

"'shape or consideration, the equals of the person tried.

"'The law was the law of Europe. The jury, under their

"'best prejudices, were influenced by that law ; and its

“'meanings and penalties were applied to people who reason

" 'in a different manner, and who often never knew any thing

"'of the laws of Europe, before they found themselves its "'convicted victims.'

"The general jurisdiction of the Courts of Justice at Ba-

" tavia, Semárang, and Surabáya, is now confined to Euro-

“ peans and foreigners and to the inhabitants of those towns

" and their suburbs; and a line has been drawn, which dis-

" tinctly separates the police of the country from that of the “ towns.

“Collections of the different law-books and institutions of

" the country are now making, and a native establishment

" has been formed at Buitenzorg, under my immediate super-

" intendence, for examining and revising the judicial pro-

" ceedings, and for affording to the native inhabitants that

" facility of appeal, which the remoteness of the Government,

" and the rules of Dutch administration, did not formerly ad-

" mit of, but which is so consonant to the principles on which

" the new system of internal economy has been established."

Under the native government, the whole of the male population capable of bearing arms was liable to military service; but the number of people required to eultivate the land, and to perform other public services, did not admit of more than one-third being spared for military purposes, except in cases of extraordinary emergency. The extent of the force permanently kept up by the sovereign in time of peace varied, of course, with the probability of approaching hostilities: when this was smallest, the number seldom exceeded what was required for the state and pomp of the court, and might have amounted to four or five thousand men. Until within the last sixty years, when the Dutch first obtained a supremacy over the whole island, the provinees under the native administration had for several centuries been in a continual state of warfare; but since that period the military spirit has been gradually subsiding, and, by the existing treaties with the native princes, they are restricted in the number of troops which they may maintain. Those of the Susuhúnan are limited to a body guard of one thousand men: such further number as may be required for the tranquillity of the country, the European government undertakes to furnish.

Before the native sovereign was under this restriction, he used to raise the requisite force by a demand upon the governor of each province for a specified number, to be furnished at a certain time, varying according to circumstances. The governor or chief of the province apportioned this demand among the subdivisions, and the village chiefs selected from among the villagers as many as were required of them ; and thus, in a country where every man wears a kris or dagger, and the spear or pike is the principal military weapon, an army, or rather a numerous armed mob, was easily collected in a few days. The men furnished from the villages, and of whom the mass of every large army necessarily consisted, were distinguished from the soldiers by profession (prajúrit), by the term árahan, or prajúrit árahan. During their absence from home, they were provisioned by the sovereign, and their wives and families were maintained by the head of the village, who required of the remaining cultivators to assist in working their fields or gardens.

The sovereign, as thc head of the military and the fountain of military honour, assumes among his titles that of Senapáti, or lord of war. When an army is to be raised, he appoints a certain number of his chiefs to be widánas, or commanders of corps of three hundred and twenty men. Under each widána are four lúrahs or tíndihs, who command companies of eighty men, and have each two. subaltern officers, called babákals or sesábats, each having the command of forty men. The widánas were remunerated for their services by grants of land, to the amount of a thousand cháchas, from which they had again to make assignments for the maintenance of the inferior officers, who were always nominated by them.

When troops march through the country, or supplies are required, a demand is made upon the neighbouring districts, which are obliged to contribute according to their means, without payment. When in an enemy's country, the troops, of course, subsist by plunder, the disbursement of money for provisions or supplics being unknown.

The native armies of Java consisted chiefly of infantry, but the officers were invariably mounted, and when cavalry was required, cach province furnished its quota : the troops, whether on foot or mounted, joined the army properly equipped for action. It was thus unnecessary for the sovereign to keep up a store of arms. Each village has its provision of spears, and sometimes of fire-arms ; the officer of subdivision keeps a further reserve for contingencies; and as the chief of the province is responsible for the proper equipment of the men, he generally has also a further store to supply any deficiency.

Of the different weapons used in Java, the most important and the most peculiar to the Eastern Islands is the krís, which is now worn by all classes, and as an article of dress has already been noticed.

The Javan krís differs from the Malayan, in being much more plain, as well in the blade as in the handle and sheath : it differs also in the handle and sheath from the krís of Madúra and Báli, as may be seen in the plate. The varieties of the blade are said to exceed an hundred ; and as a knowledge of the krís is considered highly important by the Javans, I have, in a separato plate, offered specimens of the most common.

In the plates are also exhibited the different kind of spears, darts, and other weapons, either said to have been in use formerly, or actually used at the present day. These are the bow and arrow (gendewa, pana) which are seldon used in modern days, except on state occasions. The arrows, termed chákra, paspáti, trisúla, waráyang, diwál, róda dedáli, and others of a similar form, as well as the clubs called indán, gáda, and dénda, are represented as the weapons used by the gods, demigods, and heroes of antiquity, and are constantly referred to in the mythological and historical romances of the Javans, and exhibited in their scenic and dramatic entertainments. The túlup and páser represent the tube and the small arrows which are rendered poisonous by the úpas : these have not been used on Java for centuries, but they are connon in less civilized islands of the Archipelago, and particularly on Borneo. The gánjing is an iron bar, formerly used by the Javans. The bandríny, or sling, is still used with considerable effect, and was employed in resisting the British troops in 1812. The pedáng, bandól, badík, golók, mentók, lámang or klewáng, and chundrík, are varieties of the sword. The kúdi-tránchang is a weapon which was formerly general on Java, but not now much used. The wedúng is a peculiar weapon, in the shape of a chopper, worn on occasions of state by all chiefs when in presence of the sovereign. Of spears and darts, there are several varieties distinguished by different names. Small round shields are still in use ; the long shield is not. The matchlock exhibited in the plate is a representation of a piece manufactured on Báli.

Besides these instruments of war, the Javans have long been acquainted with the use of cannon, muskets, and pistols. Previous to the reduction of Yúgya-kérta, in 1812, by the British forces, the Sultan cast brass guns of considerable calibre, and at Grésik they are still manufactured for exportation. Round the kráton of Súra-kérta are mounted several very large pieces of artillery, and great veneration is paid to some of them supposed to have been the first introduced on the island : two, in particular, are considered to be part of the regalia. For muskets and pistols they are principally indebted to Europeans. Gunpowder they manufacture, but to no considerable extent, and the quality is not esteemed.

From an army raised only on emergency, and composed of people who do not make the military life a profession, much discipline cannot be expected. The veneration, however, which the common people pay to their chiefs, the well defined gradations of rank, and the devotion with which all classes are willing to sacrifice themselves in support of their ancient institutions and independence, seem to render the Javan troops, while acting under their own chiefs, orderly and tractable. In their tactics and conduct they endeavour to emulate the examples given in their ancient romances ; and in the plans for their pitched battles, the march of their armies, and the individual heroism of their chiefs, they strive to imitate the romantic exhibitions contained in the poems of antiquity. In the great Matárem war, for instance, the result of which was the establishinent of the present fanily on the throne, the disposition of the army is said to have been in the form of a shrimp or prawn, as represented in the plate. This form is termed mangkára, or the shrimp which hides its soul, alluding to the sovereign who is in the centre and not to be approached. The plan of this order of battle is said to have been taken from the poem ofthe Bráta Yúdha, and was adopted by Bimányu, the son of Arjúna. The díráda máta is another form, said to have been used by the army of Astína, and has likewise been adopted by the modern Javans *.

Of the bravery and heroism required of a soldier, some notion has been given in the account of the Javan ethies ; and a reference to their history, for the last three centuries, will abundantly prove, that although unacquainted with those evolutions and tactics which contribute so largely to the power of an European army, the Javans, as soldiers, have not been deficient, either in personal courage, or in such military principles as might be expected from the general state of society among then, and as are well suited to the nature of the country and the weapons they are accustomed to carry †.

It is the national boast, that it was not so much by force of arms as by intrigue and stratagem, that the Dutch obtained the superiority in the country. The history of the Dutch administration on Java will abundantly testify this, and at the same time prove, that among Asiatics there are few nations who have fought more obstinately in support of their independence than the Javans. It was by corrupting and bribing the chiefs, and sowing disunion among them, that the Dutch succeeded in dismembering an empire, already shaken, at the period of their arrival, by the constant wars which attended the establishment of Mahomedanism. The comparison which has been drawn by the Javans themselves of their own character, in contrast with that of the Dutch, may serve to illustrate the nature of the military feeling still existing in the country. " The Dutch," say they, " are superior to the " Javans, inasmuch as they have good heads; they can cal- " culate, and they understand policy better, but then they " have cold hearts: the Javans are poor simple beings, but " they love their country and will never quit it; their heart " glows and often burns."

The phrenzy generally known by the term mnck or ámok, is only another form of that fit of desperation which bears the same name among the military, and under the influence of which they rush upon the enemy, or attack a battery, in the manner of a forlorn hope. The accounts of the wars of the Javans, as well as of the Maláyus, abound with instances of warriors running ámok ; of combatants, giving up all idea of preserving their own lives, rushing on the enemy, committing indiscriminate slaughter, and never surrendering themselves alive *. Even at present, there are to be found among the Javans men who profess to be and are considered invulnerable; and there are some who, by a dextrous manner of receiving the spear,

" The brave man who dies in war is received into heaven and cherished by the Widadaris.

" If a man is cowardly in war and die, the keepers of hell seize upon him in a rage:

" Should he not die, he is reprobated and despised by all good men, even to his face."

• It is on these occasions that the parties frequently increase their desperation by the use of opium.

and other such artifices, completely impose upon the too credulous people. Nothing is so easy as for an artful man to persuade the common Javans that he possesses supernatural power. At the present day this pretension, and the artifices by which it is supported, are more generally of a religious nature, but during the wars, every fortunate chief was considered as partially vested with it.

The general term for a soldier is prajúrit : the guards of the sovereign are distinguished by the term tantómo. Sara g'ni is the name given to those who carry fire-arms. Gándek are the couriers or messengers who convey the orders of the commanders. In every army there is a certain number called jága béla, whose duty it is to prevent the body of the troops from deserting, and to see that every man does his duty. Pána káwan is the term by which the youths who accompany their fathers and relations to battle are distinguished. Semút gátal is the general term for attendants, retainers, and followers of an army. But besides distinctions of office, there are others purely of merit and honour : those are called niútra who are selected as superior to their comrades in person and strength: the prawireng are those who have onee distinguished themselves in battle : magálísh, those who sacrifice all other prospects in life in order to pursue the love of arms : trúna-láyang, gallant youths : jága súra, those whose courage is undisputed, and who koep a good look out : júdi páti, thoso who hazard their lives in battle, as they would hazard a die in any common game of chance; literally, who play with death: nirbáya, those who are above a scnse of pain or fear : jáyeng sekár, flowers of victory *. This latter term was chosen by Marshal Daendels for the native militia raised for the service of the Dutch government during his administration.

In the Dutch armies the Javans were considered as inferior to the other islanders as soldiers, and from the facilities offered for desertion while serving on Java, it was with great difficulty that they could be disciplined. The men were invariably raised by conscription, and instances have occurred of their deserting by companies. Under the British a corps of about twelve hundred men was raised, with little prospect of advantage for the first two years ; but, by the perseverance and ability of the officer who commanded them, they afterwards became a well-disciplined corps, and on all occasions behaved themselves with fidelity and courage when called into action. As individuals, they are, for the most part, physically weaker than the Maláyus and other islanders; and as a nation, their agricultural habits have considerably obliterated the military character which they once possessed. Their country, however, particularly in the interior, is naturally very strong, full of ravines and fastnesses, and their mode of warfare is perhaps the best adapted for its defence. Were the whole energies of the nation united under one chief, with the experience which they now have of European tactics, it may be assumed that they would render it inpregnable to any open attack, either of an European or an Asiatic force ; but, unfortunately for their independence, it has been their lot, as their history will shew, to be continually disunited, either by religious or political feuds. Their greatest resistance appears to have been made against European influence. They maintain with pride, that although virtually conquered, they still, as a nation and as individuals, pertinaciously adhere to their ancient institutions, and have a national feeling, very different from that which is usually to be found among a conquered people.

The subject of revenue, for the support of the various establishments under the native government, has been so repeatedly touched upon, and came so nmuch into view in the account given of Javan agriculture, that many further details here would appear tedious and unnecessary. All public officers, it has been often observed, from the highest chief to the lowest menial, are remunerated by grants of land revokable at pleasure, and all expences of the courts of justice, all police and military services, defrayed out of the same fund. There is no public treasury. When public works are to be executed, or supplies are to be furnished, each village is called upon to furnish its quota of men, of provisions, &c.; and on the equitable regulation of these services and contributions depends the reputation of the native chief. The land constitutes the only treasury of the prince, and this is valuable according to its fertility, and the extent and nunber of its cultivators. There are, to be sure, certain general taxes and imposts levied throughout the country: but these appear to have been of comparatively modern introduction, and unconnected with the genuine principles of the Javan government. The nature of several of these imposts and taxes has been explained in treating of the landed tenure and the condition of the peasantry. The following statement, extracted from the Report ofa Dutch commissioner *, appointed to inquire into the subject of taxation in the year 1812, though it refers to the particular province of Surabáya, may be considered as applicable to the greater part of the island ; and I here produce it in preference to any more general or more concise account of my own, because it will shew that the opinions I have so often expressed, concerning the oppressions of the Duteh authorities, the patient submission, the industry, and other good qualities of the lower classes of Java, are not peculiar to the English, but entertained by some of the subjects of a government which profited by the abuses complained of, and must have been anxious to conceal their cnormity.

" The ordinary taxes annually levied in the district of Su- " rabáya are as follow :

“ 1. The grabág or peték, or as it is sometimes called, the " chácha or capitation tax, is gencrally levied at the rate of

" four rupees for each chácha a year; that is to say, for such

" a quantity of profitable land as may be cultivated by one " family.

"2. The contingent or contribution of rice to government, " being from fifteen to nineteen píkúls of clean rice from each "jung, according to its situation and fertility.

"3. Pári pánajúng (from which, however, are excused " the distant districts), consisting generally of three ámats of

" pári, equal to from cight to ten káti of rice, from each jung.

"This is destined for the maintenance of those Mántris and

" chiefs who were not at all or insufficiently provided with " rice fields of their own.

"4. Pári páyondíkan, levied only in the districts near the " capital, consisting generally of two gédings or double heaps

" of pari. This was destined for the extraordinary expences

" of the districts; as the maintenance of the government, state

" prisoners, native ambassadors from the opposite coast, and " the like.

"5. Pàri pakásak, consisted of three gédings from each "jung, destined for the maintenance of those who superintend "the direction of the water-courses, &c.

" 6. Pári zákat, consisted of one ámat of pári from each "jung, and was destined for the naintenance of the church “ and chief priests.

"7. Pítrah, consisted in the payment of twenty káti of rice " from each jung, also destined for the maintenance of the “ priests.

"8. Máláman. This consisted of a payment made to the

" Regent or chiefs of the districts, at each of the three festivals

" of Múlut Púasa, aud Besár, of ten káti of rice, and thrce

" and a quarter stivers in money from each jung, one large

" fowl, five eggs, four cocoa-nuts, one bunch of plantains:

" and from those who held three or four jungs, was further

" required a bottle of oil, to add to the solemnity of the cere-

" mony, to which persons of this condition were universally " invited.

"It is casy to conceive, that the common Javan was not

" able to make any money after paying these taxes and con-

" tributions, at least not so much as he wanted for himself and

" family; particularly if we take into consideration, that it is

" very seldom one man is the sole proprietor of a jung alone,

" but that it is often divided between three and four persons, " does not produce more than thirty to thirty-five ámats of

" and that, with the most successful harvest, such a jung

"pári. With all this, however, the common Javan would

" feel himself satisfied, if he had no other taxes to pay, having

" generally a good many fruit trees, and a little cottage farm,

" in which he cultivates siri, &c. and sometimes a small fish-

" pond in the vicinity of his dwelling, which is usually free

"of tax. But this is not the case; he must submit to other

" oppressions, which not being regulated, are for that reason " the heavier, because they are called for in an arbitrary way, " and because self-interest does not fail to seize every pos- " sible opportunity of extortion. " When a chief has occasion to travel, when a marriage, " birth, circuncision, recovery from illness, or any such sub- " ject of festivity, occurs in his family, it is advertized imme- " diately to the subordinate towns and villages, the inhabit- " ants of which feel themselves obliged, each in proportion to " his means, to carry him fruits, rice, fowls, and even buffaloes " and money. These are called free presents, but in fact, are " as much an obligatory contribution as any of the others; to " say nothing of the many demands for fowls, eggs, ducks, " fruits, &e. for which payment is made, but always at a rate " far below their value: or of the numerous fines which are " hush money for disputes and offences of every deseription; “the taking away of búmbus, and sometimes of fruit trees, " when wood is required, either for government or the chief; " to which must yet be added, that for the execution of the " duties of government, and on the conveyance of orders, " Mántris, and other subordinate chiefs, were continually, in “the neighbourhood of the villages, just like so many vora- " cious birds, who think themselves entitled not only to take " something for their trouble, but to be provided during their " stay with every thing gratis, even opium, if they require it. "This custom, adopted on Java, extends to every other chief, " although not in employment, and even to the Regents, their " relations, &c. None of these persons will pass through a " town or village, without demanding what he wants for his " maintenance or journey; and very often he asks what he " does not waut, to the great oppression of the common Javan. "Much is wasted by this practice, and no particular advan- " tage appears to result from it. "We must, indeed, be astonished to see all the oppres- " sions, &c. to which the common Javan must submit. It " is usually said, indeed, that the Javan is not accustomed " to an easy life, and ought not to have more than barely " enough to keep him alive, with many more such expres-

" continually exacted from the people, in compensation, or as

"sions; but this is not the manner of reasoning of any well- VOL. I.

" thinking man, who, though he sees very well the imperfec-

" quered, it is true, by the greater valour and knowledge of " But, alas! these are not all the vexations and oppressions " which fall to the lot of the common people, who bear all " dered. This was the cause of all the lands being divided "tain number of these was assigned to the different chiefs, " according to their rank ; the custom of the country fixing not " duce, but the number of men to be constantly kept in " were only expected to watch the villages, to make and re- " pair the roads, and to perform other general services of the " state. This was the situation of the people with regard to " could be performed without oppression to the inhabitants; " ticularly of late years, much heavier services have been de-

" tions and weak nature of the Javan, yet bears in mind that

" he is a man like himself; who, although he has been con-

" the European, has still an cqual right to be treated like “ a man.

" without murmuring. The fendal service was as grievous as

" almost all the other charges united. The origin of those

" services must be sought for in the feudal system of the native

" government, long ago adopted throughout Java. It was

" considered that all the land was the property of the prince,

" who only made provisional assignments thereof to his sub-

"jects, in remuneration for military and other services ren-

"into as many allotments as could be cultivated, called

" cháchas, each of a size to be cultivated by one man. A cer-

" only the amount of contributions to be paid from the pro-

" attendance upon them. The lands thus assigned to chiefs

" were exempt from service to them, and the inhabitants

" service, when the coast districts were first ceded to the

" European government. The system of trade and fixed con-

" tributions did not admit of any change, and the services

" were at that time of very little consequence, and such as

"but the case is now quite different. Successively and par-

" manded than were ever before known, and it naturally

"follows, that the Javan must be kept more at work than

" before. Besides, it is not possible to apportion those ser-

" vices equally, on account of the situation of the places

" where the services are required, and because the chiefs, who

" have the direction of the works, from indifference and lazi-

" ness, generally make a requisition on the nearest village;

" and it not unfrequently happens, that many people are thus

" taken for the public service, who have no lands whatever " allotted to them.

"Were the requisitions made for the public service alone,

" it would still be comparatively nothing, it being admitted

" that the state has a right to the labour of its subjects; but

" the Regents, their relations, their Pátehs, and the subor-

" dinate chiefs of every description, assume the right of dis-

" posing of the services of the comman people as they think

"proper, and themselves employ many of them in menial

" labour of all descriptions *, from which it arises, that the

" number of people employed away from their homes, on what " is called public services, is almost incredible.

" It is therefore more than time, and highly necessary, that

" an end be put to this monstrous system of government.

" Humanity looks forward with pleasure to this step. Govern-

" ment, who are essentially interested, have the most perfect

" right to take it; but the change must be entire and radical.

"Where the machine is entirely bad, it would be vain to

" attempt the repair of a few of the parts of which it is com-

" posed: the whole would still remain worthless, and it would

" only result that the main defects being hidden by a specious

" covering, the whole labour would be worse than thrown " away."

The British government did accordingly alter the whole system of revenue. The subject was forced upon its attention, not only by the desire which every humane and liberal administration must feel, to promote the happiness of its subjects, but by considerations of a prudential nature. The resources of the country had sunk under a capricious and tyrannical system of exaction; industry was paralyzed, and confidence was destroyed. The opportunity for effecting a reformation was favourable, our means ample, and we had nothing to dread from the opposition of those interested in supporting abuses: it was, therefore, resolved to abolish all oppressive taxes, and to come immediately upon the soil for support of our establishments, by appropriating a fixed portion

• This was the practice of the Europeans also.

of its produce, leaving the full enjoyment of the remainder to the cultivator, with every facility for turning his industry to account. What was done in consequence, by the land revenue arrangements, has been seen in the account given of landed tenure.

The subjects of the colony were freed from the sway of their chiefs, who were no longer permitted to demand at pleasure their services or their property. These chiefs were compensated for the loss of their former influence by salaries in money or allotments of land, which they either held on condition of performing the police duties, or collecting the revenue. When paid by the rent of land, they were permitted to exact no more than the assessment settled by government. No arbitrary power was allowed them to disturb the peasant in the enjoyinent of the remainder, or to drag him from his home and his duties to his family, for the purpose of swelling their idle pomp, or performing services about their person or household. The Chinese farmers of the revenue in Chéribon and other districts, having oppressed the people by every rapacious and tyrannical expedient, were, by the discontinuance of the farms, deprived of the power they had exercised over the persons and property of the natives. Forced services and all deliveries of produce at inadequate rates ongovernmënt account were abolished ; and for whatever colonial produce or supplies might be required for the public service, the fair market price was ordered to be paid. Duties on the transport of goods from one part of the country to another, and on the sale of commodities at markets or bazars, were, for the most part, abolished, as injurious to trade and discouraging to agricultural industry. The system of farming the import and export duties, which existed under the Dutch, was likewise annulled, and collectors were appointed to receive the duties immediately for government. Internal duties, of the nature of tolls and market dues, had been universally, though secretly, levied by the Chinese, in Chéribon and other places, in direct opposition to the orders of government and the terms of their engagement. This abuse, engrafted on the farming system, incalculably aggravated its evils and called loudly for redress. The farmer thrust his rapacious hand into every place where there was the least prospect of gain, and limited his demand only by the capacity of the merchant to satisfy it, or by an illdefined custom, which might be perverted almost at pleasure, so as to accommodate itself to any exaction. The evils resulting from this mode of raising a revenue may easily be calculated, when it is stated, that, for a very trifling contribution to government by the farmer, duties were levied upon internal transport amounting to nearly fifty per cent. on the value of the commodities transported. Rice, on its transport from one part of the island to another, had been liable to duties of about forty-six per cent. Regulations were made for fixing the amount of import duties, and equalizing them over the island.

The restoration of the Dutch Indian empire to the sovereign of the Netherlands, at a period when these important changes were only in progress, may have perhaps prevented the full accomplishment by the English of the details in some districts, but the principles of the new system were not only introduced and thoroughly understood in all the more populous districts under the European government, but an experience of three years fully demonstrated the advantages resulting from it to the public revenue. It would have been attended with great immediate loss, without any corresponding future gain, to have abolished at once all the former sources of revenue; but the thorough change of system was declared, and the principles of it were acted upon, as far as was consistent with the security of public tranquillity and the realization of the current resources of the country; and the results of these arrangements, as far as they went, proved that a land rent might, even with the existing taxes in the capitals, &c. be realized at the rate of at least six rupees annually from each cultivator, or after the abolition of the taxes bearing on agriculture, at the average rate of four Spanish dollars from cach cultivator, giving in the one case a rental for the whole island of about six millions of rupees, and in the other of four millions of Spanish dollars, or at five shillings the dollar, a million sterling. Of this one-fourth would accrue to the native princes, and the remainder to the European government. The particulars of the land revenue settlement effected in each district, and the detailed resources of the different parts of the island, will be particularly noticed in the statistical accounts which will appear in a subsequent part of this volume, when the subject of revenue will be again adverted to; and, in the mean time, it may be sufficient, for the purpose of shewing the general resources, to refer to the annexed table, exhibiting the revenues and expenses of the Javan government for a period of three favourable years under the old Dutch Company, for three years under the administration of Marshal Dacndels, when its real resources were first called forth and the revenue was higher than before known, and for the first three years under the British government, of which alone, the accounts are yet closed. The dependencies included in this table do not include the Moluccas or Spice Islands, the administration of which under the British government was kept distinct from that of Java.

By this statement it will appear, that the revenues actually realized in cash, on Java, in the year 1814-15, and before the land revenue arrangements had becomefully effectual,amounted to upwards of six millions and a half of rupees: to this may be added one-third more for the revenue of the native provinces, making a total revenue of the island exceeding eight millions and a half of rupees, or above a million sterling.

From a colony which was able to furnish at such a moment so extensive a revenue from its own internal resources, after the drains, checks, and restrictions to which it had been subjected during the last two centuries, what might not have been expected, had confidence been once established in the permanency of the government, and the tide of British capital been once fairly turned into it?

CHAPTER VII.

Ceremonies of the Court—Deference paid to superior Rank—Regalia—Processions—Pomp—Rank and Titles—Ambassadors—Ceremonis attending Births, Marriages, and Funerals—Account of the People called Kálang, and of the Inhabitants of the Téng'ger Mountains—The Bedui—Festivals —Amusements—The Drama—Wáyangs—The Dance—Tournaments The Chase— Tiger Fights—Combat of Criminals with Tigers—Bull Fights, &c.—Games of Skill and Chance… Other Customs and Usages.

HAvING, in the preceding Chapter, endeavoured to pourtray the natural and moral character of the people of Java, and to convey to the reader a general idea of the nature and principles of the government to which they have been subjected, I shall now proceed to detail some of the usages and customs which prevail anong them.

Of these the ceremonies of the court are the most obvious, and a stranger cannot fail to be struck with the extreme deference and respect towards their superiors, by which the Javans are characterized. Respect for rank, for experience, for parents and old age, have been already noticed among the features of their character; but the excess to which deference to rank is carried by the political institutions of the country, deserves more particular remark, whether we consider it as illustrative of the nature of the government and the quiet and orderly disposition of the people, or endeavour to trace, in the early periods of their history, the causes which may have contributed to the existing constitution of society among them.

The respect shewn to superior rank on Java is such, that no individual, whatever his condition, can stand in the presence of a superior; neither can he address him in the same language in which he is spoken to. Not even the heir apparent, or the members of the royal family, can stand in the presence of the sovereign; and the same restriction applies to the family of each subordinate chief. Were this mark of respect confined to the royal family alone, it might perhaps find a parallel in other eastern countries, where it is usual for the subject to prostrate himself before the sovereign, but in Java the nature of the government is such,that each delegated authority exacts the same marks of obeisance ; so that, from the common labourer upward, no one dares to stand in the presence of a superior. 'Ihus when a native chief moves abroad, it is usual for all the people of inferior rank among whom he passes, to lower their bodies to the ground till they actually sit on their heels, and to remain in this posture until he is gone by. The same rule is observed within doors; and instead of an assembly rising on the entrance of a great man, as in Europe, it sinks to the ground, and remains so during his presence.

This humiliating posture is called dódok, and may be rendered into English by the term squatfing. The practice is submitted to with the utmost cheerfulness by the people : it is considered an ancient custom, and respected accordingly. It was, however, in a great measure discontinued in the European provinces during the administration of the British government, who endeavoured to raise the lower orders, as,much as was prudent, from the state of degradation to which their chiefs, aided by the Dutch authority, had subjected them; but it continued in force in the native provinces, in Madúra, and to a certain extent in most of the districts at a distance from the seats of European government.

In travelling myself through some of the native provinces, and particularly in Madura, where the forms of the native government are particularly observed, I have often seen some hundreds drop on my approach, the cultivator quitting his plough, and the porter his load, on the sight of the Tuan besár's carriage. At the court of Súra-kérta, recollect that once, when holding a private conference with the Susunan at the residency, it became necessary for the Rúden adipáti to be dispatched to the palace for the royal seat: the poor old man was as usual squatting, and as the Susúnan happened to be seated with his face towards the door, it was full ten minutes before his minister, after repeated ineffectual attempts, could obtain an opportunity of rising sufficiently to reach the latch without being seen by his royal master. The mission on which he was dispatched was urgent, and the Susúnan himself inconveniencedby the delay; but these inconveniences were insignificant, compared with the indecorum of being seen out of the dódok posture. When it is necessary for an inferior to move, he must still retain that position, and walk with his hams upon his heels until he is out of his superior's sight.

Besides this deference in the posture of the body, a deference, equally striking and still more defined, is shewn in the language used to a superior. The vernacular language ofthe country is never allowed to be used on such occasions, but only an arbitrary language, distinguished by the term bása, the language, or bása kráma, the polite language, orlanguage of honour. The common people are thus not permitted to use the same language as the great, or in other words, are by the political institutions of the country, in a great degrec, deprived of the use of their mother tongue. This subject will however be more particularly treated of in another chapter. That a set of people who have received some mental culture will necessarily discover it in their language, and that a line of distinction will be thus drawn between the well informed and the ignorant, is natural ; and of the cmployment of a different number of persons in the verbs and pronouns, according as supremacy, respect, or familiarity is to be expressed, the modern European languages afford abundant example: but that onc class of words should be exacted from the lower orders as a homage to the powerful, and another class given in exchange, serving to remind them of their inferiority, is a refinement in arbitrary power, which it would be difficult to parallel.

Having thus seen the nature and extent of the general deference paid to a superior on Java, the reader will be prepared, in some degree, for the still further humiliations which are expected from a subject on public occasions. No one approaches his sovereign or immediate chief, no child approaches his father, without (súmbah, that is, obeisance) closing his hands and raising them to his forehead, in token of respect. On public or festival days, it is usual for the inferior chiefs, not as in Europe, to kiss the hand, but to kiss the knee, the instep, or the sole of the foot, according to the relative distance of rank between the parties.

The royal seat is a large stool or bench of gold or silver with a velvet cushion : it is called dámpar, and attends the sovereign wherever he may go.

Among the regalia (upachára), which are always carried in procession when the sovereign moves abroad, and are arranged behind him while seated on the dámpar, are the following golden figures :—the hásti or gája, that of an elephant; the hárda walika or nanágan, that of a serpent; the jajáwen sánting, that of a bull ; the sángsam, that of a deer; and the sáwung gáling, that of a cock fowl; each of a size to be borne in the hand, These, with the kútuk and chapúri for tobacco and síri, the pakachohán or golden spitting-pot, and a variety of golden salvers, bowls, &c. distinguished by the respective names applicable to their different purposes, have descended as pusákas, or heir-looms, in the royal family, and are esteemed with the highest degree of veneration.

When the sovereign moves abroad, he is attended by numerous spear-men (wáhos), the duty of eight of whom is to attend the figures of the sacred elephant and bull, near which are also led four horses richly caparisoned. The royal páyung, or state umbrella, is carried in front of the procession on these occasions, in which are also invariably carried four trunks or boxes (brókoh), each borne by two men, and containing the clothes of the sovereign, caparison for his horses, his personal arms, implements, provisions, and in short every thing required for an establishment: this rule is observed whenever the sovereign moyes out of the palace. His mat (lánte) is likewise borne in procession, together with two saddle horses for his use when necessary.

The ceremonies and state of the native courts have lost much of their genuine character, from the admission of European customs, introduced by the Dutch after the last Javan war. Salutes are regulated after the Europcan order, and the Javans have availed themselves of many of the customs of Europeans, to render the ceremonies of state more striking. Thus both the Susúnan and Súltan are furnished with large gilt carriages, after the fashion of those used by the Lord Mayor of London. When the former drinks wine with the governor, the rest of the company are offered white wine, while they alone drink red, and a flourish of trumpets sounds as the glass approaches their lips.

It may be observed, that few people are more attached to state and show than the Javans; that, in general, the decorations employed and the forms observed are chaste, and at the same time imposing, calculated to impress a stranger with a high idea of their taste, their correctness and yet love of splendour. The ornaments of state, or regalia, are well wrought in gold ; the royal shield is richly inlaid with precious stones, and the royal krís is hung in a belt, which, with its sheath, is one blaze of diamonds. In processions, when the European authority is to be received, each side of the road, for miles, is lined with spear-men in different dresses, and standing in various warlike attitudes; streamers flying, and the music of the gámelán striking up on every side. Páyung®, or umbrellas of three tiers, of silk richly fringed and ornamented with gold, are placed at intervals, and nothing is omitted which can add to the appearance of state and pomp. Among the ensigns displayed on these occasions are the Monkey flag of Arjúna, and a variety of other devices taken from the poems of antiquity, as well as the doublebladed sword, and a variety of inscriptions from the Arabs.

The chiefs of provinces, and the petty chiefs in their gradation below them, keep up as much of the form and ceremony of the chief court as is consistent with their relative rank and means; and, in thcir turn, exact from their vassals the same degree of respect which the sovereign exacts from them.

On occasions when the Regents are anxious to shew particular respect to Europeans, as on the entrance of the Governor, or other high officer travelling, it is the custom, particularly in the Súnda districts, to erect triumphal arches of bámbu at the entrance of the principal villages; and the taste and variety displayed on these occasions have been often noticed, as evincing a refinement beyond what the general results of their present state of civilization might justify.

In a former place I noticed, that the gradations of rank among the Javans were, in some instances, marked by the dress they wore, and by the manner of putting on the krís; but a more defined line is drawn by the páyung, or umbrella, which is subject to the following regulation from inmemorial custom :

1. The Sovercign alone is entitled to the golden páyung *.

2. The Rátu, or Queen, and the members of the royal family, to the yellow páyung.

3. The family of the Rátu, and the family of the Sovereign by his concubines, to the white páyung.

4. The Bopátis and Tumúng'gungs to the green páyung, edged and mounted with gold.

5. The Ang'ebáis, Ráng'gas, Mántris, &c. to the red páyung.

6. The heads of villages, and other petty officers, to the dark páyung.

In order to convey an idea of the different titles and the gradations of rank among the Javans, it becomes necessary, in consequence of the confusion which has arisen among them of late years, to revert to what they were supposed to be in the days of Májapáhit and previously, when the Hindu faith and institutions exclusively prevailed.

The usual tern for the sovereign was then Rátu, and in the literary compositions which have descended to us, he was cither distinguished by such epithcts as Nára-náta, Náradípa, Nára-páti, Naríndra, Narária, Aji, Prábu, Kátong, Ajung, or Máharája. The queen was called Pramisuári. The children of the sovereign were called, the princess Ráden, and the princesses Déwi, which titles were hereditary in their families. The brothers of the sovereign had the title of Rúden aria.

When a sovereign was advanced in age, and quitted his government to become a devotee, he was called Begáwan.

The minister who administered the country in the name of the sovereign, and issued his orders to the governors of provinces, &c. was always termed Páteh; and the chiefs employed in administering the government of the provinces, or otherwise in the government of the country, were entitled either Pratíiwa, Pung'gáwa, Niáka, or Bopáti. The chiefs below these, and subject to their orders, such as Ráng'ga,

Ange'bái, Demáng, Praméa, Ménak, Klíwon, and others were included in the class of Mantris.

'The heads of villages were called either Umbul, Pating'gi, Babákal, Babáhu, Lúra, or Kúwu.

The commanders-in-chief in war had the title of Senapáti. The general term for soldiers was prajuúrit; and those employed in guarding the country from the approach of an cnemy were called either Pechát tánda, Támping, or Ulubálang.

In judicial affairs the Jáksa was the chief. His assistant or deputy was Paliwára, and the officers of his court Kérta.

Wadána gédong was the title given to the officer entrusted with the charge of the sovereign's purse and personal property, and with the collection of his revenues: the secretary or writer was called Chárik. Tánda and Sabándar was the title of the officers who collected the duties in the markets and along the high roads.

When it was necessary for the sovereign to move from one part of the country to anothcr, there was always a class of Mántris in attendance, to whom the title of Pang'alasan or Kajíneman was given.

On the establishment of the Mahomedan religion, in the Javan year 1400, a new gradation of rank and order of titles was introduced by the sultan of Demák, as follows.

The sovereign, instead of being called Rátu, took the name of Susuhúnan *, or Sultan, and the queen was called Rátu. The title of Panámbahán was conferred as the highest in rank next to the sovercign, and above the princes of the blood, who were now termed Pang'éran or Pang'éran ária; the princesses born of the qucen were termed Rátu, and the daughters by concubines Ráden áyu. The sons of the princes were called Ráden mas, until they were married, when they were termed Rúden only; their daughters before marriage were called Ráden ajéng, and after marriage Ráden áyu. The Susuhúnan's great grandchildren by his wife were allowed to assume the title of Ráden, and those by his concubines bore the title of Mas, the latter title continuing to descend in the family to the offspring by a wife, those by a concubine taking the title of Bágus, which is considered as the lowest title appertaining to royalty. It would be tedious, in this place, to detail the minor titles common in the Súnda distriets; they will be more particularly noticed in the statistical accounts of those districts.

When a Bopáti, or governor of a province, is appointed, he is furnished with a piágam or nawála, or letter patent, fixing his rank, and the extent of assignment of lands conferred upon him *; also with a báwat, or stick, similar to that of the páyung, or umbrella, measuring about eight feet long, with which it is his duty to measure the sáwah or rice fields.

When a chief of the rank of Mántri is appointed, he is furnished with a kris handle and with a mat, which is car-

These are the names of the land bestowed. • • *

Translation of a Nawála for the Mánchanagára, or distant Districts.

Let all persons observe this, the royal letter of us, the exalted Sultan, &e., which we give in charge to...........

Be it known to you, our servants, chiefs of Yúgya-kerta Adiníngrat, whether Bopátis or Mántris, and to you our Bopátis and Mántris, chiefs of Mánchanagára, that our royal letter is given in charge to .........., in order to exalt him. Moreover we prefer our servant to the rank of a Bopáti, to be chief of the Bopátis of Mánchanagára, bearing as heretofore the name of ........... ..... We also entitle him to wear such dress as is appointed for the Widána of Mánchanagára, and we give for his estate (seat), our own royal lands ............, amounting to two thousand chachas : ........ thousand productive (living), of which last ........ thousand are assigned for a maintenance and ..... thousand are charged with rents, to the amount of........ dollars annually, payable twice a year, viz. at the festival Mulud............ and at the festival of Puasa....... , each dollar to consist of thirty wangs, and the whole to be subject to an office fee of one wang in each dollar. Moreoverwe direct, that each year an account be rendered to us of the increase or decrease of the sdwah (rice lands). The date of giving the royal order is the......

ried behind him when he moves about, as well for use as to shew his rank.

The Javans include in the general term of Priáyi all persons above the rank of common people, a term which in its general application on Java is not very unlike that of gentlemen, or latterly of esquires, in England.

Among the forms of an eastern court, few are more particularly observed than those relating to ambassadors. The Javans have long ceased to send or receive ambassadors, but the following extracts from the Níti Prája, will shew what they conceive ought to be the qualifications and conduct of such an officer.

" A person entrusted with a message from his prince, must " never abuse the trust placed in him, but always keep in “ sight that on such occasions he is the representative of the

" prince. And chiefly, if he is sent with a letter from the

“ prince to a foreign country, in this case he nust be less sub-

" missive than before his own prince. According to circum-

"stances he must conduct himself with dissimulation, and " he obtains every possible information regarding the state of

" before he enters any foreign country, by some secret means

" or other, occasion his own name, and that of the prinee his

" master, to be spread over the country, at the same time that

" the country and people. On entering the country, he must

“ assuue a dignified appearance, and not speak or look about

" him more than is necessary. Such conduct will inspire the " people with respect for him.

"The letter must be carried on the shoulder, and in his

" gait and speech he must conduct himself with propriety. In

" delivering the letter he must present himself with dignity,

" approach first, and then retire from the person to whom the

" letter is directed, speak with him at a distance, and not too " familiarly.

" In all cases he must be careful not to go beyond his " orders. His deportment nust be unassuming yet dignified ;

“ and having received an answer for his prince, it is his duty

" to depart immediately, and to proceed with it direct to the

" prince, without even going to his own house first. If the

" letter is from some person lower in rank than his master, he

" must not immediately shew it, but conceal it for a time ; but

" if it is from a prince of equal rank, then must he carry the

" letter before him. When a letter is from a prince to one of

" his subjects, it must be carried high. Coming in the pre-

" sence of his prince, he must carefully watch his eye, that

" he may deliver the letter on the first intimation given by " the prince that he is ready to reccive it.

" Whoever dictates a letter must be careful that a letter to " a superior is not couched in the same terms as a letter to " an inferior."

The three most remarkable events in the history of the individual are his birth, his marriage, and his death; to these accordingly have the greatest number of forms and ceremonies been attached.

As soon as it is observed that a Javan woman is in the third month of pregnancy, the event is comnunicated to all the nearest relations, to whom, at the same time, presents are made, consisting of yellow rice, sweet-scented oils, and wax candles. People of condition add some cloths, gold, silver, or brass cups, as also needles, either of those metals or of iron.

After seven months' pregnancy, a festival is given to the relations and friends, at which yellow rice forns invariably a part of the entertainment.

The pregnant woman must afterwards wash her body with the milk of a green cocoa-nut, on the shell of which has been previously carved two handsome figures, one of each sex, by which the parents intend to represent a standard of beauty for their expected offspring, and to engrave on the imagination of the mother, impressions which may extend to the lineaments of her infant. The nut must be opened by the husband. She is next to bathe in water, into which many sweet-scented flowers have been thrown, and to dress herself with a new cloth, making a present of the old one, together with money, raw rice, siri, and cocoa-nuts, to the midwife, who assists in her lustrations. On the night of these ceremonies there must be a wáyang or scenic shadow performed, the object of which is to represent the life and adventures of a certain prince in the line of Déwa Batára Bráma.

If the woman is delivered of a son, the after-birth is immediately cut off with a very sharp knife of bámbu, wrapped in a piece of paper on which is written the Javan alphabet, then laid in a new pot, and buried in the ground, at which place a lamp, covered with a basket of bámbu, and adorned with leaves of the pandánri, is put, and kept burning till the umbilical cord of the child falls off. When this takes place, the child is watched the whole night, by persons who read the history of the Déwas, or of famous princes, or anuse themselves with a wáyang.

As soon as the child is nine months old, the parents entertain their relatives and friends with a wáyang and festival.

Marriages are invariably contracted, not by the parties themselves, but by their parents or relations on their behalf. Such interference (which was common among the Greeks, without the same apology) is rendered necessary by the early age at which the matrimonial union is formed, and the incompetence of either of the intended couple to form a discreet and prudent choice. During the period that intervenes between the application of the friends of the boy to the parents or guardians of the girl for their coneurrence in the match, and the obtainment of it, her condition is distinguished by the term tétákon (enquired for) : when the consent of her parents is obtained, it is termed lámar (solicited). According to ancient custom, after matters proceeded thus far, a present of different valuables, termed paning'sat is sent by the intended bridegroom to the bride, and her acceptance of it, implying that she concurs in the previous steps taken towards her settlement, renders the contract binding. The general prevalence of similar customs cannot fail to strike those who are acquainted with the nature of the sponsalia dona of the Romans, and the marriage ceremonies detailed in various passages of Scripture (Genesis, ch. xv. 2; xxiv. 5, &c.) A present of this kind is described as being scnt by Pánji Kérta Páti to the Princess Chándra Kirána of Dahá®, and we are told that it thence became a custom among the Javans.

By any reluctance to complete his engagement, the bridegroom forfeits to his betrothed these earnest gifts (as they may be called); while, on the other hand, if the obstacles to the completion of the marriage originate with her, she is bound to return them. This present is also called patiba sámpir.

This custom, however, is now not so common as formerly : it is in a great measure discontinued or confounded with the next ceremony, termed súrahan (delivered up.) This consists in making various presents to the bride a short time before the day fixed for the marriage, after the delivery of which, the bride and bridegroom are confined to the house, until the ceremony takes place. The period varies ; but with people of distinction there generally clapses an interval of forty days between the sárahan and the marriage.

On the day of the marriage (for which one that is considered fortunate* is previously selected) the father of the bride proceeds to the mosque, accompanied by the bridegroom, and informing the Panghúlu that the lad whom he presents has agreed to give the sri káwin (generally about two dollars), requests him to marry him to his daughter: on which the Panghúlu inquires of the bridegroom whether he has paid the amount, or is willing to do so? and upon the affirmative being declared, he sanctifies the marriage by words to the following effect:

" I join you, ráden mas (bridegroom), in wedlock with " sátia (the bride), with a pledge of two reals weight in gold " or silver†. You take (sátia) to be your wife for this world.

"Veniet cum signatoribus Auspex."—Juvenal.

↑ The Jews marry in nearly the same way, the husband delivering a sum of money as a pledge. The Greeks were in the habit of presenting gifts on similar occasions.

" You are obliged to pay the pledge of your marriage (sri

" káwin), or to remain debtor for the same. You are respon-

" sible for your wife in all and every thing. If you should

" happen to be absent from her for the space of seven months

“ on shore, or one year at sea, without giving her any sub-

" sistence, and are reniss in the performance of the duties

" which you owe to your sovereign, your marriage shall be

“ dissolved, if your wife requires it, without any further form

“ or process; and you will be, besides, subject to the punish-

“ ment which the Mahomedan law dictates."

Should any circumstance occur to prevent the bridegroom from attending at the mosque ou the day selected for the marriage, he follows the singular custom of sending his krís* to the ceremony, which is deemed sufficient by the Panghúlu; and afterwards he may appoint a proxy to represent him in the processions which follow. But this is sceldom done when a man marries for the first time.

After the ceremony, the bridegroom pays the priest the marriage fees (saláwat), which ought, according to strict Mahomedans, not to exceed fifteen stivers. In most instanees, the fees are raised to five times that sum in money, besides in many places a fowl, a hank of cotton-yarn, four kátis of rice, two cocoa-nuts, síri, and fruit.

On the wedding day, or sometimes the day following, the bridegroom dressed in his best clothes, mounted on horseback, accompanied by all his friends, and attended with music in the front and rear, proceeds at noon to the dwelling of the bride, who, on his approach, comes out to mect him at the door. In some districts, before their nearer approach, the bride and bridegroom throw simultaneously a bundle of síri at cach other with considerable force, with the intention, it is said, of learning, from the dexterity with which the parties respectively perform this singular feat, and the success that attends it, which of them will be able best to maintain their privileges, or gain an ascendancy during the continuance of their union. They prognosticatc that, if the bundle of the bridegroom touch the head of the bride, it is an infallible sign that he must rule ; otherwise, the reverse.

The bride, after this, receives the bridegroom with a low obeisance, in testimony of her regard for him, extending similar marks of respect to his parents, who attend him. The married couple are then placed in a situation elevated above the rest of the company; and in token of their afterwards living together, and sharing the same sustenance, commence eating siri from the saine siri-box.

In some districts, after leaving the mosque, the bridegroom and his father proceed to the house of the bride's parents, where they obtain her company in a procession through the village or town. On these occasions, the bride is carried on a litter, which is generally fashioned in the form of a garúda, and the bridegroom is mounted on horseback. All the relations and friends of the parties attend, carrying flowers and refreshments, together with the presents made to the bridegroom on his marriage. The procession moves on to the sound of the national music, and the occasional firing of cannon. A feast is given in the evening at the house of the bride's parents, at which the new married couple remain for the night. The term given to the bride and bridegroom is peng'ánten, and the marriage ceremony is called láki rábi.

On the next day in some districts, and on the fifth in others, the bridegroom (or peng'ánten lánang), and bride (peng'anten wádon), together with the whole train of relations and friends, visit in like manner the house of the bridegroom's father. This ceremony is called únduh mántu (accepting the daughter-in-law.) 'There they both again sit down to eat siri in some place of distinction ; similar entertainments are repeated, and on the following day they return with the same pomp and form to the bride's dwelling, the ceremoñy being now completed.

With the exception of the delivery of the sri káwin, and the procession to the mosque, there is very little in these ceremonies conformable to the Mahomedan precepts.

Marriages are frequently contracted between children, and then termed gántung káwin (hanging-on marriages); but in this case the parties are kept separate, and the principal ceremonies are reserved till they attain the age of puberty.

Such contracts proceed from a laudable solicitude, on the part of parents, to provide a suitable and advantageous match for their children as early as possible; and to the same cause, as much, perhaps, as from the influence of climate and intemperance of manners, may be attributed the early age, at which matrimonial engagements are sometimes consummated.

Whatever may be the reasons for such early marriages, one of the most serious consequences is the facility with which they are dissolved. The multiplication of divorces is mentioned by the poets, the moralists, and the historians of the Roman empire, as one of the greatest causes and symptoms of the corruption and degeneracy of the period in which they lived; and certainly it had proceeded to great lengths, when Seneca could say that a woman computed her age, not by the annual succession of consuls, but of husbands*. The Javans, though a simple people, are in this respect too like the profligate and dissolute Romans.

In no part of the world are divorces more frequent than on Java; for besides the facilities afforded by the Mahomcdan ordinances, a woman may at any time, when dissatisfied with her husband, demand a dissolution of the marriage contract, by paying him a sum established by eustom, according to the rank of the parties: about twenty dollars for a person of the lower orders, and fifty dollars for those of the degree of Demáng or Mántri. The husband is not bound to accept it; but he is generally induced to do so, from a consideration, that the opinions and custom of the country require it; that his domestic happiness would be sacrificed in a contest with his reluctant companion; and that, by continuing his attachment, he would incur the shame of supporting one who treated him with aversion or contempt. This kind of divorce is termed mánchal. The husband may at any time divorce his wife, on making a settlement upon her sufficient to support her according to her condition in life.

A widow may marry again at the expiration of three months and ten days after her husband's death.

When a person of rank or property dies, all his relations, male and female, meet at the house of the deceased, to testify their grief at the death and their respect for the memory of the departed. On that occasion, what is termed selámat money is distributed among all according to circumstances. The priests, who are to perform the service at the place of interment, receive a Spanish dollar, a piece of cloth, and a small mat each.

When the corpse is washed* and wrapped in a white cloth, it is carried out of the house on a bier covered with coloured chintz, on which garlands of flowers are hung as drapery. On this occasion, no means of costly pomp or impressive solemnity are neglected in the usc of umbrellas (páyung), pikes, and other insignia of honour. All the relations and friends accompany the corpse to the grave, where the priest addresses a prayer to heaven and delivers an exhortation to the soul of the deceased; of wlhich the substance commonly is, " that it should be conscious of being the work of the " Creator of the universe, and after leaving its earthly " dwelling, should speed its way to the source whenceit " issued." After this ceremony the corpse is interred, and the other priests continue their prayers and benedictions.

For seven successive nights, the same priests meet and pray at the house of the deceased, in the presence of his relations.

On the third, seventh, fourteenth, hundredth, and thousandth day or night after the death of a person, are observed particular festivals or solemn feasts in his commemoration, on

• The Romans likewise were in the habit of washing the dead body several times before interment with water, which in their case was warm.

" Pars calidos latices et ahena undantia flammis

" Expediunt : corpusque lavant frigentis et ungunt."

Virgil : AEneidos, lib. vi. lin. 218.

By referring to the Old and New Testament, the same practice will be found to have prevailed among the Jews : indeed, it seems to have been very general.

which occasions prayers are offered up for the happiness of his soul.

The body is interred after the usual manner of the Mahomedans, and a sambója tree is usually planted by its side. It is the universal practice of the relatives of the deceased to strew the graves several times in the year with the sweetscented flowers of the sulási (the tulsi of Bengal), which are raised exelusively for this purpose. The burial-grounds are, in general, well chosen. In Kedú, where the most beautiful eminences have been selected for this purpose, and where the camböja tree grows with the greatest luxuriance, they forin very interesting objects in the landscape. The burial-places of the royal family and of the nobles of the country are usually called astána; they are surrounded by one or more high walls, and in general by stately waring'en trees. The tombs are sometimes ornamented with sculptural devices and well-executed inscriptions, cither in the Javan or Arabic character. They are kept clean and repaired by contributions from all parts of the country, under the superintendence of priests appointed to that particular duty, and are respected and guarded with religious veneration and zeal. The burialplace of the family now on the throne is at Megiri, in the province of Matárem, a few miles distant from the modern capital of Yúgya-kérta.

As the Javans are still devotedly attached to their ancient customs and ceremonies (few of which they have sacrificed to their new faith), I shall, in order to give a better idea of those still observed on the most remarkable occasions, present a short account of their state anterior to the introduction of Mahomedanism, as far as it can be ascertained. Though, as Mahomedans, they are averse to an open avowal of Pagan practices, they still preserve them more or less, according as the parties happen to be less or more under the influence of Arab priests.

When a woman was pregnant with her first child, at the expiration of four months a feast was given, at which yellow rice was served up. This entertainment was insignificant compared with that which was observed at the expiration of seven months, when the guests were presented with cloth, gold, silver, and steel, according to the means of the parties, a piece of steel never failing to be one of the gifts, though it did not excecd the size of a needle. On this occasion a new bath was prepared in the evening, and watched during the nighi by the light of a lamp. At the side of the bath were laid two stalks of the dark coloured sugar cane, as an offering to Batára Kála, a painted cloth of tho pattern túwuh wátu, and a young cocoa-nut (chénkir gáding), on which was cngraved the resemblance of Pánji Kérta Páti and his wife Chándra Kirána of Dáha. In the morning the wife, after putting on the cloth, entered the bath, when the water from the young cocoa-nut was poured over her: during the day it was also incumbent on her to change her dress seven times. At the feast given on this occasion, fish, flesh, and fowl were invariably served up, and performances of the wáyang were exhibited.

Immediately on the birth of the child it was placed in a kind of basket made of bámbu (in form similar to the sieve or farming basket used for separating the chaff from the rice), the relations were assembled, and the remains of the umbilical cord were carefully cut off by means of a piece of sharpened bámbu. The part abstracted by this operation was deposited in the interior of a cocoa-nut, with a lump of turmerick placed under it. This cocoa-nut was ornamented on the outside with the twenty letters of the Javan alphabet. It was afterwards put into an earthen pot, and either buried under ground or thrown into the sea. A stone rolling-pin, dressed up like a baby, was placed in the basket in its stead. The female relations relieved each other through the day and night, in constantly supporting the child in their arms, till the navel was healed; the male relations all the while reading and reciting the history of Ráma, and other mythological and historical romances. As soon as the child was recovered, a grand feast was observed, with performances of the wáyang. Near the Dálang (director of the wáyang) was placed a bowl of pure water, into which fresh and sweet-scented flowers were cast, two black sugar-canes, a cloth of the túwuh wátu pattern, and a piece of white cloth, together with a bundle of pári and different kinds of eatables. On this occasion was exhibited the drama of Batára Dúrga and Sang Yang Jágat Náta (one of the designations of Gúru), at that passage where, during the first two quarters of the moon, the former appeared in her amiable character of Uma *, and where, in the city of Kúru Sétra Gándamáyu, she is delivered of a son, Batára Kála, having the form of a Rasáksa, " greedy to destroy and devour mankind." At that part of the performance when Sang Yang Jágat Náta takes the child on his lap, the Dálang did the same with the infant, repeating the invocation, " hong! ilaheng /" several times, and afterwards returning it into the hands of the father. On this occasion the wáyang was performed from seven o'clock in the evening till eight o'clock in the morning.

When the child was forty days old, its head was shaved, as dirccted by the parent, and the ceremony took place of giving it whatever name should be determined on by the father and the elders.

The Dákun (midwife) who attended at the delivery, was entitled to receive for her trouble fourteen rang (about a rupee) if it was an ordinary birth, but in difficult cases her allowance was proportionatcly increased. Her attendance continued for the mornings and evening of forty days, at the expiration of which she was further entitled to receive a present of two picces of cloth, one small and one large, four kátis of rice, two cocoa-nuts, and some siri. If required to attend beyond that period, she was paid accordingly. A Dúkun once employed, could not be exchanged on any account during the forty days. Women invariably acted as midwives; in other cases the medical art was practised exclusively by the men.

On the child's attaining its seventh month, a feast was given, when it was for the first time placed with its feet on the ground. At this entertainment rice cakes and sweetmeats of different colours and kinds were served up ; and if it happened that the child had come into ihe world either as the sun was just rising or setting, a bundle of grass or rubbish was thrown into the basket, upon the top of which it was placed for a few minutes; after which one of the elders taking the child into his arms repeated the following words: " Hong! 'amilam mastúna

“ masidam ! súming'gáha yéwang Kala'ing w'ru ajal amúla- “ níra ana-níra, Sang-yang Sába lan Batári Dúrga :" which after an invocation to the Deity would express, " Begone, " oh God Kála, for I am not ignorant of thy nature, nor of " thy being descended from Sang Yang Sába (Gúru) and

“ Batára Dúrga *."

When the child attained the age of one year, another feast was given in commemoration of its nativity, and this universally among all classes of people; those who possessed the means kept the anniversary of their birth-day until their death.

Marriages were invariably contracted by the relations of the parties, by the paternal grandfather or grandmother if living, if not by the parents, and in case of their demise, by the natural guardian. Thus the brother, on the death of his parents, was permitted to dispose of the hand of his sister; and a deviation from this course was deprecated, as laying a foundation for quarrels and dissensions.

The consent of the relations being obtained, the bridegroom was bound to serve the parents of the bride for a year †.

For forty days previous to the celebration of the marriage, the parties were not allowed to go to a distance from their homes, or to be employed in any severe labour.

At sunset on the wedding day, the bridegroom went in procession to visit the parents of the bride, after which she was

" 'to this dismal and calamitous world: receive this water, which is to visited by his parents, who on these occssions gave the married couple their blessing, wishing them happiness as lasting as that enjoyed by the god Kámajáya with his consort Ká- maráti.

One of the elders, or an Ajar, then repeated the following benediction :

“ Hong ! Gáng'ga-trigáng'ga? pináyung hana kala chákra

“kinásih hána pra-dewáta hipáta'ing sapudénda tulúsa

"amándan waríng'en." " Hail! holy water, thrice holy

" water! be it as a covering to shield you from harm: may

" the gods be merciful unto you: henceforth be flourishing as

" the pándan and waríng'en trees."

In these processions the bridegroom was obliged to prepare whatever ornaments, trinkets, or gifts, the mother of the bride had fixed her fancy upon, cither at the birth of her daughter or on any other occasion, whcther they consisted in the representation of a white elephant, a white tiger, or the like.

Five days after the consecration of the marriage, the parents of the bride, with whom she staid for that period, prepared a feast, at which was invariably served up among other things yellow rice. This entertainment was given to mark the period of the consummation: and after cclebrating such an event, it was thought proper that the bride should be on a visit to the parents of her husband, remain under their roof, share their protection, and subsist at their expense for forty days without going abroad, at the expiration of which the new married couple were at liberty to go to their own house and pursue their own plans of life, becoming liable to contribute their share to the revenues and demands of the state.

The dresses worn on the nuptial day are thus described in the romance of Pánji.

" It being arranged that at the same time when Rádin Pánji “ was to reccive the princess Déwi Chándra Kirána in mar-

" riage, Rétna Jinóli, his sister, should also be married to

" Gúnung Sári, son of the Prince of Dáha, the Prince of

" Dáha departed with a joyful heart, and gave the neccssary

" directions to prepare the clothing and ornaments necessary

" for the two brides.

" Klána Jáyang Sári *, accompanied by his sister, Rétna

• One of the names of Pángi.

" Jinóli, and his numerous followers then entered the dálam

" of the prince. Klána Jáyang Sári wore on the occasion a

" dódot of silk stamped with flowers of gold ; his chelána

“ were of the green chindi ornamented with golden lace round

“ the bottom, and studded with kúnang-kúnang (golden or-

" naments made to represent the fire-fly); his sumping (orna-

" ments at the back of the ear) were of golden flowers studded

" with diamonds. On the third finger of each hand he wore

" two diamond rings. His waistband or belt was a painted

" cloth, of the pattern gríngsing sang'u-páti; his krís of the

" kaprábon ; his jámang, or head ornament, of gold set with

" diamonds, and scented with all kinds of sweet-scented oils.

" He appeared more beautiful than a deity descended from

“ heaven, all looking upon him with delight and astonishment.

“ His sister, Rétna Jinóli, was dressed nearly after the same

" fashion as the Princess Ang'réni.

" The dress of Déwi Ang'réni, when married, was as fol-

" lows : her dódot was of a pink colour stamped with flowers;

" her kéndit (zone, of which the ends hang in front) was

“ mandála gíri (yellow with red at each end) ; her jámang of

“ golden flowers ; her golden car-rings of the bápang fashion,

" with a diamond in the centre; her hair according to the

" glung málang (a particular kind of knot), in which were

" placed beautiful and sweet-seented flowers; the fine hair

" round her forehead fashioned into small curls, with a sprink-

" ling of powder; her eyebrows shaped like the únba leaf.

" She wore golden armlets of the kálung pattern, ornamented

" with drops. Her kálung, or necklace, was of the méng'gah

" fashion. She wore two rings on the little and third finger of " each hand, like unto a widadári."

There were three modes of disposing of the body of a deceased person: by fire, termed óbóng; by water, termed lárung ; or by exposing it upright against a tree in a forest, where it was left to decay, termed sétra. When the body ofa chief or person of consequence was burnt, it was usual to preserve the ashes, and to deposit them in a chándi or tomb.

It was the custom with all classes of people on Java to give an entertainment or feast on the decease of their friends and relations *. The first feast was given on the day of the

• The prevalence of this practice must strike every one.

death, a second on the third day after, a third on the seventh day, a fourth on the fortieth day, a fifth on the hundredth day, and a sixth on the thousandth day after the decease of the party; after which an annual feast was observed, with more or less pomp, according to the respect in which the deceased was held, or the circumstances of the friends and relatives who eelebrated his memory.

Besides these regular feasts and ceremonies, others preseribed by the wúku * were religiously observed. When the day ang'gúra fell on the páncha klúcon, it was considered a propitious time for preferring petitions to the gods. On the seventh day of the wúkn galingán, sacred to Batára Kámajáya, they relaxed from all worldly pursuits, and offered praises and prayers to the gods collectively, it being supposed that they were assembled on that day. On the wúku gúmreg, sacred to Batára Sákra, every villager joined in a feast saered to the carth (púja búmi) ; and this wúku was particularly observed by the people termed Kálang, who, during the seven days performed no work, but employed themselves in visiting the tombs of their deceased friends and relations, or in feasting with their living relatives. During the whole of that period they kept in their houses a lighted lamp, which they carefully preserved from extinetion.

It may not be inappropriate to introduce in this place a short digression, containing an account of some of the customs peculiar to the people terned Kálang, and to the inhabitants of the Teng'ger mountains. The former are said to have been at one time numerous in various parts of Java, leading a wandering life, practising religious rites different from those of the great body of the people, and avoiding intercourse with them; but most of them are now reduced to subjection, are become stationary in their residence, and have embraced the Mahomedan faith. A few villages in which their particular customs are still preserved, occur in the provinces of Kendál, Kálicúng'u, and Démak, and although tho tradition of the country regarding their descent from an unnatural connection between a princess of Mendang Kamúlan and a chief, who had been transformed into a dog, would mark them out as a strange race, they have claims to be considered as the actual descendants of the aborigines of the Island *. They are represented as having a high veneration for a red doy, one of which is generally kept by each family, and which they will, on no account, allow to be struck or illused by any one. When a yonng man asks a girl in marriage, he must prove his deseent from their peculiar stock. A present of rice and cotton-yarn, among other articles, must be offered by him, and earried to the intended bride, by an elderly man or woman of his own race, which offering must, in like manner, be received by an elderly relation of the girl : from this moment until the marriage is duly solemnized, nothing whatever is allowed to be taken out of cither hut. On the marriage day, a buffalo's head, covered with white, red, or black rice-powder, is placed on the ground near the place intended for the bride to sleep upon, and the elderly people and relations being assembled, they danee by pairs, at the end of each dance presenting the bride to the bridegroon, and making such offerings as they think proper. The bridegroom is, on this occasion, accompanied to the house of the bride's father by as many friends as he can procure, and is bound to bring with him not less than a pair of buffaloes, a plough, harrow, hoe (pachul), and whip, with a bundle of pári. Those who are in good circumstances are further bound to add a cart (pedáti) to the above-mentioned stock. Prior to the equipment of the bride and bridegroom for the entertainment, it is essential that their bodies be rubbed over with the ashes of a red dog's bones. At sunset they both eat rice together off the same leaf. On the following night they jointly partake of the buffalo's head, which is previously laid by the side of the place where they sleep. On the third day they proceed to the house of the bridegroom's father, making as much show as possible, and go round the extent of the village confines, preceded by people carrying a bed, cooking utensils, a spinning-wheel and loom. On the death of a Kálang, the body is carried in procession to the dwellings of the relations, who join in the ceremony, and proceed with it to the place of interment: they then pass round the corpse three times before it is lowered into the grave, the women crying aloud. A young cocoa-nut is then split in two, and the water from it poured into the grave, one-half of the shell being placed at the head, the other at the feet of the deceased. On their return home, the,feasts and ceremonies are the same as those noticed in the practice of the other inhabitants of Java. Whenever the Kálangs move from one place to another, they are conveyed in carts, having two solid wheels with a revolving axle, and drawn by two or more pairs of buffaloes, according to the cireumstances of the party. In these they place the materials of which their huts are constructed, their implements of lusbandry, and other articles of necessity or value. In this manner, until of late years, sinee they have been subjected to the regulations of the Javan chiefs, they were continually moving from one part of the island to another. They have still their separate chiefs, and preserve many of their peculiar customs. Those who are Mahomedans employ in their religious funetions priests who differ from others in being less scrupulous. They have always been treated with so much contempt by the Javans, that Kálany is an epithet of reproach and disgrace.

To the castward of Surabáya, and on the range of hills connected with Gúnung Dásar, and lying partly in the district of Pasúruan and partly in that of Probolingo, known by the name of the Teng'ger mountains, we find the remnant of a people still following the Hindu worship, who merit attention, not only on account of their being, (if we except the Bédui of Bantam, who will be hereafter noticed) the sole depositaries of the rites and doctrines of that religion existing at this day on Java, but as exhibiting an interesting singularity and simplicity of character.

These people occupy about forty villages, seattered along this range of hills in the neighbourhood of what is termed the sandy sea. The site of their villages, as well as the construetion of their houses, are peculiar, and differ entirely from what is elsewhere observed on Java. They are not shaded by trees, but built on spacious open terraces, rising one above the other, each house occupying a terrace, and being in length from thirty to seventy, and even eighty feet. The door is invariably in one corner, at the end of the building, opposite to that in which the fire-place is built. The building appears to be constructed with the ordinary roof, having along the front an enclosed veranda or gallery, about cight feet broad. The fire-place is built of brick, and is so highly venerated, that it is considered a sacrilege for any stranger to touch it. Across the upper part of the building rafters are rum, so as to form a kind of attic story, in which are deposited the most valuable property and implements of husbandry.

The head of the village takes the title of Péting'gi, as in the low-lands, and is generally assisted by a Kabáyan, both elected by the people from their own village. There are four priests, who are here termed Dúkuns (a term elsewhere only applied to doctors and midwives), having charge of the state records and the sacred books.

These Dúkuns, who are in general intelligent men, can give no account of the era when they were first established on these hills; they ean produce no traditional history of their origin, whenee they came, or who entrusted them with the sacred books, to the faith contained in which they still adhere. These, they concur in stating, were handed down to them by their fathers, to whose hereditary office of preserving them they have suceeeded. The sole duty required of them is again to hand them down in safety to their children, and to perform the púja (praisegiving) according to the directions they contain. These records consist of three compositions, written on the lóntar-leaf, detailing the origin of the world, disclosing the attributes of the deity, and preseribing the forms of worship to be observed on different occasions.

When a woman is delivered of her first child, the Dt kun takes a leaf of the álang álang grass, and scraping the skin of the hands of the mother and her infant, as well as the ground, pronounces a short benediction.

When a marriage is agreed upon, the bride and bridegroom being brought before the Dúkun within the house, in the first place bow with respect towards the south, then to the fireplace, then to the carth, and lastly, on looking up to the upper story of the house, where the implements of husbandry are placed. The parties then submissively bowing to the Dúkun, he repeats a prayer, commencing with the words, “ Hong! Kendága Bráma ang'-gas síwang'ga ána ma siwáha

" sangyang g'ni sira kang*", &c.; whilo the bride washes the feet of the bridegroom. At the conclusion of this ceremony, the friends and fanily of the parties make presents to each of kríses, buffaloes, implements of husbandry, &c.; in return for which the bride and bridegroom respectfully present them with betel-leaf.

At the marriage feast which ensues, the Dúkun repeats two púja. The marriage is not, however, consummated till the fifth day after the above ceremony. This interval between the solemnities and the consummation of marriage is termed by them úndang mántu, and is in some cases still observed by the Javans in other parts of the island, under the name únduh mántu.

At the interment of an inhabitant of Teng'ger, the corpse is lowered into the grave with the head placed towards the south (contrary to the direction observed by the Mahomedans), and is guarded from the inmediate contaet of the earth by a covering of bánbus and planks. When the grave is closed, two posts are planted over the body; one erected perpendieularly on the breast, the other on the lower part of the belly; and between them is placed a hollowed bánbu in an inverted position, into which, during seven successive days, they daily pour a vessel of pure water, laying beside the bámbu two dishes, also daily replenished with eatables. At the expiration of the seventh day, the feast of the dead is announced, and the relations and friends of the deceased assemble to be present at the ceremony, and to partake of entertainments condueted in the following manner.

A figure of about half a cubit high, representing the human form, nade of leaves and ornamented with variegated flowers, is prepared and placed in a conspienous situation, supported round the body by the clothes of the deceased. The Dúkun then places in front of the garland an ineense-pot with burning ashes, together with a vessel containing water, and repeats the two püja to fire and water; the former commeneing with “ Hong! Kendága Bráma gangsi wang'ga ya nama siwáha,"

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&c.; the latter with “ Hong! hong gang'ga máha tirta ráta " mejil sáking háti," &e.; burning dúpa or incense at stated periods during the forner, and occasionally sprinkling the water over the feast during the repetition of the latter.

The clothes of the deeeased are then divided among the relatives and friends; the garland is burned; another pája, comneneing with “ Hong! áwigua mastúna ma sidan, hong! aráning," &e. is repeated, while the remains of the sacred water are spriukled over the feast. The parties now sit down to the enjoyment of it, invoking a blessing from the Almighty on themselves, their houses, and their lands. No more solennities are observed till the expiration of a thousand days, when, if the memory of the deceased is beloved and cherished, the ceremony and feast are repeated; if otherwise, no further notice is taken of him : and having thus obtained what the Romans would call his justa, he is allowed to be forgotten.

Being questioned regarding the tenets of their religion, they replied that they believed in a derea, who was all-powerful; that the namé by which the déed was desiguated was Bémi Trúka Sáng'gáng Dewáta Batur, and that the particulars of their worship were contained in a book called Pángláru, which they presented to me.

On being questioned regarding the ádat against adnltery, theft, and other crines, their reply was unanimous and ready, that erimes of this kind were unknown to them, and that consequently no punishment was fixed, either by law or custom; that if a man did wrong, the head of the village chid him for it, the reproach of which was always sufficient pumishment for a man of Teng'ger. 'This account of their moral character is fully confirmed by the Regents of the districts under whose authority they are placed, and also by the Residents. They, in fact, seem to be alnost without crime, and are universally peaceable, orderly, honest,industrious, and happy. They are unacquainted with the vice of gainbling and the use ofopium.

The aggregate population is abont twelve hundred souls; and they occupy, without exception, the most beautifully rich and romantic spots on Java; a region, in which the thermometer is frequently as low as forty-two. The sunmits and slopes of the hills are covered with Alpine firs, and plants common to an European climate flourish in luxuriance.

Their language does not differ mueh from the Javan of the present day, though more gutturally pronounced. Upon a comparison of about a hundred words with the vernacular Javan, two only were fonnd to differ. They do not marry or intermix with the people of the low-lands, priding themselves on their independenee and purity in this respect *.

• The following are the only traditions respecting these people which are current in the eastern provinees. " The people of the Teng'ger moun- " tains say, that they received that name from a person from Matáram, of

* an inquisitive and travelling turn (wong moláno), who having aseended

" the highest of them, and being struck with astonishment at the view of

" all around, gave them the above-mentioned name of Teag'ger, from the " Javan word ergeng'ger, which signifies wonder or astonishunent. “ Before Gusong Bronn« had reeeived that name, or had beeoine a vol- " cano, there lived a man called Kiei Gede Didap Pátih, who had no chil- " dreadful in its effects, that those who were attacked by it in the morning " and atflicted at the lanentable situation of the Torg ger people, tlat he

" dren. He petitioned of his deity to grant that he might have children,

" to the number of twenty-five, promising, in that event, that he would

" cast away one of them into the sea. In the course of a short time chil-

* dren began to be born unto hiin. As soon as he had the ntanber he

" had prayed for, the people of Teag'ger were inflieted with a pestilenee, so

" never failed to die before the evening. Didap Pifik was so distressed

" loathed his food and neglected his rest, till it was communicated to him

" in a vision, that the pestilence lad been sent in consequence of his

" having onitted to perform his vow, of casting into the sea one of the

" twenty-five children whom thhe deity had granted him. Dádap Pátih

" then assembled all his childree, and inquired which of them was willing

" to be sacrificed, in order to appease the angry deity. All of them sig-

" nified their unwillingness to become the vietim exeept the youngest

" child, who voluntarily came forward and agreed to suffer, in which ever

" way its father thought proper. Dádap Patih, however, reflecting that

“ the sea was at a very great distance, carried this child only to that exten-

" sive sand plain at the foot of Gaunng Brinn, which bears the nane of

" Sagára wedi or Laut Pásir, and there abandoned it. No sooner had he

" done so, than Gúnuny Brùnn began to send forth hollow sounds, and

" immediately burst forth into a voleano. Sagáw wrdi is so called from

" the resemblance of its sandy surface, to a sea when surveyed from Brá-

" ma's heights : its original name is Dassar.

" Bima being asked by Kresnt if he was able, in the course of one night,

" to make an inland sea below the Teng'ger mountains, and having an-

" swered in the affirmative, Kresna challenged him to do it, telling him at

" th same time, that it nust be done before the cocks were heard to crow,

The Bédui are in numbers inconsiderable, and found in the interior of Bantam : they are the deseendants of those who eseaped into the woods after the fall of the western capital of Pajajáran * in the fifteenth century, and would not change their religion, remaining firmly attached to that of Prábu Séda. There is a tomb of one of them which they hold sacred, and will not allow any one but themselves to approach even to this day. When the Béd«i subsequently submitted to the Sultan of Bantam, and shewed no disposition to oppose the Mahomedans,they were not compelled to become converts; but it was agreed, at the same time they admitted, that the number of the Rocá-ian (the name given to their little societies) should be limited to three or four.

The Bédui attend to all orders they receive throngh the medium of the village chief. They subsist by cultivating riee: all they raise beyond what is required for their own consumption they sell to the hill people, who are in the habit of going to them for it once a year, on account of the superior quality of the rice, or rather superior estimation in which it is held. It is an established rule among them to allot but one day for cach of the different successive operations of husbandry : one day for cutting down the trees and underwood, one day for clearing what has been so cut down, one day for sowing the grain, one for weeding the field, and one for reaping, one for binding up the grain and one for carrying it home. If any part of what has been reaped cannot be carried home in one day, it is left and neglected. The Girang póhon

(which is the title of the chief) is the first who conmences the work of the field, and many of the hill people follow him in regard to the period for sowing their pári.

Their dress consists of white and black cloths. They wear rings and silver seabbards to their krises, but gold and swasa they dislike. Spanish dollars are the only coin they prize.

The festivals or feasts of the Javans are of three kinds : the grébeg, or religious festivals ; the bauchákí or nealamáti, so called from the Arabie salámat (a blessing), held on the celebration of marriages, births, and cireuncision; and the sedékah, appointed in honour of the dead, and for the celebration of their memory.

The principal and most important of these are the national entertainments corresponding with the Mahomedan festivals of múlut, pása, and besar ; the two first answering to the halfyearly festivals of the Arabs of moháraom and ramázan, and the latter with that of kliji, in the month of dulkhija. On these occasions the sovereign appears in publie, and the álon áluon is crowded with an assemblage of people from all quarters, every one being dressed in his most splendid attire, and accompanied by all his armed followers. The same is observed in the more distant provinces of the country, where the petty chiefs, in like manner, assemble in the áluon áluon of the Regent. Presents of fruit, ponltry, and other kinds of provisions, are brought from every part of the country: offerings are made by the chiefs to the mosques, and a public festival is given by the ehief authorities. The men only partake of these publie feasts; but the female part of the family of the chiefs assemble together, and enjoy corresponding entertainments within their chambers. The festival seldom lasts above one day.

Of the bancháki and nealamáti it may be only necessary to observe, that those given during the ceremonies consequent upon the birth of the first child are most important.

The sedékah are solemuities observed on the occasion of the funeral, or in honour of the memory of a departed relative, on the seventh, fortieth, one hundredth, or thousandth day after his decease: they are distinguished from the feasts of grébey and nealamáti by the absence of music. Those who intend to observe then, asseuble on the preceding evening in order to read sone portion of the Koran. Before the guests partake of the meal, the prineipal person present generally addresses the Almighty in a prayer, which alludes to the occasion, and expresses gratitude for the repast which his bounty has provided. Thankfulness to the earthly donor of the entertainment often mingles itself with gratitude to heaven, and the praises of both are celebrated at the same time. This grace before meals is called dúng'a.

Reserving for a subsequent chapter a sketeh of the muie and poctry of the Javans, I siall in this place endavour to give some account of their national drama and dances, as constituting, next to nusie and poctry, the most conspicuous and retiued of their anusemeuts.

The dramatie entertainments are of two kinds ; the tópeng, wherein the characters are represented by nen, who exeept when performing before the Sovereign wear masks ; aud the wágang, in which they are represented by shadows.

The subjeet of the topeng is invariably taken from the adyentures of Púouji, the favourite hero of Javan story. In the performances before the Sovereign, where masks are not used, the several charact rs thenselves rehearse their parts; but, in general, the Dálaong, or manager of the entertainument, reeites the speeches, while the performers have only to " suit " the action to the word." The musie of the gáneleon accompanies the piece, and varies in expression, according to the nature of the action or the kind of emotion to be excited. The actors are splendidly dressed after the ancient costume, and perform their parts with grace, elegance, and precision; but the whole performanee has more the character of a ballet than that of a regular dramatie exhibition, either of the tragic or coming kind, in which huuan passious, human follies or sufferings, are represented in such appropriate language and just action, as to seem only a reflection of nature. Love and war are the constant thenes, and the combats of contending chiefs gencrally close the seene. Those who perform before the sovereign and repeat their parts, previously study their characters from written coupositions expressly prepared for the purpose ; but in other cases, the Dálang, well versed in the principal incidents, descriptions, and speeches of the history, furnishes the dialogue between the actors extempore. A party of tópeng generally consists of ten persons, besides the Dálang, of whom four play the gámelan and six perform the charaeters. They are engaged to play by the night, for about ten rupees (twenty-five shillings) and a supper.

Buffoonery is sometimes introduced, to inerease the zest of these entertainments with the multitude, but it does not interfere with the regular course of the performanee, the actors being only disturbed occasionally by the aetions of an extraneous character, who whether representing a dog, a monkey, or an idiot, seidom fails to excite considerable mirth, and not unfrequently in the most interesting part of the performance.

There is also a kind of pantomime, or rather an assemblage of wild beasts called Barúng'an ; in this entertainment men dressed up to represent varions animals are made to appear in procession and combats. This is generally performed for the amusement of children, and is only aceompanied by the beat of the góng and drum.

In the cdgangs, or seenie shadows, the subjeet of the performanees is taken from the carliest period of history and fable, down to the destruction of the Hindu empire of Majapálit. These are distinguished according to the periods of the history which they represent, by the terms wáyang púrica, wáyang gédog, and wáyang klítik.

The different characters in the history are in these ráyangs represented by figures, about cighteen iuches or two feet high, stamped or cut ont of pieces of thick leather, generally of buffalo's hide, which are painted and gilt with great care and at considerable expense, so as to form some supposed resemblanee of the character to the individual intended to be personified. The whole figure is, however, straugely distorted and grotesque, the nose in particular being unnaturally prominent. There is a tradition, that the figures were first so distorted by the Susúnan Mória, one of the early Mahomedan teachers, in order to render the preservation of the ancient anusements of the country compatible with a due obedience to the Mahomedan precept, which forbids any exhibition or dramatic representation of the human form.

" By these means," said the Susúnan with much ingenuity,

" while the world in general will not imagine the figures to

" be human, the Javans, from recollecting their history, will

“ yet be able to comprehend the characters they are intended

" to represent, and enjoy in secret their national amusements.

“ Or if, in time, they should forget the originals, and confound " them with the distorted resemblance, they will be impressed " with the idea, that it was only after conversion to the faith " of the Prophet that their ancestors assumed the present " shape of man." But the comparatively recent alteration in the figures is rendered doubtful from the cireumstanee of similar figures being found on many of the more aneient coins, thus affording ground for an opinion, that they existed nearly in their present form before the introduction of Mahomedanism. Their antiquity is further confirmed, by the existence of similar figures in the Hindu island of Báli, where, though not so much distorted, they are still far from natural. These figures are fastened upon a horn spike, and have a piece of thin horn hanging from each hand, hy means of which the arms, which are jointed at the elbow and shoulder, can be moved at the diseretion of the manager. A white cloth or eurtain is then drawn tight over an oblong frame of ten or twelve feet long and five feet high, and being placed in front of the spectators, is rendered transparent by means of a hanging lamp behind it. The several figures are made in turn to appear and act their parts. Previous to the commencement of this performance, the Dálang, who is seated behind the curtain, arranges the different characters on each side of the curtain, by sticking them into a long plantain stem which is laid along the bottom. The gámelan then commences, and as the several characters present themselves, extracts of the history are repeated, and the dialogue is earried on, generally at the discretion and by the invention of the Dálang. Without this personage nothing can be done ; for he not only puts the puppets in motion, but repeats their parts, interspersing them with detached verses from the romance illustrative of the story, and descriptive of the qualities of the different heroes. He is the sonl which directs and animates the whole order and machinery of the piece, regulating the time of the music with a small hammer which he holds in his hand, while he recites the speeches suited to the occasion.

In the wáyang purra, or wáyang of the most ancient times, the subject is taken from the carliest periods of fabulous history, down to the reign of Parikésit inclusive. This ís the age of interesting story and marvellous fiction, the reign of the gods, demigods, and heroes of the Hindu and Javan mythology, who in these representations are exhibited with the attributes, and in the situations with which their names are connected in the most popular poems and romances. The fables thus turned to account, are generally taken from the poem of Ráma, the poen of Mintarága containing the penance of Arjúna on the mountain Indra, and the celebrated epie of the Bráta Yúdha, or the war of the Pandáca. These poems are all written in what are terned the high measures, and are accompanied in their recital by the gámelan saléndro. In the performance of this wayang, tho Dálang first recites a few verses in the Káci language, ehaunting afterwards an interpretation of the passage in Javan, for the use of the unlearned. As the several characters are brought forward, he himself supplies the minor dialogue between the dramatis personæ, keeping in general close to the original story, when there is any person present who could detect his deviations : if he is performing before the ignorant, however, he frequently digresses from the main story, in any way which he thinks may most readily amuse his audience; and on this account, the praetice of rendering the Káwi into Javan, which furnishes an opportumity for such deviations, is termed charángan, literally a branch from a tree. In the course of the entertainment, all the varieties of ancient weapons named in these poems are represented behind the transparent curtain. The interest excited by such spectacles, connected with national recollections, is almost inconceivable. The eager multitude will sit listening with rapturous delight and profound attention for whole nights to these rude dramas. By means of them, the lower class have an opportunity of picking up a few Káwi terms, and of becoming acquainted with the ancient legends of the country.

The subject of the wáyang gédog is taken from the period of history subsequent to Parikésit, commeneing with the reign of Gandra-yána and including the adventures and reign of the celebrated Pánji, and that of his successor Laléan, until he established himself at Pajajáran. These poems being composed in a different measure, the gámelan pélog is employed as the accompaninent; and although the history of the early part of this period is written in the Kdci, the Dá- lang always employs the Javan translation. The adventures of Pánji compose the most popular portion of it. The characters are numerous, and the figures in general more highly coloured and better finished than those of the cágaong púrica. In bringing any hero on the stage, the Dálang recites those verses of the history which relate to him, aud introduees such dialogue as may give a dramatie effeet to the exhibition, together with such explanations as may make it intelligible to common capacities.

In the wágang klitik the figures exhibited are more properly puppes than shadows: they are of wood, about ten incles high, and made to perform their parts without the intervention of a curtain. In these are represented that portion of the history commeneing with the establishment of the western empire of Pajajáran and ending with the destruction of the castern enmpire of Vajapáhil. Of this, by far the most favourite seenes are founed in the popular story of the adventures between the Ménak Jing'ga, a chief of Balambáng'an, and Dámar Wálan (the light of the moon), on account of the Priucess of Majapáhit.

The compositious which thus serve as the basis of these popular and interesting entertainments, comprise the legends from which the account of the earlier periods of Javan story, detailed in another part of thiswork, is principally derived. The most popular and interesting events and adventures are preserved and related in varions compositions, whilst more recent actions and events, which possessed less interest, have fallen into oblivion. The constant exhibition of these plays in every part of the country, but more particularly in the eastern districts, has served to keep alive the recollections of " days long since gone by," and to disseminate a general knowledge of native legendary history among many, with whom, from the ignorance of letters, the stories might otherwise have been irretrievably lost or nore grossly distorted.

The Dálangs, who manage and conduet these amusements, are treated with considerable respect. In many points, their office strongly resembles that of the aneient bards. The ceremony of giving his blessing to the first born infant, in the repetition of some partieular passages of the ancient legends, gives this part of his office a very peenliar interest. The usual payment to the Dálang who owus a set of tcágangs, and brings his own gúmelan players, is from two to thiree dollars for the night; but the nobles and chiefs generally have several sets of wájangs of their own, and keep a Dálang in their service.

Another representation of this nature is that of the adventures of Ménak Jing'ga and Dámar Wúlan, which are exhibited, but not very comnaouly, by means of drawings on folded leaves of strong paper, while the Dálang repeats the story and furnishes dialogue to the characters. This is termed wágong beber. An entertainment of a similar deseriptiou, though not aecompanied by the exhibition of figures, is termed trebang : it was invented in the tine of thie kingdom of Demak. 'The story is taken from the Arabic account of Begínda Ambia, which heing rendered into Javan, is repeated by the Dilaong, who with a snall drum before him, and aecompanied by the musie of the gánclun, gives spirit to the different parts, by beating tinne with his hand, and varying the strength of the sonud or quiekness of time according to the subject. These two latter are of comparatively modern invention, and not much esteened.

The dance with the Javans, as with Asiaties in general, consists in graceful attitudes of the body, and in the slow movement of the arns and legs, particularly of the former, even to the distinct motion of the land and fingers.

Of the daneing girls who exhibit at public entertainments, the first in rank and the most skilful in their profession are the coneubines of the sovereign and of the hereditary prinee. They alone are allowed to perform the s'rímpi, a figure dance by four persons, distinguislhed by an unusual degree of grace and decorum.

The dancers are decorated according to the ancient costume of the country, and nearly in the same manner as a modern bride. The tápih, or petticoat, is of silk of different colours, often green stamped with golden flowers, and hanging in the most graceful manner, a part of it falling between the feet and serving as a short train, which in the course of the dance is frequently thrown aside by a quieker motion of the foot than ordinary. The údat, or waistband, is of the chíndi pattern; and on these occasions is worn the mer, or cestus, composed of plates of gold highly ornamented with diamonds at the clasp in front. The body is enclosed in a kind of corset (pemákak) passing above the bosom and under the arms, and confining the waist in the narrowest possible limits. The ends of the sémbong, or sash, fall gracefully on each side on the back of the hip and reach the ground. Sometimes, indeed, this graceful appendage to the dress is brought from the back to a point between the breasts, whence being fastened in a rosette, the ends flow towards the ground in front of the person, the usual bending attitude during the dance causing them to hang distinet from the rest of the apparel. The triple necklace, richly chased armlets, bracelets, and tiara, are of gold, studded with precious stones ; and the hair is gracefully ornamented with buds of white and sweetseented flowers. On their fingers they generally display brilliant rings, and the face, neck, shoulders, and arus, which remain uneovered, are tinged by a delicate shade of yellow powder. The music is slow and solemn, and the performance is on the gámelan saléndro; verses from the romances of Pánji, descriptive of the attire and beauty of the wives and concubines of that hero, being chaunted as a prelude to the enfertainment and during its continuance. On occasions when the s'rímpi are exhibited before Europeans at the Residency house, they are brought with great care, and under a guard, from the kráton, in a large enclosed palanquin, or rather box, borne on men's shoulders. When they reach the door of the residency, they glide behind the prince into the chamber appropriated for his accommodation, and when they come forth for the dance, seat themselves on the ground in front of him. On his intimating that they should commence, they slowly, and to the sound of music, close their hands, and raising them to the forehead, bend in reverential awe, and gradually extending their arms and swaying in unison with cach other from side to side, assume an crect posture. The dancers seldom exceed the age of fourteen or fifteen. The birth of a child generally puts an end to their performances, and removes them from the profession. They are the choicest beauties of the country, selected for the royal bed. Throughout the whole performance their eyes are directed modestly to the ground, and their body and limbs are by slow movements thrown into every graceful attitude that the most flexible form is capable of exhibiting. In the figure of the dance they occasionally approach and recede from each other, and sometimes cross to the opposite side. It frequently happens, that the delicate corset by falling too low, exposes more of the body than is considered correct. On such occasions, one of the trusty matrons always in attendance raises it again, without interrupting the danee or embarrassing the movements of the daneer. At the conelusion of the dance they gradually place thenselves on the ground, in the same manner as before its commencement, and after closing their hands, and raising them to the forehead in token of respeet, remain seated with a downeast look and captivating modesty, until the signal is given to the matrons to relieve them by others, when they again glide into the same apartment.

The bedáya, who perform a figure danee of eight persons, are in some respect to the nobles what the s'rímpi are to the sovereign: but, at present, few of the nobles can afford to maintain a sufficient nunber of youthful concubines to compose this dance; it is frequently therefore performed by boys trained for the purpose. They are dressed nearly in the same manner as the s'rompi, though not so expensively. The action moves to the same music and song.

But the common dancing girls of the country, who appear to approach more nearly to the usual dancing girls of Western India, are called rong'geng, and are generally of easy virtue. They make a profession of their art, and hire themselves to perform on particular occasions, for the amusement of the chiefs and of the public. Though to be found in every principal town, their performanee is most highly esteemed in the western, and particularly among the rude mountaineers of the Súnda distriets, where the superior graces of the bedáya are unknown. Here they are constantly engaged on every oceasion of festivity, and the regeuts frequently keep the most accomplished in their service for years. Their conduct is generally so incorrect, as to render the title of róng'geng and prostitute synonymous ; but it not unfrequently happens, that after amassing considerable wealth in the profession, they obtain, on account of their fortune, the hand of some petty chief. In this case, they generally, after a few years retirement and domestie quiet, avail themselves of the facility of a divoree, and repudiating their lusbands, return to their forner habits. The rong'gengs acconpany the danee with singing, the words being generally extempore to the musie of the gáomelan saléndro and pélog. Their dress is coarse, but in other respeets resembles that of the nore scleet daneers. They do not, however, wear any tiara on the head, nor armlets; bracelets are only worn occasionally. Their hair is dressed after a peeuliar fashion, abundantly oiled, and ornunented with flowers of various kinds. They sometimes exhibit singly and sometimes in groups, following and approaching cach other, or receding at pleasure. They perform at any tinme of the day, but ehiefly in the evening, and endeavour to exhibit their best attitudes round a lamp which hangs suspended. Generally speaking, both their action and their song are rude and awkward, and on that account often disgusting to Europeans, although there are sone aniong thiem whose performance does not deserve to be so considered. Their action is usually distorted, their greatest exeellence seeming to consist in bending the arms and hands back in an unnatural manner, and giving one or two of the fingers a tremulous motion. The voice, though sometines harmonions, is often loud, dissonant, and harsh to an European car. They generally have a handkerehief thrown over the shoulder, and usually a fan in their hand, which occasionally serves to coneeal one half of the face, not so much out of any affectation of bashfulness, as, in the manner of a huntsman, to assist the louder tones of the voice. At other tines it is employed to strike against the back of the arm, so as to give a greater effect to different parts of the action and music. Generally speaking, the róng'gengs do not deseend to the performance of those disgusting and disgraceful postures and motions, which are stated to be so frequent on the continent of India, but they are not free from the charge of impropriety iu this respect. Their song, though little esteemed and less understood by Europeans, sometimes possesses mnch humour and drollery; and in adapting their motions to the language, they frequently exeite loud bursts of laughter, and obtain great applause from the native audience.

The nobles of the highest rank are acenstoned, on partieular oecasions of festivity, to join in the dance with a röng'geng. To dance gracefully, is an accomplishment expeeted in every Javan of rank; and in the western distriets, particularly, all the chiefs are, on days of festivity, accustoned to join in the exereise, one after the other, conneneing with the youngest. On these oceasions, the nobles of the highest class vie with each other in pointing the toe with grace, in exhibiting clegance of movenent, in displaying adroitness by intricate evolutions, or beanty of person by an ingenious management of attitude. So devoted are they to this exereise, that although their wives and danghters never danec, the happiness of a festive oecasion is considercd ineonplete, where an opportunity is not afforded to the chiefs themselyes of introducing their favourite aunsement. In the Súnda distriets, there are some individuals distinguished as regular posture or danciug-niasters.

It is not unusual for the performanees of the róng'gengs to be varied by the action of a fool or buffoon. Mimiery is a favourite auuseuncnt, and beside initating, in a ludierous manner, the actions of the róng'gengs, there are not wanting performers of this description, who occasionally direet their wit against all classes of society, and evince a considerable degree of low hunour.

These are the only publie exhibitions of the female sex; but the posture dances by the men are nnmerous, and contribute to the state of the sovereigns and chiefs. Among these, the Gámbuh, with a shield on one arm, gracefully raises the dódot (or petticoat) with the other hand ; the Niutra, having a bow and arrow in the hand, goes through the motion of its exercise, striuging and unstringing it to the sound of the gámelan. Both throw their limbs and body into the most graceful postures, as they slowly move in procession before the chiefs, or are arranged on the side of the passage through which he is to pass. Both the Gámbuh and Niutra are naked from the waist upwards, while the dódot hangs to the ground on one side in the manner of full dress, shewing the knee on the other. Their bodies are generally covered with yellow powder, and from round their ears hang suspended in front, strings of the young meláti flowers.

The Gámbuh are occasionally employed to exhibit before the prince, when with a krís in their right hand and a shield on their left arm, they go through all their cvolutions to the sound of music.

But the chief description of male performers are the Béksa kémbang or Béksa rong'gengwho have flowers, shields, or serpents in their hands, and in dancing seem to resemble the South Sea Islanders, though more elegant in their attire, and perhaps more graceful in their motions. Neither have any covering above the waist; but the yellow, and sometimes green powder which is upon the body, gives it an appearance very like dress. The term Béksa láwung is applied to the petty chiefs, who on public days dismount from their horses, and go through the exereise of the spear for the amusement of the prinee. Another deseription of performers are terined Unchelang; their art consists in throwing the spear into the air, and eatching it again as it falls with great dexterity. Similar exhibitions of these persons combating with sticks, called újung, were formerly common.

In the domestic circle, the women and·elderly people are partial to a peculiar amusement termed sintren, which paints very forcibly the notions they possess of the power of music. A boy or girl, properly attired and skilled in the dance, is placed under a reversed basket which is carefully covered with cloth. Round it music and song are struck up by all present; those who do not play on any instrument, or who do not sing, joining in beating tine by clapping their hands. When the excitement has continued sufficiently long to be supposed to have effected the charm, the basket is seen to move, and the boy or girl rising from under it, apparently unconscious of what is doing, moves and dances gracefully but wildly, in unison with the music. At length tired out, the dancer falls and seems to sink into sleep, and when awakened pretends not to recollect any thing that has passed. The perfection of this amusehent consists in the performer's giving himself up so completely to the power of music as to be charmed by it, and perfectly unconscious of every other sense.

For the amusement, principally however of children, a cocoa-nut shell is carved with the features of a man, and affixed to the top of a reversed basket, covered with cloth. This basket, after being for some time exposed by the side of a river, or under a large tree, in order, as is supposed, that some supernatural spirit may enter into it, is brought again into the house, and rocked according to the swaying motion of the Javan dance by two children, to the musie of the gámelan. An ainusement of this kind is termed bríndung.

Tilts and tournaments (wálang) form a favourite and constant diversion with the Javans: they are exhibited principally in the álun álun, or great square in front of the kráton, or palace, and compose an essential part of the ceremony of the pásar senén, or the day in which the sovereign and regents appear in public. This, with the sovereign, is Saturday; with the chiefs, Monday. On the afternoon of this day, all the princes, nobles, and publie oflicers assemble, and arranging themselves in the places assigued to their respective ranks, await the coming out of the sovereign, who, as soon as he descends from the setíngel, mounts a horse richly caparisoned, and rides round the caríngen trees, the several chiefs joining in his suite as he passes the cirele. Several of the chiefs, and particularly their sons and youthful relations, then join in pairs, tilting and striking their long and blunted spears as they pass the sovereign. The same thing is observed on the afternoon of every Monday, at the eapitals of the different provinces throughout the island, where the native government and institutions are at all preserved. The assemblage of people on these occasions is frequently very great. The trappings and housings of the horses are extremely rich, and the riders perform their feats with some dexterity, being seldom unhorsed *. At the conclusion of the exhibition on horseback, it is not unusual for the youths and petty chiefs who have contended in the saddle to dismount and practice the attack and defence of the spear on foot: they are then termed Béksa lácung. Tilts are likewise exhibited in the álun álun on the days of public festival, when the chiefs appear.

The Javans have long advanced beyond that state in which the chace was considered as connected with their subsistence.

The stag is hunted chiefly in the eastern and western extremities of the island, by the descendants of the Báli and Súnda races : the Javans inhabiting the central distriets are not practised in the diversion, nor much acquainted with it. They uniformly pursne the animal on horseback. In the eastern districts he is killed with a spear : in the western he is cut down with a klécang or cutlass ; here the ehace is condueted with more regularity and method, and many of the inhabitants, particularly the chiefs, are passionately addicted to it, employing the best and swiftest horses and dogs they can procure for the purpose.

A favourite and national spectacle is the combat between the buffalo and the tiger. A large eage of baä«bu or wood is creeted, the ends of which are fixed into the ground, in which the buffalo is first and the tiger afterwards admitted, through openings reserved for the purpose. It seldom fails that the buffalo is triumphant, and one buffalo has been known to destroy several full grown tigers in suceession. In these combats the buffalo is stimulated by the constant application of boiling water, which is poured over him from the upper part of the cage, and of nettles, which are fastened to the end of a stick, and applied by persons seated in the same quarter. The tiger sometimes springs upon the buffalo at once; he very generally, however, avoids the combat, until goaded by sticks and roused by the applieation of burning straw, when he moves round the eage, and being gored by the buffalo, seizes him by the neck, head, or leg. The buffalo is often dreadfully torn, and seldom survives the combat many days. In these entertainments the Javans are accustomed to compare the buffalo to the Javan and the tiger to the European, and it may be readily imagined with what cagerness they look to the suecess of the former. The combat generally lasts from twenty minutes to half an hour, when, if neither of them is destroyed, the animals are changed, and the tiger, if he survives, is removed to be destroyed in the manner called rámpog, which is as follows.

On reeeiving information of the retreat of a tiger the male inhabitants are sometimes called out in a body, by the order of a chief, cach man being obliged to be provided with a spear, the common weapon of the country. The place where the animal is conccaled is surrounded : a double or triple range being formed, aceording to the number of hunters, and he is roused by shouts, by the beating of gongs, or by fire. The place where he is expected to attempt his eseape is carefully guarded, and he is generally speared on the spot.

In many distriets, where the population is not deficient, the appearance of a single tiger ronses the neighbourhood, and he is infallibly destroyed by the method deseribed *.

When the rámpog is resorted to by way of amusement at the eapital of the sovereign, a hollow square of spearmen, four deep, is formed on the álon álon, in the centre of which are placed the tigers in small separate cages, or rather traps, with a sliding door, in the manner of a rat-trap. Two or three men, accustomed to the practice, at the command of the sovereign, proceed into the centre of the square, and placing plaited leaves in front of the eage, to supply the place of the wooden door, set it on fire, and drawing the wooden door up, throwing it on one side, themselves retreating from the spot at a slow pace, to the sound of music. As soon as the tiger feels the fire he starts, and in endeavouring to make his way through the spearmen is generally received upon their weapons. Instances, however, have occurred, in which the animal has made good his retreat, but he was soon afterwards killed; sometimes the tiger, particularly if he has been opposed to the buffalo, will not move from the centre of the square ; in which case the sovereign generally directs six or cight of his choice men (gándek) to advanee towards him with spears. This they do with surprizing coolness and intrepidity, never failing to pieree the animal, by fixing their spears into him at once. The smaller species of the tiger is generally selected for this amusement.

The exposure of criminals in combat with tigers was formerly practised, and it is said to have been common on the first establishment of the Mutárem empire ; but of late years, such a method of deriving anusement from the infliction of judicial punishment had alnost become obsolete, and is now, as well as mutilation and torture, altogether abolished by treaty. Several instanees are said to have occurred during the reign of the sultan of Yúgya-kérla who was deposed by the British Government in 1812. In an exhibition of this kind, which took place about ten years ago, two criminals were exposed for having set fire to a dwelling. They were provided each with a krís, which was long, but broken off or blunted at the point, and the tiger was let in upon them separately in a large cage constructed for the purpose. The first was soon destroyed, but the second, after a combat of nearly two hours, succeeded in killing the tiger, by repeated euts about the head and under the ears and eyes. On this a smaller tiger, or rather leopard, was let in upon him, and the criminal being equally successful in this combat was released. His success, as in the judicial ordeals of the dark ages, was taken for a manifestation by heaven of his innocence, and not only secured his pardon, but procured for hin the rank of a Mántri, as a recompense for the danger to which he was exposed in its vindication. Although this barbarous practice appears so recently to have been resorted to, it is not to be inferred that, as a speetacle, it is held in any estimation by the Javans in general. It seems to have been of comparatively late introduetion, and adopted only in the poliey of a known and avowed tyrant. The concourse of spectators to witness the combat can no more stamp the general character of the people with barbarity, than the crowds whieh are always present at publie executions in Europe. The bare relation of the fact exeites feelings of horrer in the mind of the ordinary chief.

Bull-fighting is common on Madúra and in the eastern parts of the island; but it is perfectly different from any species of sport derived from the courage or ferocity of that animal in Europe. Here, neither dogs are employed as in England, nor men and horses as in Späin, but the bulls themselves are directed against cach other. The population form an extensive ring round the álon dluon, within which the aninmals are first led up to a cow, until they are sufficiently excited, when the cow being withdrawn they are set at liberty and contend with cach other, until one of them gives way, and is driven from within the ring by the vietor. The small well formed bulls of Númcnáp afford considerable amusement in this way, while considerable bets are laid on the result of the combat.

The combat between the ram and wild hog, whieh generally terminates by several dogs being let in to complete the destruction of the latter, is an exhibition which furnishes frequent amusement ; a small stand is raised for the ram, to which he ean retreat when in danger, and from whenee he can take advantage of a favourable moment of attack upon his antagonist.

Quail-fighting (áduh gemár) and cock-fighting (áduh jágu) were formerly very prevalent, the latter particularly, among the common people, but by no means to the same extent as practised in the other islands of the Archipelago, in many parts of which, particularly among the Maláyus, it forms almost the wlhole source of diversion and interest. On the establishment of the British power, cock-fighting and gaming, which had formerly proved a productive souree of revenue to the European government, were prohibited, and are now in consequenee rarely resorted to. The Javans were not in the habit of fixing spurs to their coeks : this practice, they say, belongs to the Maláyns *. The common people still anuse themselves with betting upon the issue of a fight between two crickets (ádhu jangkrik), which are daily exposed in the markets for that purpose. The little animals being confined in small bámbus partially opened, are said to afford an amusement of considerable interest.

Among the games of skill may be reckoned those of chess, drafts, and several minor games played with pieces or balls, on boards of a somewhat similar construction.

In chess (chátur) the pieces are named, the rátu, or king ; the pateh, or minister, corresponding with the queen ; two práhn, or vessels, corresponding with castles; two mántri, corresponding with bishops ; two járdon, or horses, corresponding with knights; the bídak, or pawns; and are arranged as in the English game, exeept that the kings are placed on the left hand of the queens, and opposite to the adversary's queen. The moves are also the same; except that the king, if he has not been cheeked, nay move two squares the first time, either as a knight or otherwise; and that the pawn may move two squares the first move, even though it should pass the cheek of an adversary's pawn. When a pawn reach the adversary's first line, it must retrograde three moves diagonally before it can become a queen, except it has reached the castle's square, in which case it is a queen at once. There may be any number of qucens on the board at once.

The king cannot castle after having been checked. Castling is performed by two moves; the castle must first be brought up to the king, after which the king may pass over the castle at any future move, provided he shall not have been checked, or that no piece has occupied the square he would move into. A piece or pawn must remain on the board till the last ; if the king is left alone it is considered as stale mate, and he wins.

This game was formerly more general than at present.

Besides chess, there are a varicty of games played upon checkers; and next to it in estination may be considered the games of chúki and dákon. In chúki, the board has one hundred and twenty angular points, forned by eross lines on a cheekered board, and the sane is played with sixty white and sixty black pieces. The object here is to clear the board of the adversary's pieces, and the victor is he who does so first. The parties toss up who shall take off the first piece or break the board. The moves are in all directions, and the person who commenees goes on as long as he can take one, three, or five of his adversary's pieces. When he cannot do either, he stops, and the other goes on in the same way. Dákon is played w ith fourteen or cighteen balls on an oblong board with holes, and is nuch practised by women.

Daondámmon, or drafts, is not very unlike the Iudian game, but has more picces.

Machanan, is a game in which two chief pieces represent tigers, one conducted by cach party, and twenty-three pieces representing cows : the tiger who destroys the most wins the game. Máling'oon is played on squares with eighteen pieces, and the object is to surround your adversary's pieces.

Of games of chance there are many. That denominated telága tári is accounted the most ancient : it consists in guessing the number of beans enclosed within the band. Three or four people conmonly join in it. Oue of the party having dried beans in his lap, take a ecrtain number in his hand, requiring cach of the others to fix by guess upon a number; if there are three persons, upon a number from one to four, and the two numbers left fall to the share of the person who holds the beans. If the number in his hand exeeeds four, every four beans are thrown aside, and the residue, until they are redueed to that number or below it, only counted.

Dadu, or dice, as well as cards, are borrowed from the Chinese, and not included among the national games. The most common species of gaming, and that which is practised by the numerous and dissolute class of baturs, or porters, in the central districts, is a kind of pitch and toss, denominated képlek. Four farthings, whitened or marked on one side, are tossed into the air; if the whole or three of them fall on the side that is marked, or on the reverse, the party who tossed them wins; if only two he loses the stake.

Bets are frequently laid on the hardness or otherwise of a particular nut, known among the Maláyus by the term búa kras and called áduh gemíri. Bets also frequently depend on the flying of kites (layáng'an).

I shall conclude this chapter by referring to some peculiarities, which, although partially explained elsewhere, and falling perhaps more correetly under other heads, may not be improperly noticed in an account of the national usages and customs.

The practice of filing and dying the teeth black, and that of lengthening the lobe of the ear to an enormous size, both of which have been already noticed, appear to have exteuded over the whole of the eastern peninula of India, as far as China, and throughout the islands of the Arehipelago, as far at least as Papua or New Guinea.

The practice of covering the face, body, and limbs with yellow powder on state occasions, and the use of yellow silk or satin for the envelope of letters between prinees, evinees the same esteein for this colour which prevails in the other islands, as well as in Ava, Siam, and China.

The kríses worn by the Javans are only varicties of that which is found in the islands, and on what is termed the Malayan peninsula. The Javans have a tradition that it was first introduced by one of their early Hindu sovereigns, Sakú- tram (others call him Sa Pútram), who is said to have come into the world with the krís by his side. This krís is supposed to have been of the kind called pasopáti, which is consequently considered as the most honourable at the present day. In the chapter on History will be found an account of the krís deposited in the tomb of the Susúnan Giri, and of the virtues attributed to it by the superstitions of the country. There is a tradition, that the inhabitants of all those countries in which the krís is now worn, onee acknowledged the authority of the Javans, and derived that custom from them. Another tradition attributes the introduction of this weapon among the islanders to the celebrated Pánji. The practice of poisoning the blade of the krís seems to have been attributed to the

Javans and their neighbours without any foundation. In order to bring out the damasking, it is usual to immerse the blade in lime juice and a solution of arsenic, which, by eating away and corroding the iron, may probably render the wound more angry and inflamed, and consequently more difficult to eure, but it has never been considered that death is the consequence. After this application of the acid and arsenic, the blade is earefully smeared with some fragrant oil, to prevent it from rusting, and this is all that is ever done to it.

It has been usual to condemn these people as blood-thirsty, prone to inmediate revenge, because they invariably use the deadly krís ; but however frequent the appeals to this weapon may be in some of the more wild and uncivilized of the Malayan states, experienee has proved to us, that on Java it may be universally worn without danger. I have elsewhere remarked, that the custom of wearing the krís among these islanders has, in its effects upon the manners of the people, proved in many respects an effeetual substitute for duelling among Europeans. In these countries, where there is very little justice to be obtained from regularly established courts, and where an individual considers himself justified in taking the law into his own hands aceordingly, the Malágu is always prepared to avenge with his kris the slightest insult on the spot ; but the knowledge that such an immediate appeal is always at hand, prevents the necessity of its often being resorted to, an habitual politeness ensues, and it has often been said, that if the Maláyus are savages, they are by far the most polite savages that we know of. If this effeet is produced on the wilder and less civilized Malágu, and has equal force with the more adventurous and warm-hearted Búgis, it may be easily coneeived the Javans have not escaped it. The krís, among them, has for a long period been more exelusively a personal ornament, than a rapier was in Europe fifty years ago, being among the higher classes even seldomer resorted to, as a weapon of defence or offence, than the latter.

The condition of absolute slavery, as understood by Europeans, seems to have been unknown to the ancient constitution of society in these islands, and throughout all the fragments of their history, of their laws, usages, and customs, no trace is to be found of its ever having existed among the Javans *.

Throughout the more ancient laws and institutions of the country, a property of thc subject in the land is clearly recognized, and it is probable that it continued to subsist till the subversion of the Hindu goverument. From various definitions and enactments respecting property, some of which may be seen in the Súria Alem†, it is obvious, that money transactions took place formerly, to a greater extent than they do at present. The change is probably attributable to the European policy of the last two centuries. Four per cent. per month when a valuable pledge is deposited, and double that amount otherwise, is the common rate of interest in small transactions between the natives and Chinese of the present day.

In the transaction of money concerns, the women are universally considered superior to the men, and from the common labourer to the chief of a province, it is usual for the husband to entrust his pecuniary affairs entirely to his wife. The women alone attend the markets, and conduet all the business of buying and selling. It is proverbial to say the Javan men are fools in money concerns.

When speaking of their fondness for show and state,

I noticed that the Javans were at the same time distinguished by neatness and cleanliness, qualities not often combined with the forner.That they are in most respects remarkable for their neatness cannot be denied: to their personal cleanliness there are exeeptions. This is however chiefly true of the higher classes, and especially those who mix with Europeans; but the common Javan, though more cleanly than the Chinese and even the European, would suffer by a comparison in that particular with the natives of Western India.

The comnion people generally bathe onee a day, others once only in two or three days. None of any rank anoint the body with grease, as is the case with the natives of Western India; but they abundantly oil their hair, whieh among the conmon people, on account of its length, is too often filthy in the extrene. They are aceustomed to arrange the hair with a coarse comb, but the use of the small-toothed comb is unknown, its oflice being invariably performed by the hands of women. Near Batavia, and some of the low capitals on the coast, it is not unusual to see on the road side women thus euployed for the benefit of passengers, at a certain rate per head, who submit to it as naturally as an English labourer goes into a barber's shop to be shaved for a penny. The Malágus aceuse the Javans of eating what they find on these occasions: " itu órang Jáca," say they, " mákan kútut." This, however, appears to be a calumny : the Javans confess to biting, but deny the swallowing. The practice of the women cleaning the men's hair is referred to by the Javans as of very ancient date. It was from this practice that the mother of Wát» Gúnung, in the very earliest period of Javan traditionary story, discovered her lost son*.

Passing from this disgusting particular, and referring the reader to the details of the native history for the leading features of the political character of the Javan, and to the other divisions of this work, which may afford him information how to estimate their former and present state of civilization, I cannot but regret, that I am compelled to reserve, until a future occasion, a more detailed account of the constitution, usages, and customs of the village societies. It is by these that the private virtues and vices of the people are perhaps best illustrated, and an account of the municipal regulations by which the little property and happiness of each individual is protected, of the internal precautions of police, and of the mode of adjusting disputes, could not fail to be interesting, on account of their simplicity, their equity, and efficacy. Independently of the degree of rational independence and importance which the existence of these societies insures to the common people, and of the protection whieh, under all cireumstances of greater political revolutions, they have afforded to them, it is hoped that their influence in maintaining the police and tranquillity of the country, will ever prevent the European authority from interfering in their constitution or internal arrangements.

It has long been the opinion of the Dutch authorities, that a system of European police, and the employment of European officers of police are necessary ; but under the British government the contrary has been satisfactorily proved. Let the higher departments of justice be serupulously superintended and watehed by Europeans of character ; let the administration of justice be pure, prompt, and steady ; let what is bad in the native practice of police be gradually removed, but let the system, in its application to the common people, be supported. It is one which has grown with them, one which they are accustomed to and understand. Under the native system, the rice block of the village is used as the alarm; and according to the manner in which it is beaten, the inhabitants know whether it is to announce a single thief or a banditti, a tiger or a fire, and arm themselves suitably. As it is usual for a thief to have but little covering on his body, and to oil himself all over, that he may slip from the hands of any one who may seize him, the Javans make use of a long wooden pole, with branches of brambles inverted within a fork at the end, and by means of this simple contrivance they avoid the risk of being wounded, and effectually secure the offender, who cannot escape without tearing his skin. These, and other simple expedients, adopted from inmemorial custom and according to the circumstances of the country, are certainly preferable to the watchmen's rattles and constables'staves which Europeans would wish to introduce.

C H A P T E R VIII.

Langunge—Little known to Europeans—Different Languages or Dialects— Those of Súnda, Madúra and Báli compared with that of Java Proper— The polite Language, or Language of Honour—The Káwi, or Sacred and Classic Languaye—Numerals—Chándra Sangkála—Literature—Compositions in the Kéwi Language, and in the modern Javan—Iafluence of Hindw Literature—Introduction ofArabic Literature—Poetry—The Bráta Y'ád'ha, a Poem—Music—Painting—Sculpture—Architecture—Arithmetic—Astronomy.

THE extensive prevalence of the Javan language, and its connexion with the languages of continental India, were not overlooked by those intelligent Europeans who visited these islands at an early period ; for we find Valentyn * quoting the authority of Flaccourt, who published in 1661, and the Portuguese Jan de Barros, for conelusions with regard to the extent of Javan commerce in remote ages, drawn from the resemblanee then traced between the languages of Java and those of Madagasear and Ambon (Amboina.) " Tlie Javans," observes this author, " must doubtless have visited Coro- “ mandel and Malabar, for the high or court language is, in “ three parts out of four, derived from the Sanscrit or Brah- “ minical language. Many Malabar words also enter into

" the composition, and it is besides composed in a great

“ measure from the Dekan, which is the aneient language of

“ India, in the same manner as the Sanscrit is the sacred lan- " guage."

The alphabet has been exhibited, though imperfectly, by Valentyn, Le Brun, and Reland, and an Alphabetum Bantemense is said to have been found amongst the posthumous -papers of the learned Hyde; but the language does not appear to have been regularly cultivated by Europeans until within the last very few years. Some of the outlines of the

Javan mythological stories had previously appeared in a Dutch dress, in the transactions of the Batavian Society ; and these, with the translation of the Lord's Prayer in the high and low languages, published by Valentyn, some short vocabularies, and a short comparative view of the Javan and Malayan languages, which appeared in a Dutch work entitled " Begin en rortgang den Oost Ind Compen," or the Rise and Progress of the East-India Company, are the only contributions to our knowledge of Javan literature with which I am acquainted.

The native population of Java, Madúra, and Báli, islands most intimately connected with each other in every respect, use exactly the same written character, and it appears that one generic language prevails throughout these islands. Of this generie language, however, there are four dialeets, differing so materially from each other as to be generally considered separate languages. It is, however, rather by adnixture of other languages than by mere difference of dialeet that they are distinguished. These dialects or languages are the Súndo, spoken by the inhabitants of the mountainous districts of Java west of Tegal; the Jánca or Javan, which is the general language of Java east of Chéribon, and throughout the distriets lying on the northern coast of the island ; the Madürd and the Báli, being the dialects or languages belonging to those islands respectively.

How far these dialects or languages radically assimilate with each other, and justify the opinion that one generic language prevails throughout, may be determined by an inspection of the annexed vocabulary *. The Lanpong is added on account of the vicinity of that part of Sumatra to Java, and the intimate political connection which at all times subsisted between the people ; and in order to enable the reader to compare them all with the prevailing language of the Arehipelago the Maláyu is prefixed. Under the Javan is included the Bása kráma, or polite language, which will be more particularly noticed hereafter.

In this vocabulary such words only have been introduced as are used in conversation, and in ordinary epistolary composition ; but the inhabitants of these islands possess further a classic language, altogether distinct from the ordinary languages of the country, and which is to them what the Sanscrit is to the Pracrit language of Hindustan, and what the Pali is to the Birman and Siamese. This language is termed Káwi *. The annexed vocabulary, No. 2 †, which affords a comparison between the Sanscrit, the Pali, and the Káwi, will shew how nearly these languages are allied.

These two voeabularies may serve to convey a notion of the extent, peculiarities, and antiquity of the Javan language, which will be found as intimately couneeted with the Malágu, or general language of the Arehipelago, on the one hand, as it is with the Sanscrit and Pali on the other.

The Súnda language, though now confined to the mountainous districts, seems to have been formerly, and probably down to the period immediately preceding the revolution occasioned by the Mahomedan conversion, the general language of the western districts, and is perhaps the most aneient vernacular language of the country. It is a simple uneultivated dialeet, adapted however to all the purposes of the sinple and uneducated mountaineers who speak it, aud has perhaps escaped the influence of foreign innovation, from the peeuliar nature of the country and the independent character of that race. It possesses a considerable portion of Maláyu words, and some of Sanserit origin ; the latter being, generally speaking, proper names or terms of art and seienee or polity, have probably been borrowed from the eastern or proper Javans, in common with whom the Súnda people have adopted a B'hasa dálam, or Bása kráma, which, however, is by no means extensive. The Súnda, with reference to the Javan, may be viewed in much the same light as the Welch is to the Eng- äsh. The proportion of the people who now speak it does not exceed one-tenth of the population of the whole island; the remaining nine-tenths speak Javan.

The lauguage of Madúra, which is again divided iuto the dialects of Madára proper and Sumenáp, will be found to contain many words in common with that of Súnda,but a much more extensive portion of Maláyu, varied in the termination by a peculiarity of dialect.

The languages of Báli are intimately connected with those of Java and Madúra. In the historical part of this work it will be shewn that it was in Báli the ancient religion, and with it the literature of Java, took refuge in the fifteenth century of our era; and although, from the difference which is at this day found to exist between the vernacular languages of the two countries, as well as in their institutions, it is evident that the language, literature, and institutions of Java were there engrafted on a more rude and savage stock, still it is chiefly to Báli that we must look for illustrations of the ancient state of the Javans. The relation of the political revolutions by which these islands have been convulsed at different periods of their history, will, in a great measure, account for the distinetions of language which at present exist; while, at the same time, these distinetions anl peculiarities must serve to confirm many of the faets, for which we should otherwise have only the authority of tradition to rely.

At Bantam the language is much mixed with Maláyu and Súnda. The language in ordinary use at Batavia and its immediate vicinity is a jargon of Dutch, Portuguese, Chinese, Javan, and Maláyu, the latter forming the principal component. In Bógor and Chai-ánjur, the Súnda is pronounced in a more drawling manner than in Chéribon, where it is probably most correctly spoken, as in the word wáh, what? which at Chéribon is pronounced short and sharp, naù. At Tégal the Javan words are in like manner lengthened in pronunciation, while at Semárang they are spoken short and full. At the courts of Sura-kérta and Yugya-kérta, the words are pronounced short, strong, and full. In the provinces east of Surabáya, the language partakes much of the Madurese, and in the extreme district of Banyuwángí the Báli is discernible.

The alphabet of Java is peculiar: it cónsists oftwenty consonants (y and w are of the number), termed aksára or letters. In common with all other characters properly Indian, these letters may be considered as syllables, composed of a consonant and an nherent vowel sound, which is invariably expressed, unless coutradicted by a particular sign.

Besides the aksára, there are twenty auxiliary characters, termed pasáng'an, which in this application means corresponding or similar. They have the same power as the aksára against which they stand, except that they are only used in counexion with and inmediately after the aksára, for the purpose of suppressing their inherent vowel sound. Three of them are always placed after the aksára, the others below them.

When the inherent vowel sound in the aksára is not contradicted, the aksára is termed lagána. The vowel sound in this case is that of « in " water," or of o in " homo;" the o being at present invariably used at the native courts and their vicinity for the inherent vowel of the consonant, instead of α. The latter, lowever, is still preserved on Madúra, Báli, and in the distriets of Java, west of Tegal, and was doubtless the original inherent vowel. The consonant sounds correspond with the sounds usually attributed to the English consonants, with the exeeption of a second d and I, which correspond with similar sounds in the Deranágari alphabet; ch, which is used as ch in " church ;" nia, and ng', which latter is frequently used as an initial letter.

Besides these there are five vowel signs, which supplant the inherent vowel. These signs are termed sandáng'an, the clothing or dress. The répa consist of certain contractions of consonants and other signs used in composition. These, with a pángku», or sign of elision, corresponding with the báris máti of the Malayu, which has no sound of its own, but being placed at the end of a word or sentence denotes its termination in a pure consonant, and some few other marks corresponding with the Deranágari, complete the orthographical arrangement, which though complex and intricate, is remarkable for its precision.

Some of the letters occasionally occur under a capital, or rather peculiar form, for they are of the same size; but these are seldom used, and when they are, it is not as capitals are employed in European languages. They are principally found in proper names, and titles of office, and are placed alike in the beginning, middle, or end of a word.

Dd VOL. I.

The annexed table is intended to exhibit the powers and application of the different letters and orthographical signs. No. 1. exhibits the characters now in general use. No. 2. contains the square characters in which the Káci is usually written, and in which the different inscriptions in that language, eut in stone and copper, are found. No. 3. contains specimens of the varieties which the alphabetical characters have at different times assumed, arranged, according to the judgment of the native writers, in the order of their relative antiquity.

AKSÁRA JÁWA, or LETTERS of the JAVAN ALPHABET. CONSONANTS.

111 19 29 27 191 10 (0) 2 0) m hu na cha ra ku da ta sa wu la

u R u c e m ) pa da ja yu nia ma ya ba ta ny'u

AKSÁRA PASÁNG'AN, (Used in forming Compound Consonants).

ha ni chx ra ka da ta sa wa lu

JAGOMBE

pa du ju yu nia mu gu ba ta ny'u

RÉPA,

(Or Contractions of certain Consonants used in composition with other Consonants.

signian or wignion chákra láyar pénykal chákrugáatung 5

is placed after the letter, and is used to supply the place of the letter h, when not followed by a vowel sound.

is placed round two letters, and introducesr between the consonant and its inherent vowel.

is placed above the letter, and is used to supply the jplace of the letter r when not followed by a vowel sound.

chechak

is placed partly below the letter and partly after, to introduce a inedial y in the same manner as chákra introduces r.

is placed above the letter, and is used to snpply the place of the letter ng', when not followed by a vowel sound.

is placed below the letter, and is pronounced re.

pángkun

is placed after a letter, and serves as a mark of elision, destroying the final vowel sound.

VOWELS.

Single or uuconnected Vowels. Sandáng'un, or Corresponding Medial and Final Vowels.

3=A

a 9 wulu is placed above the letter. súku is placed below the letter. u táling is placed before the letter. 0 táling-tárung with the letter between. e pápet

is placed above the letter, and is pronounced as le in French.

gives the sound of re, ng'a lálet gives the sound of le, and pachérak as in Sanscrit.

v,bu uu vq ui vu nh u op nd

s uy

L S M LSEEUn

ANOORA.

ní vì p nd

UE

nn us t pp ny n vyə nu ny

ÉRSAAE

06 8 2 9 5 4 2 I ommu}aGu

ÉNG ALS

11 Nia d s STN

be u)

AsšóRA GEb

LANGLAGIS

for

RÉPA.

(Or Contructions of Consonants, &ê., their Position being the same as in the modern Javan).

wignian pronounced as h. G chákra láyar péngkut y chéchuk ng'. rhükru gántung e the mark of elision. pángkun J

SANDÁNGAN or VOWELS.

(Their position being the same as in the modern Jaran).

wúlupronouneed as i. J súku táling2 táling tárung J pápet. "g’a lélet .. le.

The Javans write from left to right. Every consonant (aksára) is written separately, not being joined to that which precedes it, and no space is left between the words. One or two short diagonal lines are used at the close of every poetical stanza, and sometimes a conma, and this is the only mark in the language which simply indicates a stop.

In Java the natives usually write with Indian ink upon paper manufactured by themselves, as already deseribed, and sometimes on European and Chinese paper ; but in Báli the natives invariabfy use an iron style, and cut the letters on a prepared palm leaf, in the same manner as in Western India. This practice is still partially continued in some of the more eastern parts of Java, and was no doubt, at a former period of their history, general throughout the island. The leaf is called lóntar (from ron a leaf, and tal the palm tree, the first and last letters being transposed), and the leaves or manuseripts are strung together to forin books in the same manner as on continental India. Of these 1 have several specimens, containing nearly all the interesting compositions of the country.

As in the Maláyu, by far the greater proportion of primitive Javan words are dissyllables, pronouneed with a slight stress or accent on the former of the two. There are a great number of derivative words, formed after the same nanner as those in the Maláyu, by prefixing or aunexing certain inseparable and otherwise non-significant particles. Compound words, formed by the junction of two or more significant terms, are frequently met with, though they by no means form an extensive portion of the language.

Many words, in their primitive sense, are not confined to one particular part of speech, but are common to two or more. Nouns, as in the Maláyu, cannot be said to possess the distinctions of either gender, number, or case. The males and females of all animals are, with few exceptions, as in the instances Pútra—Pútri, Déwa-Déci, Bramána—Bramáni, and some few others, denoted by adding to the general terms words applicable to the different sexes. Nümber is not denoted by any varicty of termination or change in the form of the noun, but by separate words, expressive of plurality or singularity ; a duplication of the singular sometimes occurs, though rarely, to denote plurality. Where the terms bíji, ékor, buáh, képing, &e. are used in the Maláyu to specify a particular nunnber, the term wíji is used indiscriminately in the Javan, whatever may be the thing spoken of. The nouns have no cases.

The adjeetives are indeelinable, and generally follow the noun; and these are sometimes formed from nouns by prefixing a particle. The comparative degree is sometimes formed by prefixing a word meaning higher or larger, but more frequently by placing adverbs, significant of “ with," before that with which the comparison is made, as if we should say " by the side of." The superlative degree is formed by annexing adverbs signifying “ very, exeeedingly, “ entirely, alone."

The cardinal numbers are plaeed sometines before and sometimes after the nouns to which they are attached. When prefixed, they undergo, for the sake of the sound, a variety in their termination, or drop the first syllable. The ordinals are formed by prefixing a distinguishing word to the cardinals. Ten characters, which are all cither alphabetical letters or signs slightly altered in form, serve to express all numbers, the notation being decimal, and the numerals being combined in the same manner as the Indian and Arabian.

The pronouns of the first and second person are always significant, and vary with the relative rank of the parties. There is no proper pronoun of the third person, but a word signifying “ alone, self," with the addition of the possessive particle, is used as a personal pronoun of the third person. The personal pronouns may all be used as possessive pronouns, by being placed as such after the noun to which they belong. The relative and demonstrative pronouns correspond very nearly with those of the Maláyu.

. With regard to the verb, it may be noticed that many of the observations in Mr. Marsden's granmar, on the nature and formation of the different parts of the Maláyu verb, are applieable to the Javay. It belongs rather to the detail of the grammar to point out these ; but it may be remarked, that the use of these inflexions in the Javan appears to be so varied and undefined, that it is impossible, without a much more extensive knowledge of the language than Europeans at present possess, to make out a perfect conjugation, or to lay down any fixed rules for them. All that could perhaps be done, in the present state of the language and of our knowledge of it, would be to give a number and variety of correct idiomatical expressions in the Javan, by which their nature and irregularity may be shewn ; and our present limits do not admit of this.

The Jayan language has never been reduced within the grammatical rules adopted by Europeans, nor have the Javans themselyes any notion of gramnmar. The construction is generally simple and regular; but owing to prosolial refinements (every writing of importance being written in verse), syllables and words necessary to express a perfect sense are often omitted ; at other times, unnecessary syllables or words are added, and letters at the beginning, middle, and end of a word are transposed. Hence, and also from the usual ellipsis of the verb transitive and personal pronouns, the meaning of many passages appears obscure.

The language is remarkable for the profusion of words which it contains, for the minute distinctions and shades of meaning, and the consequent extent of synonymes, and for difference of dialect.

Of the profusion of words it may be observed, that the Javan, in this respect, may be put in competion with many of the more cultivated languages of Europe and Asia, and that a dictionary would perhaps be far from complete, if it comprehended less than twenty thousand.

Of the extent of synonymes, and the minute shades of distinction which are found in this language, some notion may be formed from the extractfrom the Dása Náma which are annexed *. In order to facilitate the acquirement of the language, it is usual to collect all the words in the different dialects, with their synonymes, and to connect them together by stringing them in classes following each other, aceording to the natural chain of our ideas. Thus, after commencing with the word man, and giving an explanation of every,word in the vernacular, polite and Káwi languages, applicable from his birth to his death, as infant, boy, youth, and the like, it proceeds to woman, child; from thence to the deities, afterwards to the various avocations of mankind, &c. This collection of synonymes is called Dása Náma, literally the " ten names," a term probably given to it on account of few important words in the language having less than ten synonymes. Children are no sooner taught to know the letters of the alphabet (which they first describe on the sand), and to connect them in syllables and words, than they are instructed in the Dása Náma, without a partial knowledge of which, no youth is considered competent to enter upon any publie office, or can advance to a knowledge of the written compositions of the country. These collections are varied in their contents and order of arrangement, according to the acquirements and notions of the compiler. As books of referenee they may be considered to supply the place of dictionaries, and if less convenient for this purpose than works alphabetieally arranged, they have certainly an advantage over them, in the comparative facility with which their contents are impressed on the memory.

But there is no feature in the language more deserving of notice than the difference of dialect, or the distinction between the conmon language, and what may be termed the polite language or language of honour. The latter contains many words of Sanserit origin, and a portion of Maláyu ; and in those 'instances in which it appears to have been borrowed from the vernaeular language, which may perhaps be loosely estimated at a fourth of the whole, a slight alteration is commouly made in the orthography and pronunciation, to mark the distinction. To reuder this distinction intelligible to those who are not locally inforined, it may be necessary to explain, that from whatever cause the distinction may have originated, so clearly is the line drawn on Java, between the higher and the lower classes of society, that on no account is any one, of whatever rank, allowed to address his superior in the common or vernacular langage of the country. This language is exclusively applied when addressing an inferior, or among the lower orders,or uneducated, where distinction of rank may ngt be acknowledged. Persons of high and equal rank, when discoursing among themselves, sometimes use the polite language, but in generaFthey adopt a medium, by introducing words belonging to both branches of the language; and this is generally adopted by them in epistolary correspondence.

It is probable, that in the earlier stages of socicty, the terms of respect used towards a superior were comparatively few : that this second dialect, which now forms so extensive a branch of the general language, has been gradually formed with the growth of arbitrary power; and that, at one period, the extent of these terms did not exceed what is to be at this day found in the less cultivated dialects, and among the more independent races of Madúra and Núnda. Such, however, is their present extent in the Javan, that nearly one half of the words in the vernacular language, have their corresponding term in the Bása Krúma or polite language, without a knowledge of which no one dare address a superior ; and although the general construction of the language, and its grammatical principles are not altered, so effectually is the»language of inferiority contrasted with that of superiority, that it is possible to suppose a case in which a person might be well aequainted with one dialeet, without being able to understand one sentence of the other.

It is not, however, to be inferred, that the one is stndied and attained exclusively of the other, for while the one is the language of address, the other must be that of reply, and the knowledge of both is indispensable to those who have to communicate with persons of a different rank with themselves. Children are accustomed from their infancy to employ the polite language in addressing their parents and relations, and this added to the mode of instruction by the Dása Náma above described, early impresses upon their memory the corresponding teruis to be used according to the occasion. The Bása Kráma, as has been before noticed, consists of a more extensive class of foreign words, and where different words from the common language have not been introdueed, a variation in the orthography and termination is adopted; and the more effectually to render it distinct, not only are the affirmatives and negatives, as well as the pronouns and prepositions varied, but the auxiliary verbs and particles are different.

I have already mentioned, that besides the ordinary and the polite languages of the country, the inhabitants of these

Islands possess a poetic or classic language, called Káwi. In this are written all the historical and poetical compositions of note, as well as most of the ancient inscriptions on stone and copper, which are found in different parts of the Island. In a short vocabulary already referred to *, the relation of the Káci to the Sánscrit and Páli is shewn; and in order to enable the Sánserit scholar to extend the comparison, I have annexed a further voeabulary of Kátri words, with the meaning which the Javans at present attach to them †.

At what period this language was introdueed into Java, whenee it came, and whether it was ever the sacred or vernacular language of any foreign people, remains to be decided. Of the words of which it is composed, as far as we may judge from the annexed yoeabulary, and the compositions which have come down to us, nine out of ten are of Sánserit origin, and less corrupted than the present Páli of Siam and Ara appears to be : if, therefore, it was ever the same language with the Páli, it must have been before the Páli was corrupted, and therefore probably at a very remote period.

In Báli the Káci is still the language of religion and law ; in Java it is only that of poetry and ancient fable. In the former, the knowledge of it is almost exclusively confined to the Bramuna (Bramins); in the latter, a slight knowledge of it is deemed essential for every man of condition. In Báli, the ancient, mythological, and historical poems, are however preserved in more correct Kári than on Java : and it is to the copies obtained from thence, that reference will be principally made in the observations which follow on Jayan literature.

In noticing " the aecessary tongues from whenee the Ma- “ láyan acquired such a degree of improvement, as remoyed

" it from the general level of the other cognate dialects, and

" gave it a decided predominance in that part of the east,"

Mr. Marsden observes, “ that the carliest, as well as most " important of these, appears to haye been, either directly or

" mediately, thát great parent of Indian anguages, the San-

" scrit, whose influence is found to have pervaded the whole

“ of the eastern (and perhaps also of the western) world, nmo-

“ latter is indebted to any Ifindu dialeet for its names for the

" difying and regenerating even where it did not create. That

“ the intereourse, whatever its cireumstances may haye been,

“ which produced this advantageous effect, must have taken

“ place at an early period, is to be inferred, not only from the

" deep obseurity in which it is involved, but also from the

“ nature of the terms borrowed, being such as the progress of

“ eivilization must soonhave rendered necessary, expressing

" the feelings of the mind, the most obvious moral ideas, the

“ simplest objeets of the understanding, and those ordinary

“ modes of thought which result from the social habits of

" mankind ; whilst, at the same time, it is not to be under-

" stood, as some have presumed to be the case, that the

“ affinity between these lapguages is radical, or that the

“ common objects of sense *."

The same observations apply still more extensively to the Javan ; and in the Káoci or classic language, we may presume to have diseovered the channel by which the Javan reeeived its principal store of Sanserit words, for it is the practice, even at present, ainong the better cducated of the Jayans, for the party to display his reading, by the introduetion, partieularly into epistolary correspondence and literary compositions, of Káwi words, by which means the colloquial, but more particularly the written language of the country, is daily receiving fresh accessions of Sanscrit terns. From the vocabularies now presented to the public, and the account which will be given of their literary compositions, it will appear, that few languages, even on the continent of India, have been more indebted to the Sanserit than the Javan. One original language seems, in a very remote period, to have pervaded the whole Archipelago, and to have spread (perhaps with the population) towards Madagascar on one side, and to the islands in the South Sea on the other; but in the proportion that we find any of these tribes more highly advanced in the arts of civilized life than others, in nearly the same proportion do we find the language enriched by a corresponding accession of Sanscrit terms, directing us at once to the source whence civilization flowed towards these regions. At what period, however, the light first broke in upon them, or at what period the intereourse first took place between the enlightened inhabitants of Western Asia and the islanders of this extensive Archipelago, is a question which, perhaps, may be more properly diseussed, when treating of the antiquities and history of the country, and at best is involved in so much obseurity and fable, that much must,be left to conjecture.

The letters of the Javan alphabet, as well as the orthographical signs, are decidedly on the principle of the Deraná- gari ; but it is remarkable, that the letters of the alplabet do not follow the same order, notwithstanding that order is preserved in all the alphabets of Sunatra as well as in that of Celebes. This deviation has been considered presumptive of the alphabet having been introduced into the island anterior to the period when this order might have been established for the Decanágari itself, or before the refinement supposed to have been effected in that alphabet by the Bramins; but the deviation may, perhaps, be sufficiently accounted for, by the circunstance of a meaning being attached to the words formed by the order of the Javan alphabet as the letters are at present arrauged, thus : hána charáka dáta sawála páda jayánia mága batáng’a ; means, “ there were two messengers “ disputing with each other, equally courageous, till they both " died *." That this is not accidental may be inferred, not only from the common laws of chance, but from the probability of such an arrangement being preferred, both on account of its convenienee, and in conformity with the spirit which in the Chándra Sangkála seeks to seleet such expressions for the particular nunerals that are required, as may make a sentence.

Near the ruins of Brambánan and Sínga-sári, are still found inscriptions in the pure Deránágari character of a very ancient form. A specimen of these, together with one of the square Kúci, is exhibited in the accompauying platé, corresponding in size with the original. Annexed to each letter in the Deranágari character found on Java, is the nodern eharacter, and in the same manner the modern Javan letters are placed under tho Káwi; and, in order to enable the reader to compare the forms of the consonants used in the alphabets of Ava, Siam, and Java, with the Deranágari, they have been placed against each other in another plate. It will be seen that many of the letters of the Káwi correspond so exactly with the square Páli of the Birmans, as to leave no doubt of their having originally been the same. It is probable, also, that were our acquaintance with the Páli more extensive, a similar coineidence would be found between the languages.

Upon the overthrow of the Hindu empire on Java, the natives may be considered to have lost most of their knowledge of the Káci language ; for although numerous compositions in it are still to be found among them, and these compositions are recited in their national entertainments, they would not be generally understood, but for the versions which lave long sinee been rendered of them into the modern Javan. The Panambahán of Sumenap is perhaps, at present, alone entitled to be considered as a Káici scholar, and he knows so little of the language as to acknowledge, while assisting in translating from it, that he was often under the necessity of guessing at the meaning.

The knowledge of the ancient characters seems, on Java, to have been for many years almost exclusively confined to the family of this chief, and it is stated, that they owe their knowledge of it, and of the Káwi language itself, to the circumstance of one of them having visited Báli, to which island it is that we must now look as the chief depositary of what remains of the literature and science which once existed on Java.

It is not unusual for the Javans, in carrying on any secret or political correspondence, to adopt a mystical language, known only to the parties themselves; and on occasions where attempts have been made to stir up the common people to commotion, scrolls have been distributed in various unintelligible characters, which, for the most part, appear to have had no other object but to impose on the credulity of those who were too willing to believe them sacred and mysterious. Were the characters intelligible, the mystery would cease, and the charm be dispelled. Of the manner in which the letters of the alphabet are applied in forming this mystical language, an instavee is given at the conclusiou of the vocabulary of Káwi words*.

Unlike the Malyan, the Javan language owes little or nothing to the Arabic, except a few terms connected with government, religion, and seience, which have been admitted with the religion and laws of Mahomet. The language, as well as the ancient institutions of the country, have been but little affected by the conversion. The Javan language was abundantly copious before the introduction of Arabic literature, and had few or no deficiencies to be supplied.

The general character of the language is strongly indieative of a former advanced state of civilization, and illustrates, in some degree, the present character of the people. It is rich and refined ; it abounds in synonymes and nice distinetions; it is mixed and casily made to bend, and suit itself to every occasion ; it is, in a high degree, expressive of power and servility †.

As the languages of the whole Arehipelago are so intimately connected with each other, and that of Celebes in particular is so little known, 1 have subjoiued in an Appendix some further comparative vocabularies of the languages of Java, with some observations on the Bügis and Mangkásar nations.

For ordinary purposes, the Javans, as already deseribed, use a modification of some of the letters of their alphabet as numerals, and a representation of these numerals has been given in the table of the Javan alphabet, page 404; but on occasions of importance, it is usual to employ certain signs or symbols in lieu of these ordinary nunerals, and this practice appears to be of great antiquity among them. These symbols are termed chándra sangkala, " reflections of royal times," or " the light of royal dates," and cousist in a certain number of objects, &e. either represented in design or named, each of which is significant of one of the ten numerals. Of the former class are said to be those found in most of the ancient buildings and coins, which in that case usually bear no inscription. The latter is found in most of the ancient inscriptions, and in such of the written compositions as possess any date at all, and is adopted in all proclamations and public writings by the sovereign of the present day.

The Appendix G. contains an account ofthese peeuliar numerals, as far as they are at present understood by the Javans. In the use of them, they endeavour to select such objeets from the list, as when read in snecession, may afford some meaning illustrative of the fact the date of which is recorded ; but this is not always attended to, or at least is not always to be traced. The date of the destruetion of Majapahit (1400), the most important in the history of Java, is stated as follows, the numbers being always reversed.

Sirnailang kertáning Búmi Lost and gone is the work (pride) of the land. 0 0 4 1

In like manner, the date of the long graves at Grésik, near the tomb of the Princess of Chermai (1313), is thus stated :

Káya wúlan pútri íku Like unto the moon was that Princess. 3 1 3 1

Other examples will be given, in detailing some of the principal events of Javan history.

However imperfect the foregoing general account of the languages ofJava may be, it will have served to convey to the reader some notion of the extent to which it has been indebted to a foreign source for its copiousness and refineinent, and to prepare him for that extensive influence of Hindu literature, which is still to be found in the compositions of the country. Of these the most important, and indeed all that have any claim to literary distinction, are found either in the Kári or in Javan versions from that classic language. On Java the establishment of a Mahomedan government for nearly four centuries, has tended in a great measure to obliterate that general knowledge among the better educated, which, there is reason to believe, once existed; but in Báli, the Hindu faith, however blended with the local customs of the island, and however perverted and distorted in its application by a semi barbarous people, is still the established religion of the country. Mahomedanism has gained but little ground there, and no part of the island has yet submitted to European authority. It was in this conveniently situated island that the adherents to that faith took refuge, when the sword of Mahomed prevailed on Java, carrying with them such rennants of the sciences and literature as they were able to rescue from the general wreck.

An account of the present state of the island of Báli, of the religious and political institutions, and of some of the peeuliar custons and usages which subsist there, is essential to the illustration of Javan history ; and althongh the limits of the present volume will not admit of our enlarging so much on this interesting subject as we could wish, it is hoped that a general notion may be fornmed, from the particulars which will be inserted in the chapter on the religion and antiquities of Java. In the following aecount of the literary compositions of Java, I shall avail myself of the more correct copies, which I was fortunate enough to obtain from Báli, confining myself in the explanation of them to the existing notions of the best informed of the Javans, it being the present state of their literature, rather than that of Bálí, that I am now to describe.

The literature of Java may be considered under the general heads of ancient and modern, the former and more important division consisting of compositions in the Káci language, which appear connected with the mythology and fabulous history of continental India.

It is to be regretted, that the work which treats most extensively of the ancient mythology of the country, and of the earliest periods of fabulous history to which the Javans of the present day refer, is not to be found in the Káni. The Javan work, termed Kánda, is probably a translation

E e

VOL. I.

from the Káwi, and, in the absence of the original, claims our first attention. It is to this work, and the Mánek Móyo, of which an abstract will be given in the chapter on religion, that the modern Javans constantly refer for an explanation of their ancient mythology.

This composition is frequently called Pepákam. It contains the notions of mythology which appear to have been general throughout the Eastern Islands, with imperfect portions of their astronomical divisions, and of ancient history. It is to be regretted, however, that the Javan copy from which the following aecount is taken, though otherwise written in a very correct style, abounds in passages unfit for a chaste car, and that it has been almost impossible entirely to purify it.

It opens with an account, first of Sáng yáng Wénang (the most powerful), who was sixth in deseent from Purcáning Jan (the first of men, or Adam), and who had a son named Sáng yáng Túng'gal (the great and only one), the first, who (as is inferred from the meaning of his name) coneeived that he was above all, and who setting aside the ways of his father, established the heavens, with all that they contain, under the name of Suréndra Buúna, or Suraláya.

Plucking a leaf from the kastúba tree, and paying adoration to it, the leaf assumed the form of a beautiful woman, by whom he had four sons :—1, Sang yáng Púgu ; 2, Sáng yáng Púng'gung ; 3, Sáng yáng Sámba ; 4, Sáng yáng Pang'at. When these children attained naturity, Pügu quarrelled with Púng'gung, on account of the splendour and riches of the dwelling of Sáng yáng Túng'gal, which each of them desired to possess. Sáng yáng Túng'gal became enraged at this: not being able to reconcile them, the heavens became disturbed; he, in consequence, seized hold of both of them, Púgu by the right and Púng'gung by the left hand, and cast them aside. To the former, who fell on Sábrang (the opposite coast), he gave the name of Sécha Túng'gára ; to the latter, who fell on Java, he gave that of Náyan-taka (the same with Sémar, the attendant on Arjúna). He converted them into monstrous figures, ridiculous in appearance and speech, exciting laughter by their actions, and with an inclination to follow in attendance on warriors.

Sáng yáng Tung'gal, who is said to have been invisible, and who in the Wáyangs of the present day is designated by a sun or glory of light, transferred the government of heaven to his son, Sáng yáng Sámba, directing him not to separate • from his remaining brother, whose assistance he would require, and conferring upon him the title of Níla Kánta (blue necked), on account of his being of bright appearance, but having a tinge of blue on the front of his throat. To Pang'at, his brother, he gave the name of Kaníka pútra.

Sri Níla Kánta subsequently assumed various names and titles; the most pre-eminent of which was Pramésti Gúrn, by which name and title he is acknowledged as supreme throughout the Easteru Islands. This title was first conferred upon him when the deities in Saraláya were numerous, and when all looked up to him as an instruetor or Gúru. Kaníka Pútra took the name of Rési Naráda.

The thoughts of Sáng yáng Gúru turning one day upon women, he took a leaf of the kastúba tree, and paying adoration to it, it was immediately converted into a most beautiful female, who took the name of Uma. While she was young he looked upon her as a daughter, but when she arrived at maturity, he felt a stronger passion. Uma disliking this fled, and Sáng yúng Gúru being unable to catch her, it oceurred to him that he might be more suecessful if he employed four hands and arms ; whereupon, at his desire, two additional arms sprang from his shoulders, and Uma was immediately within his embrace. But she still resisted his desires, and during the struggle Káma Sála and Máha Praláya, both Rasáksas, but the latter in the form of a man, were produeed, by an event similar to that which gave birth to some of the children of Jupiter*. Sáng yáng Gúru still observing the repulsive conduct of Uma, said to her, “ your appearance is " like that of a Rasiksa," whereupon she immediately assumed the form of one ; and grieving sorely at this transformation, besceched that she might again become what she had been, but Sáng yáng Gúr» was deaf to her entreaties, and he conferred upon her the name of Káli Dárga.

Káma Sála and Máha Praláya, when they arrived at maturity, mutually sought from cach other to discover their descent, but not succeeding, they agreed to proceed in com-

• The centaurs.

pany to Suraláya, to demand information from Sáng yáng Gúru, resolving that, if they were not satisfied with his reply, they would make war against him. Arrived at Suraláya, they overcome the opposition of Rési Naráda, and reach the presence of Sáng yáng Gúru, who informs them that they are not his children, though they sprang from his body, and that it was the fault of the woman only that they had their present form. He tells them that he cannot allow them to remain in Suraláya, but will provide for them a place in which with their mother they may reside. He then appoints the mother to be sovereign of Naráka (Tambráka múka), under the title of Yáma Dipáti. To Káma Sála he gives the title of Batára Kála ; the other retained the name of Máha Praláya. To Kála he assigns the charge of the bridge between carth and heaven, ealled Wof ágal ágil (the tremulous or swinging bridge, over which a good man may pass in safety, but from which, on account of its being shaken by his sins, a bad man falls into the gulph below), and to Máha Praláya that of the souls of men when they die, in order that he may direet to the bridge such as, from good conduct on earth, have a chance of passing it, and cast the others into Naráka, to his mother Yáma Dipáti.

Sáng yáng Gúru was again inclined to take another leaf of the kastába tree, but apprehending that it might turn out as before, he restrained his inclination. Then purifying himself, there appeared before him, at his desire, a beautiful boy, to whom he gave the name of Sámbn, and after five more purifications, there successively appeared, secondly, a boy of a high colour, beautiful and very powerful, to whom he gave the name of Bráma; thirdly, a boy, appearing extremely powerful and enraged, to whom he gave the name of Máha déwa; fourthly, a boy beaitifully white, bright, and fierce looking, and having sharp and sparkling eyes, to whom he gave the name of Basúki ; fifthly, a boy of a deep black colour, but extremely beautiful, to whom he gave the name of Wísnu (Vishnu) ; sixthly, a girl of a bright yellow colour, beautiful and slender, to whom he gave the name of Warsiki.

Rési Naráda * following the example of his superior, there appeared before him after several purifications, five boys. The first was brilliant and bright as a pure flame; on him Sáng yáng Gúru conferred the name of Sária. The second was very weak and delicate, but well formed and beautiful; he received the name of In dra. 'The third was short and strong, and was named Sákra (or Chákra). The fourth was of a blue colour, and looking as if he would grow to a great height, with curled hair like a Papúa †; on hin, was conferred the name of Búyu. The fifth was most beautiful, but appeared sad and sorrowful; to hin Sáng yáng Gúru gave the name of Chándra.

This effected, Sáng yáng Gúrn considered that a sufficient number of deities had been created for the charge of Suraláya.

Náng yáng Gúrn then turned his amorous thoughts towards Warsíki, but all the deities opposing it, Rési Naráda advises him to take a woman from the earth, and offers himself to go in search of one. This being agreed to, Naráda descends upon the earth, and discovers a most beautiful virgin, not yet arrived at maturity, at a place called Mádang ; Sáng yáng Gúrw no sooner beheld her than he became enamoured of her, and giving the name of Sri, he places her under the charge of Batáru Sákro, with especial injunetions to take care of her. When she arrived at maturity she became most beautiful, and it so happens that Batára Wísnu beholds her by accident : they inmediately feel a mutual passion, and Wísnu obtains his desire. When Sáng yáng Gáru hears of it, he becomes highly enraged; Balára Wísnu is cast out from Suralága aud thrown upon the carth, at a place called Waríngen pítu, or seven banyan trees.

[Here the narrative breaks off, and the story of Wátu Gúnung commences as follows.]

There was a woman of the name of Sónta, who resided on the carth, and who had a younger sister named Lándap. Sínta dreamt one night that she was sleeping with a Pandíta, named Rési Gána : after a few months she felt herself pregnant, and at the expiration of nine she was delivered of a most beautiful boy. This child, however, soon became unruly ; and it happened that one day, when he had enraged his mother exeessively, she struck him on the head with the wooden spoon which was in the rice vessel, on which he fled into the woods, and afterwards becoming a devotee, his mother long searched for him in vain.

At length having concluded his penance, he wandered about in quest of subsistence, until he came to the country of Gíling Wési, where he sought alms at a feast ; but not being satisfied with the provision afforded to him, the parties became enraged, and hostilities ensuing, the Raja of the country was slain, and this boy succeeded him, under the title of Rája Séla Percáta, which in the common language is the same as Wátu Gúnuong, a name conferred upon him from his having rested on a mountain like a stone, and obtained his strength and power thereby, without other aid or assistance.

Becoming a great and powerful sovereign, he was still unmarried when his mother and sister arrived in the country. Ignorant who they were, and admiring their beauty, he espoused them both, and by his mother Sinto had twentyseven children, when being one day restless and anxious to sleep, he requested her to comb and scratch his head, in doing which she discovered the wound and recognized her son. Her grief became excessive, and explaining the circunstance to him, she urged him to obtain another wife from among tho W’idadári of Suraláya, and recommended Sri as a proper object of his choice.

Wátu Gúnung thereupon sent an embassy to Suraláya, but the gods opposing his desires, because Sri had been delivered of a child by Wisnu, he assembled his forces and nearly defeated those of Suraláya, when Naráda pointing out the danger to Sáng yáng Gúru, urged the advantage that would arise from the recal of Wisnu. Naráda was accordingly authorized to call him back, with a promise that if he should be victorious on the present occasion, he should be pardoned, and perinitted to return to his former abode in Suraláya. Wísnu was no sooner engaged in the cause, than he formcd a stratagem with Wilúwuh, a demon Rasáksa, with whom he had become intiinate at Waríngen pitu, and directed him to procced to the sleeping place of Wíitu

Gúnung, in order to ascertain his secret. This spy had no sooner concealed himself in a place where he could overhear the conversation that was going on, than he heard the following discourse between Wátu Gúnung and Sínta.

Sínta. " What think you; shall we be suecessful or not in “ this enterprize?”

Wátu Gúnung. " If the gods are so nearly destroyed by

" those who are subordinate to me, what must they not suffer

" when I go myself? for I shall not then have oceasion to

" use force. I need only say a few words, and if they don't

“ understand the meaning of them, they will forthwith be

“ destroyed, and I shall myself become sovereign of Su-

" raláya. Should they, however, comprehend the meaning

“ of what I say, then I shall, know that my power is gone ; “ to death ; but this the gods know not."

“ but still there will be trouble in putting me to death."

Sínta. " Tell me what are the words you mean to use, and " why they have not the power to put you to death ?"

H'átu Gúnnng. " I shall enclose in my hand the Sástra " or description of my country, and holding it out, demand

“ of them to tell me what it is. Then I shall repeat these

" words: dáka wói diki, and also diki cói dáka. The

“ meaning of these words is casy enough, but the gods do'nt

“ understand it : a great tree has small fruit ; great fruit has a

" small tree. The great tree with small fruit means the

“ curíngin tree; the great fruit and small tree means the

“ gourd. I am invulnerable by all weapons, but if they pull

“ my two arms asunder, then will they find it easy to put me

With this intelligence the spy imnediately hastened to Wísnu, who arrived at Suraláya when the gods were nearly beaten by the twenty-seven sons of Wátu Gúnung. After this success, Wátu Gúnnng approaching Sáng yáng Gúru, put the intended questions to him. The latter referring to Wisnu, they were immediatcly recognized by him, on which Wátu Gúnnng attempted to escape, but was soon oyertaken by Wisuu, who laying hold of one of his arms, while his son, Sri Gáti, held the other, they soon succeeded in putting him to death. As he expired a voice was heard by W'isnu, saying, “ think not that it will end here : hereafter trouble will again “ arise in Suraláya, in the time of Rája Sumáli, of the country

“ of Séla gríng'ging, who will have a brothernamed Mang' " liáwan. Forget it not."

When the twenty-seven sons of Wátu Gúnung heard of their father's fate, they wished to sacrifice themselves; but Hísnn disposed of them as follows, saying, " let there be a " sign to the world of this vietory. I will once in seven days “ put to death one of these twenty-seven, so that they may " be killed in rotation." The grief of Sínta being exeessive, she wept for seven days, and afterwards was received into Suraláya, and H'isnu added her name, as well as those of her sister and Wátu Gúnnng, to the twenty-seven, and established the thirty «úku, as everlasting signs, in commemoration of this victory. From the grief of Sinld for seven days, it is said that rain always falls during the cúku which bears her name *.

Then seizing the Pepáteh and three assistants, who with Wátu Gúnong had constituted the council of five, he declared that they should serve to commemorate the four great revolutions or Nága (serpents:) Nága Búmi (of the earth,) Nága Dína (of the day,) Nága Wúlan (of the moon,) Nága Táhun (of the year.) He struck out both the eyes of Nága Búmi, that the earth might never again see to attack the heavens, and afterwards the left eye of Nága Dína, and the right eye of Nága W’úlan.

[Here that part of the relation which has an astronomical reference breaks off.]

Bráma then following the example of Naráda, purifies himself, and at his desire, first there appears before him a boy of strong make, on whom he confers the name of Bráma Táma : secondly, a boy, also of strong make, whom he names Bráma Sudárga; and thirdly, a beautiful girl, on whom he confers the name of Bramáni W’áti.

The two boys, when they attained maturity, descended from Suralága. Bráma Sudárga united in marriage with a female of the earth : from them, in the third degree, were descended Raja Sumáli and Mangliáwan. In the reign of the latter of these a destructive war is stated to have taken place. Mangliáwan laid waste Suraláya and slew Sri Gáti, but afterwards, when he shewed a desire to possess Sri, Wísnu exerted all his strength, and put him to death. As Mangliáwan expired Wisnu heard a voice saying unto him, " The work " is not yet complete; hereafter, when there shall be on " carth a man named Rahwána, who will be descended " from Bráma Táma, beware of him : in his time the peace “ of heaven will be again disturbed, and he will lay it waste." Bráma Táma espoused a princess of Chámpa, named S'ráti Déci, by whom he had a son, named Bráma Rája, who became Raja of Indrapúri, and had a son named Chútra Bahár or Angsárea, to whom, when he became advaneed in age, he delivered over charge of the country, proceeding himself into the forests as a devotee, and assuming the name of Rési Táma.

Suonáli had a daughter, named Sukési Déci. This prince, alarmed at the accounts of Mangliáwan's death, fled with her to Chitra Bahár, and requested him to protect her as a maiden, giving him authority to sanetion her marriage on any proper occasion which might offer. He himself fearing the vengeance of Sáng yáng Gúru, fled further into the woods for concealment, but died on the way. Chitra Bahár, forgetting the nature of his charge, became enamoured of the girl. This happened when he was performing a penance; for he had two sons, named Mísra Wárna and Bisa Wárna, to the former of whom he had intrusted the charge of his government. The girl resisted on account of his age, but he at last suecceded. During the first amour he received from her nine strokes on the head with a stone. In due time she became preguant and was delivered of a boy, having nine marks or excrescences on his head, which added to his nątural face, making as it were ten fronts to his head : he was thence called Dása wúka (ten-faced.) In the second attempt she pulled the lobes of both his ears with great strength, and when delivered she produced a child in the form of a Rasáksa, and having immense lobes to the cars: this child was named Amba kurna, or long-cared. In the third she scratched him all over, and the fruit of it was a girl, born with long nails and claws at the end of cach finger: she was named Sárpa kanáka, or serpent-nailed; the wounds inflicted by these nails are said to have been mortal. But the fourth being unresisted, she was delivered of a most beautiful boy, who, having a countenance and mouth beautiful like those of a girl, was named Bibisána.

When these children were grown up Chítra Bahár carried them to Mísra Wárna, saying, “ these are your brothers and " sister, assist them, and they will be of use to you in your “ government." Mísra Wárna had a great dread of thunder. He possessed a weapon called límpung, which descended to him from Bráma Rája, and Dása Múka, desirous of possessing it, ingratiated hinself into his favour, but no sooner obtained possession of it than he formed a design against his brother's life, in the hope of succeeding him. He accordingly performed a penance and prayed for thunder, and as soon as it was heard he slew his brother, and gave out that he disappeared during the thunder. At the moment, however, that he struck Mísra Wárna with the weapon it vanished; still he became Raja.

In the mean time Bísa Wárna became beloved by the gods, and they presented to him a car, named jaladára, in which he could be conveyed through the clouds. When Dása Máka heard of this he became enraged, and demanded the carriage for hinself; but he had no sooner made the request than he pereeived his lost weapon descend upon the lap of Bísa Wárna. Still more enraged at this, the altereation did not cease until Bísu Wárna, with one blow, laid him seuseless on the ground; at which moment the father, Chitra Bahár, coming up, he succeeded in reconciling them, and with impressing upon Dása Múka the futility of his attempts against his brother. Chítra Bahár on this occasion repeated several invocations to the deity, which were treasured up in the recollection of after ages : such as Hong! Arígna ; Hong! Widadánia; Hong! Widadáni, &c.

The father, however, had no sooner withdrawn, than Dása Múka again took courage, and another combat ensued, which ended in his being a second time struck senseless on the ground, bloodissuing from his mouth. Bisa Wárna then laying hold of his body was about to cut his throat with the limpung, when Rési Naráda appeared and arrested his hand, saying, " forbear, Sáng yáng Gúr does not permit that you " slay your brother. By attending to this advice you will

" hereafter become a deity in heaven. Give your weapon to " your brother, who is Raja of Indrapúri." Bisa Wárna assenting, Rési Naráda then brought Dása Múka to his senses, and delivering over to him the weapon and car, conferred upon him the name of Rah-wána *, from his blood having flowed in such quantity as to reach the adjoining forest.

[In some copies of this work it is said that Dása Máka was called Rahucána, because in his youth he delighted in the destruction of children and to spill their blood. There is also some variation in this part of the story, and Cítrá Bahár is termed Chátor Boja (four-shouldered), on account of the great strength he exhibited in the war with Nili Kewácha].

Rési Naráda then presented Rahwána to Sáng yáng Gúru, who taking a liking to him adopted him as his son, giving him a saléndang † as a mark of his affection. Ralcána, however, was soon dazzled by the appearance of a bright flame, when forgetting the attachnent of Sáng yáng Gúru, he pursued it, until he came into the presence of Sri, from whose beauty it proeeeded. She, however, ran to her husband Wisnu for suecour, and a severe combat ensued, during which the heavens were disturbed, and many of its most valuable contents were destroyed by Rahuránd. Rési Naráda at length approaching, separated the combatants, saying, “ this is not " the proper place for your contention ; better had you de- “ seeud to the earth. As for you, Wísnu, as you are a god, " and may be ashained to shew yourself as such on earth, it is " the will of Sáng yáng Gúru that you be permitted to appear " there in the form of a man, and to do there as you like." On which Rahwána was cast out of Suraláya, and Wísnu, with his consort Sri, disappeared, without any one knowing whither they went.

Bísa Wárna was then, in fulfilment of the promise given by Naráda, called up to heaven, to supply the place among the Déwas vacated by Wísnu, and approaching the presence of Sáng yáng Gúru received from him the name of Batára Asmára or Kamajáya (the god of love), andpresented him with a consort, named Káma Ráti or Batári Ráti.

[Here ends the Kerta Yoga, or first age of the world, and the Tréta Yóga, or second age, commences.]

Wísnu, after his descent upon the earth, first became incarnate in the person of an illustrions sovercign, named Arjúna Wijáya, of the country of Mauspáti, and reigned for a period of seventeen years, during which he was successful in two wars. One, in which the Rája of Tánjung-púra, having a beautiful daughter, named Chítra Wáti, in whom Sri had become incarnate, offered her in marriage to the prince who should overcome in wrestling all the others assembled : Arjúna Wijáya, however, carried her off from the place in which she was secreted (Gedóng Brahála) which produced a war, wherein he was victorious. The other war was with Rahwána, who attacked him at Mauspáti : in this Rahwána was taken prisoner and confined in a cage ; but on the solicitations of his father, Chítra Bahár, he was forgiven, and allowed to return to his country, on condition that neither he nor his descendants would ever again make war on Arjúna Wijáya.

Wisnn afterwards quitting the body of Arjúna Wijáya became incarnate in the person of Ráma, son of Dása Ráta (who when young was called Murdáka), entering the body of his mother during conception, and coming into the world with the child. About the same time Batára Basúki, who had a son named Bascárat, united to Bramáni W'áti, becoming sorrowful, quitted Suraláya, with a determination to follow the fortunes of Wisnu, who after quitting the body of Arjúna Wijáya roamed for some time round the skirts of the earth until he fell in with Basúki. Wisnu then said to him, “ there is a Raja of Mándra-púra, named Bása Ráta, who “ has two wives, named Déwi Rágu and Mánwa-dári. 1 am " younger than you, but on earth I must be older. I will en- " ter the body of Rágu, and become incarnate in the child " she will bring forth; do you the same with the other." Mánwa-dári was delivered of a child named Lakasamána, in which Basúkiaccordingly became incarnate.

[The portion of the work, which also includes a relation of the feats of Báli son of Gotáma, the founder of Astíno, brings the story down to the period of the poem of Ráma. The history is then carried on to the period of the Pendáca

Líma or Bráta Yudha, and may be conciscly stated as follows:]

Baswárat, son of Basúki, had by Bramáni Wáti two sons, Mánu-Manára and Mánu-Madéua. The daughter of Manú- Madéwa, named Siráti, was married to Bramána Rája, and from this marriage procecded Rahwána. The Pendáwa Líma were tenth in descent from Mánu-Manára, as in the following pedigree :

1. Mánu-Manása,

2. Tritrushta,

3. Parikéna,

4. Sutápa,

5. Sa-pútram,

6. Sákri,

7. Pulasára,

8. Abiása,

9. Pándu-déua Náta.

The Tréta Yóga or second age, is supposed to have ended, and the Duapára Yóga, or third age, to have commenced on the death of Ráma, which happened about the time of Sákri.

The Wicáha káci is a regular poem, and contains three hundred and fifty-five páda, or metrical stanzas. The subject is as follows:

Erang Báya had a son, whose form was that of a Rasáksa, and who became sovereigu of the country of Ima-ímantáka, under the name of Détia Kéwácha. The father, desirous of getting rid of him, urged him to go to Suréndra Buána, in search of a flower, called Turáng'ga játi, which was worn by all the Widadáris. 'The Rasáksa accordingly goes in search of it, and no sooner comes into the presence of Batára Gúru, than a H'idadári sitting by his side, named Su Prába, the daughter of Batára Sámba, presents one of these flowers to him, with which he returns to his father, who alarmed at his success, inmediately delivers over to him the government of his country.

After Détia Kerácha had thus become sovereign, he desired to be united in marriage with the Widadári who had given him the flower, and dispatches a Rasáksa named Kolángkía, with a letter addressed to Batára Gúru, soliciting

Su Prába in marriage, and threatening to destroy the heavens in case of refusal. When the messenger reached Suréndra Buána he presented the letter to Batára Sákra, who knowing its contents without reading it, immediately replied in a rage, " then let your sovereign carry his threat into exe- " cution, for Bitára Gúru will never consent that a Widadári " be married to a Rasáksa."

When the messenger had disappeared, Batára Nákra communicated to the gods the state of affairs, on which Batára Gúru became enraged. As he eurbed his passion, Naráka becomes disturbed; smoke issued from its deepest recesses and the heavens rocked to and fro. Rési Naráda then apprised Batára Gúrn that there was a man on the carth, naned Bagáwan Wardiníngsih, or Mitarága, who had long performed his devotions on the mountain Indra-kíla, and suggested that it might be better to employ him against Delia Kewácha than for the gods, who were ignorant of the art of war, to await in heaven the coming of the Rasáksa. Batára Gúru approves of the suggestion, and Rési Naráda descends accordingly to Indra-kíla, accompanied by seven Widadáris, in the hope that by the influence of their charms, he might succeed in abstracting Wardiníngsih from the severe penance which he was performing. The names of the Hidadáris who accompanied him were Su Prába, Wilotáma, Leng-leng- Mandana, Sumartáka, Ang'impuni, Su Prába-sini, and Dérsa-nála. In their train followed a thousand of the young and beautiful maids of heaven.

Wardiníngsih was performing a long and rigid penance, for the purpose of recovering the kingdoin of Astína ; and when Naráda arrived at Indra-kíla, the sun had climbed half way up the heavens. The Widadáris immediately displayed their charms, and employed every artifice to attract his attention, but they could not succeed. One of them, who resembled his wife, even threw off her upper garments, and exposing her bosom embraced him with transport; but it did not avail.

Batára Sákra then descended to Indra-kíla, in the disguise of a Dervise, assuming the name of Panjíngrum, and approaching Wardiníngsih, as if in grief, threw off his disguise, and resuming the god, addressed Wardiníngsih as follows: " My visit to you is on three accounts; first, I re- " quest your assistance in this war; secondly, I wish to ap- " prise you, that Batára Gúru will in a short time appear " to you; thirdly, to advise you, that when you see Batára “ Gúru, and he asks you whether you have courage to engage " in the war or not, you answer that you have; requesting, " however, in return, that when the war Bráta Yúdha takes " place, the Pandáca may be successful. You may then “ request two arrows, called paso páti and trisula, and the “ crown cháping basunánda, the vest ánta kasúma, the slip- " pers márdu kachárma : these slippers, when you wear them, " will enable you to fly, and to enter heaven in person. Re- " quest, moreover, the chariot mánik, which is drawn by " elephants and horses of the heavenly race (sambráni), and " called chipta waláha, and that if you are successful in the “ war with Détia Kewácha, Batára Gúrn, as well as the “ other gods, may each present you with a Widadári." Batára Sákra having made an impresion on the mind of Wardinúngsih returued to heaven.

In the mean time Mang-máng Múrka, the Peptáeh of Détia Kecáchu, who had a face like a hog, received orders to lay waste the mountain of Indra-Kila. He no sooner arrived there, and began to destroy the cultivation, than Sémar gave information of it to Wardiníngsih, who coming forth with his bow and arrow, inmediately struck the Rasáksa ; upon which Batára Gúru appeared in the form of a forester, holding in his hand a bow without an arrow. Then struggling with Wardiningsih to withdraw the arrow with which the Rasákst had been struck, cach pulled at it ineffeetually until a quarrel ensued, in which Batára Gúru accused Wardiningsih of having a bad heart, and of following the dictates of his Gúru Dúrna, who was at Astina, and who had a crooked nose and mouth. Wardiníngsih being enraged at this, a severe combat ensued, when Batára Gúru having laid hold of his adversary's hair, the other attempted to retaliate, on which Batára Gúru vanished. A fragrant odour inmediately arose, and Wardiningsih reflected upon what Sákra had told him, and instantly perceived a bright arch, like the rainbow, with Batára Gúru appearing within it, attended by Rési Naráda and a suite of Widadáris : bowing profoundly to the ground, he felt himself permitted to approach the deity and kiss his feet; Batára Gúru then informed him of his object in coming to Indra-kíla, and requested that he would make war upon Détia Kewácha, who was the enemy of the gods; to which Wardiníngsih consented, making the requests which had been suggested by Batára Sákra. To these Batára Gúru assented, adding, " If you have success " in this war, I will appoint you sovereign of the heavens for " one year. You shall have power over all the gods, and the " Widadáris shall be your attendants;and as long as you " live you shall have power to visit Suraláya at your plea- " sure." 'This said, Batára Gúru disappeared.

On the next day Wardiníngsih prepared for his journey to Ima imantáka, the country of Détia Kewácha, and on his way thither fell in with the Widadáris, Su Prába and Wilá Táma, who had been sent by Batára Sákra. Wardinúngsih, on his arrival at the Rasáksa's capital, commissioned these Widadáris to enter the palace and feign an attachment for Détia Kewácha. Détia Kewácha no sooner beheld them, than being thrown off his guard, he declared, that the objeet of the war being thus attained without trouble, he would enjoy himself at his ease. Then dressing hinself in his princely robes, and perfuming himself as a bridegroom, he approached Su Prába, and taking her on his knee chaunted a song, which so delighted her that she fell asleep. Wardiníngsih, on this, entered into her ear-stud, and awoke her. Detia Kecácha then urged her to gratify his passion, but she refused, and required, as a mark of confidence, that he would trust her with the secret of his power. This he refused, until she was about to stab herself, when he whispered in her ear that he was invulnerable except within his throat; if any one injured that part in the least he must instantly die. Wardiningsih thus ascertaining his vulnerable point, escaped with the Widadáris, and ascended to Batára Sákra in Suraláya.

Détia Kewácha, then collecting his forces, proceeded to the war with a countless host, laying waste the country, until he arived near Tánda Wáru, where he halted to make preparations for the attack. The heavens now shook, and Naráka emitted smoke. The gods trembled with fear, and the wind, charged with the gross stench of the Rasáksa, almost overpowered them.

Wardiníngsih having arrived at the abode of Sákra, the great bell (gatta) was struck, when the gods immediately assembled. The forees of Suraláya then moved on, Wardiníngsih following in a splendid chariot. Having thrown off the Pandíta's garment, he now appeared richly clothed in the character of Arjúna, adorned with gold and costly gems. The chariot had formerly belonged to Ráma, and had been preserved by Batára Gury, when Ráma committed himself to the flames. !5

The battle commenèed, and the forces of the Rasákst being most numerous ànd poweful, were about to carry all before them, when Gatot Káchä arrived, and taking part with Wardinúngsih, turned the tide of the battle in favour of the gods, plucking up the mountains by the roots, and casting them upon the Rusáksas. Détia •Kewácha escaping the general overthrow, and attended by Sécha Tung'gára, shot an arrow at Wardiníngsih, which the latter eaught under his arm, and feigning death, fell to the ground. Great was the grief of Sémar aud of all his other attendants; but Détia Kewácha approaching burst out into a loud laugh, when Wardinúngsih, who had watched his opportunity, observing the Rasáksa's mouth open, instantly rose, and struck the arrow into it, and so killed him.

Gátot Kácha, who, in consequeuce of the absence of Arjúna on a penance for three years, had been sent to recall him, and who had discovered him by the appearanee of his attendant Sémar, now approached Wardiníngsih, and kissing his feet, informed him of the sorrow of Séna and Dérma Wángsa at his absence, on which Wardiníngsih desired him to return and report what he had seen.

He then proeceded, attended by the victorious host, to the dwelling of Batára Gúru, called Papáriwárna ; on which Batára Gúrn assembling the gods, aud permitting Wardiníngsih to approach and kiss his feet, declares to him that he was not forgetful of his promise, and would forthwith fulfil it. He then declared him sovereign of Suraláya, under the title Prábu Aníli Kíti, and gave him frec access to every part of the heavens. Arjúná then visited the seven quarters of Suraláya, in which was the abode of the Widadáris, and assumed the sovereignty accordingly ; while Gatot Kácha, proceeding to Amérta, informed Séna and Dérma Wángsa of what had

VOL. I.

passed. There were also present at his relation Nakála Sa déwa, Batára Krésua, Sámbu, and Punchacálasált equally anxious to know the fate of Arjúna. Déwi Kúnti, the mother of Pandáca, having caleulated on the death of Arjúna, and made preparation for burning herself in consequence, was overjoyed at this unexpected good news; and Dérma Wángsa, the sovereigu of Amérta, gave a gand entertaimment, in which the Bedáyas daneed to the sound af The musiegwhile Gatot Kácha related the feats of .trjuna,

The Ráona Káni is usually divided intó four parts. The first, called Ráma Gán-drung, contïns the history of Ráma, from his infaney until his marriage ; the second, Ráma Bádra, from his marriage until his consort, Síti Déni, is carried off by Rahocána ; the third, Ráma: Tali, from the first employnent of Hánnonan as a dúta or messenger, until he builds the bridge fron the coutinent to the island Ang'lángka-di púra ; and the fourth, called Raonayána (by which is understood Ráma when arrived at his full power), from the beginning of the war of Dána Lága on Lánka till the end of it, when Ráma regains his consort Siti Déci, and returns to Nayúdía, icaving Rahicána's brother, Bibisána, sovereign of Längka. Of these the Rámayána is the most common on Java. The Ráma Tâli has been recently obtained from Báli. This composition, as one poem, is by far the most extensive of any which the Javans possess.

The mythology contained in the Rána differs, in some measufe, from that of the Kánda. Ráma is here made to relate to Bibisána, in Artáti measure but Káwi language, that Bráma, in the first instance, sprang fron Wionu; that in the beginning of the world, Wisnu existed in that part of the heavens named Autabóga, the place of serpents; that Bráma first communicated the knowledge of the Sástra. Nine incarřations of Wisnu are then detailed : the first, when

* he appeared as Iwak Mokúr-mo (the tortoise); the second, as Sing'ha (the lion), when he was called Barúna ; the third, as júna Wijáya ; the fourth in Winákitáya or Ráma. In the fifth he was to appear as Krésna ; and after the sixth, seventh, and cighth, in the ninth when he would become inearnate in the person of a great sovereign, named Prábu Purúsa.

Anráka Súra (the courageous child of the sun) is written in

Káwi, but translated into Javan, under the name of Búma Kalantúka, of Emba táli. The period to which it refers is that occupied posterior to that of the Wicáha, and prior to that of the Bráta Yúdha. It relates almost exclusively to the exploits of Búma, who was the son of Déwí Pratíwi, of the race of IWidadáris.

Déni Pratáci being enamoutred of Wísnn, her thoughts were continually turnedtowards him, notwithstanding he had been cast out of Suralája. One night having dreamt that her passion for hin was gratified, she conceived a child. She afterwards heard in her sleep a voice saying to her, “ Deseend “ to the carth in search of Krésnu, for Wísnu is become in- " carnate in his person: his colour is deep black." She descended aceordingly; and established herself at Prajutéksna, where she was delivered of a son, whom she named Búma Kalantáka. When he arrived at maturity, she informed him who was his father, and when he diseovered him he was received and acknowledged by him. Krésna had afterwards another son, named Sámba, who having insulted the wife of Búma a quarrel arose between the two brothers, in which Búna put Námba to death in a most disgraceful manner, mangling and exposing his body. Krésna, enraged at this, threw his Chákra at Búma, desiring Gátot Kácha to raise him from the earth the moment he is struck, lest the power of his mother should restore him. Gátot Kácha obeys his orders and Búma is destroyed. Séna, one of the sons of Pándu, is one of the personages of this poem.

The history of the succeeding period is contained in the Bráta Yudha, or holy war, the most popular and esteemed work in the language. This poem is identified in its subject with the Mahabárat of continental India, in the same manner as that of Ráma is with the Ramáyan. An analysis of this poen will be given under the head poetry.

Next, in point of time, to this story, follows that of the poem called Parakisit, which abounds with the praises of that prince, who was the son of Bimányu and grandson of Arjúna, and is deseriptive of the tranquillity and happiness which universally prevailed during his reign. It also contains an historical relation of the sovereigns who succeeded him, and brings down the line of princes from Parikísit through ten descents to Aji Jáya Báya, as follows.

Parikísit.

1. Síma Wichitra.

2. Ang'ling Dría.

3. Udiána.

4. Madiwángi.

5. Miséna

9. Súma Wichála.

10. Aji Jáya Báya.

It was during the reign of the last of these prinees that the first intereourse with Western India is supposed to have taken place; an account of the historical composition relating to a subsequent period is therefore reserved for the chapters on History.

The Súria Két« (or lofty sun) contains in a few stanzas the history of a prince, the fifth in descent from the Kuráca, who by dint of prayer to the gods obtained a son naned Kérta Súma.

The Níti Sástra Káei is a work on ethies, comprized in one hundred and twenty-three stanzas, each of which contains a moral lesson : it is considered coeval with, if not more ancient than the Bráta Yudha, and the Káci is considered the most pure extant. The modern version of this work has already been referred to, and translations of some of the stanzas have been introduced. The following are taken indiscriminately, and translated immediately from the Káci.

A man who is moderate and cool in his desires will do good to a country. A woman is like unto Déoi Manuhára when her desires are moderate, and men cannot look upon her without delight. A Pandita must act up to his doctrines; although it may be in war and difficulty, still he must act up to what he professes.

This must be the conduct of the Pandita. If attacked by a serpent, he must not be moved by it, nor even by a lion : still the same, he must be firm and unmoved, and neither the serpent nor the lion will have power to hurt him.

As the surája flower floats in the water, so does the heart exist in a pure body ; but let it not be forgotten, that the root of the flower holds to the ground, and that the heart of man depends upon his conduct in life. The conduct of a Pandíta must be distinguished by merey, charity, firmness, and prudence. His speech should be soft and gentle, and in accordance with and like unto written instruction, so as to moderate and calm the mind and desires of mankind.

It is mean and low for a rich man not to dress well : it is still more mean and low for a man of understanding to mix with bad company. So it is when a man attains a high age and knows not the Sástra ; but when a man, through the whole course of his life, does not refleet upon his conduet, sueh a man is of no use in the world whatever.

A man should wear that sort of apparel which in the general opinion is considered proper, and should also cat that kind of food which is generally approved of. If he does this, he will appear like unto a virgin, who has just attained maturity. Let him not follow implicitly the ad vice and instruetion he may receive, but let him weigh them, and select what is good by his own understanding.

In war, let there be no fear on any account, but let the whole thoughts be direeted to the main objeet ofurging the warriors to the attack of the foe. Moreover, let the thoughts be direeted to what may be the enemy's plans: this done, let the heart feel fire.

When a man engages another in his service, there are four points on which he should satisfy himself respecting him. First, his appearance: secondly, his conduct; thirdly, his intelligence ; and fourthly, his honesty.

The most valuable property is gold ; and whoever has much of it, if he does not assist those who are poor and in want, is like unto a house without a fenee, and he will soon be deprived of the property which he possesses.

As the moon and the stars shed their light by night, and the sun giveth light by day, so should the sayings of a wise man enlighten all around him.

Follow not the seeming wisdom of a woman's discourse; for as a man is more powerful and better informed than a woman, it is fitter that he should stand on his own ground.

A man who knows not the customs of the country (yúdya Nagára), is like a man who would bind an elephant with cords made from the tánjung flower. It is not necessary for the clephant to be enraged: with the least motion he breaks the cords asunder.

Deprive not another of the credit which is due to him, nor lower him in the opinion of the world : for the sun, when he approaches near to the moon, in depriving her of her light adds nothing to his own lustre.

There is nothing better in the world than a man who keeps his word ; and there is nothing worse than a man who swerves from his word, for he is a liar. There are five witnesses, which may be seen by every one : Yang-anala or Bráma (fire), Súria (the sun), Chándra (the moon), Kála (time), Báyu (life). And they are the great witnesses always present throughout the three worlds ; therefore let men recollect never to lie.

There are three things which destroy a man's character, and they are as three poisons : the first, to disgrace his family or lower himself; the second, to take delight in bringing misfortunes and unhappiness upon others; the third, to be a hypocrite, and assume the character ofa Pandíla.

Several works have been recently discovered in Báli, called Agáma, Adigáma, Púrwa Digáma, Súrcha, Muscháyagáma, Kantára or Sástra Menáwa, Dewagáma, Maiswári, Tatwa, Wiya Wasáha, Dásta Kalabáya, Slákan Taragáma, Satmagáma, Gamága Gamána. Of many of these, copies have been procured, and the Sástra Menáwa, orinstitutions ofMenu, have been partially translated into English, This is a book of law comprised in about one hundred and sixty sections, evidently written on the spot, and with reference to the peculiar habits and dispositions of the people for whom it was framed. As a code of civil law, it is remarkable for the proof it affords of the existenee of actual property in the land ; and as a eriminal eode, for the frequency of capital punishment, and the almost total absenee of all degrading or minor corporeal punishment.

Of the more modern compositions, and which may be considered as more strietly Javan, the following are the principal :

Angréné is an historical work, which commenees with the reign of Sri Jaga Langkára sovereigu of Médang Kamúlan, the grandfather of the celebrated Pdoji, and coneludes with the death of Púnji. This is the longest work to be found in the modern literature of Java, and contains the most interesting and important part of Javan history inunediately antecedent to the establishment of Mahounedanism. It is composed in several measures of the Sekar Gángsal, and is usually divided into several suialler works, to cach of which the name of Pánji is prefixed, as :

Pánji Mordanúngkung. The history of that part of the Pánji's life, when his consort, Nékar-táji, is carried off by a deity. This is replete with relations of his adventures in war, and partly written in the Sekar Sépoh and partly in the Sékar Gángsal.

Pánji Magát-kung relates to that period when the object of Punji's love was not yet attained.

Pánji-áng'ron ákuong, containing the particulars of marriage ceremonies observed by Pánji.

Panji prianbáda, containing an account of the success and completion of Pdnji's love, and ending with his marriage.

Pánji Jáya Kasúma. This is one of the names assumed by Pánji after the loss of his consort, Nekar-táji, and contains an account of his expedition to Báli, where he regained her.

Pánji Chekel Wáning Pati (when young brave even to death) contains the juvenile exploits of this hero.

Pánji Norocangsa ineludes the period ofhis life, when the Princess of Dahá transforus herself into a man.

Neither the date of the principal work from which these minor compositions are taken, nor the name of the author is known ; but it is supposed to have been written subsequently to the time of Majapálit, the language being modern Javan.

Literary compositious of the higher cast are generally classed by the Javans under the head of Pepákam or Bábat, the latter of which includes all historical works and chronicles of modern date.

Srúti is a work which contains regulations for the conduct and behaviour of an inferior to a superior. It is written in the Káuri language, but Artáti measure, and has not yet been translated into Javan. It is of the same length as the Níti Sástra Káwi.

Níti Prája is composed in the same measure as the Srúti, and contains regulations for the conduct of sovercigns and chiefs, partly in the Káci and partly in the Javan.

Asta Prája is a work of the same nature and similarly composed.

Sizcáka contains regulations for behaviour when in the presence of a superior, in the Javan language and Arláti measure.

Nagára Kráma, regulations for the good administration of the country, in the samé language and measure.

Yúdha Nagára, the customs of the country, containing rules for the behaviour of persons of different ranks, in Javan and in the Artáti and Paomijil measures.

Kaonandáka contains instruetions for inspiring respect and fear in the exercise of authority, partly Káci, partly Javan, and in Artáti measure.

The seven last mentioned works are supposed to have been written about the same period. The Chándra Sangkála of the Srúti is 1340 of the Javan era. From the allusion to Islam customs which they contain it is concluded that they were all composed on the decline of Majapáhit, at a period when the influenee of that religion was rapidly gaining ground. These works are in pretty general cireulation, and form the basis of the institutions and regulations of the country. The translation already given of a modern version of the Níti Prája will serve to shew their nature and tendeney.

Jáya Langkára is a work supposed to have been written by a chief of that name, when sovereign of Médang Kanúlan, and which contains regulations for the highest judicial proceedings.

Júgul Múda, supposed to have been written by Jágul Múda the Páteh or minister of Kandiánan, chief of Médang Kamúlan, containing rules for the guidance of Pátehs in the judicial department of their office.

Gája Múda, a similar work, supposed to have been written by Gája Múda, the Páteh of the great Browijáya of Majapáhit.

Kápa Kápa, regulations for the guidance of the sovereign in the administration of justice.

Súria Alem, a similar work for the guidance of all persons entrusted with authority, supposed to have been composed by Aji Jímbon, the first Mahomedan sovereign of Java.

None of the above works are written in verse. They form the basis of what may be called the common law of the country. The translation of the modern version of the last of these, contained in the Appendix, will serve to convey some idea of the nature and spirit of this class of compositions.

Besides the above may be noticed another work called Jáya Langkára, a romance, supposed to have been written in the time of Susúnan Ampel, in the Javan language and modern measures. This is a moral work of considerable length, written in allegory, and pointing out the duties of all classes.

The Jócar Maníkam is of a more recent date, and a general favourite: it may convey some notion of the modern romances of the Javans.

That is true love which makes the heart uneasy!

There was a woman who shone like a jem in the world, for she was distinguished by her conduet, and her name was Jócar Manúkam.

Perfect was her form, and she was deseended from a devotee, from whonm she derived her purity and the rules of her conduct.

Her beauty was like that of the children of heaven (widadáris), and men saw more to admire in her, than was tø be found on the plains, on the mountains, or in the seas.

Pure was her conduet, like that of a saint, and she never forgot her devotions to the deity : all evil desires were strangers to her heart.

She rose superior above the multitnde from following the dictates of religion, and in no one instance was her heart disturbed by a bad thought or desire, so that her life was without reproach.

What pity it is she hath not a lover, for when a young and handsome woman obtains a husband of high character and qualifications, it is as milk mixed with sugar !

When her virtue was assailed by the Panghúlu, she was astonished, and exclaimed, " why dost thou thus take " the course of a thief? why dost thou act in this " manner?

“ Art thou not prohibited from doing thus? forgettest thou “ thy Rája, and fearest thou not thy God?

" And thinkest thou not either of thyself? Greatly dost " thou 'astouish me! Is not thy conduct bad even " before the world? but being forbidden by the Al- " mighty, art thou not afraid of his anger ?"

" If such be thy desire, I can never consent to its indnl- “ gence, for I fear my God, and for all such deeds the “ punishment from heaven is great.

" Rather let me follow the course pointed out by the " prophet: let me imitate the conduct of his child " Fatima.

" How comes it, that thy inclination is so evil towards " me? Verily, if my father knew of this procceding, “ wouldst thou not justly receive severe punishment ?"

The Panghálu thus frustrated in his design, writes in revenge to her father, and informs hin that his daughter has made a fruitless endeavour to seduce him : upon hearing which the deceived parent orders her to be put to death. Her brother is about to put this order in execution, when placing his hand before his cyes while he inflicts the blow, he stabs a small deer in lieu of his sister, who escapes into the woods.

With rapidity she fled to the woods, and then taking shelter under a wide spreading waríng'en tree, the still unripe fruits of the forest attained maturity, and seemed to offer themselves as a relief to her.

All the flowers, though the season for opening their petals was not arrived, now expanded, and shedding their fragrance, it was borne by a gentle zephyr towards her, while the broonára, attracted by the odour, swarmed around, and the fragranee of each flower seemed to vie with the other in reaching her presence.

The wild animals of the forest, the tiger, the wild ox, the rhinoceros came towards the princess, as if to watch and guard her, crouching around her, but occasioning not the least alarm.

Being in want of water, the princess put up a prayer to heaven, when close by her feet a spring of pure water issued.

On which the sarója flower soon appeared, opening its petals, and offering the shade of a páyoong to the smaller water-plants floating beneath.

Her heart now became easy; and delighted at what she beheld, she proceeded to bathe and perform her devotions.

The father, on his return, learns the treachery of the Panghúlu, and having recovered his daughter, she is subsequently married to a neighbouring prince, by whom she has three children. Her trials, however, are not yet at an end, for being on a journey to visit her father, aecompanied by the Pepáteh of her husband, who is appointed to guard her on the way, the Pepáteh forms a design upon her virtue. He is represented as saying :—

The prineess on hearing this became so affected as to be deprived of speech.

and slew the child, again demanding of the princess whether she would submit to his desires? To which she answered, " No !"

He again urged her : but the prineess hanging down her head was silent, and in the hope that God would give her resolution, her mind became more casy.

The Pepáteh then shaking his sword before the princess, again urged her to submit, threatening that if she refused he would slay her second child.

But the princess could only reply, “ you must act as you “ say, if it is the will of God that you should do so."

He then slew the second child, and again urging her to submit, threatened, in case of refusal, that he would slay the third child, then at her breast.

Suatching the child from her arms, he put his threat into execution, and the blood flew on the mother's face, on which she swooned and fell to the ground.

The Pepáteh having suceceded in recovering her, again attempted to effeet his purpose, threatening that ifshe still refused he would slay her: to this the princess at first made no reply.

But placing her sole reliance on the Almiglhty, a thought at last struck her, and she said :

“ Do as you will with me ; but seeing that I am disfigured " with blood, allow me first to bathe in an adjacent “ stream."

The Pepáteh assenting to this, she went away and effected her escape into the woods. There she remained in safety, until discovered by her husband, who in revenge put the three children of the Pepáteh to death.

It has already been shewn, that notwithstanding the intercourse which has now subsisted for upwards of four centuries, and the full establishment of the Mahomedan as the national religion of the country for upwards of three centuries, the Arabic has made but little or no inroad into the language; and it may be added, that the Arabic compositions now among them are almost exclusively confined to matters of religion. Books in the Javan language are occasionally written in the Arabic character, and then termed Pégu, but this practice is by no means general. The Kóran was first translated, or rather paraphrased, about a century ago, and rendered into Javan verse by a learned man of Pranarága, to whom the title of Kiai Pranarága was in consequence given.

Arabic books, however, are daily inereasing in number. The principal works in this language, with which the Javans are at present acquainted, are the Umul brahin, by Sheik Usuf Sanusi ; Mohárrar, by Iman Abu Hanífa ; Ranlo Taleb, by Sheik Islam Zachariah; and Iusan Kamil, by Sheik Abdul Karim Jili. The doctrines of Sheik Mulana Ishak, the father of Susúnan Gíri and one of the earliest missionaries, were those of Abu Hanífa, which are the same as the Persians are said to profess ; but these doetrines have, subsequent to the time of Susúnan Giri, been changed for those of Shafihi. There are, however, some who still adhere to the doetrines of Hánifu ; but their numbers are few, and the chiefs are all followers of Shafihi. The number of Arabic tracts cireulating on Java has been estimated at about two hundred.

Several institutions have been established in different parts of the island, for the instruction of youth in the Arabie language and literature. At one of these, in the distriet of Pranarága, there were at one time (about seventy years ago, in the time of Pákn Nagára), not less than fifteen hundred scholars. This institution has since fallen into deeay, and the number at present does not execed three or four hundred. Similar insitutions ate established at Meláng'i, near Matárem, and at Sídamármar, near Surabáya ; and at Bántam, about cighty years ago, there existed an institution, of nearly equal extent with that of Pranarága.

Literary compositions are almost invariably written in verse. The measures employed are of three classes. First, the sekár * káwi, or measures in which the káci compositions are generally written; secondly, the sekár sepoh, high or ancicnt measures; thirdly, the sekár gángsal, or five modern measures.

A complete stanza is termed a páda (literally a foot); a line is termed ukára ; the long syllables are termed gúru, the short láku; and although rhyme is not used, the several measures of the sekár sepoh and gángsal are regulated by the terminating vowels of each line, which are fixed and determined, for each particular kind of verse*, by the number of syllables in each line, the disposition of the long syllables, and the number of lines in each stanza or páda.

Of the sekár kázci there are twelve radical stanzas, most of which occur in the Niti Sástra and other principal Káwi compositions. They are named :

1. Stradúla wikrindíta.

2. Jága díta.

3. Wahúrat.

4. Basanta tiláka.

5. Bágsapátra.

6. Srágdára.

7. Sekaríni.

8. Sucandána.

9. Chanpáka máliar.

10. Práwira lalitá.

11. Basánta líla.

12. Dánda.

Each of these stanzas consists of four lines, as in the following example of the Sradúla Wíkrinditä, from the Níti Sástra Káwi.

“ Reng jánma di kámi ta chíta reséping sárwa prája ng'enaka

" Ring s'tri matdia manuára pría wawus andé mána kung lúlut

" Yen ring Madiáni kang pinandíta mochap tetóah pa désa prien

" Yen ring matdía nikáng mosa mochap-akan wakehúra sing'a k'roti.

A man who is moderate and cool in his desires will do good to a country.

A woman is like unto Détci Manuhára when her desires are moderate, and men cannot look upon her without admiration.

A Pandita uust at all times and on all occasions act up to his doctrines :

Whether it be in war or in diffieulty, still he must act up to what he says.

Examples of several other measures of the sekár káwi and of the metre will be given hereafter in the analysis ofthe Bráta Yudha.

Of the sekáh sepoh there are great varieties, several of which are exhibited in the following examples.

MEGÁTRUH.

Consisting of fire unequal lines, terminating with the vowel sounds u, e, u, i, and o.)

“ Wong ahurip | aywa tā | ang'gung | katungkūl

“ Iřg kawibawan | kanuktēn

“ ’Aywa ta ] ang’gung gunung’güng

“ Manawā | dinadung eblis ]

“ Kajarāh | temah wurung wöng

Men of this world! give not yourselves up

To the pleasures of power and sensual gratification :

Neither be vain nor open to flattery.

Lest caught in his toils,

You fall into the hands of the devil.

PÉCHUNG.

(Consisting of four unequal lines, terninating with the vowel sounds u, a, i, and a.

“ Den prayitnā | wong agūng | aja pitambūh ]

‘ Barāng [ rahing prajā ]

“ Kawruhanā | den atitī

" Supayani | 'ing tindāk aywa | ng'alentār

Watch well, ye great, and be not unmindful

Of what takes place in the country ;

But observe it narrowly,

That the administration of it may not be neglected.

BALÁBAK.

(Consisting of threee long lines, each terminating in é.)

“ Wong ahurīp | aja anggung mang'an minūm | jarenē ||

" Ananungkūl | íng dría kang tan sayogyā | gawénē

" Lamun orā | ing nalika mangsa Kalā | Kalanē

Men of this life! devote not yourselves to the pleasures of eating and drinking ;

For it is a passion of which the indulgenee is vicious,

Except on grand and particular occasions.

KÚSWA WIRÁNGRONG WIRÁNGRONG.

(Consisting of six lines, terminating in the rowel sounds i, o, u, i, a, and a).

“ Lir dawüh dawūh | ing margi |

“ Sang d’yāh parayāng | paroyóng

“ Supe duk aniandāk | wastra ng'rangkūs

“ Kawingkin kang wēntis

" Lumaräp | kadi kilāt

“ Murub padāng | Kang pasebān ].

Stumbling as she went,

The Princess walked with faltering pace.

Laying hold of her under garment, she uneonsciously drew it up,

When from the exposed calf of her leg

A flash like lightning darted,

Which illunined the Hall of Audience.

SUMEKÁR.

(Consisting of eight lines, ending in the vowel sounds i, a, a, i and c).

“ Gugunung’ān | lor-wetan tuhu ’angrawit

" Pinärigi ing selā kakarang'ān

" Pandan-janmā | jinemb|ang'ān

“ Sri jata winujil | wujil

" Pisang tatār | lir tunjūng | Sikarī |

Beautiful are the hills to the north-east, Adorned and interspersed with walls of stone, With the pándan jánuna growing in pots, And overgrown with the s'ri játa, And the písang tátar, having a blossom like the túnjung.

PALUGÓN.

(Consisting of eight lines, terminating with the vowel sounds a, u, o, u,

o, a, u, and o).

“ Yen tan hanā | adedangkān

“ Puuggawa satrya agung

" Miang mantrí | rempeg agolong

" Obah osik | íng prajekū

" Iku arja | prajá katong

“Lawan pangwāisaning nata

“ Tan hanā | panasten kalbú

“ Nora cheng'il | datan leniök

When none are selfish,

And the great oflicers of state, the nobles,

And the petty oflicers, are all united together,

Whatever may be the convulsions or the troubles of the kingdom,

Still will the kingdom be great and prosperous.

When the power of the sovereign

Is envied by none,

All are then umited and none are disloyal.

PAU-GÁNGSA.

(Consisting of six lines, terminating in the vowel sounds a, e, e, a, a, and i).

" Pada salāmet sadayā

“ Sapung gawă | mantri lān satriyānē

" Yata Rajā | adil malī | andikānē

“ Eh ajunan pirāng prakáră

" Kabechikān | m'ring kawulā

" Patch yunān | awōt-sarī

All will be prosperous and peaceful, VOL. 1. G g

The chiefs of provinees, the nobles, and the petty chiefs.

On which Raja Adil (the just king) thus spoke again :

“ Oh Yúnan, how many rules are there

" For the prosperity of the subject?"

To which Páteh Yúnan returned for answer.

KÚSWARÍNI,

(Consisting of seren lines, terminating in the vowel sounds u, a, u, a, i, a, and e).

“ Sampun katāh | aniyasāt wadya prabū

“ Balik ng’egung'enā

" Turasing wöng | bangsa luhūr |

" Yen turaīsng | bangsa andāp

“ Nang’ing prayugī | kīnantī

“ Den pratelā | hing panejā!

“ Ang'inggahaken | wād'yanī

Treat not the subjects of your majesty with crpelty,

But respect

The deseendants of honourable families;

To the deseendants even of low families

Also shew kind treatment;

Yet be careful how you take a liking to any one,

And raise him in the world.

MÁHISA LÁNG'IT (THE BCFFALO OF THE SKY),

(Consisting of five lines, terminating in the vowel sounds e, u, i, u, and o)

“ Yen sampūn | wontēn kagunānē

“ Miang kraprawirānipün

" Punjulīng | sasami sāmī

“ Pantes jenunjūng | kang lunggūh

" Nora lingsēm | ing piyāngkōh

If there is one who has merit

And abilities

Surpassing his equals,

It is proper to raise him,

And there is no shame in sucl an act.

KÉNYA KEDÍRI,

(Consisting of nine lines, terminating in the vowel sounds, u, i, u, u, u, a, e, u, and i.)

“ Inggih lanūn | dereng wontan labetipūn

“ Guna Kaprawirāneki

“ Upama yen jinunjung’a | lungguhipūn ]

“ Say ektī | kochaping jāgāt | datan arůs

“ Makan darāh | yen dereng yog'ya jinūnjūng

“ Lan sampūn | akaryā | lūrāh

“Wong durjanā | dursilekī

“Lan sampun atantún

" M'ring pung'gawā | mantri jahīl

But if one having neither merit,

Ability, nor capacity,

Should be promoted in his stead,

Then would the world say it was improper;

For one raised above lis merits must mákan dárah (swallow blood).

Make not a chief

Of one who is a knave or bears an ill character,

And ask not advice

From one who is ill-disposed.

Other measures, which may be classed under the sekár sepoh are the júrudemúng, lúntang, gámbuh, kulánté, lámbang, kásua rága, ránsang, pamur'ántang, ontang-'anting, 'maskumámqang, tárub-agúng, pa-míjil s'langit or kinánti, irun- írun lung-gadúng, lára-katrísna.

The sekár gangsal, or five modern measures, are those in which the ordinary compositions of the present day are written. Of these there are again several varieties in different districts, as follow :—

ASMARANDÁNA,

which, according to the manner in which it is chaunted, is called salóbog, jákalóla, súrup-sasi-bawaraga, séndon pradápa, paláran.

(Consisting of seren lines terminating in the vowel sounds i, a, o e, a, a u, and a.)

“ Sun ’amurwä | laug’it inggil

“ Dadalan ikū | pan dāwā

“ Chok jurang'ā | pasti lédok

“ Lumrahi g'ni āpānas

“ Sanady'an lawē | petāk

“ Yen winedēl dadi wülüng

“ Yen mahidū | ayonānā

Lofty is the sky,

White thread will even be black

Roads too are always long;

Every valley is low,

And fire is naturally hot ;

Ifjet you do but dye it,

And if you don't believe it, try.

ARTÁTI, DÁNDANG GÚLÁ, (sugar erow), or SADÁNA CHÍTA,

which, according as it is chaunted, is called renchasih, majásih, lindur dálang-karahúnan, bárang múring, gúla kentar, or palárau.

(Consisting of ten unequal lines, terminuting in the vowel sounds, i, a, e or o, u, i, a u, a, i and a.)

“ Benjang ingsün | mari brangta kingkīn

" Yen mamalā | malanīng kanang rat

“ Dūrjanā | dusta linyokē

" Chelā | cholong chalimūd

“ Wong ambīgāl | ng'etal katähil

“ Kichū kampāk karūmpak

" Babotoh | kābutuh

“ Babangsāt | puda malesat

" Baya kōnō | mari analian—wiyādi

“ Dadining susī | lārja |

The painful feeling of my love will only cease

When the wicked of the world,

The knaves, the thieves, and the liars,

The seandalous and those who steal,

And the banditti, are all held in contempt ;

When robbers and plunderers are all destroyed,

And cock-fighters are in despair;

When gamblers are cast out.

Then, perhaps, the sadness of my heart may cease ;

Then may I be restored to peace and happiness.

SINOM, SRI NÁTA, OR PERDÁPA,

which, aecording to the channt employed, is called béngak, garúndel, gádung-maláti, jáyeng-asmára, babarláyar, merák ngúcnh, hagók-surabáya and paláran.

(Consisting of nine lines, terminating in the cowel sounds, a, i, a, i, i, u, a, i and a.)

“ Wusinā | ing'amban saksāna

“ Layöné | dewi angreni

“ Binaktā | minggah kēng pālwa

" Indrajala | dan titilai

“ Dening Rahadēn Panjī

“ Dewi oneng'ān tán kantún

“ Tunut dateng kāng | raka

“ Akatāh | pawong'ān chéti

“ Kang binakta sagung’ingkang rajabranā

Having taken in his artes

Thebody of the departed

Princess Ang'reni,

It was borne

On board the vessel Iudrajála

By Raden Pánji.

The Princess Oréng'oon was not left behind,

But accompanied her elder brother,

With many companions and female attendants,

The whole treasures being earried along with them.

PÁNGKUR,

which, according as it may be chaunted, is termed paláran and kadáton.

(Consisting of seven lines, terminating in the rowel sounds, a, i, u, a, u, a, and i.)

" Nihan kramanīng | tumītah

" Dan tatila | tumulad 'ing réh titi

“ Wechanā | den pindā | pūnggūng

“ Dan amēm | nayéng gită

“ Pagutēnā | yen wus samekta éng wūwūs

“ Den panggah | ay'wa miyāgāh

" Pilih tā | kawadēng wadī

The manners of men should be correet;

And in adopting an accurate conduct,

Let your speech be modest and unassuming.

When thinking, let your countenance appear unruffled;

And when your words are prepared, deliver them.

Be firm, but ou no account bigotted,

Lest you be held in contempt.

DÚRMA,

which, according as it is chaunted, is called seráng, rángsang, bedáya, madúra, and Paláran.

(Consisting of seven lines, terminating in the vowel sounds, a, i, a, a, i, a and i.)

“ Masjidé kā | kabatulah ika prayogā

“ Payū | tinirū sani

“ Gawi kabatūlah

“ Sigra mantuk prasamia

“ Wöng Abesah | sireng prapti

“ Ing nagarania

" Anulia | yasa sami

The temple of Kabatúlah is most excellent,

Come, let us all imitate it,

And build another Kabatúlah.

They then returned to their home,

And when the people of Abésah arrived

At their country,

They imnediately comnenced the work.

The sekárs, kinánti, and míjil are sometimes classed under the common or modern measures. The following are examples of those measures.

KINÁNTI,

(Consisting of six lines, terminating in the vowel sound, u, i, a, i, a, and i.)

“ Ake wong | sanak sadülür

“ Tan kadiā | Sugriwā bali

“ Sapolāh | tingkaniā pada

“ Moang suarā | rupa anūng'gil

“ Kalia n'gilu | lan wayang'gā

“ Kewran sáng | rama ēng ati

Most people have brothers and relatives,

But not such as Sugriwa and Báli.

Their actions and conduet were both alike,

And their voice and form was one and the same.

They were like cach other even as a substance and its shadow,

And the mind of Rána hinself was confused in distinguishing between them.

MIJIL,

(Consisting of six lin:s, terminating in the rowel sounds, i, o, e, i, i, and u.)

“ Rima panjāng | memak tur awīlīs

“ Urāb urab āwör

“ Lir manj'āngān | katarwan solāhē

“ Brang'os lemêt | yayah lir mināngsī ]

“ Dia wirun tinūlis

“ Warnani abāgús

His long and waving hair was of a greenish hue

Intermixed with flowers,

His action like that of a wounded deer,

And his mustachios fine and dark, as if pencilled.

He resembled the pieture of Wirun (the brother of Panji).

Most beautiful was his complexion.

The following are examples of some of the measures adopted by thc inhabitants of Báli. The thrce first are in the language of the country people ; the others are extracted from one of their modern compositions.

“ Kadi jarau

“Pang'aruh duag mapola

“ Pang'ang'gong niane luch

“Mapelag-pelagan

“ Mandadi

“ Paleng'gian

“ Atut sayang

“Kategah-keng

“ Tundung ne balan

“ Lamput tina chamáti

Like unto a horse Graceful in action, Richly caparisoned With various ornaments Becoming The royal saddle-horse ; Truly pleasant and agreeable To ride, His back shewing the mark Of the stroke of the whip.

“ Chahi santri

“ Bajang bajang gobah m'lah

“ Dapati manu huking

“ Deman hatini memadat

“ Chahi

“ Bajang taruna

“Nu liyu

" Demanin chahí

" Ing'atan awah

" Bikasé dali santri

Young man ! you are a sántri *,

• Priest.

Young and handsome :

Curb your inclinations

And dou't smoke opium.

Young man!

Yet unconnected with woman,

There is much

To which you must incline.

Think of yourself,

And that you have become a sántri.

CHECHANG KRIMAN.

(Sung by a Mother to her Child on her Arm.)

“Niahi ayu kapakan maniankil wakul

" Kalang mabalanjar lakuné manolé-nolé

“ Sada gisu

" Dayanin tuah kablag'gandang

My handsome girl! in bringing a purchase from the market,

When you have paid the price, cast not your eyes behind,

But move quickly,

Lest men may seize upon you.

The following are examples fron the written compositions of Báli.

“ Sang'nata ika wus mati

“ Penadang deneng joarsa

“ Yata mulia kesa mangko

“Medal saking pupungkuran

“ Prapta

“ Heng jawi kita

“ Awatara

"Teng'ha dalu

"Tanana wong kang ng'uning'a*

Then that sovereign died,

Being destroyed by Joarsa,

• This and the following stanza are from the poem of Joarsa, being the history of two brothers of the country of Sahalsa.

Who thereupon went out, Retreating by the back part of the dwelling; And having arrived at the outside of the fort At the time It was midnight, No one knew of it.

" Wus lepas lampa ireki

" Handung kaping parang parang

" Sumung kaking ukir halon

"Tumaruning lebah lebah

“Mantuk

“Maring Nagara

" Heng Sahalsa

“ Sina dia

" Hiku kalang'an chobayang suks'ma

When he had passed the road

He ascended the mountains,

And moved on slowly,

Ascending and descending,

Proceeding in search of his country,

Named Sahálsa,

Which he descried;—

But here he was opposed by the will of Providence.

In order the better to illustrate the poetry and literature of Java, and to exhibit the nature and spirit of the compositions in the Káwi, I request to present the reader with an analysis of the Bráta Yudha, the most popular and celebrated poem in the language. Versions of this poem in the modern Javan are common throughout the island, and the subject is the theme of the most popular and interesting amusements of the country.

The Brata Yúdha Kawi, of which the following is the analysis, and from which the illustrations which are interspersed are taken, contains seven hundred and nineteen páda or metrical stanzas, of four long lines cach, the measures varying with the subject, so that most of the twelye Káwi measures are to be found in it. Considering how little was known on Java of the Káwi language, and how likely that little was to be lost for ever, I felt a strong interest in analysing and translating, as far as practicable, one of the principal compositions in that language ; and availing myself of the literary acquirements of the Panambahan of Sumenap, to whom I have already adverted, and of the assistance of a gentleman of my family, and Raden Saleh, the son of the regent of Semaráng, I have it now in my power to lay the following analysis of this ancient poem before the public. It is far from being as complete, or correct, as I could have wished, yet imperfect as it is, it may serve to convey some idea of the original. I have endeavoured to keep as close to the original as possible, and have, in every instance, given the interpretation of the Káwi, as far as it was understood by the Panambahan. The Sanscrit scholar will probably find imperfections, and possibly might be able to render a better translation ; but it is the Káwi language, as it is understood by the Javans of the present day, that I am anxious to illustrate. The original stanzas are given in the Káici, and I only regret that the limited knowledge of the language possessed by the Panambahan himself, and my own want of tine to study and trace the grammatical construction of it, have not admitted of my doing more justice to the original. I can safely affirm, that independent of the interest which the subject loses by translation into a foreign language, the illustrations now given afford but a very imperfect specimen of the beauty, sublimity, and real poetry of the original.

This celebrated work would appear from the Chándra Sangkála included in one of the verses, to have been composed by one Puséda, a learned Pandíta, in the year 1079. Some copies, however, almit of a different interpretation regarding the date, and the general opinion is, that it was composed in 706 of the Javan cra, during the reign of a prince on whom was conferred the title of Jáya Báya. Whether the poen was actually written on Java, or brought by the early colonists, may be questionable; but the Javans of the present day firmly believe, not only that the poem was written on Java, but that the scene of the exploits which it records was also laid on Java and Madúra. The annexed sketch, with the subjoined note, will explain the situation of the different countries, according to this notion *.

• Under this impression, the city of Astina (Hastina pura) is believed to have been situated near the modern Pakalong'an; Gendara Désa, the country of Sanghoni, near Wiradesa; Amerta, the country of Derma Wangsa and the Pandawa, near Japara; Talkanda, the country of Bisma, and Banjar jung'ut, the country of Dursa Sána, in Lurung Teng'ha; Awang'ga, either near Kendal, or the modern Yug'ga-kerta; Pring'gadani, the country of Bima, near Pamálang; Purabáya, the country of Gatot Kacha, near Surabáya; Mandura, the country of Bála dewa, or Kákrá Sáná, the western provinces of the island Madúro, and Mandaráka, the country of Salia, the eastern provinces of that island, towards Sumenap ; Diára Wati, or Indoro Wati, Krisna's country, the inodern Pati. In the same spirit, the modern eapital of the sultan of Matarem, called by the Dutch Djocjo carta, but more correctly dyog'ya Kerta, was so naned by its founder, about sixty years ago, after Ayudya the celebrated capital of Rama.

There are three peaks in different parts of the Island, which still retain the name of Iadra Kíla, the inountain on which Arjúna performed tapa ; one on the mountaln Arjúna, ncar Surabáya, one on Morea at Japara, and another on the Ung'arang mountain, near Semárang.

At the foot of Semire, the naine of one of the highest mountains on the eastern part of the island, is supposed to have been situated the country of Newata, better known as the residcnce of Detia Kewacha, who reigned before the war of the Bréta Yudho.

On Gunung Práhu, a range of lofty inountains inland between Paka- Iangan and Semárang, are the remains of nearly four hundred temples, or buildings, with the traces of an extensive city. This is supposed to have been the burying-place of the ancestors of the Pandáwa, as well as of Arjúna. The site of the teinples was forinerly called Rah tawn, the place whence blood was washed, from a tradition, that when Pula Saru was born, his mother immediately died, on which the Déwa came and received the infant on its coming into the world.

In the performance of the wáyang, in wlhich the heroes of these historical romances are exhibited, the common people of Jowana never exhibit that part of the history which relates to the juvenile days of Krésna, from a superstitious apprèhension, that the alligators would, in such event, overrun the country, these aninals being supposed to be the transformed followers of Kunysa. At Pamalang, also, there is a similar prohibition with regard to representing Arímba, the brother-inlaw of Bíma, under a dread, that if the Dálang should, by accident, not represent the story with exactness, he would inevitably fall sick on the first mistake.

The country of Parakisit, after the Brata Yudha, is supposed to have been near Semárang, and on that account the Dálang will not perform that part of the history which relates to his reign, although it forms a very principal portion in the performances elsewhere.

To these superstitions may be added, that although with these local exceptions the wáyang may represent any portion of the Bráta Yudha, or of the preceding or subsequent histories of the same class, there is a prevalent superstition, that a great war will be the inevitable consequence of performing, at one sitting, the whole of this poem. It is gravely asserted, that a ehief of Kendal tried this experiment about fifty years ago, but that the perforinance was no sooner completed, than his country was laid waste and destroyed: and also that, previous to the Javan war; the grandfather of the present Susunan, Sida Langkungang, ordered the whole of the Bráta Yúdha to be performed at onee; the consequence of which was the dreadful war which ensued, and the dismemberment of the empire.

These impressions and superstitions may seen to evince, how deeply rooted is the belief that the seene of this poem was in Java.

The seene of the Rámayan, on the contrary, is not believed to have been on Java; but there is an impression, that after the death of Rawína, Hánuman fled to Java, and took refuge in the district of Ambaráwa, near Semárang, on a hill called Kandali Sáda, the place named in the Ramayan where Hanmnan performed tapa (penanee). There is still a post or pillar preserved to distinguish this spot at the summit of the hill ; and such is the superstition of the neighbourhood, that they never perform the wáynng representing any part of the history of Ráma, lest Hanuman should pelt them with stones.

The annexed plate shews the sitnation of the prineipal places mentioned in the Bráta Yádha, according to the prevailing notions of the Javans.

NAMES OF THE PANDÁWA PRINCES, PRINCESSES, &c.

The regal titles of Aria, Narária, Narandta, Narindra, &c. are occasionally applied to the different chiefs on both sides.

NAMES OF PRINCIPAL KURÁWA PRINCES, PRINCESSES, &e.

NUMERICAL TERMS MADE USE OF IN THE BRÁTA YÚDHA.

OF

THE BRÁTA YÚDHA,

OR HOLY WAR; OR RATHER TIIE WAR OF WOE:

AN EPIC POEM,

IN THE KÁWI OR CLASSIC LANGUAGE OF JAVA.

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

THe wife of Santánu, king of Astina, dying on giving birth to Déwa Bráta (Bísma), Santánu asked Pulásara, the Prábu-Anom (or younger prince), of Wiráta, and brotherin-law of Mángsah Páti, prince of that country, to allow his wife Ambarsári, who at that time had a child (Abiása) at the breast, to suckle and so save the life of his infant boy Déwa Bráta.

Pulasára, offended at the proposal, went to war with Santánu, but was afterwards persuaded by the Déwa Sang yang Naráda to comply, on condition of Santánu resigning his kingdom to him ; to which Santánu agreed. Pulasára, when his son Abiása was grown up, gave him the kingdom of Astína, and turning hermit, went and passed the rest of his days on the mountains.

By his wife Ambalíka (the old maiden daughter of Baliétma, a hermit of Gúnung Chámaragándi, whom he was forced to marry against his inclination) Abiása had three sons, viz.

1. Drestaráta, who was blind.

H h VOL. I.

2. Pándu, whose head was inclined to one side.

3. Aria Widúra, who was lame.

Pándu, the least exceptionable of the three sons, being raised to the throne, Abiása turned hermit, and went and passed the remainder of his days among the mountains.

On the death of Pándu, Drestaráta persuaded his father Abiása to allow him to rule the country during the minority of the Pándáwa (or five children of Pándu). These were Dérma Wangsa, Bíma, and Arjúna, born of his wife Déwi Kúnti, and Nakúla and Sedéwa, born of his wifo Déwi Madrim.

Drestaráta however afterwards persuaded them to go to a wild uncultivated place called Amérta, and establish a kingdom there, furnishing them, for that purpose, with the requisite implements, and a thousand men to enable them to clear away and cultivate the country.

Through the assistance of Mangsáh Pati, the king of Wiráta (uncle to Abiása), the country of Amérta was completed ; but not until the thousand men had all been devoured by demons, of whom Párta was the chief.

Drestaráta retained possession of Astína, and afterwards resigned it to his sons, the Kuráua, in number ninetyseven.

The hundred was completed by the addition of Kérna, the son of Déwi Kúnti before marriage by Batára Suria, and of Jaya-dráta and Aswatáma.

The incarnate Déwa, Krésna, having been deputed by the Pandáwa, whose part he takes, to propose to the king of Kuráwa an equal division of the kingdom of Astína between the Kuráwa and Pandáwa, and his proposal being rejected, the Pandáwa go to war for the kingdom which was left them by their father, and which in justice they ought to have had. The Kuráwa are ultimately beaten, and the kingdom of Astína recovered by the Pandáwa.

The scene of the poem lies chiefly in the hostile plains of Kuruksétra, close to Astina, whither it sometimes shifts. The time of it is about a month, the same being the fifth of the year.

The poem opens as follows :—

(Measure Jagadita.)

1. In war 'tis the prayer of the brave to annihilate the foe, To see the braids of fallen chiefs scattered like flowers before the wind.

To rend their garments, and burn alike their altars and their palaces,

Boldly to strike off their heads while seated in their chariots, and thus to obtain renown.

2. Such was the prayer (of Jáya Báya) offer'd to the three worlds for success in battle ;

Such was the resolve of Batára Náta * against those whom he knew to be his enemies.

And the name and power of Padúka Batára Jáya Báya became famous throughout the world,

Confirmed and approved by all good men and by the four classes of Pandita †

3. The lord of the mountains descended with all his Pandíta,

And the prince approached him with respect and a pure heart.

Awigno mastutina masidam.

(Tem bang Jágadita.)

1. Săng sūră m'rī ayālniă rīng sămără mālyoănǐ Ylăng'ăni kāng | părāngmǔkă

Lilā kēmbăng ng'örā | sěkär tăjǐnǐ kěsā(nīng'ări pějăh hīng | rănăng'- gănă

Urnă nīng rătu māltǐ wijă nǐră kūnldănǐ năgărǎnīng | mǒsū gěsăng Săhītiā utǐ těn/dăsī ripǔ kăpākfka nǐrătā suiră săsrămeng lăga

2. Da samangkana kastawa nira tekeng tri Buana winuwus jaying rana Kapia sabda Batara Nata sa mosu nira tekapi huwusnia kagraha Ng'ka lumra ti tohor ta Paduka Batara Jaya Baya panangga hing sarat Mang'go sampun ninastoakan sujana len duijawara Resi Siwa Sugata

3. Ng'ka ragrian tumurun Batara Giri Nata lawana sira sang'gia len resi Yetna s'ri pamasa mamurista mang'argia ri sira sang'a chintia nir mala

The deity was pleased, and said, " Aji Jáya Báya," be not afraid :

I come to thee not in anger, but according to thy desire, to endow thee with the power of conquest.

4. Receive from me a blessing, oh my son Jáya Báya !— Hear me! In thy country

Thou shalt become the chief of the whole circle of princes, and in war victorious over the enemy.

Be firm and fear not, for thou shalt become as a Batára.

This declaration pronounced with solemnity, was treasured in the memory of all the holy Pandita of heaven.

5. Thus having bestowed his blessing, the Batára vanished ; And the enemies of the prince being overcome with fear, submitted to him.

Tranquil and happy was every country. The thief stood aloof during the reign of this prince,

And the lover alone stole his pleasure, seeking his object by the light of the moon.

6. It was at this time Puséda* rendered memorable the date, risang’a kuda suda chandrama †,

Yekan tusta mana Batara sa wuwus Aji Jaya Baya ayua sang saya

Ta tan kroda tekangku yen sira saka sung'a wara karananan ka dik Jaya

4. Tang'gap tosna nograha ku ri wukang ku Jaya Baya rang'e nikang Praja

Satiastu prabu chakra wartia kita ring sabuana Jaya satru ring mosu

Tekuan lang'gen'a satmaka na ku lawan kita tulusa Batara ring Jagat

Yekan sabda nira tro telasi nastoakan nira resi sang'gia ring lang'it

5. Sanpun mangkana suksma reh nira Batara telasi ramawé ka nograha Tanduan nut samusu nareswara pada pranata teka rihing mabupati 'Enak tand'li reng sarat maling awah layata wadi risakti sang Prabu Hangheng tan udi sapsabé wang ng'atajeng teka sumilip pipajang'ing wulan

6. Nowan don Puseda makirtia sasakala risang'a kuda sud'da Chandrama

When the brilliancy with which the enemy was defeated was like unto the brightness of the sun at the third season,

And the merey which was shewn to them was like the moon at the full.

For in war he looked upon the enemy, as the lord of the wild beasts would eye his prey.

7. 'Then Batára Séwa came and said to him,

" This is the time proper to relate the war between the Pandáwa and the princes of Kóra,

A relation which is not intended for the regulation of the country or the conduct of men, but is like siri with burnt lime,

Which affects not the teeth, but gives inward satisfaction and delight."

8. In former times, Naráría Krésna was the friend of Naranáta Pandáua,

And he urged them saying, " Request from Suyudána, " the chief of the Kúru.

" Nothing less than a division of the country of the “ Kúru :

" If he accede, it is well; if not, a great war shall be “ raised."

9. Thus having advised he hastily departed, and quitted Wiráta, followed by Satiáki,

He mounted his chariot of swift-footed coursers, which sped through the air as if with wings,

And soon discerned the city of Gajahúya *, breaking through the clouds. Sad

Looked her waringen tree †, like unto a sorrowful wife separated from her husband.

10. The corners of the gateways seemed to bow as he advanced,

And their turrets to beckon to Janardáni to hasten on.

The branches of the serpent flower ‡ waved in the wind, as if in obcisance,

And all the beauty of the city of the Kúrus appeared to enquire whether he were followed by the Pandáwa.

11. But Narária Kesáwa had left thc sons of Pándu at Wiráta.

The appearance of every thing on the road was sad: sorrowful was the sound of the bird chuchur,

And the jring plant was drooping and fallen, bearing down with it to the ground the pándan flower ;

Mournful was the moaning of the bird walikitádáhasi crying on the branch of a tree.

Heng'gal prapta tekap nisacti ni turang'ga Nirata nira pinda hanglayang

Kong'ang desa nikang Gajahuya pura awu Kinemol laneng udan riwut

Uruk warnani wandirania kadi soka makemoli paning'gal ling pria.

10. Punchak punchaki gopuran'ia aturang ng'adang'a ri sira mong'gu ri ng'nu

Kadio gir ri tekar Janardana panambahi pataka nekang nawe Katon Warna nambahi pang nikang bujaga puspa magiu anu mimba kang'-inan

Saksat laxmini kang puri kuru matakoana ri milu Nararia Pandawa

11. Dan Bahnan kari Pandu Patra ri Wirata tekapira Nararia Kesawa Yéka soka lang'an ikang awana kunda manang'isa sekal chuchur neka Mangkaj'ring malumi dawu pudaki Pandani ka makilusu aning Watu Hing hing sabdani kang Waliktadahasi pada manang'isi pang nikang tahan

12. Bright and beautiful was the city of Gajahúya, till it was known that the Pandáwa did not follow.

The champáka flower was full blown and ready to fall ; The faded flowers of the tanjung were caught in the spider's web,

And the dark beetle *, almost lifeless, in sadness sought the flowers of Angsána, which floated on the waters.

13. Dry was the course in which the rivulet had flowed, And the stone images looked in sadness at the marks which the water had left on the rocks. The shell-fish † had deserted their covering.

And the dead shells were left on the banks by the retiring waters.

14. Unlike this was the appearance of the ráwas †, which resembled an assemblage at the paseban §.

On their banks grew the flower rajása ; entwined by the suwúrna ¶, as a golden ornament worn by men.

The white flowered tánjung having reclosed its petals, hung like a closed páyung **,

12. Kapua sa leng'ang'ing Gajahuya ri tan padulur rira Nararia Pandawa Hunia champaka malugas Kusuma paksa Malabua jurang nikang parung

Lampus tanjung ng'ika ng'anas layati gantung'i panawang ng'aning jaring jaring Tan patma Bramara kusa nang'isi layuani ng'asana manot yiriaking banyu

13. Mangkania sani panchurania pada soka ri taya nira sang danang jaya Unia lek magegeng molat kapenatan rika patini lumot nikang watu Sangsara Karachakechap mulati pandaga nika ri pipinya tan padon Ka res res ni susunya mati manolat tiba tiwati mukar juning sela

14. Tan mangka kalang'ang nikang rawarawen Masemu lumiating wang hing saba

Tirania nadar Rajasa kayu suwarna Mamolacti atur gelang kuning Mang'ka tunjung'i kang sekar wali ping'olani ka pada payung ping'ol

• Bramára. † Kuráchékéchup. ‡ Swamps.

§ Paseban, assemblage of chiefs in front of the palace.

*• Umbrella.

And the small fish were frisking with delight in the waters.

15. And as he came close to the city, the approach was cleared :

The wúng'or flowers hung in abundance like reclining pillows,

The tanjúng flower was open, like an expanded payúng,

And the pétung * was surpassed by the beauty of the gáding † sprouts, which shewed like the gáding flower.

16. And the woods were as if no one could tell whether there was good or bad in them, and the rocks were as if deaf and duub.

The beetle buzzed at a distance from the flowers of the dádap and the síri, for it knew not the taste of them;

The bird chat-da played like unto the bird kiong , when in its glory in the woods;

And the joints of the sugar-cane attracted not the eye.

(Measure Suandána.)

17. Delightful and pleasant were the roads of Astína. And soon on the plains & of Kúru did the good Krésna arrive :

Sarwecha pachuring sunhunbras ika yan pabanyubanyu mang'anti ring renek

15. Sing'gi yan maparek puraraja mahalep alep anoluhi ri nika ng'enu Banonia Suraga tulis makalasa bari tuwuni nika sinang rateng Mangka tinkahi patmaraga nika sayana sekara pajeng pajeng dadu Tan pasri tekapi petung gading bung'nia pada tumota pawahan gading

16. Lir tanuru hihunadika alas apinda bisu tuli watunia ring jurang Monya Kumbang'i kumbang'i rang'en ado weruha rechap'ika puspa ning seda Chang'gang chang'ga manuknia chutda nachading kiong atuwa Kalang'aning wukir Tekuan tan kahanan w'las harep pula nisi paha nika tan lumis mata

(Tembang Suandána.)

17. Leng'ēng gatine kāng | awān sabasabā | nikīng astina Samāntarã tekēng | tegāl kuru nar ārya krēsnān laku

There was he joined by the heroes Kánwa, Janáka, and Narádá,

Who were found by him on the plain, and who entered his service.

18. Immediately the excellent Krésna took the charioteer's scat, Giving up his own in the chariot to the three Pándita, and making obeisance to them. They returning the salute,

Inwardly prayed for the welfare of Krésna.

19. The Pánditas were much pleased by Krésna's taking the charioteer's place : And as they were borne along, they talked of their journey to the King of Astína, And also discussed many weighty matters,

While mildly flowed their words like a gentle stream.

20. When the worthy Krésna was yet on the plain of Kúru, Drótarája soon heard of his coming, And gave orders to clean and dust the palace ; Directing, at the same time, the finest cloths to be spread on the ground from the royal scat, outside, as far as the great square.

21. It was at the same tine required of all to show respect. Such were the orders of Aria Bisma and Dratarástra.

Sakúni, Kerna, Duryodána, alone refused to obey, turning away and shewing their backs.

This they did, perceiving intuitively that the great among men was acting in concert with the Pandáwa.

22. The various viands in the interior of the palace being prepared and laid out,

Kesáwa * arrived before the city.

When grateful sounds struck up from various musical instruments,

As slowly advanced his chariot to the hall of audience.

23. The people, desirous of beholding the royal arrival, and afraid of being too late,

Hurried in crowds to where they might have a view of him,

Adjusting their dress and tying up their hair as they ran along;

And some, who had left the operation unfinished, came with their teeth partly black and partly white.

24. While others, among the women, hcld up their breasts with both hands,

As if they were going to present them to the exalted among men †.

Children, too, bore along in their arms their ivory dolls, And caused them, when they came to the looking place, to acknowledge and bow to him, whom they pointed out as their royal father.

25. There were also seen among the throng, those who, leaving off the duties of the toilet, and taking with them their looking-glass and paint-brush, Appeared as if they were hastening to officiate for the prince. Others there were, whose hands contained unfinished garlands of flowers, which they had been making, and Which they seemed to be running to give to his highness.

26. Others ran so fast, that they dropt and lost their garments by the way; Such was their fear of being too late to see the prince go by. The overloaded ladders broke down with the weight of people upon them, And the extended mouths of those who fell prostrate, gave them the appearance of persons under the influence of liquor.

(Mcasure Basánta tiláka).

27. It would be endless to describe the various sights which presented themselves among the astonished multitude, Enough that the royal Krésna reached the palace. But it was not the palace of the King of Astina which he went into ;

It was that of the Aria Drastarésta.

28. There he found assembled Drúna, Bisma, Krépa, and Sália ;

As also Aria Widúra, Dratarája, and Kérna.

Then quickly before him did the Aria place

Viands, served up in dishes of gold set with precious stones, befitting the dignity of a prince.

29. Delighted was the mind of Krésna,

When he saw the hospitable mauner in which he was treated by the Aria and by Bísma.

Then came the King of Astína to present him with dainties;

But his coming was fruitless, for Krésna would have none of them, spurning the offer.

30. On which the King of the Kurána, addressing the blessed among men * in an angry tone thus spoke :

" O! thou pure anong men, who lovest to over-rate thy- “ self,

" Disdaining to reccive the proffered food which I pre- “ pared for thee,

" It is not fit that thou shouldst be numbered among the " good and worthy of the earth."

31. Such were the words of the King of the Kuráwa addressed to Krésna.

To whom, in reply, the latter said: " Being deputed by “ others,

29. At'yanta tustané manah naranata Krésna Yanton segeh nira pararya makadi bisma Yekan dateng prabu ri astina sopa boga Datan tinanggapira Kresna aturnia nir don

30. Yekan panant'wa kurunata risang narind'ra He sang janardana hade juga denta mambik Tan tanggamé pasaji nistura tan pananggap Tan yukti totenira sang tuhu sadu ring rat

31. Naling nirang kurupatin pang'uehap ring Kresna Mojar janardana t'her puri ing kinongkon

" To accept of the articles presented to me by thee, " would be as if I were to take poison,

" Not having yet finished the work I am come about."

32. So spakc the pure among men, losing for a moment the character of a Pandita.

Krésna then returned home, followed by his principal Mántrí* :

And on reaching his residence he immediately kissed the feet of the wife † of Pándu,

Who very graciously and kindly received the honour done her.

(Measure Bangsa patra.)

33. As soon as Batári Kunti ‡ perccived Krésna approaching, Her mind suddenly expanded, like an opening flower, but immediately after became oppressed with grief. Then addressing the royal youth, she said, his coming to her was as welcome as that of the Pandáwas.

She then quickly threw her arms round the neck of the well-pleased Krésna,

34. And immediately told him of all the sad grief and consequent shame which filled her mind,

With a choked utterance and a strenuous effort to suppress the rising tear,

Tan sambramé pang'upakara ritap'waning don

Apan mamukti wisa rak'wana sida karaya

32. Naling janardana ri sang resi sangga suks'ma Sang Kresna mantuki niring nira sang sumantri Prapténg g'reha ngusapi jeng nira pandu-patni Somia b'wata t'wang'i t'las nira yan panembah

(Tembang Bangsa patra.)

33. Saliyati ra Batári Kūnti Krēsjna wahu datēng Kadi sinekari kāng | t'yás măhārsa puwarā sekel Atutu rī | n'repa sūnu lwīr sāng | pāndawa datēng'a Karana nirā | tekā n'gol teng | gēk sāng teka marārem

34. T'hěr awarahi geng ning duka ngande hirisira Saha wuwus ira mas'ret déning luh lagi pinegeng

† Déwi Kúnti.

" O! my friend and protector," said she, " thou bringest " consolation and comfort to my breaking heart,

“ Making me feel as happy as if I were at this moment " in the delightful company of all the sons of Pándu."

35. Such were the words of the great Dewi Kunti, causing Krésna to shed tears.

To whom the latter, in reply, thus spake : " Grieve not, " oh princess,

" What is, has been ordained by the Almighty, whose " humble instrument I am."

Thus said, he forthwith returned, and went to the palace of Wára-widúra.

36 Leaving Krésna to the hospitable entertainment of Widúra, who administered to all his wants,

Let us proceed to speak of the King of the Kuráwa,

Whose gifts had been disdainfully rejected,

And who thereby was sorely vexed.

37. He consulted with Dusasána and Sakúni upon the subject.

But the first on the list of advisers were Krépa and Kérna. They wishing to kindle the ire of the king of Kuráwa,

Asked, " Why should you be afraid to refuse giving up half of the country,

" On account of Krésna's being the friend and ally of " the Pandáwa ;

38. " Therefore it is that the offered food was so much " slighted.

" If not accepted of (by Krésna) care not, but give it " away elsewhere.

" Be the enemies of our leader who they may, our " weapons are ready."

Having thus said, Krépa and Kérna departed, and were followed by Dusasána and Sakúni.

39. All having departed, and gone home,

The king of the Kuráwa, alone and sad,

Went to the apartment of his wife,

Who was said to be exquisitely beautiful, even exceeding the females of heaven, and containing more sweetness than a sea of honey.

40. When he reached the place where his wife was, he spoke not, but continued silent,

Oppress'd with grief, and lost to every thing;

In this mood he remained, till the coolness of evening came, and

The sun shone bright in the west.

41. The sun about to disappear, looked as if descending into the bosom of the deep,

And cast a beautiful and pleasing appearance on the palace;

But it assumed all at once a pale and sombre aspect, While the women within were happy and joyful.

42—46. [Description of the loves of both sexes, and the graces and attractions of women.]

47-50. [Moonlight scene describéd, with the sports and blandishments of the maids of the palace.]

51—58. [The maids of Astína continue to talk and amuse themselves by the light of the moon.]

54. [Midnight follows, when all are at rest, and a solemn stillness prevails, disturbed only by the Bramins proclaiming the midnight hour.]

55—63. [Description of morning. San-rise, &c.]

64—66. [Suyudána, king of Kuránca, comes forth in state into the hall of audience to meet Krésna, who has been waiting for him there, along with many princes and chiefs of the place.]

67—73. [Krésna announces to Suyudána the object of his mission, viz. to ask for half the kingdom of Asfína for the Pandáwa, &e. The father and mother of Suyudána and all the old and grave Panditas recommend compliance with the proposal of the Pandáca, in order that there may be an amicable adjustment of affairs. Kérna, Dusasána, Sakúni, and Krépa, shake their heads, in token of their disapprobation of the measure, and evince thcir readiness to attack and kill Krésna on the spot.]

(Measure Sekaríni.)

74. Then the servant Satiáki related to Krésna from his own knowledge,

That at the time the plan of Duriodána was to take away his life,

For he had collected together and asscmbled his people in arms ;

Whereupon Krésna issued orders for his forces to be in like manner assembled.

(Tembang Sekarini.)

74. Samāngkā yoda sātiaki majari sāng | Krěsna saduga Ri tīngkā săng Duriodana arap pamjātia nāri sira Tuwin sampún naidāng | yadū bala kabē | săstrani sita Umi rătniã s'ri Krēsjna kărana nikīn | tán warang'en

(Measure Basánta tiláka.)

75. Krésna then giving way to his anger, arose from his seat, His passion swelling and rising within him like unto the fury of the god Kála.

His speech no longer soft, was harsh and loud, and he represented the all-powerful Wísnu *,

His appearance uniting the force of the three powers and of the three worlds.

76. From his shoulders were seen to extend four arms, and above them were three heads and three eyes †.

The power and divinity of every deity now entered into his person :

Bráma, the saints, the powerful deities, the chiefs of the Rasáksas,

With the power of all the people and chiefs of the immaterial world, and of all that possessed power.

77. Then swaying his body from side to side, and breathing hard like the roar of a lion,

The carth shook to its base, disturbing the foundation of every thing :

The mountain tops nodding, and the mountains themselves rocking to and fro ;

The waves of the sea rising like mountains, forming whirlpools and casting the deep sea-fish on the adjacent shore.

(Tembung Basanta tilaka. See 26.)

75. Angka kroda Kresna mang'aděk sakaring pahman Mong'ging natar sira wibuh Kadi Kala merchu Mintonakan krama niran tuhu Wisnu murti Lila tri wikrama maka waki kang tri loka

76. Takkuwan chatur buja siran tri sira tri netra Sakoé Batara pinaka wakira samoa Brahma r'si dewa gana rasaksa yaksa sura Moang detia denawa pisacha manusia sakti

77. Yekan lumangka asigap kraka singha nada Lindu tikang siti pado lawa ng'ambek Kambek Yang parwoto gra gumiwang manawang ginanjuh Kombak wayi tasi kanyakra panyunya kabeang

78. In an instant fear and panic overspread the hundred Kuráwa. Silent and speechless they stood, and with a pale and wan look, which extended to the prince Kérna himself. Even Súyudána and Yuyútsu lost their senses from fear; They remained as without life, and having no will of their own.

79. It was then that Drúna and Bísma, and the good Pandíta Naráda,

Offered prayers and praise, and sprinkling a shower of sweet-scented flowers before him,

Thus entreated : "Are you not, in truth, the God of Day, " why become greater?

“ Have merey upon the world and all that it contains.

s0. “ If you resolve upon the destruction of Kurunáta, his “ destruction must ensue :

" But think once more of the agreoment of Nahária “ Bíma,

" And of the pledge of Drupádi, who has vowed not to “ bind her hair

" Until she shall have bathed in the blood of the hun- " dred Kuráwa."

81. At this the god relented, and his heart became softened When he listened to the words of the holy Bisma; For the wisdom of Krésna was pleased with the praise,

And in an instant he resumed the form of Nahária Krésna.

82. The Panditas then went cach his way,

And Krésna proceeded to the dwelling of the widow of Pándu. No sooner was he arrived than he said : " I offered my “ advice to the princes of Kúra,

" But they have resolved to be destroyed in battle.

83. “ Such, O Naranáti Déwi, is the conduct of Kurunáta." To him the princess then replied, " Inform my sons, the “ sons of Pándu, of this :

" And since they must fight, let them select warriors who " cling to life ;

" And let Siwárga reccive those who may fall in the “ war.”

84. Thus spake the princess to Nahária Kréșna, Who closing his hands in respeet, requested to withdraw. Then quickly mounting his resplendent chariot, le was followed by Widúra, Sanjáya, and Yuyútsu.

85. Kérna alone was seated in the chariot by the side of Krésna, And him he advised to follow the cause of Pándu. But the Prince of Wáng'ga replied : " I hold to my “ resolve,

“ And long to try my strength in battle against Kiríti."

86. Such was the speech of Narapáti Kérna, who would not hear but of war ;

" To the battle will I go, for I pant for war, and instant “ war.

" In the fifth season, and on the first day of the moon, “ shall the war commence,

“ And ere the tenth night of Krésna shall it be terminated."

87. Rawisúta having thus declared hinself in speech bold and fierce,

Requested to depart in company with Widúra, Sanjáya, and Yuyútsu,

And said not a word until he reach'd his home.

Janardána gave speed to his course and went on.

88. Narapáti Krésua spoke not a word as he proceeded ; But Srí Kúnti, when she heard the intelligence, Became sad at heart that her children should go to war, And well she recollected what Kresna had formerly said.

89. This she thought should be the course of Narandta Kérna,

He should not listen to Kurunáta, for he is bent upon war ; And thus she advised her son, Arka Pútra*,

For she had borne him when yet a virgin.

90. But Kérna would not hearken, but averted his head. His wish was that nothing should avert the war; For he feared the loss of his character for courage, And he had received great benefits from the princes of Kóra.

91. The widow of Pándu then departed in grief, And in silence bent her way to the abode of Sumántri. Janardána, meanwhile, continued his course Attended by Satiáki, the good and the brave.

92. So rapidly did the chariot go that the time could not be counted, Till reaching Wíráta, he met the assembled Pandáwa. To them Krésna related, that the people of Astína rejected his advice, And were resolved upon trying their prowess in war.

93. Transfix'd with rage, the sons of the Pándu, Bíma, Arjúna, Yenakúla, spoke with fierceness and defiance, When they heard the words of Pándn Pátni That they should try their power and skill iu war.

94. It was then that all the assembled prinees Consulted and deelared for war.

And Drupáda said to his son, the prince of Wiráta, " Give orders and make ready the warlike implements, "collect the chiefs and warriors."

(Measure Sragdára.)

95. At the dawn of day, the Pandáwa arose and march'd forth from the capital of Wiráta, Resplendent as the morning sun, when rising above the mountains, he first sheds his rays over the earth; In numbers great, compact, and like an overwhelming sea. And a sound, like distant thunder in the hills, Was the sign, that the clephants, horses, and chariots, with the rich and splendid trappings of gold were in motion.

96. Many and numberless were the flowers scattered in clouds upon them by the Pandita ;

Loud was the sound of the martial strain, breathing victory and triumph to the sons of Pándu.

And when the flowers ceased to fall, there arose a strong wind, as if propitious to their mareh ;

For the gods were assembled on high, and wished them success in the war.

Ayuhé nuchap Drupada sunu Wirata putra Sabda nomangkata ri kalanikang pranata

(Tembang Sragdára.)

95. Yiri āngkāt sāng Pāndawēngl'jeng Sakari Kuta nikāng | Rājia dāni Wirāta Tān pēndă Sūria săngke ngudaya giri mijil | māyuwan nāng dipa nīngrat|| Lūmra wurāsākpenu līr | jalinidi mang'alīh|muang 'ngukīr guntūr ágrah ||

Lawan ungkara mantri jaya jaya ri jaya Sri Maha Pandu Putra Matrang Warsa rarap mang'galani laku nira pang ruhun sidu ngadres

Chīnāniā n'wēh tekāp nīng | gaja turāngga ratā | reng'ga rāta pradīpta ||

96. Ny'kan lumrang puspa warseng gana Sina Wurakan Sang watak sit dia sing ga

Apan Sang yang Surendrang duluri ngawang awang mastoakan yen jayeng prang

97. In the front of the march Bima, the bold and the brave, took his station;

Wild with impatience for battle, and heedless of oppoy sition,

He remained on foot, tossing his gáda into the air for amusement;

For he was accustomed to conquer, as well on the sea as on the mountains, and elephants and lions became his spoil.

98. In his rage he was all-powerful as the elephant of the forest: And now that he was in motion, he panted for the hostile chief, and gave the challenge aloud :

His voice being like the roar of the lion was heard by all, The sound thereof resounding throughout the three worlds.

99. Behind him followed Arjúna, seated in a splendid chariot of variegated gold, and shaded by a golden páyung,

Flaming like a burning mountain and threatening destruction on Astína and its princes.

His banner, the monkey, floated high in the air, flapping the clouds in its course ;

And as his retinue shone and glittered, lightning flashed with the thunder-clap in presage of vietory.

97. Pang'anjur ning lu mampa sang ngino chapa ngaran Bima surang'ga Kara

Wang momoring Sarira wang'i molimola mok tan idap sakti ning len Takwan tan Sang'grahing Wahana lumaku juga moang gada geng inunda

Apan derpa tawan sagara giri gehana pet gaja singha berwang

98. Towen Kroda lawas mataka di gaja alas geng galatan panampar

Munin mahiwun luma kiwo prihawaka mapagiring ritang'guh Narindra

Mangken totus lumumpat Kawigara Nang'uhuh wi brama Singananda

Lunpat ring burbua s'waranira ibkan sekanangka tri loka

99 'Ngka ni wuntat Nararia Rijuna Marata manik Sarwa warna pajeng mas

Montap lir parwata pui lari gumaseng 'ani Astina moang ratunia

Kumlap tung gulnira Wanara mang'ada dutur sabdani megha makrak

Lumrah ring dikwidik mang kilata wetu gelap biakta mang dé jayeng prang

100. Next to Palgúna canie Aria Nakúla, with Sedéwa, mounted in a chariot of green of exquisite workmanship.

In beauty resembling two deities of heaven, and thirsting for the attack on the youths of Astína,

They shone resplendent. Their banner floating in the air like a dark cloud threatening rain, and seattering the petals of sweet-scented flowers.

Ready for the combat, as thunder before the lightning flash ; and as they moved, the sound resembled the humming of bees iu seareh of food.

101. Then slowly followed Aria Utára, with Soíta, alike mounted in a chariot of war;

And next Drásta driúmna and Drupádi, with Sikándi by her side ;

With countless chariots, elephants, and horses bringing up the cavalcade and filling up all space :

The whole elevated in spirit, as fish when enlivened by a sudden fall of rain.

102. And now appeared Drupädi, borne on a litter of gold, and shaded with a páyung of peacocks' plumes :

She was like a deity when represented by a golden inage ; her long hair hanging loose and floating in the wind.

100. Wuntat Sang Palgunang Karia Nakula Saha dewa rata jong bang'un j'ring Endah lir Kamah Kambar lumaku rumabasas-tri puri Astinendra Leng leng tung'gul nira pinda jelada mawudan sarining kitaka mrik Wagiut pata gelap tan prakata kadi ketar ning prang'ing sat padawu

101. Len Len sangke sirar Yotara masiring'a ring Soita mong'ging rata brah

Moang Drasta-driúmna lawan Drupada pada tumot niwang Sikandi tanimba

Pasrang ning siandana moang gaja kuda maduluring awan Siu penu sek

Ler mining lot manung sung Jawu ahulapula sang huwus drada ring prang

102. Da ngka sang dropadi lampa ararasa awan dampa ima pajang merak Lir dewi yang yang ing réka kanaka mang'ori rima antan katanpuan

She had not bound it : but while it hung like a low'ring cloud, she awaited the coming of the rain of blood;

For she held to her vow, that until she bathed in the blood of the enemy, she would not collect her hair or tie the knot.

103. Then in her train followed Dárma Súnu, mounted on a white elephant,

His attire complete; his pustáka yellow, and the case of the purest gold ;

Evincing that Dárma Mórtia desired to slay Sália, the chief warrior of Duriodáning :

And that when he raised his pustáka as an instrument of war, there was not his equal in power or courage.

104. Next Krésna advaneed in his golden chariot, and shaded by a white páyung;

For it was his pleasure to bring up the rear, with the elder princes and the royal host.

Not far off were his chákra and conch, and the princes of his retinue were borne on white elephants;

The cry of the clephants rose loud and high, uniting with the mingled sounds which issued from all quarters.

105. Behind Krésna came Bimányu, the son of Arjúna,

With his instruments of war, borne in a splendid chariot,

Sangkap ring sanjata marga rata mani maya n'gonda chakra pradipta

studded with precious stones, and playing with his chákra,

With him was Satiáki, scated on an clephant, and accompanied by numerous followers.

Richly adorned with golden vests, the surprise and admiration of all beholders.

106. And then came on the two sons of the Pandáwa, Panchawála, and Wítia,

Complete in their habiliments, and mounted in a warchariot, ornamented with gems and flowers of gold :

Their dress of linen and of silk. A delightful fragrance surrounded them.

Beautiful was their páyung, for it was of the wings of the mardukára, and dazzled the eye like the glare of the sun.

107. Many and various were the characters and attributes of the different warriors hastening to their work, were they all to be described.

Arrived at Kuruksétra, they soon raise a fort of very great strength;

And the palace built therein being finished, they invite the wife of Pándu,

Who quickly arrives, and enters the palacc, accoimpanied by Widúra.

108. Then Widura went back, and safely reached her home.

Lawan Sang Satiaki moang yedu bala mahawan mata matang'ga makeh

Sampurnang busana bra maka wacha kanakan de ulap ning tuming'al.

106. Mong'geng wuntat watak Pandawa suta mang'aran Panchawala du Witia

Kapoéka bro numung'geng rata mapapati ang'reng'ga ratna rawis mas Sangkap ring busana wastra chaweli linaka m'lek penuh kasturi m'rik

Sarvecha jong larneng madukara mahulap katrangan suria téja.

107. Akoé ting'ku watek wira yanahchapakenang lampa agya tekéng don Da ngka prapténg kuruksetra sira t'lasi tingkah kuta tianténg durga Sampurna m'wang kadeto an rika ta sira maha pandu patni iuundang Sigra prapténg niring sang widura sira uwus manjing nging jero kadat'o'an.

108. Sampun mangka molih sang widura tanuchapen ramnya mong'gwéng swawisma

While Déwi Náta and all the sons of Pándu, met together with mutual delight,

And discoursed in turn of the hardship of her being incessantly obliged to retreat to the hills;

The more she poured out her grief, the greater was the joy that followed, even to shedding tears.

109. Long would it take to relate all the pleasure felt by the wife of Pándu while in the interior of the palace.

Then all the Pandáwa, together with Krésna, the first and the mightiest, with many other chiefs, debated

Who was the fittest, from his knowledge of military positions, to be clected Séna-dípa *,

As one of undoubted ability and skill in managing an army.

110. Dérmat-mája, addressing Krésna and all the assembled chiefs, then said,

" Seven only out of all the number appear to be fit to " hold the chief command

" Of the army, which consists of seven hundred millions " of fighting men.

" And first of these Soétan †, skilled in the direction of " soldiers."

Warnan Sang nata dewi pada saka mapupul mwang watek pandu putra

Kapwa hemhem sili pajari laranera tansa mangungsir wanadri

Mangken ramnya guwug ya wetu suka dadi luh dunawas arsa étu

109. Tange yan warnanan tustane mana ira sang pandu patne aning jero Sigra hem sang watek pandawa naka muka sang Kresna len partiwa kweh

Rehning sena dipa ring samara ya ginonem sang 'wru'ing byu'a durga

Tan manman pandengen sakti nera saha bala yogya tangwana ringprang

110. Ling sang dermat maja jar inagingan nera sang Krésna len partiwa koeh

Sapte ko'e sang ginantang wunang'a rika wawa sang watek wira wira ring prang

Rapwan mang'gah subada bala gana pitungak so ini kwenya sakti

'Ngka sang so'etan pinuja wuruha ri gelara-ning sura yoding ranang'ga

(Measure Suandána.)

111. Whilst all the Pandáwa were appointing chiefs over the army, Narapati Kuráwa * held a council of war, For he had heard of the arrival of many enemies at Kuruk-sétra†. It was Aria Widúra who gave him the intelligence.

112. Then Prábu Gajacáyan ‡ marched forth with all his chiefs.

All the Kuráwa, too, were in company, making a noise as they moved along, like the roaring of the sea.

In the neighbourhood of the hostile plain they coustruct a place of strength.

Soon was the work completed, for the Narapati's authority extended over all the prinees around.

113. Then was Aria Bísma first made a leader in battle. Raised above all others, he is seen crowned with flowers. From all quarters the crowded and restless multitude send forth shouts

While the sound of gongs and conchs rend the skies.

(Tembang Suándana.)

111. Sedēng mang'abisekā | brātya pati sāng | watāk Pāndawa Ulā nerepati kö|rawē swara na hēm | pirēng ng'wā kena T'lās wuruhe dateng|ne sātru nera ring | kurūk setra sek Tekāpni pawarā | sang Aria widurnã | datēng mānglawa:

112. Rika prabu gajahwayan laku lowan watek partiwa Sakorawa marempaka tri gumuruh bangun sagara Akarya kuta durga meh tegalika pradéseng kuru Wawang 'uwusa pan sirang nerepati chakra warting sarat

113. Samang kana sang arya Bisma pinaka gra sénapati Katone nabisćka sampuna sekar sira busana Penuh pas'luring prawira masurak masang'garuhan Lawan Pada ibera sangka tinolup umong ring langit

† The plain of Kuru.

114. Next all the princes and chiefs are regaled;

The troops and followers have all they want, and are provided with conveyances.

The length of one line was twelve millions one hundred thousand ;

While the thronged legions extended to the hills and to the woods.

115. Then altogether they set out for the field of battle, Moving towards the west, and leaving their strong hold and the king of Astína behind.

Arrived on the hostile plain, loud resounded the conchs;

While the warriors, animated by the sound, testify by their actions and gestures, their impatience to engage in the fight.

116. At the same time they are formed in battle array on the hostile plain.

That of king of the Kúru was according to the wish of the Bramána,

Ránan was the name of the order which was first founded by the king of the Pandáwa:

Who with all their relations swore they would conquer or die in the battle.

117. And now let us proceed to speak of the Pandáwa. Having come out from their strong hold and arrived at the field of battle,

They advance eastward, towards the formed bodies of the Kuráwa :

Both sides shout and brandish their weapons in front of each other.

118. Loud and confused were the mingled sounds of the armies. The stoutest and bravest seemed to have been placed in front: The only persons who did not engage in the fight were the musicians and standard-bearers. Those in front were seen prancing and nimbly moving about with their brandished weapons.

119. Quickly the contending armies mutually and fearlessly rush upon each other, Amid the roar of elephants, the neighing of steeds, the beating of drums, and the shouts of the troops, Till the whole air and sky is filled with the jarring sounds, And the earth is shaken with the tumultuous din of war.

While the princes and chiefs of Astina seemed like towering and iminovable rocks;

120. Prawára Bísma then formed his troops into the resemblance of the sea and mountains :

The warriors in front dashing upon the enemy like the waves of the sea,

And like the ocean bearing down before them stones as large as mountains.

Lumampa angawétan angarepaken g'lar korawa

Pada pranga ngawuh mangunda winawanya kapwa ngadeg

118. Rikan pada gamosanane sawateknia sawang pareng Sinangwo'a sinilan risan mokane sang prawireng rana Ritan anane ngapranga mawa meredang'ga tung'gul kunang Lawan gatine kang katon mawusana regep sanjata

119. Risampunera mangkanan dana pareng mase sehasa Umong swarane kang gaja kuda lawan gaber mwang surak Samantara ngati gurniteng langita monto'ane dikvidik Gumetere lema nikang rana saba ketugnia selur

120. Sireng Prawara Bisma sigra mag'lar ukir sagara Watek ratu anéng gaja-swa karangenya durga ruhur Pama gunong nganeng balamuka ngalun tuanut musuh Ya bano'ani kagunturang gulunganeng sela marwata

121. Prawára *, Pandáwa, formed the order of bajára tíksna lúngit †. Dananjáya ‡ and Werkodára§ were there with Sikándi | in front; Wiráta's¶ son, Satiáki, and the son ** of Drupáda, were in the rear,

Yudestíra with all the princes being in the centre.

122. The mind of Arjúna, when he viewed the enemy, was divided between joy and sorrow, and he was moved with love and pity towards them ; For they were chiefly composed of his own kindred.

Some of them were the sons of his father and mother: the younger and elder brother of his father were also there ;

As also the Gúrus ††, Krepa, Sálea, Bísma, and Duijéng'ga.

123. Therefore quickly addressing Narária Krésna, He intreated that the battle might not take place, being afllicted at the sight of the Kuráca.

But Janardána compelled him to command that the fight should begin,

It being dishonourable for men to hold back at the hour of battle.

121. Kuneng Prawara Pandawa g'lari bajara tiksna lungit Dananjaya lawan Werakodara tumot S'ikandi arep Wirata suta Satiaki Drupada sunn waktré wuri Yudistira lawan watek ratu kabé manganténg tenga

122. Mulat mara sang Arjuna s'mu kamanusan kas'repan Ri tingka'i inosu neran pada kadang taya wang waneh 'Ana wang anakeng yaya mwang ibu l'en uwa go paman Makadi Krepa Salea Bisma sera sang Duijeng'ga Guru

123. Ya karananeran pasabda ri nararya Kresna teher Aminta wurunga laga pana welas tumon Kurawa Kuneng sira Janardana sekang'a kon sarosa pranga 'Apan ilailang kasinatria surut yaning paprangan

124. Then was seen Dérma-pútra stealing away Towards Aria, Bísma, Krépa, Sálea, and Dúija. With ardour he kissed and clung to their feet ; For it was customary, with Gúrus, to make obeisance to them before the battle.

125. Then spoke those who were thus made a brilliant object of adoration and respect :

" Our noble child, suffer no uneasiness of mind, for you " have already deprived us of life.

" Child of ourselves, may you be successful in battle " and soon obtain possession of the country.

“ And may Narapáti Krésna witness the truth of our " words."

126. This done, he forthwith returned to his own side ;

Quickly ascending his chariot and laying hold of his weapons, While each sounded his conch ;

And various were the sounds of the kéndang and its accompaniments.

127. Instant the contending armies rush upon cach other, mingling together in long, obstinate, and close fight. Ten elephants to a chariot, and ten horses to an elephant :

These ten horses being mounted by such as fear not to die in battle,

And their duty being to watch when they can cut up and exterminate the eneimy.

128. The number of the chiefs who were mounted on elephants

Were a thousand millions: those that accompanied them were ten and one thousand billions.

Those on horseback amounted to one billion, while they that followed were ten billions.

Great therefore was the battle and many were the slain.

129. Many days did the Kuráwa oppose the Pandáwa. Soon fell the brave sons of Wirátes Swára.

He named Wira Sángka was slain by Duija : Dea Utra fell by the hand of Narapáti Sálea, the hero in battle.

130. Enraged at the fall of these two heroes, Soéta * Rushed like a nountain on ten billions of the foe. A shower of arrows at once destroyed the chariot of Náta Sálea, and carried death to many of the brave ; Sálea himself and his charioteer narrowly escaping with their lives.

131. The whole army of the Koráca hastened to his support. Amongst them were seen Bima, Dróna, Wérahat-bála, and Jáya, Séna, armed with their clubs ;

Rukmaráta, too, the son of Narapáti-Sálea, supporting his father.

Soon did Ari Soéta, powerful as a lion, make them feel his superiority.

132. Dinang Rukmaráta fell and lay prostrate on the seat of his carriage.

Soéta fought furiously and killed many of the Kurára : None would face him, but all fled in terror.

Great too was their dread of Gátut-kácha, Drupáda's son, and Kirítiatmája.

133. Then Rési-Bísma rapidly advancing opposed the furious attack of all tho Pendáwa,

Aiming at Soéta he uneeasingly shot the best of his sharp arrows ;

But Soéta, the commander in battle, unhurt, grew more and more courageous, and shot his arrows in turn.

Bima and Dananjáya came to his aid: their arrows poured like a shower of rain from the heavens.

134. The King of the Kuráwa advancing, no sooner came upon Bíma, in the middle of the field of battle,

Than he suddenly stopped and started backwards, making a precipitate retreat, running and falling, and stopping not till he had got to a great distance.

But Bísma, intent only on Bíma, maintained an incessant attack, which Bísma, standing up in his carriage, watched and repelled,

While Bísma was greatly exasperated against Wirátatináya, for his attenpt to exterminate the Kuráca.

135. Then, alarned, Wirá-ta-sáta, the leader of the Pandáwa, Shot one of his best arrows at hin, the ti er of the Kuráwa.

The flight of the arrow resembled that of the bird garúda ;

And striking the shoulder of Déwa-bráta broke it into seven pieces.

136. On this Wiráta-tanáya alighting and laying hold of a large elub of iron,

Would have struck Súra-bráta therewith on the side of his head ; but he leaping from his chariot avoided the blow.

Destroyed, however, was his carriage, and slain were the horses and charioteer :

And the death of many elephants and chiefs ensued.

137. Terrified at the sight of Wiratamája, Wára-Bisma would have fled in dismay,

When a voice from heaven told him that the hour for Soéta to die was come.

Whereat encouraged, he talked boldly; and seizing a chariot and arrows,

He aimed at the heart of Soéta with the sharp pointed weapon of fire *.

138. Quickly pierced through the heart, Sang Wiráta Sáta fell lifeless on the ground.

Grieved and distressed were the Pandáwa thus to see Soéta killed on the field of battle.

Not so the hundred Kuráwa, who shouted with joy when their enemy perished.

While Sang Dusásána danced fantastically, delighted with the sight of the fallen Wirátamja.

138. Tandu'a trus dada sang wirata-suta mar mureha tiba ring lemah Yekan soka sang pandawa lara tumon sang soéta matia laga Béda mwang sata kurawa surakawur arse peja ning mosu Sang dusasana tusta mata mangegel yan ton wiratat maja

139. [Vexed and enraged at the death of his son, Mángsah Páti makes a furious and desperate attack upon the enemy. The Pandáwa, too, heedless of their lives, join and support him.]

140—144. [The followers of Bisma are routed and pursued with great slaughter. Night comes on, hostilities cease, and the contending armies respectively withdraw. Mangsáh Páti and bis wife weep over the dead bodies of their three sons slain in battle, and lament thcir misfortune in losing them :—they shake them and endeavour to call them to life.]

145. [They then burn the dead bodies on the field of battle by the light of the moon.]

146—147. [The Pandáwa consult about the clection of a fit person to take the lead in battle. Drestadriúmna is appointed. Morning arrived, the army of the Pandáwa is formed into the terror-inspiring order of kágeng-páteh, or that of the royal vulture. Situations of the different princes and chiefs detailed.]

148—151. [Suyudána causes the army of the Kuráwa to be forned into a similar order. The battle rages. The different chiefs, on either side, who engage each other.]

152—153. [The dust stirred up fills and darkens the air. The dust clearing away, the field of battle appears like a sea of blood, in which the careases of elephants, horses, and men, with the fragments of chariots, weapons, &e. resemble so many rocks and stones.]

154—156. [Bísma beheld with delight and admiration by all the chiefs and people of Kuráwa, distinguishes himself by his prowess. He engages Arjúna, and shoots ten arrows for every one discharged by him.]

157. [Ráwan, the son of Arjána, is killed by the Rasáksa Séreng'gi.]

158—159. [Krésna, enraged at Bísma, descends from his chariot and is going to shoot at him, when Bísma evinces his ready willingness to be killed by Krésna's chákra, and so gain admittance to his heaven.]

160. [Arjún« then descends from thechariot, and dissuades Krésna from killing Bisma.]

161. [Krésna and Arjúna both re-ascend the chariot, while Bísma remains deprived of all his strength, in consequence of the fright he had undergone.]

162—164. [Bísma makes a sign to Dérma-Wángsa, who recollecting that the former had made a surrender of his life to Arjúna and S'ri-kándi, goes to them and tells them not to be afraid, but to shoot at Bisma; whereupou S'ri-kándi discharging an arrow, hits him in the breast. The arrow not having penetrated far, Arjúna shoots, and drives it home with another arrow. Bísma falls down in the chariot but is not killed. His blood ascending to the regions above, is converted into flowers, and in that form returns to the earth.]

165. [The Kurána fly and are pursucd by the Pandáca.]

166—167. [Dérma-Wángsa, Arjúna, Nakúla, and Sedéwa, all go and kiss the feet of the respected Bisma; but the haughty and unbending Bima remaining in an angry posture, makes no obcisance to the wounded Gúru. The Kuráwa chiefs, with Suyudána at their head, wish to come up and bow respectfully before Bísma; but seeing the stern Bima they are afraid to approach.]

168. [A truce takes place between the hostile chiefs, when all shew their respect for Bísma. The Kuráwa wish to place him upon a mat, but the Pandáwa insist upon his litter consisting of arrows joined together.]

169. [The Pandáwa withdraw, and the Kuráwa alone are left in charge of Bísma. Bísma refuses to take the water offered him in a vessel by Suyudána, and calls to Arjúna, who presents him with some in a quiver.]

170—171. [Bisma defers dying till the period of the sun's greatest declination, which he reckons to be about seven months off.]

172. [Suyudána appoints Dangyang Drúna commanderin-chief, whereupon it rains blood.]

173. [The Kuráwa are too uneasy in their minds to go to rest.]

174—177. [The following morning they go to battle. Both armies are formed into the order of battle called gája, or the elephant. A furious engagement ensues, in which many are slain on cither side. Arjúna destroys the order of the Kuráwa army, is shot by Bágadéta, and afterwards brought to life again by medicines administered by Krésna, when he returns to the attack, and kills Bágadéta and the clephant he is on. Many of the Kuráwa are killed by Búma and Arjúna.]

178. [Night coming on the battle ceases. It was at the eighth pánglong (or about the twenty-fourth) of the moon. The Pandáwa regale themselves, while the Kuráwa lament the dcath of Bágadéta.]

179—181. [Dangyang Drúna undertakes to kill Dérma Wángsa, provided Arjúna and Bíma are out of the way. Ten Kuráwa chiefs, with Trigérta at their head, draw away Arjúna to fight against them to the south of the hills: ten more, under Dráta Púra, draw off Bima, in a similar manner, to the north of the hills. Krésna, as usual, accompanies and watches over the safety of Arjúna.]

182—185. [Dangyang Drúna forns his men into the order chákra-búhia (or that of the circle with a well-defended entrance). Dérma Wángsa, in his perplexity what to do, calls upon Bimányu, the son of Arjúna, to attack and break the order of the enemy. Bimányu, decoyed by Suyudána, pursues him into the ring purposcly formed by the enemy, when it closes, and he is cut off from all assistance and support from the Pandáwa.]

186—194. [Bimányu kills Leksána-kumára, the son of Suyudána, but is overpowered by the number of the enemy. His situation is described by many similies. He is slain.]

195—196. [Night comes on and hostilities cease.]

197—199. [The effect which the death of Abimányu produces on his wife Déwi Sundári. She adorns and prepares to burn herself with the corpse of her husband.]

200. [His other wife, Utári, being eight months gone with child, is deprived of this honour.]

201—205. [Bíma and Arjúna return victorious from their respective engagements. The latter is angry with Dérma Wángsa, for having caused the death of his son, but is appeased by Krésna, and induced to treat the old man with respect. Dérna Wángsa explains how Abimányu's death was occasioned by Jáya Dráta's preventing the Pandáwa from entering the ring of the enemy, and from his defending it so well. Arjúna vows vengeance against Jaya Dráta, and hopes that he himself may be killed and burned, if he does not on the following day send hin to the other world.]

206-207. [Jáya, Dráta advised of Arjána's intentions, begs of Suyudána to be allowed to withdraw from the field of battle. Dangyang Drúna, upon this, upbraids him, and persuades him to renain and try his hand against Arjúna, promising to support him.]

208-211. [Arjúna and Krésna consult together how Jáya Dráta may be killed, and Krésna hiuself escape.]

212—213. [For this purpose Krésna makes Arjúna purify himself and offer up prayers to the Batára. Batára Sákra descends, and informs Arjúna that he will suceeed in killing Jáya Dráta, ifhe only makes use of the arrow called pasopáti, and then vanishes.]

214—228. [The two wives of Abimányu talk much together of the death of their husband. Their different situations and feelings. Their separation, and meeting again under various forms, &e.; after which Sundári burns herself with the body of Abimányu.]

229—231. With the rising sun, the Pandáwa chiefs, &e. repair to the field of battle, where they find the Kuráwa forces drawn up in the order chákra báhui, with Jáya Dráta, for safety's sake, in the centre.]

232. [The diameter of the circle formed by the enemy round Jáya Dráta, is ten times the distance at which men can be distinguished by the eye.]

233—235. [The Pandáwa observe the same order of battle, and attack the Kurawa. Both armies mingle in close and obstinate fight.]

236—237. [The Pandáwa being oppressed with thirst, Arjúna strikes an arrow into the carth; whereupon water springing forth, men and beasts drink and are refreshed.]

238—240. [Krésna makes Arjúna shoot at Suyudána, whose chariot is thereby broken to pieces, and his charioteer and horses killed, himself narrowly escaping with his life. Arjúna and his men fight furiously, and kill many of the enemy.]

241-244. [Satiaki kills Tuyasáda, Kambujána, and Sang Ambisúki .]

245—252. [Bíma kills Chitra Yúda, Jáya Suséna, Chá- ruchítra, Durjáya, Jáya Chítra Séna, Chítraka, Sangupu Chítra Derma, and nine more chiefs.]

253—257. [Burisráwa opposes Satíaki. They fight, and after their weapons are broken, they close and wrestle. Satíáki is on the point of being killed, when Arjúna, at the urgent request of Krésna, discharges an arrow at Burisráea, which, breaking his arm, causes him to drop the weapon with which he was going to kill Satiáka. While Burisráwa and Arjúna are cxpostulating with each other on their respective conduct, Satiáki seizes the opportunity to dispatch the former. Bíma and Arjúna slay thousands of the enemy, and cndeavour to get at Jáya Dráta, but are prevented by the numbers of the Kuráwa, who rush in between and try to save him.]

258—259. [Secing Bíma and Arjúna tired and nearly exhausted, without the latter's being likely to effect the death of Jáya Dráta within the promised time, Krésna has recourse to an artifice. He discharges his chákra at the declining sun, whereupon the clouds following the course of the weapon, collect round and obscure the luminary, making it appear like night. The Kuráwa thinking the fatal day past on which Arjúna was to kill Jáya Dráta, triumphantly and insultingly call out to Arjúna to fulfil his promise of meeting death and being burned.]

260—262. [Taking advantage of the darkness, and of the Kuráwa being off their guard, Krésna, accompanicd by Arjúna, wheels his chariot past the Kuráwa, till he reaches the spot where Jáya Dráta is. Arjúna then shoots at Jáya Dráta, and kills him. Jáya Dráta's head being struck off by the arrow, Krésna causes a wind to rise and carry it to Jáya Dráta's father, who was doing penance in the mountains, in order to obtain of the gods, that if his son was killed in the battle, he might live again. In his surprise at beholding the head, he inadvertently exclaimed that his son was dead, which sealed his doom. Krésna then recalled his chákra, whereupon the sun again shone forth before it went down. Thus the vow of Arjúna was fulfilled.]

263—264. [Suyudána accuses Dangyang Drúna of being the cause of Jáya Dráta's death, in not suffering him to retire froin the field of battle when he wished to do so. Dangyang Drúna defends his conduct, and uses high words to Suyudána.]

265—266. [Suyudána invites Kérna to go and attack Arjúna. Kérna goes, and Suyudána with his men follow.]

267—271. [The sun sets and the battle continues. Enemies and friends are with difficulty distinguished in the dark, and many of the latter are killed by mistake.]

272—275. [Sang Dwa jáya-ráta, the adopted brother of Kérna, is killed by Bima. Pratipéya is on the point of killing Sangá sáng'a, the son of Satiáki, but is prevented from doing so by Bíma, by whom he himself is slain, after having wounded Bima.]

276. [The sons of the Kuráwá chicfs, exasperated at the death of Pratipéya, all fall upon Bíma, but are every one of them killed by that potent hero.]

277. [Three younger brothers of Sakuni are killed by Bíma.]

278—280. [Suyudána talks with Kérna of the carnage occasioned by Bíma and Arjúna. Kérna makes light of their power, and engages to kill them both. Krépa accuses Kérna of being a boaster, and intimates his inferiority in prowess to the two hostile heroes, whereupon they are going to fight with each other, when Suyudána interposes and prevents them.]

281—284. [Kérna attacks the Pandáwa army and causes great havoc. A consultation is held among the Pandáwa respecting the fittest person to oppose Kérna. Krésna objects to Arjúna's doing so, as being unskilled in fighting by night.

Gatot Kácha, the son of Bima, is then selected to fight against Kérna.]

(Measure Basánta lila.)

285. Whercfore Sang Gatot Kácha was directed to seck the child of the sun By Krísna and Parta, who complimented him for his superiority and power : Quickly roused at the call, he presented himself with joy, And said, " Happy am I and fortunate, thus to be distinguished by his highness.

286. " And so that I continue to 'serve the king according " to my duty, " Let my body be severed to pieces, and death itself “ ensue. " However arduous the service required, I will never- " theless perform it." At these words the advanced in years were struck dumb.

287. Thus spake Sang Gatot Kácha. 'The heart of Kesáwa failed,

•So well did he know how to awaken tender feelings: Therefore did the heart of his unele melt away, When he saw the boy daring enough to encounter the King of Awáng'ga.

288. Therefore did Krésna and Parta remain speechless. Moved with compassion, and grieved that they had thus called upon Gatot Kácha.

(Tembang Basánta lila.)

285. Irika ta sang | gatot kacha kinon | mapag arka suta || Teka pira kresna parta maneher | muji sakti nera Sang ngenojaran | wawang masemo garjita arsa marek Mawachana bege'a yan ana pakon repatik nerepati

286. Pakena neki lana marki jeng aji yugya neka Dadaha rikalaning baya aturnya matoa pati Kunenga paniwoa rahatane gate karya temen Situtua tan paneng'ha mené sigegen sakarang

287. Na wuwusing sang gatot Kacha lumad ati Kesawa mar Tekapira yan weruh ujara ngalap maniking redaya Nguni-nguni nalaning to'a sira sang paman arda tenyu Molati rare neran lumawane sang awang'ga pati

288. Ya Karana Kresna parta mamuwus damené sakareng Asemo Kamanosan Kaluputan tekaping mangutus

Instantly the hero hurried to the attack;

But as he was about to engage the child of the sun, he stopt short in terror.

289. Then all his potent arrows

Issuing from his hands and from his mouth,

With celerity flew to the child of the sun, who overpowered in battle,

Gave way to the left, while the numerous torches of the Pandáwa army shed their glare around.

Mijili tangan dudung mijili chang Kema nuta ngohuh Yata rumujak sang Arka suta Kéwerana pinda jemor Muruda kiu mowa metu sulu bala pandawa bap

290-299. [Sialambána, a blind Rasáksa chief, joins the Kuráwa against Gatot Kácha, by whom he is slain ; whereupon his band of blind Rasáksas take to flight. Three other blind Rasáksa chiefs, with separate bodies of blind Rasáksas, successively oppose Gatol Kacha, and share the same fate as the first.]

300—308. [Gatol Kacha fights with Kérna, flics, and is ultimately killed by him.]

309—314. [The Pandáwa, enraged at the death of Gatot Kacha, all fight with desperate fury. Arjúna alone is restrained and withheld by Krésna.]

315-321. [Doci Arimbi, the mother of Gátot Kácha, burns herself on the funeral pile of her son.]

322—334. [The following morning Dangyang Drúna, a Pandita on the side of the Kuráica, causes great havoc among the Pandáwa; to save whom from the destruction which threatened them, Krésna spreads a false report of Ascatáma's death, and makes all the Pandána proclaim it. Dangyang Drúna hears and believes the rumour of his son's death, and faints away; upon which Drestadríumna approaches him and cuts his throat.]

335-343. [Aswatáma hearing that his father is killed, makes a furious attack upon the encmy, but perceiving Bína is afraid and retires.]

344. ['The sun is about to set and hostilities cease.]

845—849. [Description of the field of battle after the fight.]

350—351. [The King of the Kuráwa asks Kérna to engage Arjúna. Kérna agrees, but requests to have some one to attend and support him in battle. Sália is selected and appointed forthe purpose.]

352—356. [Kérna and Sália, before they go to fight, go home to take leave of their families, &c. What passes on the occasion.]

357—365. [Kérna's wife relates to her husband a dream she had. The particulars of the conversation which takes place between them.]

366—393.—[Dérma Wángsa, Krésna, and Arjúna, sct out in the night for the purpose of finding and putting together the head and body of their respected Gúru, Dangyang Drúna, and in order to pay due respect and homage to his remains, and to entreat forgiveness on account of what had happened to him. Description of all they see and meet by the way.]

394—407. [Morning. The Pandáca prepare for battle.]

408—413. [The Kuráwa army is formed into the position báhui-makára*, or that of the prawn. Kérna in the mouth, Drumúka in the right fore claw, Sakuni in the left, Suyudána in the head, all the princes and chiefs in the body.]

414—415. [The Pandáwa army is put into the order called wúlan-tumánggal, or that of the new moon. Arjúna forms the right horn of the crescent, Bíma the left, Dérma Wángsa and all the princes and chiefs compose the centre.]

416—426.] Kérna and Sália, mounted in one carriage, proceed to the field of battle. The two contending armies engage. Their various success described.]

427—440. [Bíma attacks, upbraids, and pursues Suyudána. To save the latter, Dusasána fires an arrow at Bíma and hits him. Bíma turns about, and finding it was Dusasána that shot him, he seizes him by the hair, and having called out to all the princes and chiefs to bear witness to the fulfilment of his promise, he tears him in pieces and drinks his blood.]

441—449. [The battle continues to be fought with various success, sometimes one army giving way and sometimes the other.]

• See plate of the position of the Matàrem army.

450—467. Arjuna and Kérna fight against each other. The arrows shot by cach at the other are immediately converted into various elements or destructive animals. Kérna shoots rain ; Arjúna shoots and dispels it. Kérna shoots fire; Arjúna shoots rain and quenches it. Kérna shoots dragons ; Arjúna shoots griffins which destroy them.]

468—469. [Kérna aims an arrow at the throat of Arjúna, whom Sália beckons to incline his head. Ardawilíka, a Rasáksa, in the forin of a dragon, is killed by Arjúna, while in the act of shooting at him.]

470—476. [Kérna twice shoots at Arjúna, but his arrow only strikes and loosens his top-knot of hair.]

477—479. [Arjúna, invited and challenged by Kérna to shoot at him, in his turn tells him, if he wishes to save his life to surrender and pay obcisance. Kérna refusing to do this is shot in the throat by Arjuna : his head falls back into the chariot. On the death of Kérna, the child of the sun, that bright luminary grows dim with grief, and expresses his deep sorrow by groans of thunder and showers of tears, while his twinkling eyes emit incessant flashes of lightning.]

479. Disheartened at the death of Kérna, the army of the Kuráwa take to flight,

And pursued by numbers, conceal themselves, out of fear, in holes and cavities,

The earth shakes, and at the same time a drizzling rain descending from the clouds, washes the blood-stained corpse.

The evil-portending cloud is seen, and the grumbling noise of thunder is heard.

480. Thus it was with him who died in the field of battle. Lost was the sweet expression of his countenance, Shining were his polished teeth, and uplifted and still the black of his fixed eye!

No longer erect, his hair lay flat on his pale face, and frightful yet becoming was his severe wound.

Such is the appearance of the brave who die in battle.

Alandung sang sri tang muka laln Kuchem syu brana luwes Datanlen sang waneng baya mapalupu'i ring rana saba

481—488. [The Kuráwa having taken to flight are pursucd by the Pandáwa into Astína.]

484. [Night coming on, the Pandáwa return.]

485—489. [Suyudána comments on the misfortune of the Kuráwa in losing Kérna, and consults about the fittest person to succeed that hero.]

490—497. [Advised by Sakúni, Suyudána asks Sália to assume the chief command.]

498—500. [Sália endeavours to excuse himself; whereupon Asuatáma comes forward, and accuses him of being friendly to the Pandáwa, and on that account unwilling to become the leader of the Kuráwa.]

501—502. [Aswatáma and Sália quarrel and are going to fight, when Suyudána interferes and draws Sália away, exhorting him to take the command.]

508—511. [Sália at last consents, and then withdraws to his wife.]

512—516. [Nakúla is sent by Krésna to Sália to dissuade him from fighting. Description of Sália's palace.]

517—524. [At sight of his nephew Nakúla, Sália's resolution fails him, and he promises not to fight against the Pandáwa. He declares he will readily and willingly surrender his life to Dérma Wángsa, but to no one else, and that that worthy person has only to make use of the arrow called pustaka akalíma asáda.]

525—527. [Nakúla returns and informs Krésna and Dérma Wangsa of the success of his mission to Sália, and of all that passed on the occasion.]

528—558. [Sália relates to his wife Sátia Wáti, the result of his interview with Nakúla, and of his intention to sacrifice himself, whereupon she is grieved and sheds tears. Then follows a long and detailed description of Sátia Wáti, her person, manners, disposition, &c., and the particulars of a conversation which takes place between her and her husband, wherein they display great affection for each other; after which they yield to the power of love, and then fatigued with amorous dalliance, sink into each other's arms and fall asleep.]

554—556. [In consequence of Sátia Wáti's declared determination to accompany him, Sália steals from her when she is asleep; and having got fairly away from her, he dresses himself without, and is honoured by the Pandita, who cast flowers upon him.]

559. [Sália reaches the field of battle.]

560. [The Pandáwa army forthwith appears, and an engagement takes place.]

561. The army of the Pandáwa are hard pressed and obliged to fall back.]

562—564. [Bima comes to their support and routs the enemy with great slaughter.]

565—567. [Sália deserted by his army remains alone, and as he discharges his arrows they change into thousands of Rasáksas, dragons, and evil spirits, which lighting among the enemy occasion great consternation ; whereupon Krésna ordering all the people to throw down their weapons and fold their arns, the whole of the demons disappear without doing any harm.]

568—581. [The good and quiet Dérma Wángsa is reluctantly persuaded by Krésna to save the Pandáwa by killing Sália.]

582—583. [Dérma Wángsa discharges the arrow pustáka kalíma asáda : it penetrates and sticks in the breast of Sália, who immediately dies.]

584—586. [On the death of Sália the Kuráwa forees are routed and pursued in all directions by the Pandáwa, with great slaughter.]

587. Suyudána was on the point of being taken, but he bravely resisted;

And quickly bounding away in great alarm, he narrowly escaped with his life.

587. Suyudana sireki meh kawananga takis lagawa Lumompata layu luput lepasa met urip katresan

But Sakúné, trembling with fear, fell into the hands of the enemy;

And weeping, implored merey, exclaiming, " this is the reward of my kindness and hospitality."

588. " Silence! thou vile and infamous dog!

" With what restless labour hast thou sought to vex and " offend me;

" But now will I fail not to take my revenge;

" Death shall seize thee, and great shall be thy torture."

589. Thus spake Bíma, and trampling him beneath his feet, He thereby and with his gáda reduced to atoms the body of Sakúne.

The story goes, that he tore it in pieces, and sucking the blood,

Scattered them among the villages of the north and of the south.

590. The enemy being totally extinguished, filled was the field of battle with mountains of the slain,

While downward, in its deep bed, a sea of blood rolled with noisy rush.

Suyudána having escaped, there yet remained to seize him.

He is pursued and sought for, but cannot be found, having plunged in the water.

591. Abandoning their fruitless search after Suyudána, the five Pandáwa returning, homeward bend their course.

Asambata nangis dine kwenargan buja sestawa

588. Ada nara 'neng tako ngasu kanistane chadama Datan werga weh laram beka ngupaya ri banchana Kunang nea tana lepaté ki pamales kuh duké riko Ikang yama ngala pwapang idapana pwageng ning lara

589. Nahan wachana bimaséna tehera dedel sahasa Renyo sawanira sang arya Sakuni linut ring gada Biatita sinesep sesep nera senempal uwus Dinuka kena mancha desa mapado aning lor kidul

Déwi Sátia H'áti is then informed that Sália had falleu in battle.

Aged and creditable persons, bowing respeetfully, conmunicate to her the dire news :

Conccaled amid the heaps of slain lay her lord, they alone cscaped to tell the tale.

592. The news quickly spreading, all the Gúrus of the country weep on every side.

Trembling and distressed, Déwi Sátia Wati no longer retains the power of speech.

Blind with grief and with a heart full of sorrow, she reels and cannot stand :

Lost and insensible to all around, she seemed as if life itself had forsaken her.

594. Coning to herself, by the pains and assistance of her friends, she rises and adjusts her disordered dress :

Then loosening and combing her hair, she is bent on repairing to the field of battle.

First grasping her petrem *, wherewith to deprive herself of life when she reaches the place where the joy of her heart is lain,

She forthwith ascends her chariot, and sets out, favoured by a grateful breeze.

Dewi Satia-ważi sireki charitan winara ipati salea ring rana

Wanten bretya kaparcl:aya tuba yata jari sira teka namya torasih

Dewi Satia Wati kitan wenanga sabda kumetere pangunchanging lara Leng leng tan anara teka ton tekapiran kapeting-ane anekne kang ati Tan patma kalinger datanuru'i pasambang ng'ya saha pakraking sakit

Patrem nitea minusti pangelanga jiwa na pupula mene lawan sineng Ngkan mangkat mahawan rata nela sama dresan kani sarantaning manah

565—602. [Accompanied by Sagandíka, she wanders over the field of battle by night in quest of his corpse, looking for it among the number of prostrate slain. Appearance of the different dead bodies and carcasses of horses, elephants, &c. deseribed. She often thinks that she has found it: her repeated mistakes and disappointments.]

603. Wearied with fruitless search, and despairing of finding him to whom she would make her obeisance, the princess

Unsheathed her dagger, resolved to stab herself, her heart being wholly devoted to her husband.

But the Almighty, in pity, sent lightning to guide her to the spot where he whom she had long sought for lay,

And inspired her with strength and desire to renew the search.

604. All this while the chariot* lay buried among flowers which had been showered down upon it.

As if the growling thunder wept, tears fell in small rain, in grief for the death of the prince †.

Such was the mark the princess followed till she came to and perceived the body of Sália,

Who seemed as if looking at her with a side glance as he lay with grinning teeth.

603. Meh tan diria mahas narendra ma'isi ri taiyani sang enesti sambahan Paksa patrema sampunang lugasi kang ati sumaivaka nama sang pria Sih ningyang ukasan manambaya tuduh ri kaha-nanera sang pinet nira

Nahan etuniran panging kina ng'ebang abanga maka sama ngosir kilat 604. Oniang warsa sekar sumarsa akuwung kuwunga menoi ring'ganing rata

Genter lu'era nangis malu'a rarab'ing-rereba lara rilina sang prabu Na tang ehihna tinut nareswara wadu teka lumi-ati getra sang kakung Kadia nung sung'a reh nikang mata atur lumiringa reja kesisan waja

† Milton says :

" Sky lowered, and muttering thunder, some sad drops,

" Wept at completion of the mortal sin."

605. Then quickly seizing the feet of him, now lifeless, who stole from her bed,

Not knowing what she did, she patted, pressed, and kissed the body,

His lips she rubbed and stained red *; supporting his head with her encircling arm, and wiping his face with the end of one of her garments : but long were his eyes without twinkling.

To cure his wounds she constantly applied her chewed síri.

606. " Ah! ah! my princely lord, thou whom having " sought I have at last found, why dost thou remain “ silent?

" Wilt thou not speak to her who has thus sought thee " out?—Who else is there to be kind to me, unfor- “ tunate?

" Tired and worn out am I with searching for thee, " and now with averted glanee thou refusest to look “ at me,

" Shall I weep, or what is it thou wouldst have me do? " —Speak and tell me, instead of preserving this “ unmeaning smile.

607. " Am I to understand that thou hast no regard for me? " Come, quick, speak comfort to me, and make my " heart glad."

605. Yekan pakrakir a mekul sukune sang peja aneliba ting'galing tilam Tanwreng da tinepak tepak nera hanan kinisapu kinsuan sinukeman Lambe lot linuga tekeng magala ginusa pira ura lama tan kedap Lawan tang kanining kapwa warasa dening sepa ira lana jinampeaken.

606. Ah! ah! mah prabu sungsungen manemahta tuhana pani mita ning heneng

Tan pangling ringana seraya siapa tika sia mowa gatingku kasian Ngel kwa met riwekas tiring paberatan katemo sahaja ewa tan wulat Wanten ta wekase tangis kwa mene kite suma'ora ayo'a ta minge

607. Nanten weruh ngo'angi tan sianti bapa meng'gepa 'ngamera raras priambada

With words sweeter than honey, and niccly selected, did she thus hold converse with the dead; but it was all in vain.

“ Was it thus to mect death," said she, " that thou “ didst steal from me when I was asleep,

" And depart alone, without my knowledge, to the " regions above ? but I will follow thee.

608. " It is my request that thou wilt meet and carry me “ across the úgalágil stone *.

" Trembling and fearful should I be without thy sup- “ port and assistance,

“ Although thou shouldst have many Windadáris at " thy command, yet still reserve a place for me " before them all,

" What must not be thy regard for her, who has thus “ wandered about after thee, and who is now going " to die for thee ?"

(Mcasure Basánta tiláka.)

609. Tedious would be the relation of all that Satía Iáti said.

S'ojar tan päsirat sirat madu tuhun ane saji saji tan tekeng ati Pangling'gan rilalis ta 'ngone nalis layata nilibi pamremeng ulun Nes tanyan lepasi sura laya yaya ku tumutura sadenya tan ling'en

Oppressed with a load of grief, great as a mountain, When she beheld her lord And determined to meet death.

608. Ngeng pintangakwa tuan papag nga'ang ngirikang watu gala-gila namba eng'gung an

Tistisnya 'ngoang ngikana tan wani lumampaha gigu ri tayenta raksaka

Yadiastun jeneka 'ngamer surawadu kita sumalanga ayo'a ņestura Pali tapwa welasat ring wang angomeng pati lumaku lana morang morang.

(Tembang Basanta tilaksa).

609. Tangi ujar satia watin pasambat

Ikang lara marwata mangke nabuat

Tuen katon tahananing iner er

Matang nera dan pejahang kasang kas

610. Seizing her dagger with firm grasp She drew it from its sheath, glancing as it came out, Then boldly buried it in her breast. Like shining gold was the blood that issued from the wound.

611. Not dying instantly, with expiring voice Sugandíka she called and thus addressed: " My old and faithful friend and attendant, return thou “ to Mandaráka,

“ And tell the people there that I now send

612. " My last request to the good and worthy,

" That they will commemorate the history of my suf- “ ferings,

" In order that my story may be heard and known;

" When the gentle heart will perhaps be moved with " love and pity, and tears will flow at the sad tale."

614. " Oh! my mistress, when was the time that I ever “ quitted thee?

" Into whatever state of being thou may'st pass, I will " accompany thee.

“ Whom wilt thou have to send for water,

“ And who will wash my noble mistress' feet if I am " not with her?"

610. Minges marang kedga lana minusti Uwus kasaring sarungan pradipta Inan-deman denira tan anangres Ila nikang rah kadi datu munchar

611. Datan wawang mati magentak entak Sugandika lot tinawe sinabdan Kakangku mantuk ta ri mandraraka Wara tikang wang ri ukasku mangke.

612. Paminta kasi tari sang kawendra Larang-ku dadiakena gita basa Rengine ngogang idepe gating ku Malar ngeresi twasnea mamang wa waspa

614. Aduh Tuan ring kapana, saha ngoang Tumuta mon 'jenma nejenma rakrian Siap'eka konen ta mangengswa socha Ye tan ngwenga damo'a rijeng ta masku

617. Thus weeping, the female attendant, affected with grief, The buried dagger drew (from the body of her mistress), And stabbing herself, instantly expired At the feet of the prineess, where her body lay.

618. Forthwith delighted their happy spirits together fled. The astonished spirit of prince Sália quickly said : " Uneasy and impatient have I waited for thee among the clouds, “ With many Widadáris, Panditás, and Déwas.

619. Having taken the prineess in his arms, He returned with her by the road which leads to heaven. There arrived, they find it extremely beautiful. Of silk were the houses and brilliant were the precious stones.

620. Amusing herself, the princess Was delighted with the abundance of food which was there, Great being the bounty of the Almighty to mankind, And there was no difference susceptible in the ages of those that were there *.

617. Nahan tangis ning pari charaka n'gres Tanemne kang katga ye tenunusnea Inandeman ngeng eksana yan paratra Sawanya tan sa ridagan sudéwi

618. Tatandua ngetma madulur wijata Naréswaratma nera gerjitang ling Alal mangauting jalada mangun res Sahap sari mwang resi déwa Sang'ga

619. Telas pinangkwa Kenerang Sudéwi Molih sera marga wimana ramya Dateng rikang swarga layep alepnya Graha sinang baswara sarwa ratna

620. Mengen mengen téki naréndra patni Mangu Kawahan suka sek binokti Wiwal neran manusa janma nguni Apan tanantuk tumulu'i dugan nwang

621—624. [The Pandáwa hear that Suyudána is in the middle of the river : delighted, they repair to the spot. Bíma

tion in this form, in justice to the poetry of Java and the talent which he has displayed. The following example of the last stanzas nay serve as a specimen of the style and spirit in which the task bas been executed.

603. Wearied with fruitless search, and in despair To find the object of her pious care, Her murder'd lord, who on the battle plain Lay all neglected mid the thousands slain, She drew the dagger from its sheath of rest, Intent to plunge it in her heaving breast. Just then, as if in pity to her grief, Flash'd the red light'ning to the maid's relief, And shew'd with horrid glare the bloody way To where her husband's mangled body lay.

604. Another flash, indulgent from the skies, Points to the spot where Sália's carriage lies, And Sália's self, whom living she adored, The bleeding body of her murder'd lord. The richest flowers by heavenly influence shed Their sweetest odours o'er his honoured head, The muttering thunder mourned his early tomb, And heaven in showers bewailed the hero's doom.

605. With eager grasp the livid corpse she press'd In frantic wildness to her throbbing breast; Tried every art of love that might beguile Its sullen fcatures to one cheerful smile; Kiss'd those dear lips so late of coral red, As if uneonscious that the sonl had fled ; Then in her folded arms his head she rais'd, And long on those beloved features gazed. With síri-juice his pallid lips she died, And to his wounds its healing balm applied; While with the skirt of her embroidered vest, She wip'd the blood-drops from his mangled breast.

606. " Ah! then, my princely lord, whom I have found

" Bleeding and mangled on this cursed ground!

" Why are thy lips in sullen silence sealed

"To her who sought thee on this battle field ?

“ Wilt thou not speak—my love, my lord, my all,

" Or still in vain must Sátia Wáti call!

"Say, shall my copious tears in torrents flow

" And thus express my agony and woe?

calls him a dastardly coward afraid to die, and assures him that his arm will reach him, whithersoever he may betake him-

"How shall I move thee, by what art beguile

" The ghastly air of that unmeaning smile?"

607. Thus soft and tender were the words she poured,

To move the pity of her murder'd lord;

But ah! no sound the unconscious dead return'd,

No fire of love within his bosom burn'd;

While at each pause a death-like stillness stole

O'er the deep anguish of the mourner's soul.

" And was it thus to bow thy honour'd head

" Amid the thousands of the mingled dead,

" That on that fatal morning thou didst glide

" With gentle footsteps from thy coneort's side?

" And thus to reach the glorious realns above

"Without the faithful partner of thy love?

" But earth has lost its fleeting charms for me,

" And, happy spirit, I will follow thee!

608. " Oh! meet and bear me o'er that fatal stone,

" Nor let me pass it, trembling and alone.

" Though Widadáris shall obey thy call,

" Yet keep for me a place above them all.

" To whom but me does that first place belong,

" Who sought and found thee mid this ghastly throng;

" And who, unable to survive thy doom,

" Thus sheds her blood and shares thy honour'd tomb?"

610. Then with a steady hand the noble maid

Drew from its peaceful sheath the gleaming blade ;

From her fair bosom tore th' embroidered vest,

And plunged it deep within her heaving breast.

Rich was the blood that issued from the wound,

And streamed like liquid gold upon the ground.

611. And while the ebbing tide of life remained, And thought and reason were a while sustained, She called her maiden with her feeble breath, And thus address'd her from the arms of death.

612. " Oh! when my spirit soars to realms above,

" Take this my last request to those I love:

" Tell them to think of Sátia Wati's fate,

" And oft the story of her love relate;

" Then o'er her woes the tender heart shall sigh,

" And the big tear-drop roll from pity's eye."

self, to the lowest depth of the earth or the highest region of heaven.]

625—628. [Suyudána comes out of the water and assures Bíma that he betook himself to the river, not out of fear, but for the purpose of making adoration to the gods, challenging Bíma, or any other of the Pandáwa, to combat. Krésna represents that Dérma-Wángsna is too peaceable and benevolent to fight against Snyudána ; that Arjúna's forte consists in using the bow mounted in a chariot; that Nakúla and Sedéica are too young and inexperieneed, and that Bíma is therefore the fittest of all the Pandáwa to oppose Suyudána.]

614. " Ah my lov'd mistress," cried the faithful maid,

" In every seene by thee I gladly staid.

" Whate'er the state of being thou must know,

" Thy faithful maiden will partake it too.

" What hand but mine the cooling stream shall pour,

" Or bathe the feet of her whom I adore ?"

617. Strong in despair, and starting from the ground, She drew the dagger from her mistress' wound, With deadly aim she plunged it in her breast, And with her mistress sunk to endless rest.

618. Then did their happy spirits wing their way To the fair regious of eternal day. The astonish'd shade of Sália linger'd there, Borne on the pinions of the ambient air, To bid the object of his earthly love An eager weleome to the realms above.

619. Then in his arms his lovely bride he bore Up that resplendent path he trod before, Till earth and time had vanished all away Amid the splendours of eternal day : Where fields of light and silken mansions stand, The glorious work of a celestial hand.

620. Th' enraptured princess, dazzled with the sight, Gazed o'er the boundless realms of living light, With heavenly fruit the eternal groves were crowned, And joy and rich profusion smiled around. All bore the bloom of an immortal youth, All breathed alike the air of love and truth; And all adoring one eternal mind,— The Almighty, rich in bounty to mankind.

629—631. [Kakrasána is informed by Naráda of the Pandáwa and Kuráwa forces being engaged, and withdraws to see the issue of the contest. Bíma and Sugudána go and make their respects to him, and each receives from him a charm.]

632—639. [Bíma and Suyudána fight. Missing cach other, they strike and cut the earth, trees, and every thing about them, without being able to hurt each other. They then throw away their weapons, and closing, wrestle. So closely are they united, that they seem to be one person and to have one voice.]

640—656. [Arjúna repeatedly striking his hand on his left thigh, reminds Bína of Suyndána's being vulnerable in that particular place only. Bima recollecting the circumstance, seizes his club and strikes Suyudána with it in his vulnerable part. Suyudána falls, and expiring under the blow is trampled upon by Bima, who continues to insult and triuunph over him, till out of all patience with his relentless and ungenerous conduct, Kakrasána seizes his spear and is going to slay Bíma, but is withheld by Krésna, who says that Bíma is not to be blamed for such just retaliation.]

(Here end the Javan copies of this work; the following abstract is from a copy of tho Bráta Yúdha Káwi presented to me by the Rája of Báli Baliling in Báli.)

657-667. [Snyndána dead, and night coming on, the Pandáca retire from the scene of battle to the city of Astína, and there feast and rejoice, on account of their victory. Satiated and fatigued with their revelling, all except Krésna go to sleep. He alone remains awake, pitying in his own mind the fate of Suyudána, and recollecting with feelings of regret the indignant and unkind manner in which he was treated by Bima. Withdrawing by stealth, he goes to the mountains, and wanders about oppressed with grief and much agitated.]

668. [Next morning the Pandáwa missing Krésna, go in search of him, and find him among the images on the hills. Portentous signs take place. A raven croaks till blood issues from its beak, it rains blood, and all the wild animals fight with cach other.]

669. [Next morning all these omens are gone.]

670—693.] News arrives froin Astina of Aswatáma's having entered the city by night, and assassinated Dréstadríumna, Sérikándi, and Páuchakumára, and of all the mántris having fled for fear. Half are inclined to give credit to the report, and half believe that it must have been the spirit of Sália. The Pandána return to Astína, and find the women there all in tears, and bewailing the loss of those who had been murdered during the night. Krésna consoles them, and reconciles them to what has happened.]

694—696. [Krésna makes the Pandáca accompany him in search of Ascatáma, whom they find anong the hills.]

697—699. [Bíma is going to strike Aswatáma, when the latter discharges an arrow at Bima, and at the same time tells him he is not a fit opponent, inviting Arjúna to contend with him. Arjúna and Aswatáma fight, causing the carth and mountains to shake, &e.]

700—705. [Sáng yáng Naráda descends from above, and tells Arjúna that they will cause the destruction of the world if they continue the dreadful conflict. Sáng yáng Naráda at the same time goes up to Ascatáma, and advises him to desist from opposing the Pandáca, as he will certainly be beaten, and recommends his surrender and resignation to the Pandáwa of his pusáka of Chúda-manik, also callod Chúpumánik Estígéna, a charm which gives its possessor the power of getting eight diiferent things.]

706—707. [Asuatáma refuses to give it to the Pandáwa, but is willing to part with it to the unborn grandson of Arjúna, of whom Utári was then pregnant, and whom he directed should be called Parikisit.]

708—709. Krésna offers to bear witness to the promise ; after which Aswatáma gives the pusáka to Bíma, to deliver to the grandson of Arjúna.]

710—714. [Krésna and the Pandáca again return to Astína, and inform Arjúna's wife of what has happened. Aswatáma remains aloof from the Pandáca, wandering about in the woods and among the mountains. Yuyutsuh, the only surviving Kuráca chief, joins and lives with the Pandára. All the sons of the Pandáua having been killed in the battle, without a single descendant being left to be made a king of

Astína, excepting the yet unborn son of Abimányu, whom Utári was about to bring forth, Dérma Wangsa, the eldest of the Pandáea (although all of them had arrived at an age when they should withdraw from the world) is appointed sovereign, until such time as he can be relieved and succeeded by the yet unborn Parikísit. Description of Dérma Wángsa ; the beauty of his person ; his many good qualities and accomplishments, for which and for his character for justice, wisdom, prudence, &e. he is universally beloved, and his praises celebrated in song.]

715—719. [Dérma Wángsa reccives the name and title of Batára Jáya Báya. Under his wise and excellent administration the kingdom of Astína flourishes, crimes are unknown, and the inhabitants are happy. The neighbouring princes of Java, who had survived the war, all acknowledge the authority of the king of Astína, and pay homage to him.]

The musical instruments of the Javans are peculiar. Several of them are necessary to compose a gámelan, set, or band : of these there are several varieties. The gúmelan salíndro, which is the most perfect, consists of the several instruments represented in the plate. In the gámelan pélog, the instruments are much larger and louder; the bónang or krómo, has sometimes only ten, and sometimes as many as fourteen notes. Both of these gámelans are employed as accompaniments to the wáyangs. The gámelan máring partakes of the two former, and is employed to accompany the wáyang klítik. In the gámelan múng'gang, called also kódok ng'órek, from its resembling the croaking of frogs, the bónang has fifteen notes, and the kécher resembles the triangle: neither the génder, salentam, sarón, nor chalémpung are included in this set ; this gámelan is considered the most ancient, and is played at tournaments, in processions, &c. In the chára báli, or chára wángsul, tho rebáb, or viol, is not used: in other respects the instruments are the same as in the salíndro, except that they are as large as in the pélog. The gámelan sekáten, which resembles the pélog, except that the instruments are still larger and louder, is restricted to the use of the sovereign, and seldom played, except on great occasions, as during eight days of the festival of Múlut. The gámelan srúnen is used in processions of state and in war, being properly the martial music of the country, in which, besides the ordinary instrunents, a particular gong and trumpets are introduced.

The plate will afford a better idea of the form of these instrunents than any verbal description. Most of them resemble the staccáto or harmonica, and the sound is produced by the stroke of a hammer. The gámbang káyu has wooden plates, sixteen or seventeen in number : the gámbang gángsa, of which there are several in each band, has metal plates.

In the génder the metal plates are thin, of a different form, and suspended by strings. The gong, represented (No. 9) in the plate, is usually three feet in diameter. 'The bónang, kénong, and ketók, are of metal, and are suspended by tightened cords to favour the vibration. The kécher, shewn in the plate, corresponds with the cymbal. The hammers with which the larger instruments are struck are either wound round at the end with cloth, or the clastic gun, in order to soften the sound. The drum is struck with the open hand and fingers only. The chalémpung is a stringed instrument, with from ten to fifteen wires, which are sounded with the finger, after the manner of the harp.

The person who leads the band performs upon the rebáb (No. 17), an instrunent which, having a neck, and two strings pitched by pegs, is eapable of producing perfeet intonation and a variety of sounds, by shortening the strings with the pressure of the finger.

The gámbang káyu (No. 2.) is a kind of staccáto, consisting of wooden bars of graduated lengths, placed across a kind of boat, which, when skilfully struck with a sort of mallet, produce pleasing tones, either grave or acute. The lowest and highest sounds of the instrument differ from each other by the interval of three octaves and a major third : the intermediate sounds of each octave from the lowest note are a second, third, fifth, and sixth. This instrument is general throughout the Archipelago, and is frequently played alone, or accompanied only by the drum and a small gong. Ráden Rána Dipúra, a native of Java, who accompanied me to England, played on this instrument several of his national melodies before an eminent composer, all of which were found to bear a strong resemblance to the oldest musie of Seotland, the distinctive character of both, as well as of Indian musie in general, being determined by the want of the fourth and seventh of the key, and of all the semitones *. By reiteration several of the sounds are artfully prolonged much beyond their noted length, which produces an irregularity of measure that might both perplex and offend the educated ear of an accompanying timeist. The rhythm ofthe sections (from extention and contraction) appears very imperfect.

The bónang or krómo (No. 3.) the sáron (No. 5.) the démong, (No. 6.) and selántam (No. 7.) are staccátos of metallic bars, and a sort of bells placed on a frame. They contain a regular dianotie seale, and nearly two octaves. These, however, are never played singly, but harmonize with the instrument on which the air is played.

The gongs (No. 9.) are perhaps the noblest instruments of the kind that have been brought to Europe : I am assured that they are very superior to that which was admitted in the terrific scenes of the serious ballet representing the death of Captain Cooke. Suspended in frames, and struek by a mallet covered with cloth or elastic gum, they sustain the harmonious triad in a very perfect manner, and are probably the most powerful and musical of all monotonous instruments. They might be introdueed with advantage in lieu of large drums. They have the advantage of being melifluous, and capable of accompanying pathetic strains. The two gongs differ from each other by one note.

The above observations apply particularly to the gámelan pélog, which usually accompanies the recitation of the popular poems of the country. The gámbang káyu of the salíndru appears only to differ in being in another key, which is considered better suited to the oceasions in which that kind of gámelan is used.

The airs which are exhibited in the plate are sclected from several written down by a gentleman at Semárang, as they were played on the rebáb of the gámelan pélog, and may afford a further illustration of the nature of their music.

But it is the harmony and pleasing sound of all the instruments united, which gives the music of Java its peculiar character among Asiaties. The sounds produced on several of the instruments are peeuliarly rich, and when heard at a distanee have been frequently compared to those produced on the harmonie glasses. The airs, however simple and monotonous they may appear of themselves, when played on the gámbang kágu, or accompanied by the other instruments, never tire on the car, and it is not unusual for the gámelan to play for many days and nights in succession.

The Javans do not note down or commit their musie to writing: the national airs, of whieh I have myself counted above a hundred, are preserved by the car alone. Those which are exhibited in the plate are among the most popular : but there are a variety which are played on occasions of rejoicing and festivity, which it would be diflicult to note down; if, indeed, they can be called airs at all, the sounds produeed rather resembling the chiming of bells than a melody. Thus, when a great man arrives at the native seat of government, the tune of kébu giru, “ buffaloes frisking," is played, and a variety of others of the same nature, which diffuse the same kind of joy and gaiety among all assembled, as the quick ringing of bells in the churehes of England.

A complete set of the gámelan pélog costs from a thousand to six hundred dollars (£250 to £400,) but second-hand sets are frequently disposed of. The prineipal manufacture is at Grésik, and the gongs in particular furnish a valuable article of export. Every native ehief in authority has one or more gámelans, and there are more or less perfect sets in all the populous towns of the eastern provinces.

In some of the interior, and in particular in the Sánda districts, the inhabitants still perform on a rude instrument of bámbu, called tho úngklung, of which a representation is given in one of the plates. This instrument is formed of five or more tubes of bámbu, eut at the eud after the manner ofthe barrels of an organ. These, which are of graduated lengths, from about twenty to eight inches, are placed in a frame, in such a manner as to move to a certain extent from their position, and to vibrate on the frame being shaken. A troop of from ten to fifty mountaineers, each with an ángklung, and accompanied by one or two others with a small drum played with the open hand, always perform upon this instrument on occasions of festivity in the Súnda districts. The upper part of the instrument, and the parties themselves, are generally decorated with common feathers, and the performers, in their appearanee and action, are frequently as grotesque and wild as can be imagined. There is something, however, so extremely simple, and at the same time gay, in the sound produced by the rattling of these bámbu tubes, that 1 confess 1 have never heard the ángklung without pleasure. The Javans say the first musie of which they have an idea was produced by the accidental admission of the air into a bámbu tube, which was left hanging on a tree, and that the ángklung was the first improvement upon this Eolian music. With regard to the musie of the gánmelan, " that," they say, " was pro- " cured from heaven, and we have a long story about it."

A wind instrunent, of the nature of a flute, but in length some feet, with a proportionate diameter, is sometimes introduced in the gámelans ; but this is not usual in Java, though in Báli it is general.

The traocángsa is a stringed instrument, not very unlike a guitar *, which is occasionally found in the Súnda districts : it is by no means general. I recolleet to have once heard an old blind bard at Chiánjur play upon this instrument, reciting at the same time traditions respecting Pajajáran, and the ancient history of the country, which had probably never been committed to writing.

The Javans have made no progress in drawing or painting; nor are there any traces to be found of thcir having, at any former period of their history, attained any proficiency in this art. They are not, however, ignorant of proportions or perspective, nor are they insensible to the beauty and effect of the productions of other nations†. Their eye is correct and their hand steady, and if required to sketch any particular object, they produce a very fair resemblance of the original. They are imitative, and though genius in this art may not have yet appeared among them, there is reason to believe that, with due encouragement, they would not be found less ingenious than other nations in a similar stage of civilization. They have a tradition, that the art of painting was once successfully cultivated among them, and a period is even assigned to the loss of it; but the tradition does not seem entitled to much credit.

The Javans do not appear to possess any peculiar method or system in their arithinetical calculations. They generally compute without putting down the figures in writing. in this process they are slow, but generally correct. The common people, from an entire ignorance of arithnmetic, or to assist their memory, sometimes use grains of pári or small stones on these occasions.

The many vast and magnificent remains of edifices found at this day in different parts of Java, bear witness to the high degree of perfeetion in which arehitecture and sculpture were at one period practised in that island. But whether the natives themselves designed these edifices and their ornaments, or only worked under the direetion of ingenious artists from other countries, is a question connected with their history, which we shall at present forbear to inquire into.

The art of seulpture is entirely lost to the natives. 'The only modern buildings they possess, of any arehitectural inportance, are thc krátons, or palaces of the chiefs, which have already been described.

The Javans of the present day have no pretensions to astronomy as a scienee. The seasons are determined by reference to a system no longer perfeetly understood, either in its principle or application; but from the Hindu terms still in use for the days of the week, &e. and from the similarity of many of their superstitions to those of continental India, it seems probable that if they ever possessed an astronomical system, it was derived from that quarter. Thus when an eelipse takes place, the people shont and make all the noise they can, to prevent the sun or moon from being devoured by the great nága, or dragon, which they suppose to be invading it. Some of the better informed have derived a few notions of astronomy from the Arabs; but their knowledge, in this respect, is at best extremely imperfect, and it is rather to the traees which are to be found in the aneient manuseripts, and to the remains of what they knew in former days, that it is interesting to refer.

The Javans, in common with other Mahomedans, have, for upwards of two centuries, if not for a longer period, adopted the lunar year of the Arabs ; but they still retain their own era, and seldom adopt that of the Hejira. The Javan era is called that of Aji Sáka, on whose arrival in Java it is supposed to have commeneed; but as sáka is a Sanserit term, variously applied, as conneeted with the establishment of an era, it was probably adopted by the Javans at the period of the introduction of the era itself*, which corresponds almost exactly with the Hiudu era of Salacaharna, being seventyfour years short of the Christian era. The present is accordingly the year 1744 of the Javan cra, or era of Aji Sáka. On Báli, where the same era is likewise adopted, there is a difference of about seven years, the Báli year being 1737. This difference is supposed to have arisen fron the people of Báli, who are still unconverted to the Mahomedan faith, continuing to use the solar year.

The Javans usually divide the day and night cach into five portions, as follow :

Division of the Day.

The period from six o'clock in the morning) ésuk ;

till eight is called.. _

* See Chapter on History.

That from cight to noon...................teng'angi; That from noon till one o'clock......... .....bedúg; That from one till three.............. ..língsir kúlon ; That from three till six.... .ásar;

Division of the Night.

The period from six o'clock in the evening sóré ; till eight is called...

That from cight till cleven o'clock.. ...sirapwóng; That from midnight till one o'clock... ...tengawéng'i ;

That from one o'clock till three.... ..lingsir-wéng'i;

That from three o'clock till day-light...........báng'un.

The twenty-four hours of the day and night are also oceasionally divided into what is called the líma wáktu, or five periods of time, namely: from sun-set until cight o'clock in the morning; from that hour till twelve; from twelve till three ; from three till four ; from four till sun-set.

Each of these divisions is considered sacred to one of the five deities, Sri, Kála, Wísnu, Mahesuára, and Bráma, supposed to preside over these divisions of the day and night in rotation, the order being changed every day, until at the commeneement of every fifth day and night it returns to the same again. The division which thus becomes saered to Sri is considered fortunate ; that to Kála unfortunate; that to Wísuu neither good nor bad ; that to Mahescára as still more fortumate than that to Sri; that to Brámo as peculiarly unfortumate.

The terms páhing, pon, wági, kalícon, and mánis or légi, are applied to the days of the panchawára, or weck of five days, which is common throughout the country, and by which the markets are universally regulated *.

Besides this week of five days, which seems to be by far the most ancient as well as the most generally adopted among them, the Javans have a week of seven days as follows.

Diti, Sunday, which corresponds with the Hindu Rowi. Sóma, Monday............ ...... Soma. Ang'gára, Tuesday .... Mangala. Búdha, Wednesday............. ...... Budha. Raspáti, Thursday Vrihaspati. Súkra, Friday ..... ....... Sukra. Sanischára or Túmpah, Saturday ...... Sani.

The Arabic terms are usually employed to express the months.

The wecks of seven days, considered with reference to the seasons, are termed wúku. Thirty of these are said to have been established in conmmemoration of the victory obtained over Wátu Gúnung*. These thirty have again six principal divisions, each consisting of thirty-five days, and conmencing on the day when diti and páhing fall together.

Each wúku is dedicated to its particular deity, and has its appropriate emblems in the Javan system of judicial astrology. The names of the wúku and of the deities to which cach is considered sacred are as follow :

WÚKU. DÉWA OR DEITY. 1. Sinta .............. Batara Yáma. 2. Landáp . Súria. 3. Wúkir ... Maheswára. 4. Kurántil Puru Senkára. 5. Tálu ..... Báyu. 6. Gúmbreg ... Sákra. 7. Wariga ..... Asmára. 8. Warigájan .......... Pancháresi. 9. Júlung Wáng'i .. Sámbo. 10. Sung Sang....... Gána Kumára. 11. Galúng'an .... Kamajáya. 12. Kuníng'an .... Indra.

15. Julung-pújud 20. Mánda kung'an ...... 24, Prang-bákat ................ 25. Bála .... 30. Wátu gúnung .......... Páncha Rásmi. Kala. 13. Lángkir... Bráma. 14. Mandásia ... Tántra. 16. Paháng ..... Wísuu. 17. Kuru Welút . Gána. 18. Maraké Séwa. 19. Támbir Basúki. Chandrása. 21. Maktal Kawéra. 22. Woyé ..... Chitra Gáta. 23. Manáhil... Bísma. Dúrga. Lódra. 26. Wüku Sri. 27. Wáyang Sewandána. 28. Kuláwu .. Kanéka. 29. Dukúd ... Gúru.

The twelve seasons, Mángsa, of which an account has been given, when treating of the agrienlture of the Javans, are said to be deternined by reference to the sun's course at the commencement of cach of these divisions.

When a want of rain is experienced, it is a custom for the people of the village or town to assemble, and for a wáyang to be performed upon the story of Wátu Gúnung and Déwi Sinta. On these occasions two sticks of the dark coloured sugar-cane, two young and two old cocoa-nuts, two bundles of different coloured pári, two bundles of the flowers of the areca-nut, a piece of white cloth, sweet scented oils, two fowls and two ducks, are placed by the side of the dálang during the performance, and are afterwards considered his property.

The term wíndu is used to express a revolution or cycle of years. The Javans refer to wíndu of eight years, a wíndu of twelve years, a wíndu of twenty years, and a wíndu of thirtytwo years. The windu of eight years, now in use, seems to have been borrowed from the Arabs; but this is more frequently considered of seven years, each year taking its name from one of the following animals, according to the day of the week on which it begins.

Mangkára, ...... Prawn, ...... if on a Friday, Ménda, ....... Goat, .... Saturday, Klábong, …....... ..... Centiped, ......... Sunday, Wichútra, ..... Worm,.............. Monday, Mintúna,........... A species of fish, ..... Tuesday, Was, . Seorpion, ........... Wednesday. Maisába,.... Buffalo, ........... Thursday.

The names given to the year comprised in the wíndu of twelve years appear to be the same with the signs of the zodiae, which, according to the manuscript discovered at Chéribon, are as follow :

1. Mésa or Mesáris,...... the Ram, corresponding withthe

Hindu Mesha, pair), monster),

2. M'rísa or MP'resába,.... the Bu.l, ...... I'risha,

3. M'ritúna or M'rikaga.... the Butterfly, .... Mithuna (the

4. Kalakáta or Kkala kadi, the Crab, ....... Karkata,

5. Sing'ha or Grigréson, .... the Lion, ........ Sinha,

6. Kanya or Kangerása, .... the Virgin, ..... Kanya,

7. Tula or Tularási.,....... the Balance, ..... Tula,

8. Mri-ChikaorPriwitarási,the Scorpion, ..... Vrishchica,

9. Dánu or Wánok,........ the Bow, ........ Dannns,

10. Makára, ............... the Crawfish, ..... Makara (sea

11. Kúba, ......... the Watcr-jug,.... Kunbha,

12. Ména, ......... the Fish, ....... Mina *.

The Javans, though they occasionally apply the signs of the zodiac to the twelve years of the cycle, have at present no knowledge of these signs as connected with the sun's course. In the Chéribon manuscript, which contains an explanation of each sign, they seem to have been considered only as giving names to particular years. Thus in the explanations of the first sign it is stated:

" This year, the year of Mesa-arsi, there is a mark in the “ horn of the ram ; the deity who presides is Batára Wisnu;

" the rain is for five months; it is profitable to plant gágas,

“ but birds destroy great quantities; this may be prevented by

" administering obat (medicine) composed of the oil of the

" káeang, with the flowers of the cotton plant and those of

“ the kasúmba ; rats also do great mischief in the sácals,

" which may be prevented by administering the bud of síri

" on a lucky day, named ang'gara, and diti on the pancha-

" wára Mánis ; when adninistering it the following words

“ should be repeated ; ' Hong ! Kíro-Wisnu-Sówa! tung'gal

" sih ning Buána!' 'Hail Wisnu! who art beheld clearly " to be the only one in the world!' "

In the same manuscript, which appears to be entirely of an astronomical or astrological nature, the year appears to be divided into four portions, each distinguished by the peculiar position of a nága, or serpent.

The first of the three divisions includes Jista, Sáda, Kásar; the form and shape of the great uága in these seasons is first stated, and represented by a drawing, the head being during these months towards the east and tail to the west. " In " these months, if any one wishes to plant rice, it must be

" white and yellow pári; and at this time alms must be " given, consisting of white rice ornamented with the flowers

“ called cári, and in the name of or in honour of Détca Yáma,

" and on the seventh day. It will not be profitable to go to " war in these months.

" If a child is born in these months he will be liable to “ seven sicknesses through life. Great care and caution must

" be taken in these months against sickness."

The second is as follows:

* In the seasons of Káru, Katíga, and Kaphat, the head of

" the nága is to the north and tail to the west. These times

" are neither good nor bad ; it is proper to plant yellow pári ;

" alms should be given of búbur ábang, red rice and water,

" &e. in honour or in the name of Déwa Sarasáti. Success

" will attend wars undertaken in these months.

" If a child is born in the month it will be unfortunate, and

" great care and caution must be taken regarding it; and if

" the child attains an adyanced age, unhappiness will befal " the parent.

" In the third nága, which includes the fifth, sixth, and

" seventh scasons, the head of the nága," it says, " is to the

" west, his tail to the east, his belly to the north. The offer-

" ing then to be made is yellow rice, and a small ivory-

"handled knife ornamented with gold. The deity of these

" months is Batára Sarastati. In going to war in these

" seasons, be careful not to face the head of the nága *."

• See an account of this manuscript under the head Antiquities.

END OF VOL. I.