Baca PDF (OCR): The Sa'dan-Toraja

VOOR TAAL-, LAND-EN VOLKENKUNDE

87

HETTY NOOY-PALM

THE SA'DAN-TORAJA

A STUDY OF THEIR SOCIAL LIFE AND RELIGION

I

ORGANIZATION, SYMBOLS AND BELIEFS

THE HAGUE-MARTINUS NIJHOFF 1979

The original incentive for this monograph derives from a brief period of research in 1949-1950. At the time I made a series of notes primarily concerning the material culture of the Sa'dan-Toraja, a people inhabiting part of the region which is now designated as Sulawesi Selatan (South-Celebes). Political unrest during the fifties disrupted my fieldwork, and I Ie ft the region. In 1965 I returned to my early notes. Assisted by Dr. H. van der Veen, I traced supplementary and more detailed information in avail- ab Ie literature. Dr. Van der Veen, an expert not only in the language but also in the ethnography of the Sa'dan-Toraja, was once himself engaged in writing an ethnographic study of this people. He had already amassed an extraordinary quantity of material when war broke out; during the subsequent era of the J apanese occupation of Indonesia most of his data were lost. Some articles and papers, however, survived. Thanks to Dr. Van der Veen's incredible memory, it proved possible with the passage of time to flesh out his data and my early field-flûtes to a greater and greater extent. Nevertheless gaps remained. Dr. Van der Veen then proposed the possibility of my returning to the scene itself; his suggestion appeared realizable, for, by now, the political climate for fieldwork had improved considerably. I had the opportunity to continue my investigations in Tana Toraja during four successive visits of a few months' duration: September-November 1966, September-December 1969, September-December 1970 and November-January 1972-1973. Now that this first volume is ready for publication I wish first of all to express my gratitude to the late Dr. H. van der Veen, to whose memory this volume is dedicated. He died on the 19th of October 1977 at the age of 89. He was not only a fine scholar; he also was a man of profoundly humane feelings and great kindness. His enduring friendship over the years of our cooperation provided more than mere encouragement. It was an honour. To the institutions which, by their financial and moral support, enabled me to carry out the necessary fieldwork and to publish the

The Sa'dan-Toraja

results in the form now presented to the reader I am deeply indebted: first, the Royal Tropical Institute at Amsterdam which paid my salary during my fieldtrips, and kindly gave me the opportunity for working out my notes, providing me continually with indispensable secretarial and technical aid; second, WOTRO, the Netherlands Foundation for the Advancement of Tropical Research, which subsidized my field trip of 1969, and later .met the costs of trans lating the present volume into English; third, the Royal Institute of Linguistics and Anthropology at Leiden (the Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land-en Volkenkunde) which accepted this volume for publication in its Verhandelingen (Transactions); fourth the Treub Maatschappij (the Society for Scientific Research in the Tropics) at Utrecht which subsidized my fieldtrips of 1966 and 1970; and fifth, the Wenner Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research which provided a grant-in-aid for my final trip in 1972-1973. For moral support, I wish to thank first of all LIPI (Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia), the Indonesian Institute for the Advancement of Science at Jakarta. In this context I wish to extend personal thanks for their friendly cooperation and helpfulness to Prof. Dr. R. M. Koentjaraningrat, Ms. Sjamsiah Achmad, Mr. Teuku Mohammad M. Radhie, Mr. Suhartono Sudargo, and Mr. Napitupulu. Among the Toraja who offered me significant support during my research, I wish to mention first of all the late Allo Rante, also called Ne' Sangga, (he died December 16, 1974) and his nephew Bua' Sarungallo, both from Kesu'. Valuable assistance also came from Misters F. K. Sarungallo, Roson Panimba, J. Tammu, 1. Pakan and the families Pa1ete and Pasaka, also from Kesu'; from Mr. Lebang (Ne' Muda), his son Thana Lebang and Enoch Palo'lean Amba Titedok, one-time to minaa of Nonongan; from Danduru Sampe Litak, Izak Sorreng Palajukan of Buntao'; from Puang W. P. Sombolinggi' and Puang Paliwan Tandilangi' of Sangalla'; from Misters J. Somba,

S. S. Mangende', 1. T. Tangdilintin, J. Lobo and Drs. C. Salombe, all of Ujung Pandang. The help of Mr. Tampubolon, then bupati of Tana Toraja, was of particular importance. I also like to th ank the families De Heer, Van Heest, Kobong and Palamba. Mrs. J. M. Eggink and the family Ch. B. Tan-Karundeng kindly offered me accommodations and thereby spared me considerable daily cares. I also like to thank W. Meyer, physician in Ujung Pandang. While I was occupied with making my material presentabIe,

dis-interested generosity, vast quantities of the information at his disposal. Upon his instigation many litanies and songs are included in the text; the translations come from his hand. Various annotations and clarific- ations in the following pages can also be attributed to him. For his kindness I am deeply appreciative. The especially vivid photographs rendering landscapes and depicting the Toraja at various activities were taken by Mr. F. van der Kooi in 1937 and presented to Dr. H. van der Veen at the time for scientific use. Drawings and diagrams in this article are the work of Mr. Subokastowo, Ms. Suzanne Taub, Mr. S. Pronk, Mr. Kees van Dam, Mrs. A. Ruygrok-Haakma Wagenaar and Mr. Rob Berkel. To Dr. Donaid Bloch who translated the text into English, and to Prof. J. van Baal who assumed the burden of editorship, I owe many thanks. For their contributions to what follows I would also like to thank Mss. 1. van den Bovenkamp-Rodrigues Nunes, R. de Graaf, F. G. C. Rincker and U. Veenstra.

The present volume is the first of two. It consists of two parts, Part I dealing with the natural surroundings and the social and territorial organization of the Sa'dan-Toraja, Part 11 with religious notions, natural and material symbols, and priestly organization. Volume 11, which will hopefully appear in due time, will contain a description of Sa'dan-Toraja rituals, those associated with the East in Part 111, and those with the West in Part IV. One of the difficulties with which I hadto cope in my research, was the variegation of Toraja society. These Toraja number some 310,000 people, who occupy an area of 3,242 square km. Although their ethnic unity is beyond doubt, local variations of customs and rites are numerous. I confined my fieldwork to the districts of Buntao', Kesu' (with Nonongan), Tikala and Riu, Tondon, and Sangalla' (Sangalla' is one of the three districts formerly ruled by a prince).* Most of the data here presented come from these six districts.

In my fieldwork I relied heavily on the use of unstructured interviews. In conversations I readily could profit from the clear insight which many Toraja have into their ownculture. They quickly understood

'" Throughout this book the term district is used in the sence of an adat-unit, a community incorporating several thousand people who live in a varying number of villages which belong together traditionally.

One of my problems was (and is) how to discover the principal configurations which dominate the pattems of Sa'dan-Toraja cultural life. I sincerely hope that this book will lead to a discussion of what, in fact, the main themes are which give structure to the rather con- fusing wealth of their ritual and ceremonial forms. On my part, I have tried to make a contribution to further studies by giving special attention to rituals and symbols and how these manifest themselves within the material culture. One thing I quickly leamed: a structural interpretation of the materials which I accumulated does not merely reflect the predisposition of the ethnographer. Many Toraja informants seemed 'bom structuralists' in the sense that they were conscious of oppositions within their culture. This made it of special interest to try to determine how a Toraja perceives this structure and, since he lives as it were together with his ancestors, how he conceives of the relation between the world of the living and the world of the dead.

Finally, I must add a note on spelling. Throughout this work we adhere to modem Indonesian spelling which differs incertain regards from the spelling formerly introduced by the Duteh: j stands for the old dj; c for tj; y for j. This spelling is also applied to Toraja words. There is no j (dj) or c (tj) in their language, so that they speak of themselves as Toraya.

Preface. v

.. ..

..

...

of and

lIl.

The Sa'dan-Toraja

Patang penanian; other penanian-Ieagues.

IV. 1.3 61
IV. 1.4 The lembang
IV. 1.5 Buntao', an autonomous patang penanian. 69
IV. 1.6 The federation of Kesu'. 72
IV. 1.7 The princedom of Sangalla', one of the Tallulem-
bangna 79
IV. 1.8 Ma'kale and Mengkendek. 91
IV.2 The village: functions 92
IV.2.1 Introduction 92
IV.2.2 Kinship in the settlement. 94
IV.2.3 Local divisions in connection with the offices which
village residents hold 94
IV.2.4 Summary 104
PART 11. RELIGIOUS NOTIONS, SYMBOLS AND

62

FUNCTIONARIES

V. Prominent characteristics of Sa'dan-Toraja religion 107

V.1 Introduction 107
V.2 Principles of classification in Sa'dan-Toraja cos-
mology 109
V.3 The gods 115
V.4 SouIs, ancestors and spirits 121
V.4.1 Souls (bombo). 121
V.4.2 Ancestors 124
V.4.3 Spirits (localized). 126
V.4.4 Dangerous spirits and dangerous people 126
V.5 The concepts of spirit and soul; conclusion 128
Annex Va: Schematic
129
Annex Yb: The family tree of the gods (Kesu'). 132
VI. 133
VI.1 Myths about the creation of the universe and the
institution of rituals. 134
VI.1.1 Kesu': Passamba Tedang, the consecration of the
buffalo 134
VI.1.2a The creation myth as handed down in Riu. 139
VI.1.2b The creation myth from Tikala. 144
VI.2 Myths telling about the arrival of the ancestors on
earth and the adventures of their descendants. 145
VI.2.1 The ta manurun inthe puang-regions: Tamborolangi'
Lakipadada 145
VI.2.1a Tamborolangi' 145
VI.2.1b The adventures of Lakipadada 148
VI.2.2 The to manurun in Kesu'. 153
VI.2.2a Manaek and Polopadang 153
VI.2.2b Polopadang and Deatanna. 154
VI.2.3 The ta manurun in Riu. 156

representation of Sa'dan-Toraja cosmology

Mytholagy

163
VI.4.2b The myth of Marampio Padang 163
VI.4.3 Tulangdidi and Bulu Pala'. 166
VI.4.3a Tulangdidi'. 166
VI.4.3b Bulu Pala'. 168
VI.4.4 Till Eulenspiegel tales 171
VI.4.5a The myth of Pano Bulaan. 173
VI.4.5b Rangga Bulaan 175
VII. Animals and plants in ritual and myth. 184
VI 1.1 White and pied buffaloes. 184
VII. 1.1 Colour, markings and other characteristics. 184
VII. 1.2 The family tree of the kerbau 192
VII.1.3 The kerbau in art and in ritual. 193
VII.1.4 The buffalo as a symbol of the ramage's power and
wealth 200
VII. 1.5 The division of the meat 202
VII.1.6 Pemanala; the parts of the pesung. 206
VII.2 The pig. 207
VII.2.1 Division of the meat af ter the sacrifice of a pig in
Kesu'. 208
VII.3 The chicken 209
VII.4 Other birds 213
VII.5 The dog 214
VII.6 The 215
VII.6.1 Beliefs and categories 215
VII.6.2 Prohibitions and customs 217
VII.7 The snake and the eel. 218
VII.8 The tree of life 219
VII.9 The bate manurun, the 'flag' which came down
from heaven 221
VII.10 Rice 222
VII. 11 Millet 224
VII.12 Maize 224
VII.13 The tabang (Cordyline terminalis): bloodwort 225
VII.14 Langsat (langsa', Lansium domesticum) 226
VII.15 lnduk (sugar palm, Arenga saccharifera) 226
VII.16 The banana 226
VII.17 lpo 227
VII.18 Bi/ante (Homolanthus populneus) 228
VII.19 Suke bombo 228
VII.20 Cotton and other plants. 228

Sare Pio.

cat.

1.1
VIII.1.1 VIII. 1.2 VIII. 1.3 VIII. 1.4 VIII. 1.5 VIII. 1.6 VIII.1.7

VII 1.2 VIII.3

VIII.3.1 VIII.3.2 VIII.3.3 VIII.3.4 VIII.3.5 VIllA VIII.5 VIII.5.1 VIII.5.2 VIII.6 VIII.6.1 VIII.6.2 VIII.6.2a VIII.6.2b VIII.6.3 VII 1.7 VIII.7.1 VIII.7.2

IX. IX.l IX.2 IX.3 IX.4 IX.5

IX.6 IX.7

Notes

Bibliography Photographs Appendix

The Sa'dan-Toraja

Material symbols........ 231 The tongkonan........ 231 General description of the tongkonan; function. 231 The internal layout of a tongkonan. 237 W oodcarving; special motifs.... 238 The a'riri posi'......... .. 240 The ampak bilik or ruma-ruma.... .. 241 The tongkonan as a cosmie symbol...... 244 The house in history and myth; and the ritual of its construction............ 245 The ricebarn............. 252 ather symbols: kandaure, swords, krisses, sacral textiles and drums... 255 Kandaure...... 255 Swords....... 256 Krisses and other weapons. 256 Sacral cloths..... 257 Drums............... 259 The grave, 'the house from which no smoke rises' 259 The tau-tau (effigies). 261 Manufacture of a tau-tau 261 Function of the tau-tau.. 262 Megaliths...... 263 Description ..... 263 The raising of a monolith......... 265 Mangriu' batu, the hauling of a monolith in Kesu' 265 In Sangalla'....... 266 ather stones.... 268 Sacrificial shrines..... 269 Substitutes for the celestial ladder 269 ather shrines and receptacles. 271

Priests..... 274
The to minaa... 275 The to menani 279 The to indo' padang 279 The to mebalun............ 280 The to burake: the to burake tattiku' and the to burake tambolang........... 282 The to ma'dampi........... 289 The burake and the priests of neighbouring peoples; Summary 292
.... 294
306 327 Glossary and Index.

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL STRUCTURE

CHAPTER I

TUE SA'DAN.TORAJA AND TUEIR ENVIRONMENT 1

I.1 Introduction It is market day. Women and men hurry along at a brisk jogtrot to the market, following on each other's heels, a single file. It is their heavy loads, the Toraja say, which force the pace. Women are clothed more or less alike with a sarong around the waist or higher up under the arms, worn together with a modern blouse or a more traditionally cut jacket, sometimes with very tight short sleeves. The large sunhat, so characteristic of Sa'dan·Toraja women (with the exception of women from the district of Mengkendek who we ar a piece of folded black cloth on their heads) shades their heads. A basket rides each woman's back, sa heavily laden that the bearer must bend under the weight. To displace part of the burden onto the head, a strap is fastened to the basket and looped about the forehead. One woman, without anything to carry, proceeds upright; without doubt she is from a good family. Men on their way to the market are less uniform in their attire. Same wear short trousers, some long -these have replaced the traditional loin cloth -and on their heads they have modern hats, same witha brim, some not. One or two individuals still ,have bound their hair with a band of bamboo. The kaïn remains in evidence, mostly worn over the shoulder or knotted around the waist. Men, too, bear heavy loads, a pig, perhaps, or a cluster of bananas which dangle from a stick over the shoulder.

"Pira? How much?" those who pass by on their way back from the market are asked. What is the trade like in commodities bought at the pasar?-commodities which those who pose the question may perhaps intend to buy or sell themselves. No one has an eye for the scenery. Neither for the green rice fields -only when the rice is almost ripe will the market-goer cast a curious eye over the crop -nor for the sawahs submerged under water where white herons wade. Small dark green islands dot the watery plane composed of irrigated farmland. These are woods, mostly clumps of bamboo, their topmost leaves etched like ostrich feathers against the sky. They mark the boundaries of compounds. Not only bamboo but varieties of palms and fruit trees surround the dwellings which, somewhat scattered, stand hidden from the eye on the 'green' islands. Opposite every house there is at least one storage barn for rice. Houses and barns are of the same form. Both have saddle roofs with the extremities of the ridge turned upwards. Their appearance is reminiscent of proas with the rising curve of their prows. They recall the myth which tells how the ancestors of the Toraja reached their present homeland in ships. Steep limestone formations tower up out of the flat sawahs. The rippled summits of these rocks stand out in silhouette. Wind and water have gouged out their irregular contours. Men have applied hands even to the stone. In walls which are of ten perpendicular, there are square niches hollowed out, sometimes as much as a hundred meters above ground. A small wooden door decorated with a stylized water buffalo head seals each limestone chamber. The dead repose behind these doors, far above the living. Lifelike wooden puppets, almost the size of a man or woman, images of the dead, preserve memory of those who have perished; they either stand on separate shelves hewn from the rock or else preside at the entrance to the graves themselves. With outstretched hands, palms skywards, they plead for a gift from the living, their descendants.

1.2 The land

Tana Toraja -the land of the Toraja -is at present the'name given to the region inhabited by the Sa'dan-Toraja. It is situated in the northern part of the southwestern 'arm', the southwestern peninsuIa, of the irregularly shaped island of Sulawesi, the former Celebes, one

approximately 800 meters. These waters flow down through two valleys: in the southem one lies the town of Makale, in the northem one that of Rantepao. Lesser branches of this river descend through smaller valleys. The mountain ranges, which are in part comprised of limestone ridges, attain heights of between 1,300-1,600 meters. Some summits, however, like that of Sesean, jut abruptly higher. Given the rugged relief of the area, it is difficult to speak with any generality about climate in Tana Toraja; temperature fluctuates radically with altitude. Rains commence in November and last through J anuary; a short, less intense rainy season spans the months of March and April. From May until the end of October it is dry. Yet, on occasion the rains may be early or late.

1.3 Present-day administration Tana Toraja (sometimes shortened to 'Tator') is part of the Republic of Indonesia. As an administrative unit it is designated as a kabupaten (regency). The area lies between 2°40' and 3°25' south latitude and 119°30' and 120°25' east longitude. lts total area, roughly one tenth the size of The Netherlands, is 3,178 sq. km. The regency is subdivided into nine kecamatan (see Map 1). Each kecamatan is composed of still smaller administrative units, desa, villages or clusters of villages. Matters are further complicated by combining villages into territorial units which -again -are called lembang. These new lembang do not coincide with those of the Dutch colonial administration which had only about half as many of them; today's administration includes 651embang. During most of the period of Dutch rule Tana Toraja was a section of the subdivision of Luwu,2 a former kingdom. It became an administrative entity in its own right, Tana Toraja, for the first time shortly af ter World War IJ and has retained its name until today. When The Netherlands held power, there were 32 districts, or lembang, in Tana Toraja (see Map 2). The name lembang is

The Sa'dan-Toraja

l I J-",; ~.""."", ~'-'

",llang\1ala I **• ,/" .•** T~ndUng . KUfra

\,
.....
. f / '!, I

~. .... ,;/

Rembon ~ ./ ./ i " i ..-.i-._
I .-........

1. Rindi~g Állo**. "'-',**
   2. Sesean",
2. Rantepao
3. Saluputti "

4. Sangga Langi Marinding'!.'
   Batualu

5. Bongga Karadeng II

6. Makale /'
   ;.

7. Mengkendek "160.000:
   g. Sangalla Schaal"
   Map 1 Makale-Rantepao and surroundings. Left on top: Tana Toraja, the new division in kecamatan (numbered).

Piongan 22. Ma'kale ~ TalIu-

2. Tikala 13. Kurra' 23. SangalIa'
   lembangna

3. Buntao' 14. Ulusalu 24. Mengkendek

4. Rantebua' 15. Seseng 25. Mappa'
5. Tondon 16. Bittuang 26. Buakayu
6. Nanggala 17. Pali 27. Rano
7. Balusu 18. Ratte 28. Simbuang
8. Sa'dan 19. Balepe' 29. Bau
9. Pangala' 20. Malimbong 30. Banga
10. Dende' 21. Talion 3I. Palesan 1I. Madandan 32. Tapparan Souree: Seinstra 1940. derived from the indigenous Toraja term for the territory of an adat- community; today the term is used also for an administrative unit, part of a district (kecamatan). The number of administrative districts remained constant af ter Indonesian independence. It was not until sometime in 1965 that they were fused together into a smaller number of kecamatan. Because the administrative districts introduced by the

(adat- communities), we sha11 adhere to the usage, common in all early ethnographic publications, and refer to these adat-communities as districts or territories (landschappen).

1.4. The name Sa'dan-Toraja; differentiation from neighbouring ethnicities Toraja is a collective name for all people who inhabit the mountains of Southwest-and Central-Sulawesi. These mountain dwe11ers, however, exhibit differences among themselves in language and culture which formerly prompted sorting them into West-, South-and East- or Central-Toraja. The name Toraja (without any prefix) is used by the Buginese and the Makassarese, and above all by the inhabitants of Luwu', to denote the Sa'dan-Toraja. According to Adriani (see
N. Adriani and A. C. Kruyt, De Bare'e sprekende Toradja, lIl, 1914: 1-2; see also Adriani 1930), the name comes from the Buginese To-ri-a;a, The People of the Interior, The People of the Highlands (to means man or people; it is a contraction of tau which has the same denotation). In recent times several Toraja have chosen for the following interpretation: Toraja derives from Buginese Torajang, The People from the West (ra;ang denotes west in Buginese, not, however, in the language of the Toraja). The People of the West are seen in opposition to The People of the East, the residents of Luwu' (Tangdilintin 1975: 2). The Toraja themselves consider explication of their name in terms of their coming from the interior or the highlands as deni- grating. Yet another clarification of their name has been advanced by the Toraja instead: to, or people; raja, or grand, magnificent. A more or less free translation of Toraja would thus yield: People of high status, people whom others esteem, whom others deern worthy. In a similar vein it has been suggested that Toraja signifies a people of raja, a princely people. Linguists also employ the word South- (a geographic distinction) or Tae'-Toraja (af ter the word for negation in the language). Such terminology actually embraces a larger group than merely the Sa'dan-Toraja; it includes, for example, also the Mamasa-Toraja and the Duri who live, respectively, to the west and south of the Sa'dan-Toraja. Thus, by a linguistic route, we have arrived at the knotty problem of differentiating the Sa'dan-Toraja from their neighbours. For a first point of reference we sha11 cling (at least temporarily)

Ujung Pandang, capitalof the province of South-Sulawesi, and in the bordering kabupaten of Luwu' and Bone. These migrants, the total estimated at between sixty and a hundred thousand, make up a sizable fraction of the total number of Toraja, the population of Tana Toraja amounting to 310,000 in 1975 (see Annex Ib at the end of this chapter). Since taking up new homes they have practically all converted to Christianity and consequently do not figure further in this narrative. Similarly beyond eonsideration fall the old settlements of the Sa'dan-Toraja in Luwu', and the communities of the Jenemaeja River, a group closely related to the Sa'dan, in the territory of Pantilang, along the upper waters of the Bajo River which traverses this former kingdom. Because these communities (Pantilang among others) feIl under the administration of the sanggaria of Bajo, one of the 'governors' of the Prince of Luwu' (cf. Pronk 1938), their culture aequired a somewhat different structure. My research, moreover, did not take me to their home area; they receive, consequently, relatively minor attention in this study. The Mamasa, a tributary of the Sa'dan, has bestowed its name on the Mamasa-Toraja, a people so closely related to the Sa'dan-Toraja that one ean almost always eonsider them as a single group.3 Yet, the Mamasa-Toraja have not been drawn into this study, nor have the Ouri, also near relations, who live to the south of the Sa'dan-Toraja and who are regarded as Islamized Toraja. Oespite the fact that the Ouri reside also on the lower part of the upper course of the Sa'dan River, I only allude to them in passing. This monograph is confined thus to the group which lives within the present boundaries of Tana Toraja. The Sa'dan River, which flows through a major portion of this area, has given its name to these Toraja which distinguishes them from other ethnic groups also called Toraja.4 Tracing dividing lines is always a matter of controversy. Thus the inhabitants of what was formerly Simbuang district in the south-west of Tana Toraja are residents of this kabupaten, but their language and cu stoms ally them more closely to the Mamasa-Toraja and to the Toraja who live in the territory of Tandalangan on the right bank of the Masuppu' River, a side stream of the Sa'dan (see Van der Veen 1965: 56, note 259). The claim that the Sa'dan-Toraja are a separate ethnicity can be disputed, as far as ihe inhabitants of the

tf unity among them ever existed. Today, unity is merely a matter of language and cultural practices (not forgetting, however, that local variations exist). Yet, Toraja mythic history has one tale which tells of closing ranks to face an invading enemy.

1.5 Toraja history, a résumé Although Toraja myths record many details about the coming into being of the Toraja 'world', they incorporate an outlook upon the past far different from th at of modern historiography. Historical facts do crop up, but they are incorporated into subjective vision. The invasion of Toraja territory in the seventeenth century by the Bonese Prince Arung Palaka (Aru Palakka) is recorded, for example, but the Toraja view of events is distinct from the Buginese view. The Toraja maintain they defeated the warring prince; according to Buginese accounts the latter succeeded in the 17th century in appropriating a large share of what today is Tana Toraja.5'Facts and fancies' so intertwine that it is impossible to verify objective truth. A fact of signal importance is that according to their tradition, the Toraja joined forces in the 17th century to resist, as one, the Buginese onslaught. They entered into alliance called Basse Lepongan Bulan, 'Agreement (concerning the region) Round as the Moon'. The region so designated took in almost all of what is at present Tana Toraja. The Toraja look back upon their resistance against the Buginese as an exceptionally significant historica! event. Practically all information concerning the Toraja which precedes in date the arrival of Europeans in the area is contained in Buginese

however, are not based on first hand observations, but on records of communications made by two Makassarese princes who were receiving tuition at the Jesuit College in Paris (see Gervaise, Description historique du royaume de Macaçar 1688: 12-13). In his book Father Gervaise makes mention of "Ie royaume de Toraja", a territory where gold was found and where bamboo grew in abundance, and whose inhabitants had fought against Karaeng Bizet, a Makassarese prince who succeeded in subjugating them af ter he had set fire to their forests. The Toraja did not, however, convert to Islam which induced Father Gervaise to surmise th at Christianity would later make headway among them. At the end of the 19th century, the Dutchman Van Riin became the first European to traverse the region of the Toraja. He has left an on-the-spot description of what he saw, dating from a time shortly before establishment of Dutch authority, and before all that we sub- sume under the heading of 'western influence' had penetrated into the region. He praised the orderly layout of the rice fields and made a drawing which depicts a rather elaborately decorated rice barn. The region, he noted, was thickly populated (see Van Rijn 1902: 328). This remark he based upon heavily-visited markets. Apparently there was little unrest in the areas which Van Rijn visited, although at the time Toraja leaders were fighting each other frequently, just as shortly thereafter some of them would battle against the Dutch. This final war, fought by Pong Tiku and the brothers Bombing and Ua Saruran against Dutch encroachment, was of no avail. In 1908 The Netherlands began their rule of what is now called Tana Toraja. In 1913 the Gereformeerde Zendingsbond of the Dutch Reformed Church inaugurated missionary work. Although in 1950 less than 10 % of the population had become Christians, the influence of the mission, because of its leading role in education and health services, was far in excess of what this statistic might suggest. By 1975 almost 60 % of the population had joined the Christian faith. Protestantism had the most followers, for the Roman Catholic Church was only permitted to begin missionary activities af ter the Second World War. In 1947, the Protestant community became autonomous and its members united in the Gereia Toraia (Toraja Church). Despite the fact that some 30 % of the population still adhere to

The Sa'dan-Toraja

traditional religion (Aluk Ta Dala = The Belief -literaIly: ritual-of the Forefathers), the prospeets for indigenous religion are even dimmer than the number of worshippers might seem to indieate. Adherents belong, overwhelmingly, to ol der age groups. The young may perhaps value eertain aspeets of forn1er Toraja religion but they regard it as 'ethnoeentrie', turned inwards, whereas Christianity throws wide a window on the outside world. In Tana Toraja there are many young people in training who aspire to a funetion in the Gereja Taraja, but there are no young ta minaa (a eategory of priests who lead eertain rites of the Aluk Ta Dala). In addition, only one solitary burake tambalang remained, the most important priest in the autoeh- thonic religious system: he ceased to perform in his old capaeity a long while ago, dying in the spring of 1976. There are, however, some reasons for optimism concerning the survival of autochthonic belief and traditional cultural values. The end of President Sukarno's regime ushered in a period of calm. Tana Toraja had previously been in a state of uproar; actual clashes took place there between the Toraja and Islamic battle units allied with Kahar Muzakkar. Now certain practices were permitted which had for a time been forbidden. The holding of coek fights, for example, became legalonee again. Interest in the Sa'dan-Toraja language and in traditional forms of cultural expression increased. Although not the cause of this inerease, something of a tourist boom in the area since 1970 has spurred its development on. About 1970 the Aluk Ta Dala which had not previously been recognized, attained official status by being classified under the Hindu faith. Such recognition implied that, when applying for a job, would-be civil servants for the first time could register Aluk Ta Dala as their religious denomination. Elections in 1970 resulted in a vietory for the Golkar (more than 80 % of those entitled to a vote in Tana Toraja cast their votes for this party). The Christian parties lost not on1y supporters, but face as weIl. Yet, this has not prevented the Aluk Ta Dalo from 'tuming grey'. In many areas mass conversion to Protestantism has meant that traditional rituals bare1y survive. Together with Christianity, other 'Western influences', other phenomena of 'the modem era', are undermining the old world view of the Toraja. The Indonesian state is striving to realize the integration of her component population groups to a large extent. On the other hand the Sa'dan-Toraja continue to maintain their own ethnieity. The premises of Christianity, however, have exerted their influence. Christianity, brought from

forms? Into the Toraja practice of Christian religion, autochthonic notions, such as their belief in evil spirits, are incorporated. Despite certain demonstrabIe similarities, a Christian interment among the Sa'dan-Toraja proceeds differently from a burial celebrated in a Dutch rural community. Christian burials, too, are of ten accompanied by the slaughtering of many water buffalo, and the bringing along of old symbols (for mortuary rituals see Vol. 11). Tana Toraja today thus exhibits a blend of the old and new. Emphasis in this work falls on the old. Effort will be made to portray traditional political structure and social organization inconnection with traditional religion. Since the autochthonic political system is no longer intact and old Toraja religion has lost much ground, this work repeatedly bears the marks of an exercise in reconstruction. How then might an ethnographer render concisely Sa'dan-Toraja culture as it was at the turn of the century? It was -and continues to be -a peasant society. Rice was the leading agricultul'al product, but coffee was the pre-eminent cashcrop. Trade in coffee; together with trafficking in slaves, were among the few activities to bring the Sa'dan-Toraja in contact with the outside world. Arab and Buginese merchants called for coffee beans and slaves from the country of the Toraja, and imported Dutch coins, krisses (a kris is a dagger with a wavy blade), old Indian textiles, salt, and, later on, weapons. In addition to rice, people ate maize, and, in the territory of Ma'kale, millet as weU. Diet was further supplemented with a small quantity of vegetables and with snails, fish, eggs, chicken, pork or water buffalo meat to provide protein. Meat was served, however, only on special occasions, principally when an animal was slaughtered during a ritual. In several territories dogs, too, were consumed, primarily by serfs (today canine dishes are an item appearing also on the menus of more prestigious families). Women prepared daily meals; men cooked during feasts. People drank tuak, palm wine, made from the sap of the spadix of the sugar palm which was allowed to ferment. Eating- and drinking habits have not appreciably changed. Men performed the heavy farm work, women helped during the harvest. This pattern persists today. Women braided baskets and mats; they fired pots and wove clothing from cotton and pineapple fibers. Men, too, worked at certain kinds of plaiting. Men knotted the characteristic Toraja bead ornament, the kandaure. They forged weapons and jewelry, carved wood and served as carpenters. They

wood and decorated bamboo tubes. Despite the languishing of certain handicrafts in recent times, men perform similar feats of artisanship even today. At the beginning of the twentieth century, Toraja settlement patterns did not present the same appearance which they do now. Houses stood closer to one another, of ten perched on the summit of a rock for security reasons. Some villages were actual fortresses. Warfare and headhunting were integral parts of the culture which could at the time have been classified as megalithic. Massive stones were erected in commemoration of the dead; the sacrifice of water buffaloes was central to the elaborate Toraja burial feasts. Although headhunting now belongs to the past, water buffaloes are still killed in the course of funeral rituals and the Toraja continue to set up huge stones in honour of their deceased -albeit on occasion with the assistance of motorized traction. In spite of changes, the essence of their principal rituals remains unmodified.8

1.6 Economics Since the turn of the century little change has taken place in how the Sa'dan-Toraja support themselves. Today approximately 90 % of the economically active population is still engaged in agriculture. An estimated 9 % holds employment as civil servants, church officials or school teachers, occupations formerly unheard of. Trade is the vocation of less than 1 %. Industrialization has scarcely begun: what manufacturing takes pI ace is the work of artisans. Tourism is burgeoning. It remains to be studied how many people, and which ones, are realizing profit from foreign visitors. As demand rises, the number of hotels keeps pace. Yet, poor means of access to Tana Toraja and the lack of an airstrip account for the rather low volume of tourism compared, for example, to Bali. The table below presents a summary of land area planted in various crops:
Table 1: Agricultural Use of Land in Tana Toraja
Rice: sawahs (irrigated land) 17,686 ha
(dry fields) and ladang (swiddens) 52,322 ha

Souree: Yan Yacobs 1971: 10; statistics for 1970.

100 people inhabit a sq. km. Yet, if we take into account the extent of inarable wasteland, there is littIe reason for optimism. Almost 300 people in fact depend upon the produce of one sq. km., whereas few opportunities exist for opening up new land. (The population increased from 186,269 in 1930 to 309,404 in 1975; see Annex Ia and Annex Ib. ) Although most arabIe land is used for cultivation of rice, the annual yield, 40,000 tons (1970), is only sufficient for the intern al con- sumption needs of the regency (kabupaten). No rice, therefore, is allowed to be exported from the kabupaten. In certain areas such as the district of Simbuang the composition of the soil precludes the cultivation of rice. This land is planted with groundnuts instead. In addition, maize (3,000 tons/yr.), manioc,9 yams and, in the district of Makale, millet are raised in modest quantities. Coffee is the exclusive cashcrop in Tana Toraja. The yield of about 500 tons/yr. is of excellent quality. Further exports include pigs (8,000 per yr.), and buffalo hides (2,500 per yr.) (see Yan Yacobs 1971: 18). Coffee prices fluctuate with notations on the world market. In a good coffee year the Toraja spend a large share of their coffee profits on major rituals.

I. 7 A critical appraisal of available literature about the Sa'dan.Toraja Until the arrival of the Dutch, the Sa'dan-Toraja were unfamiliar with writing. Only a few Toraja had mastered Buginese, in speech and in writing. Stories, litanies and myths were transmitted orally. It was above all the to minaa (a class of priests) and adat-chiefs who passed such material on to the following generations, a tradition which in recent years has been discontinued. These functionaries were also masters in the recitation of genealogies. So far littIe of the vast fund of Toraja heritage, the tales and songs, has been recorded in print. One exception is the text of the litanies which are chanted during the merok-feast; these have been set down by J. Tammu and L. Pakan, the language assistants of Dr. Van der Veen. The latter has translated these texts into Dutch; his vers ion has in turn been converted into English by Ms. Jeune Scott-Kemball. So' Sere, to minaa of the village of Angin-Angin in Kesu', was the man who originally

1900.
Since I have discussed the literature concerning the Sa'dan-Toraja in detail elsewhere (see Nooy-Palm 1978), I only mention those works here which were consulted with some frequency while preparing this book. The dictionary of Dr. Van der Veen (1940),1° was kept constantly at hand: for every Toraja word and concept it provides a complete explanation, frequently followed by commentary. It will be referred to as: Woordenboek (1940). Most of the works which will, in chronological order, be commented upon are either in Indonesian or in Dutch which makes them inaccessible to students who do not command either language. Compounding difficulties, some volumes known as Memories van Overgave written by administrative civil servants are hard to come by.u The accounts of their journeys by Van Rijn (1902) and the cousins De Sarasin (1905) are here passed by; their factual content is sparse (see Nooy-Palm 1978). The first travel book of significance is that written by A. C. Kruyt together with his son, J. Kruyt. Information is imparted about certain aspects of the Toraja material culture. Several myths are toId. No theoretical reflections are offered. Similarly, Grubauer's book (1913; second edition 1923), replete with reportage about material culture, is without any theoretical dimension. Many illustrations enrich Grubauer's book and help to clarify his text. The travel book of the Kruyt's presents few visual aids to the narrative. The first ethnographic contribution about the Sa'dan-Toraja of real importance dates from 1923/24: 'De Toradja's van de Sa'dan, Masoepoe, en Mamasa-rivieren'. This article, by A. C. Kruyt, almost book length (± 240 pages), appeared in the Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Landen Volkenkunde edited by the Bataviaasch Genootschap

whoie. The findings presented, nonetheless, are significant. Contents include rites of passage, the cult of the dead, headhunting, a number of myths, especially those in which animals play a part, and data concerning religion, kinship terms and marriage procedures. No clear portrayal of the social structure, however, is to be found. In his article ·from 1921, 'De Boea' en eenige andere feesten der Toradja's van Rantepao en Makale' [The Bua' and other feasts of the Toraja of Rantepao and Makale] which likewise appeared in the Tijdschrift of the Batavian Society, J. Kruyt, A. C. Kruyt's son, provided an exposition of the major rituals of 'the east side' or, in other words, concerning the realm of the living (see Vol. 11); other rituals he described were those celebrated by a large territorial or family group. The younger Kruyt's treatment of the vast bua'-feast in Pangala' is detailed and extremely valuable. Such praise cannot, alas, be bestowed on his father's publication of 1935, Het stamfeest op Midden-Celebes [The triba! feast in Centra! Celebes]. Comparison of diverse tribal celebrations among the peoples of Sulawesi known by the collective name Toraja could have been intriguing, had Kruyt not interposed all sorts of theories in his material. Because he interpreted miscellaneous symbols according to his own persona! predisposition, detecting sun symbology in practically every object that hit his eye, his article suffers from a certain 'sun blindness'. As early as 1924 H. van der Veen had appended an important supplement to the ethnographic report of A. C. Kruyt. lts subject was the priests of the Sa'dan-Toraja: De Priesters en Priesteressen bij de Sa 'dan Toradja's (see Van der Veen 1924). The linguist Van der Veen's intense interest in the Sa'danese and their way of life culmi- nated in further publications: Een wichel-litanie der Sa'dan-Toradja's

Of a completely different nature are the Memories van Overgave, documents written by diverse civil servants without narrative or exposition but dense with facts. Certain Memories deserve separate mention: A. Dirks (1938) gives much information about the cultivation of rice; F. G. Groeneveld (1938) is instructive about the land and people, about adat-communities and rituals for the dead; L. Pronk (1935) noted down data of interest about the Pantilang-Toraja, a group which now lives in Luwu'. G. Seinstra's Memorie van Overgave covered a wide range of subjects, from geography, population density, religion and rituals, priests and rites of passage (with special notice given to mortuary ceremonies) to the caste structure and adat- communitiesP Seinstra, as was invariably true of the reports left by civil servants, invoked no theories. One Memorie has actually been printed, that by Nobele (1926): it is of special interest for its author's account of the rituals for the dead, and of rice cultivation -including the rice ritual -in Ma'kale, one of the puang-areas. It is regrettable that Nobele is not more precise with his spelling of Toraja words. Van Lijf's Memorie (1947) eventually provided him with the constituent ingredients of two articles in the periodical Indonesië: 'Kentrekken en Problemen van de Geschiedenis der Sa'dan-Toradja-landen' [Themes and problems in the history of Sa'dan-Toraja lands]

1905-1950' (Indonesië V 1951/52: 352-375; 12).13 1 combine comment on these articles for they genera te the impression that they are both groundwork for a book which Van Lijf's demise in 1957 prevented him from com- pleting. Van Lijf's treatment of Sa'dan-Toraja history should be read in combination with the brochures of A. A. van de Loosdrecht Onder de Toradja's van Rante Pao [Among the Toraja of Rante Pao] (1921),

H. Pol Geschiedenis van Loewoe' [History of Luwu'] (1947) and
H. van der Veen Voorheen en thans [Then and now] (1938). Van Lijf dwells at leng th on the Toraja church and also reports on the condition at the time of the economy of Tana Toraja. He gives extensive material about adoption. Caution becomes necessary as soon as Van Lijf indulges in theoretical speculation. His remark ab out puang- ramages (or the puang-family) is a case in point: there is no evidence to support his contention th at these puang are the most recent immi- grants to arrive in Tana Toraja. Van Lijf's reflections on religion are likewise dubious: there is no reason to accept his division of religion into a 'low cult' presided over by the to minaa, and a 'high cult' under the ultimate authority of the to burake, a distinct category of priests and priestesses (see below IX.5; Van Lijf 1947/48: 1-2). The to minaa also performs office during the great bua'-feast which falls into Van Lijf's 'high cult' category. Besides, these to minaa are especially priests who are very weIl informed cOl1cerning customary law, religion and myths. Van Lijf's division into high and low cults makes all the less sense because it is not a distinction which the Toraja themselves make. On the other hand it should be mentioned that Van Lijf was one of the first to descern structure in Toraja religion where the realm of the East, of the living, stands in opposition to that of the West, of the dead. Muhamad Radjab in Toradja Sa 'dan (1952) also recognizes this fundamental dichotomy. It is too bad that his book, which together with A. C. Kruyt's article from 1923/24 is one of the most complete ethnographic treatments of the Sa'dan-Toraja, has never been translated into English. Radjab has ordered his material into a number of readily comprehensible sections; geographical description of the land, origin of the Sa'dan-Toraja, their settlement pattern and houses, agriculture and industry, social organization, marriage and family life, inheritance and adoption, rituals, autochthonic religion, mortuary rituals, Christianity and Islam. Although some data, those concerning education, for example, are out of date, Radjab's work remains

Ca to manurun) who descended from heaven to live on earth. Two of his articles deserve special mention: 'Puang Tamboro Langi' Membawa Sukaran Aluk Sanda Saratu' [Puang Tamborolangi' brings the complete 100 rituals (to earth)] (1967) and 'Pembahagian Sukaran Aluk' [The order of the rituals] (1968). The two articles are strictly factual and refrain from theories and speculation. In 1967 TandiIangi's 'Memperkenalkan Tongkonan' (later published in French in Archipel no. 10, 1975) appeared explaining the significance of tongkonan, important houses, famiIy centers. In 1968 yet another article was published, 'Tananan Basse', about the reaching of certain agreements -between a ruler and his subjects, for example. Ruefully, TandiIangi's contributions in the original are all but impossible to secure; they were reproduced in the periodical Bingkisan, a stenciIed bulletin circulated in a limited edition at Ujung Pandang. Toraja dan Kebudayaannya [The Toraja and their culture] by

L. T. Tangdilintin was published in 1975. It is in actuality a collection of a series of essays dealing with subjects which include: the name Toraja; Toraja autochthonic beliefs; the tongkonan, or house; the liang, or cliff grave; the rice barn; class divisions; fines at the dis-solution of marriage; inheritance. The volume also contains explanations about Toraja assemblies, about their markets, dances, woodcarving, about mandatory procedures at cock fights, etc. Tangdilintin makes asolid, scholarly impression. It is interesting, moreover, to become familiar with the vision which a Toraja has of his own

"Lepongan Bulan", or, synonymously "Matarik Allo", whieh mean, respectively, "Round as the Moon" and "Shaped like the Sun". To my mind these names apply to that more limited region whose inhabitants once formed an alliance against the invading Bonese prince Arung Palaka (see above, 1.5). Two authors have occupied themselves with topies whieh are not exclusively related -in the sense of their being an ethnographic description -to Toraja tradition. Raymond Kennedy's presentation of fieldwork notes (1953) only partially concern the Sa'dan-Toraja. He pays serious attention as well to the Makassarese and Buginese. One subject which he does broach is the Toraja world view in about the year 1950. He reaches the conc1usion that entrenched ethno- centrism still was dominant. Interested in social change, Kennedy provides ample information about social stratification and alterations therein, about marriages between different socia! classes, and about politieal consciousness. A comparison of Kennedy's work with Eric Crystal's article 'Cooking pot polities' (1974) suggests that in the twenty five year period since Kennedy carried out his research the Sa'dan-Toraja have become progressively interested in polities. Crystal makes it clear how the Toraja use traditional social structures to acquire political prestige. He explains how one member of a puang- family acquired apolitical following by expending every effort to see that the ritual for a deceased family member was carried out to perfection; the man's reward was appointment to a post in the modern administrative system. Although Harry Wilcox's book White Stranger (1949) is not strietly speaking ethnographic, it is a mine of information about how the Toraja raise their children, the process of socialization, character formation, daily life, rituals, etc. The book contains the author's impression dating from a period of residence in Tana Toraja shortly before 1950.

The Sa'dan-Toraja

ANNEX Ia

POPULATION OF TANA TORAJA ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1930 *

District Number District Number

Total

• Souree: Volkstelling 1930, dl. V, 1nheemse bevolking van Borneo, Celebes, de Kleine Soenda-eilanden en de Molukken, p. 132. ANNEX Ib THE POPULATION OF TANA TORAJA IN 1975

**

• Unmarried children: younger than 15 years.
• • The sum totals of the two tables do not tally, for reasons which the author is unable to explain.

POPULATION DISTRIBUTION BY KECAMATAN, 1975

KINSHIP STRUCTURE

11.1.2 Status ramages

11 .4 Kinship terminology

2. When a married woman has remained barren, she may eommit

(KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY

TUE CLASSES

111.1.1 Kesu'

(Merok: 22-23, verse 21)

2. Father noble -mother slave: child slave.

(= former kaunan)

Puang W. P. Sombolinggi'):

SOCIO-POLITICAL ORGANIZATION

bua'-or penanian (the bua'-areas, see IV.1.2);

patang penanian (see IV.1.3);

lembang (see IV.IA);

tallulembangna (see IV.1.7).

1. Pantilang, which has a claim to the title 'The Great Rice Mortar' (cf. Buntao' and the Pitung penanian);
2. Maindo, with the title A'riri Bassi ('The Iron Headpost' or 'The Iron Pillar');
3. Kanna', situated along the upper reaches of the Jenemaeja, with the title Sembang Kada ('He who speaks the decisive word');
4. Bolu, under a chief who bears the title Balimbing Kalua' ('The Great Root') also called Lo'ko tang kauranan ('Cave where one escapes from the rain'). What exactly the functions of the heads of these tongkonan entail, is something I have been unable to ascertain. All four titleholders had the legal (administrative) position of parengnge' lompo, or great parengnge' (for the parengnge', see chapter lIl). To assist them (but more probably as their superior) an official of the princedom of Luwu' resided in the area. Pantilang is at times alluded to as the 'Sixty Tongkonan', the Annan Pulona Tongkonan. Indeed, each of the Tongkonan A'pa' exercised jurisdiction over fifteen tongkonan of lesser status. The heads of these tongkonan bore the title of indo' pa/apa. It is reported as exceptional that this adat-community, which in 1935 included some 11,500 people dispersed over thirty-six settlements, did not celebrate the major bua'-ritual. The greatest ritual observed was the merok-feast. The small bua'-ritual (bua' padang) may have been known, but no relevant information has come to light. Every year some of the leading persons of Pantilang went to Luwu' to pay homage to the Datu ('Prince'). A cock was invariably part of their tribute. In return they received from the Prince sowing rice which he, personally, had blessed. IV.1.5 Buntao', an autonomous patang penanian Buntao' lies east· of the territory of Kesu'; the region is apatang penanian, a federation of four villages. The significance of this union is above all obvious at the time of ritual observances (see Vol. II: The rites of the merok in Buntao'). Similar village leagues also appear elsewhere in Tana Toraja, notably in Kesu'. Buntao' is thus subdivided

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T.M. Tikunna Malehong

1. Longga Patalo, to the sou th of Kaero, with Kolaa' as its tongkonan, entitled To Pasumbungan Puduk, Paumpu' Pau-Pau ('The Spokesman; the Joiner of Words, the Conveyor of Words'). If someone wanted to enter Kaero he was not aUowed to do so straightaway but had first to pay his respects in Longga Patalo. This even holds for the To A'pa' as weU!
2. Mariangga, to the east of Kaero, with tongkonan Kasaean, entitled Tumanan Talinga tang bimbang lemedan pi/i' tang pingo-pingo. Translation of this elaborate title is difficult. Tumanan talinga means 'pricking up the ears'; tang bimbang means 'not tilting, not wavering towards one side'. Apparently the title refers to a certain vigilance, because it was the task of this functionary (or functionaries) to report directly to the Londong Kila' (state administrator no. 2 above) if he (they) observed any signs of unrest 10caUy (thus in Sangalla').
3. To' Kalumpini', with Karassik as its tongkonan, entitled Disangan Kande Pakunna Sikambi' Kaunan Matutu lan tangnga sarinna Kalindo Bulanan. The title means something like: 'Who is caUed af ter the ferns which are his food together with the assiduous slaves in the midst of the elite surrounding His Majesty'. When an important feast was scheduled (a ritual for the dead or another celebration), the leading functionary from this group was entrusted with arranging the chores of the kaunan, such as the fetching of water, the gathering of firewood, etc.
4. Salembe' with tongkonan Kalintua' with the title Disangan Kande Pakunna Sikambi' Tona' Tedong pa'lak etc. This title is also difficult to translate. Disangan Kande Pakunna: 'who is caUed af ter the ferns which are his food'; Sikambi': 'care for each other'; Tona' tedong: 'the power of the buffaloes', thus something like 'taking care of the

7. Sae Kallong at Kasanan who acted as midwife in the palace and if necessary and possible, as wet-nurse of a new prince or princess. The functions listed above fall to kaunan who descend from a particular figure. There were thus usually a sort of court attendant and feIl under the kaunan bulaan, the highest category of slaves (see
   
   111.2). In the lili' of the Basse Maruang there are five villages: 1. Suaya;
8. Katangka; 3. Wala (Uala); 4. Raru'; 5. the area between Siya and Kambutu.
   
   E. Next come the dependent regions (lili') designated as Ada' Bitti' (literally: 'Small Adat'). These include the following tongkonan:
9. Bokko, entitled To dipaulunna Sangalla' ('The one who is placed as the Head of Sangalla' '), also at times referred to as the Tallung penanian ('The Three Regions'): Tambunan, Tandan Batu and Bokko.
10. Bebo', entitled Talinga rara'na Kabarrean Alloan, or else, Dipari- matanna Kabarrean allo, which mean: 'The splendid Ear of the Illustrious, the splendid Eye of the Illustrious'; the title joined to the tongkonan alludes to vigilance.
11. Tumanete, entitled A'riri Posi' (the a'riri posi' is the most important of the piles of a tongkonan; see VIII.1). The function allied with Tumanete implied that the functionary was spokesman and chairman during meetings (in this region ?).
12. Aa', entitled To dipalisuna Umbu' ('He who is made into the soft center of the young rice grain'; palisuna = center; umbu' = the young rice at the point of coming into the ear). This functionary assists the Pa'palumbangan (see A4).
    
    5. Tongkonan To Gandang in Sarapang, with the title Gandang Boro ('the Good Drum, the Peaceful Drum').
    
    6. Tongkonan Padandan (reported by a different informant as tongkonan Sibunoan) at Kaliba', also bearing the title Gandang Bora.
    
    F. Finally there are the dependent regions known by the ambiguous name of Padang diAluk, a designation which -perhaps -may be explained as land according to custom (belonging to Sangalla'). The explanation is uncertain. Padang means earth or land, aluk ritual and, occasionally, custom. To these belong:
13. Batualu, entitled Liku Lambe'na Kalindo Bulanan, alias Tasik

pre-eminent tongkonan). The first title means: 'The vast, deep pool of the Majestic One'. The alias signifies: 'The wavy sea of the Splendid One'. There is a titie connected to Buntu: Pekampa Langsa', Perompo Durian i.e. 'The guarding of the langsa' (a fruit, Lansium domesticum), The fencing of the durian' (also a fruit, Durio Zibethinus Murr). This tongkonan is spoken of as the deputy of that of the puang. In this region also tongkonan Papa tallang (Pada tallang?) should be mentioned, with its associated title: Samungan pudukna Kalindo Bulanan.

2. Simbuang (Sibuang),I2 entitled 'the Space under the House for the buffaloes' (Ta disulu' Tedong) or 'The Buffalo Corral' (To dibon- tong Karambau), with Marintang as its leading tongkonan which bears the title Bara' Bulaanna Kalindo Bulanan Manete Kandauren Kabarrean Allo ('The Golden Longitudinal Beam of the Majestic One, The Ridge Beam of the Splendid One th at shines like an Ornament of Beads'). This tongkonan, situated in the east of Sangalla', functions as a kind of sentry or sentine1 (to the east lies Luwu').
3. UIuwai (UIu uai), designated as Ingkok Bulaanna Kalindo Bulanan ('The Golden Tail of the Kalindo Bulanan') and also as the Taru'tuk Kandaurena Allo. The first title is connected to the southerly location of Ulu uai which now lies in Mengkendek. The second I cannot explain because no translation is known for Taru'tuk. Furthermore Tandilangi' (1967) makes mention of Pada Tallang, faIling under the Padang diAluk, as the spokesman of the Kalindo Bulanana. The functions which are fulfilled in the Ada' Bitti' and Padang diAluk are of different kinds. Here, too, we encounter a protective, perhaps defensive task. To dipaulunna Sangalla' ('The Head of Sangalla' ') kept a look-out against possible dangers that might come from the north; the 'Tail of Sangalla', was alert to threats originating to the south; Simbuang guarded against dangel' from eastern SOUl"CeS, the former state of Luwu'. Batualu also had a function at feasts and saw to the completeness of rituals. The Talinga rara'na Sangalla', as mentioned, kept their ears open; they functioned as a sort of intelligence or security force for the leading tongkonan, that is, for Kaero. The Gandang Boro was occupied with affairs which 'went forth' from the prince, the Kalindo Bulanan Kabarrean Allo (my informant let the word 'propaganda' fall in con- neotion with this office, yet the word strikes me as too western to c1arify the job of the Gandang Boro satisfactorily). Moreover, ,there

Umbu' had a similar function.

Furthermore the Borisan Rinding ('the Boundaries of the Wall') should still receive mention. They remained attentive to everything that happened inside their region. If there was a feast, they brought the barasang (large basket shut with a lid) in their retinue as a sign that they had already brought a kerbau (buffalo) or a pig to the leading tongkonan (= Kaero). They did not sit down until a mat was spread for them because only once the mat was down was their reception official. Although Sangalla', like Kesu', was built up of smaller territorial units (penanian, and others), it had a rather different structure. lts administration was more centralized; the significance of the prince -a central figure who in Kesu' actually was non-existent -was great even though, in all sorts of worldly affairs he was very much dependent on the cooperation of his nobles who all owned their private territories. The prince's greatness was primarily a matter of the elaborate ceremonial that formed the real focus of his subjects' life and interests. This prevalence of ritual and ceremonial values has a solid basis in myth. The myths of Tamborolangi' and Lakipadada contain the origin of the princely families in the puang-Iands (see VI.2.1). In Sangalla', as in other puang-regions, important regalia of mythical origin are in safe-keeping. These regalia are still preserved in the princely tongkonan and brought forward at great rituals. We do not know what terms were used to speak of the princes of Ma'kale and Mengkendek (respectively the older and younger brothers of the prince of Sangalla'). We do know, however, how the puang of Sangalla' was referred to:

"Gleaming like the Moon, Shining as the Sun, When he raises his voice, no one can oppose him, When he makes a statement, no one can disagree. His origins merit awe, his ancestors deserve honour. He dwells in a palace that is like a diamond, He takes repose in a house that is like a precious stone ... "

(Puang Paliwan Tandilangi' 1975: 96)

Tandilangi's versions of the puang's titles differs somewhat from translations which Van der Veen provided for me: the prince is not illuminated by the celestial bodies, rather he is compared to them.

The Sa'dan-Toraja

On the basis of Tandilangi's text it is possible to associate the prince with Puang Matua and Pong Tulakpadang who represented day and night. His realm, too, is Lepongan Bulan ('Round as the Moon'), Pandan Matari' Allo ('Extensive as the Sun'). The puang is illustrious and exalted, and, judging from the conditions set for the successor of such a prince, he is more than an ornamental figure. Whenever the diverse councils within his princedom gathered, he had the decisive voice, for example, in discussions concerning war and peace. When. it was impossible to settle a quarrel at the village level, the case was laid before the puang. Certain puang, such as Lasok Rinding who died in 1968, were extremely knowledgeable about ada' and aluk, about the adat and the ritual. The prince is the center of his domain, but he does not stand alone. He is protected by his 'Four Tongkonan' (The Tongkonan A'pa') and his 'Four Cornerposts of Sangalla" (Limbu A'pa'na Sangalla'). The Tongkonan A'pa' lie primarily to the west and south of the prince's residence; perhaps they mark the border between West and East, two spheres which are strictly segregated. The western part is that of the earth and ancestors from '01 den times', the eastern that of the ancestors who, deified, ascended to heaven. The house of the puang has the tongkonan of myth, 'the Swaying House' (Ban ua diToke'), home of his ancestor originating in heaven, as its prototype. It has 'Four Cornerposts' (the Limbu A'pa'na Sangalla') which represent the four cardinal wind directions (NW, NE, SW, SE); these, as it were, assure the safety and keep guard over the puang's tongkonan. The center (Tongkonan Kaero) is surrounded by four tongkonan and protected by four others on the western side; Sangalla' numbers twice four plus one (= nine) important tongkonan. The dignitaries cited above be10nged to the nobility. The lili' Ada' Tangnga Sali included the to makaka, while those of the Basse Maruang contained the slaves so that, as far as class is concerned, a tri-partite division existed. The to makaka, the free, stand between the nobility -with the prince as their leading figure -and the unfree. This perhaps explains why the titleholders in this group function as media tors or go-betweens: no one is permitted to enter Kaero without the knowledge first of 'The Joiner of Words'. The 'Eyes' and 'Ears' of this class must report all irregularities and iniquities to the Londong Kila', the state administrator who is entrusted with affairs of defense. Yet another of these functionaries acted as intermediary between the palace

Sali (',the Adat of the Middle Room') by remembering the position whieh this room (the sali) occupies in the houses of Sangalla': as far as elevation is eoneerned, it lies midway between the other two rooms (the nobility? the slaves?). The Basse Maruang are the slaves. Their periphrastie title 'Those who are used like buffaloes on the sawah' makes their position in the past explicit (one should realize that this past is not so very far behind us). The hewing of wood and the drawing of water were slaves' tasks. It is striking, however, that slaves were also given important functions such as conveying messages between the tongkonan Layuk (Kaero) and those of the To A'pa'. Their offices also included earing for the children of royalty, for the apparel of those in'the pal ace', for the thirst and hunger of palace residents. The agreement or the bond contracted with the slaves in the past specified that not only did they have duties, but rights as well.

The following should be added to this description of Sangalla'. The state stood in a certain relation to the prineedom of Luwu'. The prince of Sangalla' had aspecifie title: Datu Matampu' ('The Prince of the West'). The prince of Luwu' was the Datu Matallo ('The Prince of the East'). The two states thus stood in a west-east relation to eaeh other. The one was the 'Lord of the Dominion of the Sinking Sun', the other was 'Lord of the Kingdom of the Rising Sun'. The riee ritual falls in the sphere of the rituals of the East. Once a year a delegation from the prince of Sangalla' brought a cock to the Datu of Luwu'; he in turn presented a gift of sowing riee. The custom is known as melondong Datu ('the bringing of a cock to the Datu', the prince). I do not know how far into this century Sangalla' eontinued paying this tribute -for it eertainly is a tribute -but there ean be no misunderstanding about the relation. It is one of West and East in whieh West is necessarily inferior to East.

IV.1.8 Ma'kale and Mengkendek Ma'kale consisted of four federations of bua' (penanian): Ma'kale (with 8 bua'), Kasimpo (with 4 bua'), Pabuarang (with 6 bua') and Mendetek (with 6 bua'). The state was ruled by a puang. In his administrative task, he was assisted by:

1. the Tanduk Tata' who resolved law cases which eould not be settled within a bua'-circle;

constitute the other half. These five areas were under the authority of a Tanduk Tata' (or of the Tanduk Tata'?), the other three under a Papalumbangan. The Papalumbangan, too, had an administrative task. Another part of Mengkendek is that of the adat-communities Gandangbatu, Silanan and Tampo. Silanan has an adat that differs in many respects from that of Mengkendek. I t was originally an independent rea1m that united (vo1untarily or under compu1sion) with Mengkendek and afterwards was called Bassena Tau Karua, Tau Sangpulo ('The League of the Peop1e of the Eight [= Mengkendek] with the Peop1e of the Ten [= Silanan]')Y

IV.2 The village: functions

IV.2.l Introduction A village (tondok) consists of farmsteads that are somewhat dispersed. Before the arriva1 of the Dutch the farms stood closer together. Villages then were usually surrounded by an earthen rampart. One can divide the village area in three:

a. the compounds, where houses (and opposite them, rice barns) stand;
b. cultivated land, padang or -sometimes -pempatuanna. The latter word usually denotes the complex of irrigated rice fie1ds, the most valued of all arab1e land;
c. the village woodland, pangala'. Within the village area a1so fall: graveyards (sometimes in combination with other villages); the rante kala'paran, a field where the important rites of the great bua'-feast take p1ace (sometimes severa1 villages possess su eh a terrain collectively); the rante, a flat space where the concluding rites of the entombment rituals are ce1ebrated (in some regions, e.g. in the Tallu1embangna, this space is called the

·centers of special importance. The position of these tongkonan 15 is also a subject to which extensive attention will be devoted in the discussion of ritual (Vol. I1). The settlement plays a great role in the life of the Toraja. The significance of the villages is closely related to the significance of ritual in society. The Toraja concept of an ideal, archetypal settlement (as a place where rich people live, a spot where all thrives and prospers) is conveyed in Van der Veen's translation of the Lofprijzing op de gemeenschap der dorpen [Laudation of the community of the villages]. (Van der Veen 1979: 199-212.) From the standpoint of administrative organization, the village is the smallest autonomous unit. Van Baal (1972: 306-316) has directed attention to the fact that in Indonesia the power of the prince extended as far as the village-borders. This statement hardly obtains for the Toraja: the might of the puang in the Tallulembangna permeated far into the villages. It is true that at present in certain instances this might is on the decline, yet, on the other hand, certain members of the puang-ramage are still resourceful enough to exercise their authority through a clever combination of the adat and of opportunities provided by the modern political system (see Crystal 1974). The material culture of the Indonesian village prior to World War 11 has been excellently described. Yet, how such settlements functioned in practice, th~ way things proceeded at the administrative-organizational level, is a matter which presented great difficulties to outsiders who tried to penetrate into its daily ins and outs. The best

"Oh, ancestor, thou who hast founded the village in its fullest extent (literally: lepongan tondok, 'the circ1e of the village') we desire blessings, for the good day has dawned upon which we, the golden descendants, appear before thee" (The Chant: 7)

The descendants of this village founder are the anak patalo or the gora-gora tongkon (see 111.1.2). The construction of the first sawah is also significant; people are still able to point out which rice field was the first. It is referred to with a categorical name: tandung tiulu ('the first sawah laid out'; Woordenboek: 679, v. tiulu: that which is the beginning, the source; or tandung: spacious field).

IV.2.2. Kinship in the set/lement Pangala tondok is the appellation of the founders of the village. Their descendants can occupy different positions in the settlement. It is probable that a large proportion of village inhabitants is related to each other, yet no research confirming this probability has yet been carried out. Kennedy, however, speaks of village endogamy and argues that, should someone choose to marry a spouse from 'far off', this could raise difficulties when the time came for celebrations (in this case, especially mortuary feasts): invited family members would then have to travel a vast di stance (Kennedy 1953: 161). This depends, however, on the kind of feasts to be observed: for a merok-ritual relatives convene from far and wide. Thus, despite village endogamy, one has kin who live far away. This is above all true for the upper classes, but even for the lower classes the term village endogamy should not be accepted as strictly valid.

IV.2.3 Local divisions in connection with the offices which village residents hold The majority of the village population farm; an extremely small percentage holds an office in govemment, or works as a craftsman (for statistical profile, see Kennedy 1953: 159-160). Of ten people both

aidP The word saroan comes from sara ('payment or compensation for work'). A sangsaroan is a group of people who inhabit such a ward together. In rotation they farm each other's land. Af ter the fields of one have been cultivated, work begins on the land of another fellow saroan-resident, and so on, until the work of all has been accomplished. Mutual aid also takes the form of helping to repairand to maintain the sawah dikes. People also assist each other during the menammu pare-sacrifice that is made at the start of the harvest (these Toraja words have the literal meaning of 'receiving the rice, bringing the rice in'). The offering takes pI ace at the time people are about to start to harvest the ripe grain; a thanksgiving offering is then made to the rice. Every saroan performs this menammu separately. All the inhabitants of the ward are supposed to contribute towards procuring the number of pigs needed for the sacrifice; contributions consists of rice or of money. From every house, moreover, a pot full of boiled rice must be brought to the pI ace of the sacrifice, part of the contents of which will be used in the offering (Woordenboek: 363, v. menammu). The sangtepo padang are each divided into four to six saroan {in

saroan, too, has a name. One of the four quarters is taken to be the oldest, and here more village tongkonan are situated than in any of the other quarters. To take Marante as an example:

1. Tondok, the 'oldest' quarter, includes tongkonan Buntuasa, Sullukan, To Mendarang,18 Rante, Katik;
2. Bo'ne has tongkonan Balatan, Pa'utanan, Sudu;
3. Linda has tongkonan Tampang Allo, Sura' and Sipate;
4. Balatana, the newest quarter, contains only tongkonan Bakeke.
   II I I I I I I I r---f--- --Lï-L-- I I I I I I I I I I I I I I

I r---T--- -t------

I I I I I I I I J

a

< > < b >

Fig. IV.1 Sehematie representation of the division of a village into four sang-

tepo padang (a), and four to six saroan (b). In reality the division is not likely to be so absolutely geometrie, nor so precisely oriented to the direetions of the wind. It is usual, as in Marante, for the senior sangtepo padang to oeeupy the highest part of the viIIage site.

Seven of this total of twelve tongkonan have a to parengnge' at their head. The tongkonan without a to parengnge' are apparently of later origin. Each of the to parengnge' has a specific title (Kennedy 1953:

152). The village council exercises authority over the village as a whoIe; its members are the anak patalo, the heads of the village quarters and of their constituent saroan, and experienced old men,

makaka.20Every saroan also has its head, the pangarak ('he who calls people to do their duty'); formerly these duties included the sta tu tory labour prescribed by the colonial administration. Saroan-heads, in contrast to the heads of the four quarters who must always be nobles, may belong to any class. Besides, the village of Marante is also part of a federation with three other villages: Mengke'pe', Tandung and Karatuan. They are known as patang penanian, a federation of four bua'-communities (Woordenboek: 379). The complex of the four villages is compared by Kennedy to the Javanese moncapat; similar divisions into four, as is well-known, exist also elsewhere in Indonesia (cf. Duyvendak 1940: 116; Van Ossenbruggen 1918; and IV.1.3 above). Although the comparison is not without ground, the impact of this partition into four should not be overestimated. It is a trend, not a must. Thus, for example, when buffalo meat is exchanged as part of the ma'kande padang, one of the mortuary rituals, me at will be presented to three neighbouring villages. If the village happens to be contiguous to three other villages, but if there are only two neighbouring villages, then there will be but three partners in the exchange relation. Whenever several kerbau are sacrificed in the course of a mortuary feast, four, let us say, then, according to Kennedy, each of the partners in a four-strong exchange relation such as that which characterizes the patang penanian will receive one buffalo (1953: 181). This is perhaps an oversimplification of what happens; presumably specific parts of every kerbau sacrificed were distributed among the three other villages. The internal structure of one village may weIl differ from that of others. At times the parts of a village in Kesu' constitute together a single bua'-circle, at times each of the parts separately is already such a community whose members celebrate the bua'-feast collectively. The village of Angin-angin, also in Kesu', has a subdivision into halves. The village is split into two: the more elevated portion in designated as donalu (do = above; lu = [up] there); the lower as diongnalu (diong = below).21 The leading personage in each village-half of Angin-angin is the sokkong bayu (literaIly: 'the collar of the jacket').22 His other name is datu muane ('lord' or 'prince'). The sokkong bayu

completed the number of 8 functionaries, 8 being a favourite number in Sa'dan-Toraja culture. In Angin-angin donalu the sokkong bayu is the heir of the oldest tongkonan (the 'mother'-tongkonan), tongkonan Komba; the to us- somba tedong is the head of tongkonan Manaeng, a tongkonan of longer standing than the other functionaries listed be10w him. Among the other titleholders there are those who are the heads of tongkonan of more or less equivalent rank. Not all functionaries are heads of a tongkonan, only the first four on the list. There are four tongkonan in upper-Angin-angin (donalu), and four in lower-Angin-angin (diongnalu). There is a story that in the past an altercation arose as a consequence of a dis agreement (sisakka) between the to parengnge' of Komba and of tongkonan Manaeng. The sokkong bayu of Komba practically lost this dispute. The village council convened to make peace; the function of datu baine remained the privilege of tongkonan Manaeng, but at the same time tongkonan Parinding was also awarded this title. (The situation is not altogether clear, presumably tongkonan Parinding was an ally of tongkonan Komba.) This controversy took pI ace about five generations ago, in any event af ter the untulak buntunna Bone (information from L. Pakan). Diongnalu has the same allotment of titles as donalu. If a person holds a feast in one section of Angin-angin and slaughters a buffalo, the beast is divided in two; half is then given to the other section of the village (cf. the pa tang penanian). Angin-angin, too, is subdivided into saroan, wards whose populations are pledged to mutual aid just as in Marante, the village where Kennedy carried out his study. What obtains for Angin-angin is true for the whole of Tikunna Malenong, the complex of villages around the cliff of Malenong: Ba'tan, Tonga, Angin-angin and Pao. The principal lines along which the internal division of the villages takes place are the same. In all these villages, donalu and diongnalu either each constitute a bua'-circle (Angin-angin) or together make up a single bua'-community to which all inhabitants belong (Ba'tan). Titles are connected to particular tongkonan. Members of a tongkonan propase someone for a title from among the descendants of the founders of their house; their nomination must be confirmed by the village council. The installation of the sokkong bayu, or of another important to parengnge' takes place during the merok-feast or some

The Sa'dan-Toraja

other major ritual. A great ritual is the occasion which gives substance to these titles, whether it be a merok-, a great bua'-feast or any other big celebration for which guests are invited from far and near.

Por the offices which exist in the village of Tonga in the territory of Kesu', see Vol. 11 sub Manganta'. Below follows a summary of titleholders in Ba'tan, Kesu'. Here the two village-halves, Ba'tan doan and Ba'tan diongan, do not have identical sets of titles, but have the various functions divided between them.

Titleholders in Ba'tan, Kesu'

Ba'tan doan

1. Sokkong bayu (datu muane) a title belonging to tongkonan Banua Sura' founded by its ancestor To Batu (or Emba Tau); he de- livers the mangimbo ('prayer') at the following feasts:
   a. merok
   

   b. mangrara banua

c. la'pa' kasalle (i.e. bua' kasalle)
d. la'pa' padang (i.e. bua' padang) He recites the prayer in the yard of the celebrating tongkonan.

Ba'tan diongan

2. Datu baine, a title belonging

to tongkonan Ne' Pareakan founded by Palibiran who named it af ter his grandfather; he performs the massomba tedong, the consecration of the sacrificial kerbau at the following feasts:

a. merok

b. mangrara banua (if a kerbau

is sacrificed)

c. la'pa' kasalle He also performs the mangimbo inside the celebrating house at the mangrara banua and the merok but only over sacrificial pigs.24

4. Ma'sanduk, a title belonging

to tongkonan To' Kamiri', founded by Sa'abu, another of To Batu's sons. Performs at same feasts as No. 3 but fulfi1s his office inside the tongkonan rather than in the yard.

3. Ma'sanduk, a title belonging

to tongkonan Tangdo Ruma-ruma; founded by one of To Batu's sons. He performs the ma'sanduk within the compound at the following feasts:

a. mangrara banua

b. merok

c. la'pa' kasalle

listed under ma'sanduk above; this takes place outside, in the yard of the compound.

7. Sipalakuan 26 is a title belonging to tongkonan Tarra'. This functionary assists the sokkong bayu at meetings, rituals and minor rites. When troubles arise, hls help is asked. He also assists at offerings.

perform their task.)

Ba'tan diongan

6. Mantobok, a title belonging to tongkonan Kalimbu'bu; he stabs sacrificial animals to death inside the house during the feasts specified under ma'sanduk above.25
8. Sipalakuan, a title belonging to tongkonan Lempo'; this house, however, stands in Ba'tan doan. For his function, see sub 7.
(Note: the functionaries under 3, 4, 5 and 6 are actually also petulak ('helpers'), for they, too, assist the sokkong bayu and the datu baine in the event of difficulties, during rituals and at meetings. Meetings invariably take place in the compound of the sokkong bayu's tongkonan. Tulak means to support, i.e. here: to help higher functionaries

All the titleholders cited above are counted among the to parengnge'. The matua ulu below are not. They are to makaka. A matua ulu prays for rain if no rain falls at the time people want to sow.

Ba'tan doan Ba'tan diongan

9. Matua ulu, a function be-10. Matua ulu, a function belonging to tongkonan To' Kamiri longing to tongkonan Pong Babu. (Note: there are two houses with this name in Ba'tan).
11. Matua ulu, a function be-12. Matua ulu, a function belonging to tongkonan Lelelamba. longing to tongkonan Kaluku
founded by Tumbang.

The matua ulu of tongkonan To' Kamiri functions as the mangrande londong at the merok-feast and at the la'pa' kasalle-feast, and also during the mangrara banua (if a kerbau is sacrificed). The mangrande

The Sa'dan-Toraja

londong is the one who holds the cock, which is sacrificed during the consecration of the kerbau which is to be put to death. The matua ulu of tongkonan Pong Bau' is the mangrere londong, the one who cuts the neck of the cock sacrificed during the feasts mentioned above. There is still another matua ulu; he probably is the same as the pariasuru', a functionary who performs at the ma'nene' (ma'tomatua). He is a member of tongkonan Tangke Mamali. In addition to all these functionaries and titleholders there are also eight to indo' pa'dang and three to minaa, distributed between Ba'tan doan and diongan. Here follows a list of the to indo'; no further data

Ba'tan diongan

2. Member of tongkonan Kullin. (For function, see under 1.)
3. Kullin Tangnga is the tongkonan of th is to indo'; he, too, functions as ma'sanduk but it was not reported during what ritual(s) in particular.
4. Mabu is the tongkonan. See further under 5.
   

   is available about the to minaa.

To indo' padang

Ba'tan doan

1. Member of tongkonan Bamba bamba. Functions of this leader are the mangimbo at
   a. tawan pemali
   b. ussembong bunu'

   (See Vol. 11, the rice ritual.)

2. To' Kaluku is the tongkonan, ma'sanduk the function, at umbu- kai pemali, the terminating of the food taboos during the rice ritual.

3. Pasang Ma'dika is the tongkonan, Mantobok the function or title. This to indo' officiates during massabu pantanda. (See Vol.
   11.)
4. Banua Sura' is the tongkonan, pabalian helper, the function, mangrara, the rite. (Mangrara or mangrara banua is an important rite accompanying the founding of a house; see VIII.1.1).
5. Banua Sura' is the tongkonan. This, however, lies in Ba'tan doan. Function identical to 7. This to indo' officiates at the mangkaro palembang ('the digging of the diteh'), a rite in the rice ritual.

Not all rites can be performed by functionaries in Ba'tan. The to menani, a person who functions during the bua' padang-ritual, is an office attached to tongkonan Buntu Karunanga in Angin-angin. Several of the tongkonan mentioned in this context are each other's sibali, i.e. there is a bond of reciprocity between them. If, for example, a buffalo is sacrifieed during a ritual observed by the members of tongkonan Ne' Pareakan, then the head of the animal is sent to tongkonan To' Kamiri. To' Kamiri repays the gesture when it observes an appropriate ritual.

+--+

+--+ +- -+ +--+ Tangdo Ruma-ruma +--+ Tammun Allo

Nonongan

In Nonongan in the village of Kanuruan, for example, a rather different division of offices exists. Here there is a quartet of functionaries who are to parengnge':

1. the sokkong bayu;
2. the to ma'sanduk;
3. the to manobok;
4. the tulakna lamba'. No. 4, 'the supporter of the lamba'-tree', the prop of the protector, is also described as a functionary who is ever in readiness to help No. 1 at his tasks. No. 2 is designated as the substitute of No. 1; No. 3 as a 'messenger' or someone to whom all kinds of chores can be delegated. Also important in Kanuruan are the four ambe' tondok (the heads of the saroan), the to indo' (of which there are twenty-four) and the to minaa. They all have a seat on the village council. The elders who are consulted because of their accumulated experience, are designated as the matua ulu. In this village, the upper layer of the class of free farmers (usually designated as nobility, and in Nonongan, as already reported, called gora-gora tongkon) is of the same importance as the to parengnge' who fiU offices like that of sokkong bayu, etc. If an ambe' tondok (ambe' saroan) wants to give a feast, he is only obliged

The Sa'dan-Toraja

to inform the gora(-gora) tongkon, of his intention. All these ambe' ton dok are to makaka. The appellations of titleholders, functionaries, etc. thus differ from district to district and even from viIlage to viIlage. They officiate during feasts rather than in the routine of every day life. During rituals, the number of these functionaries is increased (see, for example, the description of the manganta', Convers ion Rituals in Vol. 11). Side by side with the functionaries here mentioned there are officials who occupy a post in the current administrative system (viIlage head, etc.). They, too, form part of the impressive body of local authorities who, together, contribute to thc glory of a festive celebration. In Kesu' villages usually exhibit a twofold division; separate parts are distinguished by the notions 'high' and 'low'. The datu muane ('prince') resides in Ba'tan 'high'; the datu baine ('princess') in Ba'tan 'low'. At times the male-female opposition is repeated: in Angin-angin, for example, there is a datu muane and a datu baine in each half of the settlement. During rituals the datu muane sits on the southwest side of the floor beneath the rice barn (the part of the alang where those who command respect sit to overlook the feast), the datu baine on the southeastern side; the prince sits to the right, the princess to the left (these places can also be occupied by the anak patalo, cf. VIII.2). Women of the noble class sit further back. People of less status take pi aces on the ground in the yard; they are protected from the sun bypalm branches.

IV.2.4 Summary The larger adat-communities are composites of smaller units, usually bua'-circles, which usually are conterminous with viIlages or organized parts of viIlages. These smaller units continue to function today if there remain sufficient adherents to the Aluk to Dolo to celebrate relevant rituals. A few of the larger communities such as the lembang or patang penanian of Buntao' are still operational as such because there are enough people who still harbour ancient beliefs so that rites can be organized. This is also true of the adat-communities in Pangala', in the lembang Sa'dan, and on the slopes of the mountain of Sesean. Sangalla', too, a vast area, was still an adat-community in the traditional sense of this designation as recently as 1970. Yet, these adat-communities no longer make decisions concerning war and peace

and they have been deprived of certain powers, such as those of passing Iegal judgement. Although contemporary political figures -members of the old nobility -sometimes make use of autochthonic structures as they once functioned within adat-communities, the modern era has spelled the demise of many major lembang such as, for exampIe, Kesu'.

11

RELIGIOUS NOTIONS, SYMBOLS, AND FUNCTION ARIES

CHAPTER V

PROMINENT CHARACTERISTICS OF SA'DAN·TORA,A RELIGION

And Pong Lalondong said "1 will enter the Land of the Souis, in order to cut short the lives of those whose span of life is near its end" (Merok: 73)

V.1 Introduction

The original religion of the Sa'dan·Toraja was named Aluk to Dolo (literally: 'Ritual of the Ancients'). Sometimes a somewhat briefer form is used, Alukta. The suffix ta probably is derived from tau, man, people, so that the term may be translated as Ritual (Religion) of Man. The Aluk to Dolo was officially recognized as a legitimate form of religious observance related to Hinduism sometime around 1970. Although its classification under the umbrella of Hinduism may strike us as a bit odd, worshippers apparently sought to attach themselves to the denomination among the various world religions sanctioned by the Indonesian government with which they felt the greatest spiritual affinity. In spite of official recognition the number of those who profess themselves adherents to the Aluk to Dolo is rapidly decreasing. According to a statistical report kindly provided by the Makale Office

1970:

Denomination Number Percentage

Aluk to Dolo

A statistical report for which I am indebted to the Department of Religious Affairs of the Kabupaten Tana Toraja, contains the following data conceming religious affiliation in 1975:

Denomination Number Percentage

Aluk to Dolo

The subtotals differ slightly from those of other population statistics (cf. Annex Ib of chapter I) but the discrepancies do not affect our conclusion that traditional religion is on the rapid decline. This development is less a matter of mass conversion, than of the dying out of the older generation. As children, the adults of today began to ob serve one of the great religions at the time they attended primary school. Most of their parents, however, remained adherents of the Aluk to Dolo. That the older generation is now growing extinct has detrimental consequences for the orderly ce1ebration of rituals. Once an appreciabIe percentage of those who formerly fulfilled functions in ritual adopts Christianity, many ceremonies will no longer he ahle to be performed. In the district of Kesu' this situation already exists. On the other hand, the dwindling ranks of Aluk to Dolo do not imply the total disappearance of traditional religion and ceremonies.

Many registered Christians nevertheless invite a traditional priest to preside over certain ceremonies and rites in order to remain on good- footing with their ancestors. In Christian practice many elements from the older belief system survive. Whenever a member of a Christian family has been away from home for a long time, his return is celebrated by a family feast which, in its organization, is reminiscent of the merok-feast. There are many instances of persisting traditional devotion in otherwise Christian communities. This is a topic, however, -together with discus sion of religious movements under Christian influence, such as the messianic movement of 1917 -which I cannot enter into here. It is part of the process of cultural change which, since the arrival of the Dutch, has affected Toraja culture. Such change, despite its intrinsic interest, faUs beyond the scope of this book which is limited to the description of traditional culture and ritual.

V.2 Principles of classification in Sa'dan-Toraja cosmology Two pairs of opposition dominate Sa'dan-Toraja cosmology and ritual behaviour: one between upperworld and underworld, and the other between East and West. In both oppositions, mankind functions as middle term. The earth, the scene of man's life and activities, is a middle world, separating the spheres of upper-and underworld. East and West are the cardinal directions according to which man orients his ritual behaviour. He faces East when he presents his offerings to the gods, West when he addresses himself to the dead. Here again man is in the middle, standing between the powers of East and West. The two basic pairs of opposites are interrelated. The East-West opposition is involved in a further polarity, that between North and South. The North is associated with the East and the upperworld, the South with the West and the underworld. East and West correspond with sunrise and sundown, North and South with zenith and nadir. Consequently, the prescribed directions for arranging a sacrifice and for addressing the powers of upper-and underworld are of ten modified into northeast and southwest, an obvious combination of vertical (upper and under) and horizontal dimensions (East and West). These principles are applied in myth and ritual in a manner which, on the face of it, suggests astrong leaning towards systematization which assigns every object, every act, every mortal and every god or spirit a preordained place which defines behaviour. Yet, there is no such thing as a Toraja theology. Systematization occurs, but it is

The Sa'dan-Toraja

always ad hoc, situation-bound. Such systematizations have not been incorporated into an all-encompassing logical system. What prevails and recurs is the opposition of pairs and not their elaboration into any tripartite division like that of the universe. Even the latter gives way time and again to the duality of the world of man opposed to that of the gods, the upperworld. In discussions with informants, in particular with those who had enjoyed an education which went beyond primary school, it would not have been difficult to elicit rationalizations of a more general and systematic nature. They readily indulge in speculations upon their cosmology. Thus one of the participants in a discussion concerning the upperworld and all that surrounds it turned up the following day to tell me that the upperworld really should be thought of as a vast plain, just as the earth, and that it resembied an animal (buffalo) in its having a head and a tail. This image, which fails to find support in most of the traditional sources, must be set apart as native speculation evoked by an ethnographer's questions.! I have tried to avoid becoming embroiled in such speculations as far as possible by confining my sources to authentic texts and to observation or accounts of actual ritual. It does not strike me as a researcher's task to stimulate the modernization or elaboration of traditional religion and worldview. Among these authentic texts on which I have depended those published by Van der Veen in his book on the Merok feast (1965) are of particular importance for information about Toraja notions concerning tripartition of the universe into upper-, middle- and underworld. The upperworld is the world Qf the gods, the deata, often -the more important among them, invariably -addressed as Puang, Pong, or Vatu, titIes which precede their proper names. Puang and datu both mean prince or lord; pong is possibly a contracted form of puang. (It is of some interest to no te that pong is also the term of address used for a father of several children; cf. Woordenboek, v. pong.) The upperworld is divided into twelve hemispheres 2 which should be imagined as concentric, fitted inside each other. Puang Matua, one of the most important gods of the Sa'dan pantheon, resides in the zenith (tangngana lang i', middle of the heavens, or ulunna langi', head of the heavens); it was he who established the first rituals and created man, together with the ancestors of the most important plants, beasts and inanimate objects, all of which originated in the upperworld and afterwards descended to the middleworld. The middleworld, the dwelling place of men (lino, padang or tana)

Prominent characteristics of Sa'dan-Toraja religion 111

is a later creation of the gods. It was populated by men, 'those who descended from heaven', the to manurun who brought with them the more important crops and beasts from above. The earth, which spread out in the midst of the ocean, is sometimes spoken of in a more or less anthropomorphic way: ritual anthems make mention of the 'rump of the earth' or of the earth's 'back' (see, e.g. Merok: 35). The earth is kept in place by Pong Tulakpadang, the 'lord who supports the earth' (padang). Assisted by eight minor gods, he carries the earth on his hands and head. His dwelling pI ace is beneath the earth, in the underworld, in the centre of the universe, where an axis which could be drawn from zenith to nadir would pierce the earth. Like the upperworld, the underworld is divided into twelve concentric hemispheres. Here Tulakpadang resides, not like his counterpart Puang Matua in its outermost reaches, the nadir, but, instead, on top, in the centre, where he keeps the earth in balance with the assistance of eight helpers who support the earth at places further removed from the centre. Together they keep day and night separate, a task at which Puang Matua labours in the zenith of the universe (Merok: 29). Day and night were called into existence by Pong Tulakpadang's wife, the daughter of Heaven and Earth, a dreadful goddess who forged the lightning and sets off earthquakes (Tikala). Here, in the underworld, we also find the to kengkok, folk with a taU, but not -and that is what is surprising in Toraja cosmology -the dead, who, by virtue of their close association with the West, we would have expected to meet here. No, the land of the dead is on earth, far away to the southwest, i.e. in the direction associated with the underworld, but not in the underworld itself. This is surprising because visualization of data concerning a tripartition of the universe like the one presented in Annex Va, suggests a cosmos complete in itself, one which offers room for all aspects of life and death. Explanations, which we have added corroborate the view that the underworld is an equivalent, a counterpart to the upperworld. And yet this is not the case. On the contrary, the underworld as such plays a surprisingly modest part in the religious thinking and practice of the Toraja. For the sake of clarity, I repeat: the underworld as such is not particularly significant, but at the same time the underworld aspect of everything connected with the dead and with death in general is a regulative idea of great importance in Toraja religion. The point is that the realm of the dead does not lie in the underworld but on the earth in a reg ion idealogically associated

underworld in religious practice. Toraja preference for reducing the opposition high-Iow to that between heaven and earth implies that in ritual practice (in which death and the facts of death are involved) the opposition East-West prevailes. East, matallo (from allo, sun) is associated with North (daa) which is expressis verbis identified with the zenith: daa ulunna langi' ('the north is the head of the sky'). The aluk rampe matallo, the sacrificial ritual of the East, is the ritual for the gods. It is enacted on the east or northeast side of the tongkonan, and the officiating priest addresses the gods while facing the (north)east. In this expression aluk means ritual, rampe side; the same words return in the term used to denote the ritual sacrifices for the West (matampu'), the aluk rampe matampu'. These are made on the west or southwest side of the house with the priest facing in that same direction. The most important category among the West-oriented rituals is the aluk to mate, rituals for the dead (mate). The aluk rampe matallo, those of the East, rituals for the living, promate the welfare of man, animals and crops. The association of these rituals with upper-and underworld respectively are explicit in the description of sacrifices for the East as 'climbing smoke' (rambu tuka') andsacrifices for the dead as 'laying smoke' (rambu solo'). The former, the East-oriented sacrifices, must be brought in the morning, befare noon, the latter in the afternoon, towards sunset. In spite of the close association of the de ad with the underworld the dead do not dweIl in the underworld but in Puya, to the southwest of Tana Toraja, further down the Sa'dan River, somewhere between Kalosi and Enrekang. According to

A. C. Kruyt, Puya lies south of Duri on the far bank of the Balua River (Kruyt 1923/24: 170). It is also from the southwest that the ancestars came, or rather, it was in the southWest that they first set foot on land when they crossed from the mythical island of Pongko' (Round

('Small HilI') is named as the island of origin in poetic language; most probably it must be the same as Pongko'. Neither island can be further identified. Although it might seem attractive to hypothesize some sort of historical connection between the location of Puya and the early migrations of the Toraja people, the mythical journey of the ancestors from the southwest to the northeast can just as weIl -and perhaps even better -be explained as a symbol of the idea that man's ultimate destination is the northeast, that is, the upperworld. This, in fact, is the destination of the deceased, but before he can reach it all elaborate mortuary rituals must have been celebrated for his soul, a privilege accorded to rather few. Even for those who reach their goal, it is a long journey. First of all, the soul has to go to Puya which must be reached through a sort of hole or tunnel in the earth (cf. the liang, rock grave). On its way it is submitted to various trials which are described differently from pI ace to place. The judge of the de ad is Pong Lalondong, the king of Puya. A cat is his helper, though he is also associated with a cock. The various stories of dangers threatening the dead are of no appreciabIe consequence for religious practice. The fortunes of the dead dep end upon the rituals performed on earth by their relatives. The unclean soul, the bombo, must be purified and enabled to mount up Bamba Puang, a mountain west of Puya and north of Enrekang. Reaching Bamba Puang is a turning point in the soul's career. From here, thanks to the celebration of the highest death ritual, the sou] can reach the firmament and enter the upperworld to live on as a deata, a god or, in this case, a deified ancestor.4By now he has left the sphere of the West behind and entered into that of the East from where he looks down upon and watches over his descendants; they may call upon him for help in all the affairs of the living, in particular, to assure the prosperity of their rice. Consequently, the final rituals for the dead are rituals of reversion. The sacrifices, first brought to the West, are now brought to the East, to the powers of life. These shall be discussed in Vol. 11. All the same, quite a number of dead never achieve this destiny. Such fortune is largely confined to the rich and their relatives. Those of the highest nobiIity, the puang, sometimes are thought to dep art to the upperworld straightaway. However, this notion again has no influence on ritual behaviour. For a deceased puang mortuary rites are celebrated any- way; they belong to the most eIaborate observances imaginable.

Puya without disquieting their relatives. It is uncertain whether they may be classed as ma/ua, the spirits of the southwest who are closely associated with the dead. Usually the to matua are classed as the ancestors of the southwest, ancestors who also established the sacred adat-institutions and who, on different occasions, are honoured with sacrifices. Because these ma/ua or /0 ma/ua are also called ancestors of the middle period, it is tempting to assume that, in the long run, the dead who can not ascend to heaven, become part of that rather non-descript body of ta matua. Such an assumption, however, would be an act of theologizing with insufficient support in Toraja statements on this point. All one can say is that the southwest, the realm of the dead, is not simply a bad region, just as the underworld where Pong Tulakpadang carries the earth and watches over the separation of day and night is not exclusively bad, or threatening either. Tulakpadang even has areputation for beneficence and, in spite of his sojourn in the underworld, is classed with the gods of the East who must be approached with aluk rampe matallo, rituals of the East. Apparently, the duality which characterizes the universe as a whoIe, tends to imprint itself as weIl in each of its parts. An interesting case as far as the associations of West and South are concerned, is that of Van der Veen's classification of the cardinal directions in one of his earlier works (1929a: 397):

Nor/h kalimbuang boba, the sourees of the blessing water. Refers to the sources of the Sa'dan River, here associated with the deata West Bast bulaan masak, the patch of pure aluk sola pemali, institutions and gold. Refers to the fact that in prohibitions the western part of Tana Toraja gold is found. In myth Puang Matua went there to fetch gold (Van der Veen 1965: 87) Sou/h sukaran aluk, institutions, and pananda bisara, determining of rules of adat-law

Prominent characteristics of Sa'dan-Toraja religion 115

The association of the West with gold and riches, of the South with the institutions of adat-Iaw and the to matua who introduced them is illustrative of the dual appreciation of the various parts of the universe. We will meet other cases in the course of our description which will also confront us with a few (very few, admittedly) instances in which the direction adopted by a priest during his prayer or address puzzles us as apparently deviant. The rules of classification are clear enough in themselves, but their application depends on ad hoc situations which can only be elucidated by detailed observation and a full knowledge of adventitious circumstances. Among relevant details, colours occupy an important place. Sacrificial animals must be of the colour defined by the nature of the relevant ritual. Thus the hen sacrificed to the to matua of the West must be black, to the deata in the East yellowish. Finally, one concluding remark. The rules of classification are not limited to the celebration of rituals. They are also relevant in seemingly secular affairs such as house-building or the administration of a law-case. A house must face North, a to minaa in a law-suit, East. In his sleep anyone should avoid to have his head turned southward.

V.3 The gods

Just as no Toraja theology exists, there is no standard Toraja pantheon either. There are numerous loc al differences, but these do not de tra ct from the prevailing pattern. Indeed, a general impression of that pattern suitable to the aims of this introductory chapter can better be achieved on the basis of a description of one of its variants, than by attempting a lengthy comparison of all. For this reason, I shall confine myself mainly to Kesu', the district with which I am best acquainted. Efforts at systematizing the pantheon are not lacking in Kesu'. The gods are divided into two categories, those of East (and North), and those of West (and South). Informants add that there are eight gods in each category. This sounds quite promising because the family tree of the gods of the Kesu' pantheon, enumerated in Annex Vb, includes 16 gods (provided we ignore the original founding couple of Heaven (Langi') and Earth (Padang), the parents of three of the four gods of the I first generation). Yet, there are only two out of sixteen who ean with some eertainty be associated with the West: Tulangdenna and Pong Lalondong. All the others are more readily associated with the East beeause, in principle, the gods (deata) belong to the East. Even

Corresponding female titles are Liku Tasik ('Depth of the Sea'), Tiku Tasik ('Bounding the Sea Entire'; 'The Sea Encircling'). (See The Chant: 5.) Impressive, re sonant names which reflect the contrast between sky or sun and the sea. Yet, the sea god himself is addressed as Datu Muane, male lord, and conceived of as male. In a comparable vein, crocodiles are thought of as female. They are associated with river spirits, and as such have much in common with eels. Both are honoured with the title pa'puangan ('they who are honoured as a lord'). Yet, To Sopai, the frightful river-god of the Sa'dan who is visualized as a gigantic eel, is masculine. He is the god of the mountain Sopai who, during heavy rains, immerses himself in the Sa' dan River where, in the shape of a monstrous eel, he swims in searoh of victims. As soon as To Sopai has seized (human) prey, the rains stop and the banjir (lnd.: flood) comes to a halt. Some informants even told accounts of a married couple of eels, a concept which brings to mind the two cosmic serpents in the religions of the Hindu-Balinese, the Nias islanders, and the 010 Ngaju of Borneo (cf. Stöhr 1965: 274,317). A second guise of To Sopai is th at of a great bungkang tasik, a sea crab, in this form he is also associated with the sea. More important is that To Sopai, whose name does not figure in the list of gods of Annex Vb, is probably identical with one who is mentioned there Pong Tulangdenna, the son of Pong Banggairante and Tallo' Mangka Kalena. He, too, has his abode on the Sopai

Prominent characteristics of Sa'dan-Toraja religion 117

mountain. He takes life from those who pass over his river without presenting him with a gift and he also stays in the irrigation canals of the rice fields. Of specific interest is the name Tulangdenna ('he who stands upright, erect, in a definite place'). In combination with Ta Sopai's eel-shape this suggests a phallic deity. In contrast to this one example of the association of river and water with the male sex, there are many more which express a relation with the female sex. We have already cited the honorific titles given to deceased women during the dirapa'i-ritual, and the female sex of the crocodile. Another case is that of Sandabilik, the wife of Tamborolangi', one of the leading ta manurun of mythical history. She came from the dephts of the Sa 'dan River. Marrin diLiku, moreover, the wife of Manurun diLangi', the divine ancestor of Tikala, originated from a pool (liku). Yet, this too is not a hard and fast rule. In fact, most of the wives of the denizens of heaven do not come from river or sea, but from the rocks, one of the best known illustrations being that of the spouse of Puang Matua. Here, however, there is na question of deviation from the pattern which tends to associate the female sex with depth, and the male with what is on high. Enough has been said by now to give substance to the view that the existence of a number of general patterns does not suffice to draw an adequate picture of the Sa'dan-Toraja pantheon. We must study each of the gods in his individu al role and history, to accomplish which we must turn to the chapter on myth (chapter VI). In this context we shall confine ourse1ves to a sketch of some of the most prominent among them.

Pang Lalandang. Of all the children barn to Pong Banggairante, the Earth God, and Tallo' Mangka Kalena ('the Egg which spawned its own Beginning'), the most feared is Pong Lalondong, the J udge of the Kingdom of the Dead. Londang indicates that he is a cock.s Another son of the Earth God and the Egg, the Ocean-god Tandiminanga, at times also sits in judgement over mankind, but not, as his brather does, over the dead, but over the living. He overturns the proa (lembang) of those who have transgressed against the adat. (Tandiminanga is sometimes identified with his brother Puang Radeng, 'the Lord who leans sitting against Something'; see Merok: 70-71.)

Pang Tulakpadang and Puang Matua. Pang Tulakpadang, the other god of the underworld, is not portrayed as inspiring terror. To the

ark- able th at earlier in the same song, Pong Tulakpadang is credited with the creation of sun, moon and stars. He dweIled first in the upperworld and together with Puang Matua (who is also mentioned as creator of the heavenly bodies) he arranged the first ricefields, ordained the relevant sites for sacrifice, and originated the mist, the thunder, and the rainbow, which connects heaven and earth. Later did he move to the underworld. His habitation should be imagined directly beneath the earth, aligned with his upperworld counterpart Puang Matua who sits enthroned in the zenith. It is as if Pong Tulakpadang has made room for Puang Matua. The pair maintain day and night in equilibrium. Two-in-one they remain at their stations along the world axis, a complementary pair. Together they constitute a natural day, Pong Tulakpadang symbolizing the hours of darkness and Puang Matua those of light? The Sa'dan divide the day into rather fine periods (see Woordenboek under allo). These divisions are significant for making sacrifices. Offerings to the gods, placed towards the East (in most in stances east or northeast of the tongkonan of the celebrants) are to be accomplished before noon.

Puang Matua ('the Old Lord'), less frequently called by the name To Kaubanan, is an especially prominent deity for the Sa'dan-Toraja. Arrang diBatu ('The Radiance in the Stone'), his' wife, comes originally from a rocky cliff which Puang Matua had to enter to possess her. The marriage feast of Puang Matua together with that of Gauntikembong, became prototypes for such celebrations on earth. Puang Matua created man and saw to it that there was order on earth. He made man morta1.8Afterwards his interest in the affairs of mortal man slackened, the consequence of man's misbehaviour, the violation of his commandments by the committing of incest and thievery (see chapter VI.3: Myths concerning the consequences of incest). In anger Puang Matua severed the bonds between heaven and earth. Nevertheless, he remains the greatest among the gods, and among the Sa 'dan who remain committed to their old religion his position, apparently under the influence of imported Christianity, has become more important than ever. Yet, the archaic language of the Sa'dan religious litanies which never tire of ascribing leading roles to

Puang Matua, confirms the antiquity of his position so that we may assume that his stature has been immense for generations:

He resides in the heart of the firmament; he is the god of the dazzling sun; he is the god whom the honoured ancestors (the nene' and the to dolo) sollicit to partake when the sacrifice stands ready; he has laid out the irrigated ricefields, indicated where the offering places for the rice should be; he created the three-eared rice and he created mankind, the forefather of the water buffalo, etc.; he formed the sun; he cut out the moon as a circle, he made the clouds, and caused the roar of thunder; he is associated with the zenith.

(statements borrowed from Merok: 27-33, verses 40-88)

Elsewhere in the Passomba Tedong, the litany from which these statements have been borrowed, Puang Matua is described as un- approachable, inaccessible. He lives behind his 'curtain'; he is swathed in sacred maa'-cloth (with the pattern doti langi').9 He is a merciful god, a god with much compassion (Merok: 33). Sometimes people speak of two Puang Matua, an old and a young one; I can offer no explanation for the duality which, moreover, does not play any important role. Puang Matua is thus not to be seen as a deus otiosis. His participation in the affairs of mankind is most obvious in the arrangement of the surasan tallang, the shrine where people place offerings for the deata. The shrine has two platforms or 'floors'. On the uppermost the gifts for Puang Matua are placed, on the lower one those for all the remaining deities. Puang Matua is conceived of as aged: To Kaubanan, 'He who has grey hair'. He is associated with the sun, and makes his home in the zenith. The ridge of his tongkonan runs east-west in contrast to the ridges of houses belonging to eminent people on earth which run north-south. In spite of all this there is something odd with Puang Matua. According to generation he is (with his wife) the youngest of all the members of the pantheon. Apart from his curious relation with Tulakpadang, the supporter of the earth, Puang Matua's name is ambiguous. We translated it by 'The Old Lord' but a translation by 'Lord of the to Matua' (the ancestors of the southwest) is equally justified. Moreover, it suits his position as a god who has specific relations with mankind. Is this because the youngest among the gods is nearer to the ancestors of mankind than

The Sa'dan·Toraja

any older member of the pantheon? We simply do not know, except th at his significance for mankind is beyond doubt. When I asked people of no te in Nonongan whom they looked upon as the leading gods, they answered, "Puang Matua and Pong Lalondong". Apparently this opposition is of more direct importance than that between Puang Matua and Pong Tulakpadang. In Kesu' Puang Matua's significance was such that he overshadowed all other divinities; people were emphatic about the henotheistic character of their religion. Christianity and Islam, they argued, don't they, too, involve several gods and spirits?

Female gods. Gods are marginally more important than goddesses. There are numerous father figures. Puang Matua can be considered the first of these. Although crops and useful plants are brought into association with mother earth, no image exists of an affectionate goddess figure. Mother Earth is hardly ever spoken of and even in the genealogy of the gods (Annex Vb) she is not advanced as a real personality. It would not be proper, however, to represent the goddesses in the Sa'dan pantheon as trivia! personages. Indo' Ongon· ongon has already been introduced as an important deity in some regions. Of even greater importance is the rice-goddess (Indo' Pare'- pare'). Besides there are goddesses who instituted important rituals. Lokkon Loërara' commissioned Us uk Sangbamban to conduct the cleansing ritual, the first in Sa 'dan history. Arrang diBatu, moreover, had a hand in the creation (see VI.l.l). Indo' Belo Tumbang is another goddess deserving mention: she, unlike other female deities, did not originate from a rock. Apparently, she belonged to the upperworld from the beginning. She is the 'Mother beautifully dancing' (or leaping)', referred to in the Passomba Tedong (Merok: 144f.). She was the first female physician in the upperworld, summoned there by Puang Matua to attend to the sick Banno Bulaan ('The Golden Ricewater'), a goddess ab out whom we know nothing further.lOThe patient was cured. Indo' Belo Tumbang, whose other name is Indo' Bunga Sampa' ('Benevolent Mother Blossom'), is regarded as the protective spirit of the medicine used to heal the sick during the Maro Feast (see Vol. 11). An alternative translation of Indo' Belo Tumbang is: 'Mother Ornament of People in a State of Trance' (Merok: 142, verse 728). Tumbang alludes to the women (also called tumbang) who enter into a trance during the maro·ritual. A connection exists, thus, between this goddess or protective spirit, the healing of the ill and trance phenomena.

crop.u If now we revert to the Sa'dan division of the cosmos into three, then Puang Matua is the god of the upperworld; Gauntikembong ('The Cloud which Swells Out of ltself', mentioned in Annex Vb) is the god of the Air; Pong Banggairante (or P. Banggai diRante) is the god of the Earth and Pong Tulakpadang is the god of the underworld, the latter with Indo' Ongon-ongon in his company. Remaining deities will be introduced when lexamine Sa'dan myths about the creation of the world (see VI.1).

VA Souis, ancestors, and spirits The gods are powerful and important, but they are far off. Closer by and more familiar are the souls of the (more recently) dead, the ancestors of the West (to matua) and of the East (deata), and the spirits associated with specific locations. In section 2 of this chapter we discussed the place of the dead and of the ancestors in the prevailing system of classification. Here we must enter into some further details concerning their fortunes and power.

V.4.1 Souls (bombo) 12 In Kesu' people hold the view that the soul, on ce the first mortuary rites have been celebrated, proceeds straightaway to Puya to meet his judge, Pong Lalondong. In other regions of Tana Toraja it is not as simple as all this. The soul first must cross the dangerously swaying bridge over the Salu Bombo, the River of the Dead, and even before he arrives there his trials commence. A cat, Bali karae, crouches there trying to waylay the souIs. The cat (or cats; sometimes there are more of them) snatches from thieves all that they have stolen to return it to the rightful owner when he, in his turn, must cross the bridge. She hinders the souls of criminals from advancing any farther; 13 they must remain in a hollow the bottom of which is lined with the waste of buffaloes. If all goes weIl they have to cross the bridge, a golden one for souls descending from a puang-ramage, one of rattan for to makaka souIs, and one made out of sugarpalm-Ieaves for souls of slaves. This does not make much difference, however, because none of the bridges sways less wildly than any of the others. We are not told what happens to those who fall into the river.

Ol1ly the burake bomba, the priest who dresses the corpse, can dedicate offerings to them. Like the corpse the burake bamba, mostly a kaunan (slave), is considered unclean. People are afraid of the bamba. I can remember how my Christian Toraja guides quickened their pace when evening begal1 to fall and we had to make our way down from a mountainside village. Half-joking they voices their fright for the bombo, a fright which seemed more intense than any concern over a non-illusory slip and fall on the steep mountain trail. The souls which are admitted to Puya first have to meet Pong Ladondong. The cat, Bali karae, acts as his helper (bali, also pabalian means helper) though she is sometimes identified with the god. In Ma'kale people talk of a female 'Judge of the Kingdom of the Dead', Indo' Barikalu. Details on the procedure of jurisdiction are lacking. The souls of wrongdoers are consigned to fire, but the location of that fire is as thoroughly unknown as the duration of the orde al. The word for heIl (ranaka) which the Toraja borrowed from the Buginese, evidently is a transposition of Sanskrit naraka. They speak about it (though only occasionally) but the notion of a last judgement is not really functional in Toraja religion. All depends on the performance of the mortuary rites by the deceased's relatives. And even this is not wholly true. The puang, and certainly the rulers among them, go

characteristics of Sa'dan-Toraja religion 123

directly to the upperworld, a privilege also allotted to the to burake tambolang, the highest among the priests. By their direct descent from the to manurun, the first humans who descended from heaven, these nobles are, as it were, nearer to heaven than other mortals, even though, theoretically, the latter, too, spring from to manurun. According to myth, even slaves descend from a heavenly progenitor. Despite their direct as cent to heaven, the souls of these privileged nobles need a grand-scale ritual anyhow. It differs in details from other comparable rituals, but it cannot be (and certainly is not) omitted, nor executed on a more modest scale than the rituals for a soul who first has to pay his respects to the ruler of Puya. Rituals are of the greatest importance. The highest mortuary rite, the dirapa'i, the one which permits the soul to ascend to heaven, can only be celebrated for those who, during their lifetime, performed a bua' kasalle-feast, the highest ritual of the East (just as the dirapa'i is the highest ritual of the West). Once every prescribed rite has been completed, the soul rises on high, departing from Bamba Puang in the west of Puya, where uit rose on high like a coconut palm and reached the firmament" (The Chant: 5). The soul then takes his (or her) place in either Ursa Major or the Pleiades, star clusters of importance in rice eultivation. Rice is considered as more or less under their proteetion (The Chant: 5). The Pleiades, whose emergence indicates it is time for commencement of rice cultivation, are known as Bunga' lalan ('the one who prepares the way', 'the opener'), just as the ritual leader who carries out the rites of rice cultivation (Vol. II). From their place on high the deified ancestors continue to care for their descendants who will caU on them for a prosperous harvest of rice, their main erop. Only few reach th is lofty status, and these few are primarily members of the noble class. No ordinary people could afford to arrange the elaborate rituals and costly sacrifices required to that end. Toraja society is class-eonscious and this class-consciousness does not halt at the porches of death. The remark of a to makaka from the lower classes which Van der Veen reports (The Chant: 6) provides explicit information about class strueture in the afterworld and about the privileged position of individuals of prominent family af ter death: "That this (the ascension of the soul of a man of status who has perished) is not aecepted as applying to people belonging to the lower c1ass of the to makaka ... was brought home to me once af ter I had spoken at an Evangelical gathering in one of the villages about the

Our spirits do not ascend to heaven when we die; but only those of people of high rank who have held the great bua'-feast during their life and for whom the ritual of the dirapa'i has been carried out'." Does this imply that ordinary people awaits a miserabIe lot in the here af ter? It is difficult to say. Such a thing as eternal bliss hardly plays a role in Toraja thought. They are more interested in what af ter death the souls are going to do to the living than in questions of what their private fate will be. The dead who do not ascend to heaven will stay in Puya or thereabouts, somewhere in the west and southwest. The Toraja have no clear ideas about what life there is like. All that can be said with some certainty is that the dead for whom the ordinary (the smaller) mortuary rites have been performed remain there and that they need not and probably will not roam about in the land of the living. This does not mean that they are of no consequence. They stay with the to matua and share in the powers for good and for evil which all ancestors have. They are not forgotten; the living call on them. Even the recently deceased are capable of bringing drought, a notion voiced during the singing of the badong (death song): "Father ('mother' if the deceased is a woman) will see to it that it does not rain". On various ritual occasions they will be commemorated, until they gradually fade into anonymity.

V.4.2 Ancestors The general term for ancestors is to dolo ('those of the past'). They of ten are referred to as nene' ('grandparents'). They are of different kinds. There is in the first place the difference between deata, deified ancestors associated with the East, and to matua, the ancestors of the West, a difference already discussed in section 2 of this chapter. In the second pI ace, there is a ranking according to seniority in which the highest grade is that of the to manurun, those who deseend from heaven.15They are the great ancestors who play leading roles in mythology, a feature which Sa 'dan mythology has in common with that of the Buginese and Makassarese, and of even other Indonesian peoples (e.g. the Nias Islanders; cf. M0ller 1934: 139-160). With the sole exception of Baruppu', these to manurun ancestors are reported in all Sa'dan districts.16These 'ancestors from the time beyond memory'

Prominent characteristics of Sa'dan-Toraja religion125

were followed by those from the middle period (nene' tangnga) and from the latter period (nene' undi) "who succeed each other as the steps of a stairway, as the rungs of a ladder" as a text, quoted by Van der Veen, has it (Merok: 166-167). Usually, attention concentrated on the ancestors of the oldest generation. Consider the following text taken from the Merok (p. 26, verse 38): "Apa umbai limbongmo nene' bunga' mellao langi' inde barira banuanna to ma'rapu tallang umbai tasikmo to dolo kapuanganna to manganna sangka' inde rampe matampu' ". "But perhaps the ancestors, as the first men who descended from heaven, have assembIed here, near the bamboo fence round the space under the house of those who are numerous as bamboo culms, it may be that the forefathers, revered as Lords, are gathered in a multitude at the west side".

Who, however, are the ancestors of the middle period? It seems plausible to identify them with the ancestors who came from mankind's first earthly abode, the island of Pongko', to set foot on the Sulawesi mainland southwest of Tana Toraja. They then would be those about whom a text says: "You, who sit gathered on the edge, on the western rim, You, who below draw near to one another at the setting of the sun, ... " (Van der Veen 1929: 405).

The text evidently refers to the to matua who are settled in the West. These ancestors are addressed as nene', a term more or less synonymous with matua. To conclude from all this that the ancestors of the middle period are the same as the to matua requires merely one step, but a frightfully long one. It includes an effort at systematization which goes far beyond Toraja methods of systematizing which are always ad hoc and not at all genera!. The division of ancestors into ancestors of three periods can, with equal right, be interpreted as just another specimen of Sa'dan predilection for baroque expression. We have to content ourselves with the fact that, to them, there are anc es tors everywhere, ol der and younger ones, ancestors deified in the East, ancestors non-deified in the West; these ancestors, whatever their location or specific role, invariably are powerful, almost as powerful as the gods, and mankind has to win their grace and cooperation.

VA.3 Spirits (localized) Mountains are among the special haunts of spirits. The Sopai mountain, it was earlier remarked, is where a god of the same name makes his residence. Sesean and Sado'ko are two other peaks sheltering deities. Puang riKesu', an ancestor descended from heaven, inhabits Kesu' Mountain. The eel god of the Sopai, however, is regarded as more dangerous than any of these. Myths teU of certain habitations of the gods on earth: Pong Tulangdenna dweUs in the irrigation ditches of the wet rice fields, Tandiminanga, 'Supporter of the Rivermouth', is found where the Sa'dan River empties into the sea (Merok: 71, verses 344, 345). Eel spirits plash about not only in the Sopai and Sa'dan Rivers, but in certain springs as weU: in Talondo taUu (near Leppang, Ma'kale territory), in Ke'pe' (Mengkendek), in Bea (SangaUa'), and in Bombo uai (near Barana'). Men feed eels in these waterways; the eels themselves may not be consumed. Eels in springs near particular villages, Mengke'pe' (Kesu'), Mata uai (Tadongkon), Bu'tu uai (Ba'tan) receive sacrifices, for they can provide riches, an abundant harvest and the blessing of many children (A. C. Kruyt 1923/24: 316-320). Spirits also live in specific stone formations, as in the two giant slabs of rock known as the 'Drums' which stand beside the road which leads from Rantepao to Marante. Whoever places a gift at the base of the 'Drums' and makes a wish, can find his wish fulfilled. One Toraja woman confided to me that she on ce saw two yeUow shapes (spirits) seated on these stones; the shapes were silent; she hers elf recoiled in fear and hurried away. There are furthermore spirits who live in the ground; ampu padang (possessors of the earth) they are caUed. Whoever is about to dig a hole, should first make an offering to these spirits. Ampu padang have yeUow hair and teeth like nails.

VA.4 Dangerous spirits and dangerous people Evil spirits are Indo' Orron, Ta Paragusi and Dafu Maruru'. Indo' Orron, alias Limbong Allo (limbong = pool, pond; allo = day), bellows as a buffalo, assumes the form of a pig or a cat, and tears the eyes of her victims out. To Paragusi is a white spirit, taU and comely (according to J. Tammu the name is perhaps a bastardization from Portuguese). To Paragusi is a werewolf who gnaws the livers

Prominent characteristics of Sa'dan-Toraja religion 127

of men and beasts. He is honoured during the ma'bugi'-feast. Datu Maruru', also known as Puang Maruru' ('the Righteous Lord') or To Mangambo' ('the Sower'), is the god of smallpox. To Paragusi and Datu Maruru' do not faIl, as one might suppose, within the sphere of the West, but of the East instead. The evils brought by them are cured by means of respectively the bugi'-feast and the maro-rituaI, purification rituals which are associated with the East.

Dangerous people are the batitong, the werewolves. During the day they are ordinary people, not at all exceptional in their appearance. Towards dusk, however, and in the deep of night they become batitong, werewolves. This western term is not quite appropriate for batitong. They never assume the form of a beast but remain humans, at least to the onlooker's eye. Men and women both can be batitong. It is common knowledge also that certain individuals in the village, in the surrounding area, at night or already when the sun is setting can turn into werewolves who feed upon the livers of people asleep. Batitong prowl about to see if they can find livers hanging through the floor of a house, suspended in the space beneath the house. Should the sleeper's time to die not yet have come, the batitong cannot fulfi1 his feIl intent. Once the batitong feeds upon a liver, however, the owner's life ends. The po'pok is another sort of werewolf, one who flies. Among the werewolves, one who is no longer an extent person but one who has been incorporated in myth, is Paragusi, the dangerous spirit mentioned above. The batitong comprise an army, as it were, which draws itself up into formation in a particular region at night, ranks facing in all directions of the compass so that nothing which displeases them can penetrate their midst. The town of Rantepao also has its legion of batitong. They have a leader, too. One of my informants, a woman, had caught sight of two werewolves within the last year:

The first time, towards sundown, a woman approached from behind her while she was fishing in the sawahs, going from one ricefield to another. The woman asked her for a share of the fish she had caught, but she did not comply with the request. Later she thought the woman could weIl have been a werewolf and one may never deny a batitong what she asks. Under a fuU moon she went on with her fishing in the company of three other people. All at once a shade drew near the fishing party which fled away in terror. lt was the batitong

V.5 The concepts of spirit and soul; conclusion These concepts among the Toraja, just as in our own culture; are difficult to describe. In his Woordenboek Van der Veen presents a wide array of definitions. He points out that 'spirit' in Sa'dan-Toraja is expressed by penaa. The original meaning of penaa, like the Hebrew word ruah (Arabic-Indonesian: roh) and the Greek pneuma, is 'breath'. The root of the words penaa, menaa, 'to breath', is naa, a word related to the Indonesian nyawa: soul, life. Inaa: 'mind, meaning, thought'; minaa in to minaa, literally: 'someone who ponders, who has esprit'. Penaa also has the meaning of 'he art, frame of mind', for example in: melo penaanna: 'he is a kind soul'. The inner life of man is of ten described poetically in terms of various parts of the body. 'To take to heart' in Toraja is 'umpatama ara' ': 'to place in the breast', or 'umpatama tambuk': 'to put in the stomaeh'. The Dutch expression 'he has no brains' is in Toraja: tae' pa'dunna: 'he has no spleen'. A treacherous person is called: to pa'du riri: 'someone whose bile is yellow' (information H. van der Veen). Sumanga' means 'consciousness' or 'soul', for example, in kurre sumanga' a plural form is contained. Considering that this form also appears in ancient litanies such as the Passomba T edong (in which kurre sumanga' is also used in the plural form when the ancestors are addressed) it appears probable that an old form is involved here. Bombo is used primarily for the uninitiated dead, although one also speaks of bombo mendeata: 'soul that af ter death becomes a divinity, deified soul'. We already took note, however, that bombo can also signify the dreaming soul, but it is remarkable that Wilcox in his comment on bombo as the dreaming soul makes special reference to the dreamer's visit to the land of souls (Wilcox 1949: 110). The denotation 'soul of someone in life' is fairly closely approxi- mated by the word deata. Of someone who is startled is said, mallai

Prominent characteristics of Sa'dan-Toraja religion 129

deatanna 'his soul flies off' (mallai = run away, flee). The word deata is also used for the dead who have ascended to heaven, for whom a complete mortuary ritual has been observed, or for deified ancestors. Finally, Sa'dan-Toraja uses the term sunga' (= in Tikala suma', in Riu suna') which means 'thread of life, the predetermined span of life'. It is said dikatu' sunga'na, 'the span of his life has been broken', nalambi'mo sunga'na, 'the end of his life has arrived' (information H. van der Veen).

Our survey leads to an intriguing conclusion which throws new light on the Sa'dan-Toraja worldview. There are three terms for soul, sumanga', bombo and deata, all more or less synonymous. Their use depends on the context in which they are applied. The point of interest is that these three words rather closely reflect the tripartition of the universe, the term deata associating the soul with the life-giving upperworld, and bombo with the dreamland of death and the dead. Again a dual opposition. prevails over the tripartition; to claim an association of sumanga' with the middleworld would be to stretch the facts. And yet it is not without significance that there is a third term which is unaffected by the opposition constituted by the others. Deata and bombo find their unity in the human individual who combines in his personal self the two opposing aspects of all there is. The Toraja system of classification may not be systematized, at least not in any manner which complies with western norms, but in critical regards its consistency is unsurpassed: it places man in a universe which is every bit as much a synthesis of contrasts and contradictions as he himself is.

ANNEX Va

SCHEMATIC REPRESENTATION OF SA'DAN-TORAJA COSMOLOGY

a. Puang Matua, "the god whom we see ascending, lord whom we behold rising upwards" (Merok: 27, verse 47).
b. Pong Tulakpadang, "the god who supports the earth".
c. The eight gods who help prop up the earth (not all eight are sketched in in the figure).

The Sa'dan-Toraja

N m a

h

v ()g E

A..
v

s

d. Drawing of a house, a tongkonan and of the earth spirit who supports the habitation.
e. The is land Pongko' which lies west of the earth and is separated from the earth by sea (tasik).

f. The mountain Bamba Puang.

g. The earth, The Middle World (lino or padang).

h. The upperworld, langi' (heavens).

i. The underworld, most of ten described by the Toraja as Puang to Kebali'bi, "Gods of the underworld" (Merok: 160-161) or Deata sangpapa'na rokko... deata kaseranna papa'na rokko, "Gods of the first layer below ... gods of the ninth layer below" (rokko = below). Ibid.: 44-45.
j, k. The hemispheres, respectively of the upper-and underworld.

Prominent characteristics of Sa'dan-Toraja religion 131

1, m. The line which symbolizes how Puang Matua and Pong Tulakpadang maintain day and night in equilibrium. The idea of an axis is not conceptualized by the Toraja; they content themselves with symbolic references such as a central post (cf. A. C. Kruyt 1923/24: 96). Their terms for zenith and nadir are of a similar, circumscriptive kind.

l. Nadir, "They (i.e. the layers of the regions below the earth) have a point like the tip of a lance" (Merok: 175, verse 101, see also page 47, verse 169).
m. Zenith (tangngana langi' = middle of the heavens; ulunna langi' = head of the sky; massaloko batunna, massondong kandaurena: "He (Puang Matua) has a zenith going to a point and tipped with a stone, it is as a piece of beadwork, wide-based and narrow at the top"; ibid.: 32-33, verse 76).
N. The North (daa).
S. The South (lao', lau', in Nanggala territory: 10'.
This schematic drawing represents my attempts to visualize what Toraja informants told Van der Veen about how they comprehend the cosmos. A cross-section of the three realms, upper, middle and lower. is presented. Puya, the kingdom of the dead, does not appear. Nor have I inked in the ladders to the sky down which Toraja ancestors descended to the island of Pongko', nor the palm trees up which the dead climb to help them reach the firmament. Perhaps the heavens could also be depicted triangularly, for they are on occasion compared to a roof (triangular in cross-section) or to a kandaure which is a coneshaped ornament consisting of beads. In addition I wish to emphasize that in their visual arts the Sa'dan-Toraja never depict their gods as creatures resembling humans.

.....
~ tv

OF THE G~DS (KESU') Langi' (Heaven) = Tana-(Earth) I Padang I I Tulakpadang, Banggairante, = TalIo' Mangka Supporter Vast Plain, the Kalena, of the earth. god of the earth; The Egg that also, the Plain created itself. which extends itseU. Saripiliulaan Puang 'Radeng, Timbayo Kila' Pong 'Tulang- (No known Lord who leans F1ashing Ligth-denna, Lord translation) sitting against ning. who stays in something. (Merok: 195). a definite Place. (Merok: 194) Lives in a stone. He is found in irrigation ditches in ricefields. He resides, however, on the mountain ToSopai.

,. Gauntikembong, SeU Expanding Cloud, god of !he upperworld. I

Pong Lalcindong, Tandiniinanga, Indo' Inoo' Usuk Sang-= Lokkon Lo-erara', Lord Cock, Supporter of Pare'-pare', Samaden-bamban, Roll of hair, dweIIs in Puya, the Rivermouth Mother of na, Mother From one Rib hanging down land of souis; (Merok: 195); the Small All there This god was Iike a golden he cuts the stays in the Rice .. is. created from chain (Merok: 192) thread of life, ocean where he Gauntikem-alias judges the dead. overturns the bcing's rib,'7 Simbolong Manik, proa (lembang) Hairknot Shining of those who Iike beads;· trespass against the adat. Puarig Matua, = Arrang-diBatu, Old Lord, alias (Sulo Tarongko To Kaubanan, Malia'), The The Grey-Radiance in thc:-~ Haired One. Rock;CIl The Torch in the hard Rock.'" ci: '" ... ~ .!!!. '"

MYTHOLOGY

Myth is a matter of focal interest to the Sa'dan-Toraja. They will point out the significance myths have for aluk, ritual, and for ada', the complex of their habits and customs.1The mythical history of these ancestors is also the history relating how rituals were established in the upperworld, how the first man and the plants and animals important to his existence were created, how class divisions came into being and how certain customs were adopted. Ancestors who descended from heaven brought these aluk (in the sense of adat- decrees) down to earth. The Toraja have no special term for 'myth'; the term used for myths, ossoran, has the broader denotation of 'tradition'. When I inquired from my Toraja informants whether folk tales might be considered part of mythology, their answers were negative: folk tales, they explained, had no significance for the aluk (in the sense of ritual and adat-decrees). Nevertheless, when I pursued my questioning, it appeared that many folk tales were told specifically at the time that the rice began to ripen. In contrast to the myths which deal with gods and deified ancestors, these narratives are variations on the Cinderella-theme. It is quite conceivable that these tales have the promotion of the growth of the rice as their goal. The poor child who becomes rich has its analogue in the immature rice which eventually ripe (own interpretation). There are, however, also tales without any ritual or magico-ritual purpose, e.g. those in which a Till Eulenspiegel character is the protagonist, or thievery is the theme. Though, it is difficult to classify them as a special category because the same themes may recur in stories which have a cosmological impact. For this reason we shall, unlike the Toraja, call the entire treasure of mythological traditions and folk tales myths.2 The following collection of mythological data represents aselection from a vast number of tales; they have been grouped under four headings:

On the whole I have tried to confine myself to tales which are of specific significance for the organization of Toraja society and for the understanding of its elaborate ritual, or else which typify recurrent themes. In my comments, I have refrained from lengthy explanations, trying to limit myself to a few observations which might aid a reader to understand inherent symbolism.

VI.1 Myths about the creation of the universe and the institution of rituals

VU.1 Kesu': Passomba Tedong, the consecration of the buffalo

The universe originates from the holy marriage of heaven and earth,3 a general, worldwide mythic motif (see Fischer 1929) which is also part of Sa'dan heritage (Merok: 67). The creation as portrayed in the myths of the Sa'dan-Toraja is depicted in the Passomba Tedong, the consecration of the buffalo to be sacrificed at the merok-feast. This myth has been translated, and annotated in detail, by H. van der Veen (1965).4 In the beginning chaos reigned: "At that time when, so we are told, heaven and the broad earth stilllay on each other, all was chaos; then, so it is said, the all-enfolding still touched the regions of the earth, all was still in disorder" (Merok: 67). Thereafter heaven and earth drew apart and spacious land was revealed. How or why the separation took place is not mentioned. Three children emerged from the union of heaven and earth: Pong Banggairante (God of the Earth), literally: 'The God whose Surface is Vast', Pong Tulakpadang and

Mythology135

Gauntikembong,S 'The Self-expanding Cloud'. Pong Banggairante married Tallo' Mangka Kalena, the 'Egg that propogated itself'. (The mythological egg is a widely spread theme in Austronesian myths; sometimes the earth itself develops from such an egg. For more on the subject, see Muensterberger 1939: 231; for emergence of gods from an egg in Indonesian religions, see Stöhr 1965: 52.) From his own rib, Gauntikembong ('The Self-expanding Cloud') created Usuk Sangbamban. This name is roughly equivalent to 'Rib of one piece'. (On linguistic grounds Van der Veen contests the possibility of Christian influence; the word-forms used in the myth are too ancient, though not so ancient that influence via the Koran can be precluded.) Usuk Sangbamban 6 married a woman from a rock, Lokkon Lo-erara' ('Hairknot dangling like a golden chain') who is also called Simbolong Manik ('Hairknot gleaming like beads'). Before Usuk Sangbamban saw her, he heard her laugh deep inside the rock? From this union Puang Matua was bom. The three sons springing from the marriage of heaven and earth are referred to as a trinity and are compared to the three hearthstones. This trinity created sun, moon and stars (Merok: 69). Pong Tulakpadang ('Supporter of the Earth') is the god of the underworld, Pong Banggairante the god of the earth and Gauntikembong the one of the air. Banggairante is mentioned as the first to institute the ritual of the ubi 8 (yam: Dioscorea alata Linn). Yams are thus regarded as older than rice, for rice was later created from Puang Matua's bellows. From their union eight children arose (as e1sewhere in Indonesia, the number eight recurs frequently in religious contexts). One of their eight children was the previously mentioned Pong Lalondong, the judge of the kingdom of the dead. (There are also accounts mentioning eight judges in Puya.) The eight divine children generated in the course of the marriage of Gauntikembong and Tallo' Mangka Kalena (cf. chapter V, annex Vb) acquired the most diverse functions; they differ greatly in character and each of them has his own residence. Some, such as Pong Tulangdenna and Tandiminanga, are guardians of morality, others are quarrel-some at heart, e.g. Indo' Pare'-pare' and Indo' Samadenna.9Some of these gods live on earth; others like Puang Radeng 10 and Pong Tulangdenna, live more or less near the boundary line between worlds. Timbayo Kila', the Flash of Lightning, when not performing the function

Usuk Sangbamban. This son married Simbolong Manik; the birth of their child, Puang Matua, has already been reported. Puang Matua, the supreme god, took the goddess Arrang diBatu ('The Radiance in the Stone' or 'The Radiance in the Rock') for his wife. This goddess sent Puang Matua to seek for gold in the West (there are indeed gold mines there, in Bittuang). Puang Matua makes ready to melt down the gold. From his double bellows, sauan sibarrung, the first human arose, Datu Laukku' (ukku' is the cry of a born infant). According to one version, the first human being was a man, according to the other, a woman (in the Passomba Tedong sung during the merok-feast in Kesu', Datu Laukku' is a woman; see Merok: 88-89). Datu Laukku' had seven siblings, who, like him, were created in the divine bellows. They were, successively, Allo Tiranda, the ancestor of the poisonous upas-tree (Antiaris toxicaria Lesch); Laungku, the ancestor of cotton; Pong Pirik-pirik, forefather of the rain; Menturiri, the ancestor of poultry; Manturini, the forefather of the buffalo; Riako', the ancestor of iron; and Takkebuku, the ancestor of (boiled) rice. The cinders left over af ter the creation of the eight siblings were scattered and trees arose from their ashes (Merok: 91). Laungku announced her marriage with the earth. She commanded that her body be spun into a thread resembling the skeins of a spider's web, and the thread was then to be woven into sacral sarita-c1oths bearing the motif of swimming men, and into maa'-c1othes decorated with crosses.

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Datu Laukku' bore one son, Manturino (cf. the close similarity of his name with those of the ancestors of poultry and buffalo). The origin of his wife is not reported. Her name, Tumba' Sulotabang, reminds us of the to tumbang, the young women or girls who fulfil a ritual role during the bua' kasalle-feast, an important ritual to promote the well-being of men, animals and crops.u Manturino and Tumba' Sulotabang had a daughter who married a man whose descent remains unspecified. They in turn had three daughters who are compared to the three hearthstones. Af ter this, Puang Matua went on to create progeny from his bellows. On this occasion, he made six children. One of these was Kambunolangi', the first of the to minaa (a priest). Kambunolangi' had the status of a demi-god. The descendants of one of Kambunolangi's brothers received a more lowly place on the social ladder: they were Datu Bakka' and Pong Malaleong, the first slaves, 'used like a buffalo to work on the rice fields'. We made their acquaintance during our discussion of class divisions (see 111.1.1). Kambunolangi's other four siblings, Pande Patangnga' ('He who is good at planning'), Pande Pandita (or Pande Paita), Pande Manarang ('the skilful Carpenter') and Pande Paliuk ('He who is extraordinarily capable') came together to help Puang Matua build the Iron House in the Middle of Heaven, the prototype of important dwellings on earth. When the house was completed, a sawah was laid out, the first wet rice field ever made. The sawah did not prosper, however, for the rice did not thrive. Then again two figures were created from the bellows, the first rice priests, Datu Mengkamrna' and Karaeng Ma'loko-Ioko. Once these priests had performed the (first) rice ritual, the crop turned out all right. In addition to the rice ritual, the ritual for the Iron House in the upperworld was instituted (Merok: 123), followed in succession by the maro-ritual for curing the sick (idem: 143), the great bua'-feast and, last but not least, the merok-ritual. On the occasion of the merok-ritual, the to minaa or sokkong bayu recites the Passomba Tedong quoted so aften in the present text. During the first (celestial) celebration, the richly laden sendana (= sandelwood) tree was set up in the upperworld. And Puang Matua decreed:

"Here is the richly laden sendana tree to which we shall bind the buffalo with skin befitting the offering rites, for this is the tree with the blood of mankind, herewith is the tree whose branches are fuU of precious things, to which we shaU

earth" (Merok: 153)_

The above passage reveals how the sacrifice of a special buffalo was prescribed (which, further questioning disclosed, should have a grey skin). Similar details are set down for other rituals: every feast, and also certain less e1aborate rites, involves a sacrificial animal of a specific colour. The markings of appropriate hens are described at length in the Passomba Tedong (see Merok: 94-96; 124-128). Similar criteria determine what buffaloes are to be sacrificed, criteria further complicated by prescripts including a pairing of colours and social classes (idem: 126-128). The litany closes with the marriage of Sambiralangi', the son of the first to minaa; the union took place in the upperworld, the bride was a dazzling, yellow star. From this marriage came a son, 'The Foam of Heaven'. The 'Foam of Heaven' married Kembong Bura, 'Full of Foam'. Via the 'Heavenly Steps', Eran diLangi', the couple descended to the earth. In heaven, this couple had received from Puang Matua 7,777 rules concerning the rituals (aluk). In order to take these rules down to the earth, 'Foam of Heaven' requested the assistance of Puang Matua. He ordered a slave, called Pong Paku Lando ('The Longleafed Fern') to carry the rules down to the Earth. Pong Paku Lando found this burden too heavy and therefore he only carried 777 aluk- rules; this is why the number of rules amounts to 777 only. The 'Foam of Heaven' and Kembong Bura begot a son, called Pong Mulatau, which means 'First Man (on Earth)'. The contents of the Passomba Tedong can be summarized as follows:

1. The settling out of the universe: first the sundering of heaven and earth in two, followed by a tripartite division of heaven, earth and underworld. The division of day and night.
2. The genesis of the more important gods; those most prominent are Gauntikembong, god of heaven; Pong Banggairante, god of the earth; Pong Tulakpadang, god of the underworld; Pong Lalondong, god of the realm of the dead; Indo' Belo Tumbang, the Protectress of Medicine; and Puang Matua, the uppergod.
3. The creation of the first human and the two significant sacrificial animais, the buffalo and chicken, all of whom emerged from the

Puang Matua's bellows. Important plants also originated, such as cotton, the three-eared rice, and the ancestor of boiled rice. The golddust of the bellows produced the poisonous upas- tree whose poison is of importance for hunting (cf. boiled rice vs. upas-plant; hunting among the Toraja may indeed be of significance, but not as a source of food).

4. The creation of iron, the raw material for agricultural tools and weapons.
5. The construction of the first house and of the first rice field.
6. The origin of class divisions.
7. The institution of the main rituals.
8. The introduction of rules concerning sacrificial animals. VI.1.2a The creation myth as handed down in Riu (lembang Suloara, kecamatan Sesean) Van der Veen owes his account of the origin of the universe and of the first celebrations of the major rituals to the to minaa of Kesu'. The account reflects something of the charms of the Kesu' landscape which, with its soaring limestone outcrops, reminds the visitor of sketches drawn by Chinese landscape artists. The rendition of the myth as printed below comes from Riu, a region situated on the slopes of the Sesean where sawahs, of ten crammed between colossal stone formations, veer from close to the summit down to the plain. The landscape is the product of a fascinating interplay between the works of man and nature. Seen from on high the sky is reflected in hundreds of wet rice fields aften sa small that they cannot be tilled with a plough. It is a wonderful landscape but until between eight and ten o'clock in the morning it is all wrapped up in mist. It only reveals itself during the heat of the day. Towards five o'clock in the afternoon fog descends from the peak of the mountain and envelops the charms of the landscape's terras in a grey mist. The Riu landscape is wilder than Kesu'. lts story of creation reflects the dynamics of the landscape. The genesis of the universe and the family tree of mankind were retold and described by the ta minaa. He insisted that I record the story of the creation, because the rites of the bua'-feast could not be communicated without being preceded by the myth of origin,12 In the beginning To Kaubanan, 'He with the Grey Hair' (the alternative name for Puang Matua in Kesu'), the supreme god in heaven, lived at the zenith, do tangnganna langi', in the centre of the firmament. He married Arrang diBatu, the 'Radiance in the Rock', who

The Sa'dan-Toraja

is associated with ulunna langi', i.e. the 'head' of the upperworld (cf. Merok: 85),13 Prom their marriage six children were born:

1. Datu Masarrang, the fierce Datu, a savage character;
   

   2. Datu Laulo';

3. Tau Allo;

4. Kanda Matu;

5. Pong Mulatau (the ancestor of mankind) and

6. Datu Laukku'.

Datu Laukku' married with Datu Etan ('the Black Lord') who also dweIled in ulunna langi'. He wished to build a house and sacrificed a chicken (this chicken was the first sacrifice for the building of a house; chickens of all colours, except white, are acceptable for such a sacrifice). The offering is presented on a banana leaf (pesung),u Thereafter the house was constructed. Prom Datu Laukku's marriage with Datu Etan six children were born:

1. Seno Betuan who was entrusted with performing the ma'pesung during the ma'nene'-rite;
2. Do' Pare'-pare' (Indo' Pare'-pare'). She should perform the ma'- pesung on the occasion of ma'papa, the renewal of the roof of the tongkonan (see VII 1.1; for this sacrifice, a pig must be killed);
3. Datu Manappa', The Reliable Lord, who celebrates the ma'sura tallang, a sacrifice made to expiate for transgressions;
4. Do' Rua Tumbang (Indo' Rua Tumbang) was given the task called ma'bate, carrying out the bamboo pole. She was the first tumbang. This is surprising, because the task allocated to her (ma'bate) forms part of the maro-ritual. Presumably the name Tumbang does not refer to the tumbang of the bua'-feast, but to a functionary who must fall in trance in the course of the maro-rites;
5. Lua' Toding (Toding is the name of a black animal with a white patch on the forehead). He instituted the original merok-feast and laid down directives for its celebration;
6. Lando' Samara, the youngest child, performed the first bua'-feast, a ritual which incorporates, as it were, all other rites. Samara is the term for a buffalo entirely black except for a white spot on its head and at the tip of its tail. These six founders of the rituals, the children of the gods Datu

Mythology141

Laukku' and Datu Etan, all dweIled in the 'head' of the upperworld (ulunna langi'). Pong Mulatau, also abiding in Ulunna Langi', married Datu Langi' who had her residence in heaven. Their children were delivered in the zenith:

1. Indo' Samadenna, who, with her Golden Spinning-wheel (Unuran Bulaan) prepared the first thread;
2. Barrang diLangi' made the first sawah and brought the appropriate offering of three eggs: tallung telu;
3. Datu Laega founded the first market (pasa') and handed down rules for its operation;
4. Tamma Lelu was the first gambler and laid down the rules for throwing dice;
5. Sambira Langi' introduced cock fights;
6. Datu Mangkamma was the first to indo' padang; it is explicitely stated that he was not only the leader of the rice ritual, but the priest of all crops. Today the to indo' padang is exclusively the leader or priest of the rice ritual;
7. Manurun diLangi', 'He who came down from Heaven', became the kam bi' (keeper) of the 7,777 rituals. He categorised the rituals;ls
8. Pande Patangnga', the first iron smith;
9. Pande Langi'na made the first buffalo;
10. Pong Lumbang Koko was the kambi' (keeper) of the to kasalan, of those who had committed a tresspass;
11. Tambuli Langi' was the first to minaa (for the priestly office, see chapter IX);
12. Killi'-killi', literally: words spoken to a sm all child while showing a finger poised to tickIe him and to make him laugh. Thus, gradually, order in matters of every description was achieved, thread was spun, rice planted, jobs were distributed and rituals established. From that juncture on, the myth concentrates on Manurun diLangi'. When this god wanted to deseend from the southern part of heaven, he spied a vast sea (literally: when he dweIled in the tail of heaven and the heavenly gateway opened, he saw a large sea). He built himself a house between heaven and earth (ma 'ban ua ditoke') that was rocked to and from by the wind (malen tong dianginni). Ris heart 'enlarged' when he saw the great world and he pondered how he should reach th is world for everywhere there was only water. He

"Toss this clump of earth that I have given you into the sea". To Manurun diLangi' did so, and then he asked, "What am I supposed to do with that small plot there? Sure there is land now, but no grass and nothing to eat". To Kaubanan gave him seeds which he strewed. These sprouted. Still, there was no livestock, and once again To Manurun diLangi' applied for help to To Kaubanan who replied, "Here are buffaloes". So the petitioning went on until everything on earth was present in full. Then Manurun diLangi' asked To Kaubanan how he should descend from Banua diToke. He requested a 'way to below'. To Kaubanan said, "I will provide a sepena langi'" (a branch of the sky), and instructed him to call Pong Pakandona (a slave?). Pong Pakandona then fashioned a ladder -actually a mountain of earth which he raised by trimming the edge of the island that originated from the clod of earth which Manurun diLangi' had thrown down from heaven. Now all was complete, the animals inhabited the earth, the earth itself divided into regions: Sulawesi, Europe,t6 etc. When Manurun diLangi' had landed on his lump of earth, called Lebukan, he slaughtered three chickens as a sacrifice for the building of a house. In the meantime he had also asked for a wife and the request had, as all the others, been granted. A woman was tossed down out from the upperworld. He met his wife next to the weIl. Her name was Marin diLiku (liku = pothole). She asked him, "Have you no servant?" Manurun diLangi' replied, "Just call someone whose name is Indo' Kalumpepa". Together with this servant from the Sesean (a mountain) Marin diLiku went to Manurun diLangi', and their union could then accomplished. Prom their marriage, eleven children were born:

1. Banggai diRante; he is the kambi' (keeper) of the pitu lampa'na, pitu pulona', pitu ratu'na, pitu sa'bunna, the 7,777 rituals already cited. He shared this responsibilitY'with Manurun diLangi';
2. Sarong Lia, who went to Europe;
3. Arung Bone, who made his way to Bone;
4. Banne Rara', who traveled to A'riri Langi', the Pole of Heaven;
5. Datu Gantanan, who stayed in Lebukan;
6. Datu Mangoting, who proceeded to Palopo;

7. Rangga Danun, who went to Butu Apian;

8. Mohammad, who directed his steps to Mecca;

9. (Not reported). Banggai diRante left Lebukan af ter he had slaughtered a chicken. He departed from the island in a proa, taking the rituals along with him. He arrived in Rante Bulaan (the Golden Plain, a poetic or mythic name for Tana Toraja). Here he married Rangga Uai (Watersnake; a rangga is a snake with a forked head). From their union, five children were born:
10. Puang diRano;
11. Puang Siguntu';
12. Puang diKalembang;
13. Puang diAo;
14. Seppa Bulaan. Puang diRano remained in Rante Bulaan but the other siblings set off elsewhere. In Rante Bulaan the kapa' was institutionalized. Further details about this kapa': the fine imposed on tana' kua-kua was set at one pig, on tana' karurung one buffalo, on tana' bassi six buffaloes, on tana' bulaan twelve buffaloes. For an explanation see 11.5.2. Consequently, those of the first two categories were unable to celebrate a bua'-feast because two buffaloes (= sang ayoka, a team) must be offered on such an occasion. Puang Siguntu' brought his followers to the settlement of Siguntu' and held a maro-feast. He made a mis take, however, so that everyone went mad. They scattered everywhere. In a trance they entered the forest but could not recover. This induced the five siblings to convene a meeting. They went to Bone where they again celebrated a maro- feast. All people came, even those who were out of their minds, and these then returned to their senses. Then people turned back to Rante Bulaan. Upon their arrival there a bua'-feast was celebrated, the first bua'-ritual on earth, the aluk sumpu langi', the completion of all feasts because everything has been brought to an end. The myth differs from the one narrated in the Passomba Tedong of Kesu'. No mention is made of partition of the universe in three. The names elsewhere conferred on the first human being, Datu Laukku' and Pong Mulatau, also appear in this myth, but here Manurun diLangi' is of supreme importance. As in other versions, rituals,

Ongon-ongon is untranslatable). The goddesses were sisters who had various brothers, one of whom was Labiu-biu. Simbolonpadang created the lightning and fashioned all that is bad; then heaven and earth parted. Labiu-biu then brought an expiatory offering: he kindled a torch. Indo' Ongon-ongon descended to the underworld where she married the Supporter of the Earth, Pong Tulakpadang. The couple created the earthquakes. Puangdilalundun, one of the brothers of Labiu-biu and his two sisters, had a son, Puang Matua the Older (or Puang Matua the Earlier). He in turn fathered a son, Puang Matua the Younger (this differentiation of two Puang Matua is found in neither the mythology of Kesu' nor Riu). Puang Matua the Younger created the first human being in the upperworld, Datu Laukku', a man (in Kesu' the first human is a woman). From his divine bellows he also created: the first to minaa (a priest); Killi'-killi', the forefather of the burake-priests; the ancestor of the to ma'gandang, together with the to burake an important functionary during the great bua'-feast; the ancestor of the rice priest; the forefather of the first slave; the ancestor of the buffalo bull; the first chicken; the first pig; the first dog; the first cat; the forefather of the rice; that of the cotton; that of the bamboo-varieties called tallang and of the thick bamboo called pattung; the ancestor of betel, of the sugar palm; of the poisonous ipo-tree; of the sendana-tree; the forefather of the banana and that of iron. The number of ancestors exceeds that mentioned in other creation myths (e.g. that of Kesu'), but Ne' Mani's 'Traditions' omits

On the other hand, it presents the story of Mad Chicken, who lost his reason because he married his sister. Also in Tikala, rituals originated in the upperworld. The first man descended to the island of Pongko', and the more important animaIs, too, came down from the upperworld. However, no reference is made to a healing ritual in the upperworld, nor to the goddess Indo' Belo Tumbang (cf. Merok: 142-143, verse 728). Only the cure of the child of Tulakpadang in the underworld plays a role; the child is cured by Marampio Padang. Ne' Mani' winds up his 'Traditions' with this story, part of that of the thief from the underworld, and thus ends his account of the great deeds of the gods far down in the underworld.

VI.2 Myths telling about the arriva} of the ancestors on earth and the adventures of their descendants

VI.2.1 The to manurun in the puang-regions: Tamborolangi' and Lakipadada

a. Tamborolangi' What follows below has been borrowed largely from articles written by Puang Paliwan Tandilangi' (Tandilangi' 1967, 1968). Tamborolangi' and Lakipadada are the famous ancestors of the puang-ramage (or ramages) reigning until recently in Tallulembangna (the puang-regions). Roughly forty generations ago Puang Tamborolangi', the son of Puang Matua, lived in the upperworld. Datu Laukku', the first human being, already was on earth, dwelling there in the company of other of Puang Matua's creations -useful plants and animaIs, such as the water buffalo, the pig, the chicken, the rice, the cotton, etc. Originally Datu Laukku' could make use of the ladder to heaven (Eran diLangi', celestialladder) to consult regularly with Puang Matua. But then Puang Matua, angered by a transgression committed by one or more mortalsp overturned the ladder so that further vi sits were out of the question. Ever since Datu Laukku' could meet Puang Matua only in dreams. Since mankind could no longer confer with Puang Matua and, consequently, the sukaran aluk (the adat-decrees) deteriorated, the Supreme god resolved to send someone down to earth to purify and to complete these decrees. At the time these adat-rules-as far as mortuary rituals were concerned -consisted merely of rituals of a lower order, i.e. those not surpassing the tallung bongi. Puang Tam-

7000 aluk behind him in heaven. To the accompaniment of violent noise, thunder and lightning (the word tamboro signifies drum according to Tandilangi'; Woordenboek page 668 defines it as a basket plaited from palm leaves), the puang descended from heaven (langi'). He did not arrive straightaway on earthl A door gaped open in heaven from which a house was lowered destined for him and his retinue. It floated between heaven and earth. This 'Hanging House' (Ban ua diToke) was suspended above Kandora, a mountain some five kilometers south of the town of Makale (Ma'kale). In it resided the son of the Master of Heaven with all those who had descended with him from above: to makaka, slaves, buffaloes, etc. Mention of the to makaka (the class of free farmers) and of slaves indicates that classes had already been instituted in the upperworld and that slaves, too, are of heavenly origin. In other words: the institute of slavery is no innovation but sanctioned by ancient myth. Considering that, in their entirety, the adat-decrees also embrace rules for marriage, the earthlings connected with Puang Tamborolangi' that he could not possibly teach them as long as he himself remained unmarried. Then he took princess Sanda Bilik as his wife, a woman who emerged from a boulder in the river near Sapan Deata (situated where the Sa'dan and Maulu Rivers merge; sappan = dam, deata = god or goddess).18 The river goddess did not throw caution to the winds; before marrying Tamborolangi' she wanted ,to know everything ,there was to know about the sukaran aluk which meant that a slave had to shuttle back and forth a full twelve times between Sapan Deata and Kandora before the deata's curiosity was slaked. Then the water princess joined Tamborolangi', who had descended from heaven, in matrimony. The ceremony was the prototype for all marriages on earth to follow (for the marriage ritual among the Sa'dan-Toraja, see Van der Veen 1950). It should be noted that in Kesu', Puang Matua's wedding in heaven serves as a model for mortals' marriages: in Tallulembangna, the model is the sukaran aluk given by Tamborolangi', their direct ancestor. Before the wedding of Sanda Bilik and the to manurun was consecrated. there was discussion about where the better place to settle

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would be, Banua diToke, which, encircled by winds, was cold, or Sanda Bilik's home, damp and cool because of the river water. The couple decided to make their home elsewhere, upon the cliffs of the mountain Ullin in the district of Banga. The tongkonan of that name which was founded here was the first on earth (there remain no traces of the building any more). Three kinds of sacrificial animals were presented to the couple at their wedding: 12 buffaloes, 12 pigs and 12 chickens, all of which have since become obligatory offerings at the mangrara tallu-ritual (probably this ritual accompanies the inauguration of a distinguished house; mangrara = to cover in blood, tallu = tree). Then followed the institution of all the adat-decrees in full, the sukaran aluk sanda saratu' valid for, primarily, the Tallulembangna and Ullin up to the present day. They included decrees for everything, the rituals for the dead and those associated with law, those of significanee for social interaction as weIl as those pertaining to agriculture. In this same context mankind was taught how to cultivate the sawah with the plough; a stone plough brought from heaven served as an example, the tengko batu (tengko = plough, batu = stone). Eight children were bom to the water princess Puang Sanda Bilik and her husband, the to manurun Puang Tamborolangi'. Two went to heaven, two entered the water, so that four returned to their father's and mother's places of origin, respectively. (She herself, later, also went back to where she had come from.) The oldest of the four remaining children, Puang Maeso, married Puang Tanrakisa. Their tongkonan stood at Rano. From this union, princess Deatanna was bom. Puang Maeso received a buffalo as a gift which was called Sokko Remak.19The second child who remained on earth, Puang Papa iLangi', lived in Gasing (Mengkendek) and married a wife who emerged from a pond also lying in Gasing. Her name was Puang Lolong Kila'. From their marriage came four children: Puang Landek who settled in Simbuang in Sangalla'; Puang Paetong (or Pa Etong) who made his home in Otin in Mengkendek; Puang Toding, who settled in the tongkonan Banua Lande at Ma'kale; and Puang Panggoso who also chose a residence in Ma'kale. The third child of Tamborolangi' and Puang Sanda Bilik was Puang Tambuli Buntu or Puang Tumambuli Buntu (sometimes abbreviated to P. Mambuli Buntu). Tambuli Buntu signifies: he who smites a hole in a hill. This is how he supplied himself with water, a motif reminiscent of Moses and the rock (Exod. 17: 6). According to an

Puang Tambuli Buntu, the son of Tamborolangi', was a hunter who acquired a hunting hound (from his father: legacy?) called Saliko Landara. Puang Tambuli Buntu married Manaek, the daughter of Ambun diKesu'. Prom the marriage of Manaek with this prince (later she married another), eight children were bom; Puang Patimba Bulasa, who lived in Kaero was the first (Kaero beeame the tongkonan layuk, the most eminent tongkonan, in Sangalla'); this first bom married Puang Pattala Bantang, the child of Lakipadada and the prineess from Goa. They founded the princedom of Sangalla'. Puang Tambuli Buntu and Manaek's second bom was Puang Palaga who chose (tongkonan?) Tarongko in Ma'kale for his residenee. Their third child was Puang Pasongka who settled in Bamba in the district of Nonongan. The fourth bom was Puang Patulak Allo about whom no further details are known. His younger brother, Puang Marimbun, made his home in Bungin in the district of Ma'kale. The sixth son, Puang Bongga, went to Salu, the seventh, Puang Timban, to Adi Tondongkan, and the eighth and last, Puang Bilu, to Lando (?). The roU-eaU of these ehildren serves the single purpose of illustrating how at a very early time the progeny of the puang-lineage already scattered to make their homes at different locations not only within the puang-regions but also beyond. The fourth child of Tamborolangi' and Sanda Bilik, Puang Sandaboro, joumeyed even further away and arrived, during a hunt, in the vicinity of the Bay of Bone. He was about to split a bamboo when a tiny little voice called him to spare her and to marry her instead, and build a tongkonan in Batu Borong, a plaee whose location is today no longer traeeable. The voice tumed out to belong to a beautiful princess who stepped forth from the bamboo. Sandaboro màrried her. Prom this union Lakipadada was bom.

b. The adventures of Lakipadada as told by Puang Willem Popang Sombolinggi' (Sangalla' 1969) Puang Lakipadada is the founder of the princely ramages in the three puang-regions (TaUulembangna) in Tana Toraja, and of those of the

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rulers of the Buginese kingdom of Luwu' and the Makassarese kingdom of Goa. Lakipadada, contemplating the problems of death, conceived the plan of going in search of immortality (tang mate). In the company of his faithful dog, he set out. The dog remained by him as far as the edge of the ocean, close to heaven, and then could not accompany him further. Here at this place Lakipadada met a pure white water buffalo, Bulan Panarring, who spoke to him: "If I bear you over the ocean, you wiIl agree not to eat of my flesh, nor of the flesh of my descendants. The white buffaloes which wiIl be bom in your country will be blind" (blindness among white buffaloes indeed appears prevalent in Tana Toraja where, at birth, such animals are tossed into a cavern or pit and left to their fate). Lakipadada accepted the proposition. The buffalo, however, could not complete the passage. He drowned. Puang Lakipadada saved himself, climbing onto a lim- stone rock.20He had been perching there a long time when a giant sea crab (bungkang tasik) 21 accosted him, offering to carry him to heaven. When Lakipadada finally arrived there, Puang Matua granted him eternal life on the condition that he would not sleep for seven days and seven nights. For six days Lakipadada remained awake, but on the seventh he feIl into a deep slumber. Puang Matua then removed something from Lakipadada's sword as proof that sleep had overcome him. The god then told him of his failure, but alIowed him to live for six generations. (For another version, see Nobele 1926: 121-127.) Throughout his long life, Puang Lakipadada made many journeys, bringing back home a smalI number of remarkable swords, the la'bo' penai. These swords were the Sudan, originating from the Sudan, Africa, and now in the possession of the princes of Goa; the Maniang and the Doso, now the property of the puang of Ma'kale; and the Bunga aru, or Bunga waru, owned by the datu (prince) of Luwu'. On one of his voyages, Lakipadada was shipwrecked but could rescue himself on a rock. Gradually he was covered over completely with seaweed. Happily he could sustain life by eating mangga-fruits, for a mangga-tree was growing from the rock.22For seven years he fed from this tree. One day a certain sea eagle or garuda,23 Langkang Muga, alighted on the rock. Af ter eating from the mangga-fruit the bird feIl asleep and Lakipadada then grabbed hold of one of the bird's spurs. On his person Lakipadada stowed away a pit of a mangga.24The eagle flew on high with Lakipadada clinging fast to

The Sa'dan-Toraja

its spur. Above Goa, the bird began to descend. Lakipadada loosed his hold and feIl onto a forked branch. The garuda, flying on, disappeared from sight. Lakipadada, draped in seaweed, looked more like astrange beast than a man. People who came to draw water, saw Lakipadada. First a slave (kaunan) of the raja tried to drag Lakipadada from the tree, but the slave died. Then a to rnakaka came. He, too, tried to dislodge Lakipadada from the tree but he, too, perished. Then the Raja of Goa himself came, and only then Lakipadada could descend from his lofty perch. The raja ordered Lakipadada to be cleaned. Initially, the seaweed refused to come off. Then a bird cried, "Wash him with an extract of [erno [aa' (citrus fruit); he then will regain the colour of a danga-danga (species of gladiola)". The advice was followed, whereupon the seaweed peeled away. Lakipadada now received food from plates presented in succession by a number of people belonging to different classes. None of these were of noble blood, and they all died. Finally, the raja offered him food from his own dish. Sin ce the raja did not die, it was evident that this unseeming and extraordinary stranger must be a person of princely blood. In the meantime drums were being beaten without cessation. Lakipadada asked what this meant. He was told that the raja's wife was on the point of delivering a baby. Up to that time women in Goa could not give birth except by means of an operation. Lakipadada inquired what his reward would be if he helped the wife of the raja bear her child without the use of any artificial aids, and he added, "Actually, I don't really want any reward. I only want your child if she happens to be a girl." All the time the raja had realized that Lakipadada was not an ordinary person. He agreed. Lakipadada assisted at the delivery and all went weIl. Later he married the princess who, by his help, had seen the light of day.25 From their marriage three sons were bom: Patala Bunga, Patala Bantan, and Patala Merang. Before he died, Lakipadada climbed a peak of the Latimojong and divided his realm into three parts. Patala Merang acquired Goa and the title of Samba ti Goa; Patala Bunga received Palopo, i.e. the region north of Bone Puto and east of Buntu Puang. He acquired the title of Datu i Waraë and Payung ti Luwu'. Patala Bantan received the area now known as Tana Toraja (but the territory alotted to him by Lakipadada is not the same as contemporary Tator; it encompassed the region north of the Mappolo Lambang as far as the Tomini-bend). This son was endowed with the title Puang Matasak ti Toraja.

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The ruier of Goa inherited the sword Sudan and the doi' i manuk (literally: money with a bird, 'fighting cock farthing', a coin minted by the English). The datu of Luwu' was given the sword Bunga Waru. The son who reigned over Tana Toraja received the Bate Manurun, aflag descended from heaven, a red cloth carrying the image of a garuda.26The flag may be exhibited only when a pig is sacrificed. It is on display at mortuary rituals, or solemn state occasions, and on official vi sits by high dignitaries. This same royal son was presented with V.O.C. (Dutch East Indian Company) co ins as pusaka (!) together with a kandaure, an ornament of beads, named Pattara. According to Nobele he also received two ancient textiles: Indo' Lebo and Arang to Buang (Nobele 1926). The sword Maniang also remained in Tana Toraja, in Ma'kale itself. For additional pusaka-items cited by Nobele, the reader should consult Nobele's article.

Lakipadada's adventures, by dint of the many wonders which take place, resembie those characteristic of a Malayan hikayat; the narration also reminds us of the I La Galigo and the story of Tele Raoa among the Bare'e-Toraja. In the latter work the protagonist, Tele Raoa, is transported by Tobongkilo, a hen-harrier, to Tana ngKalë-loë, the 'Hanging Country', an island in the celestial sea (Adriani and Kruyt, vol. 111, 1914: 440-442). This 'Hanging Country' is comparable to the Hanging House of Tamborolangi' (cf. VI.2.1a). In a second version of the story of Tele Raoa, she and Tobongkilo cross the sea to land on a rock where a taripa jambi (Lodoicea Sechellarum) grows. This motif also crops up in the story of Lakipadada (cf. VI.2.1b). In the limited space available it is not possible to explore the parallels between the myth of Lakipadada and the I La Galigo. (For the I La Galigo, see R. A. Kern, I La Galigo, Catalogus der Boegineesche, tot de I La Galigo-cyclus behorende handschriften [I La Galigo, a catalogue of Buginese manuscripts belonging to the I La Galigo-cycleJ, Leiden 1939.) One descendant of Lakipadada is Sawerigadeng, the hero of many myths. One of these current in Tana Toraja (in the puang-region Mengkendek) has been recorded by Salombe' (Salombe' 1975).

An ellort at interpreting the Lakipadada myth

Whereas Tamborolangi' is a kind of culture hero or Urheber (he teaches mankind various techniques and having completed his mission he returns to heaven), Lakipadada's concern for humanity is of a

Bis quest for tang mate is less on behalf of humanity than it is for himself. Af ter all, the to manurun, from whom he descends, are invariably immortal. The first animal to accompany and to assist Lakipadada, is a dog. When they have reached the ocean the hero, compared to Odysseus by Nobele, sets out to cross the waters which separate the earth from heaven. Among the Toraja the ocean is not simply chthonic as it is thought of in Bali: the sea constitutes the link between the earth and the upperworld. Ocean passage is accomplished with the aid of a white buffalo and a sea crab. The first helper faiters; he, like mankind, is mortal, for of all animals the buffalo is closest to man (see also VII.1). The white colour of the buffalo alludes to the close ties between this beast and the puang-lineage which is held to have white blood. Assisted by the second animal, a sea crab, Lakipadada succeeds in reaching heaven. Since at regular intervals, it is, like the snake which sheds its skin, a symbol of eternal life. Lakipadada is set a task by Puang Matua: not to sleep (sleep = death). He fails, but because he has managed to keep awake a long time a long life is apportioned to him. Other prominent aspects of Lakipadada's person are the following: in Goa he succeeds in bringing an end to the era of complicated childbirth which presents him in the light of a medicine man. This is an example of his dedication and helpfulness towards mankind, but also a form of compensation for not having attained the goal of immortality. He travels a great deal, assisted by celestial birds (cf. his flight with a garuda or sea eagle) and by creatures of the deep. They symbolize his association with both the upper-and the underworld. These associations also emerge from Lakipadada's sojourn on the rock in the midst of the ocean. There he is transformed into something of a marine creature. He is a man in disguise, to all appearances a beast that has been spawned by the sea, wretched in seaweed. The ocean connects heaven and earth; Lakipadada as an animal of the sea is a mediator between man and gods. The tree in which he perches for so long is the world tree; the rock where he is marooned, the world mountain. The gladiola has a colour which is associated with higher mortals. Eating from a specific dish is for the Toraja linked up with a specific class. The chthonic and the celestial elements (ocean and upperworld), opposite poles, are conjoined in Lakipadada. Because emphasis is

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placed heavily on his princely blood, he represents both priest and prince. He had three sons; they reigned over the three most important princedoms of South Sulawesi: Goa, Luwu' and Tana Toraja. Later three puang-regions came into being, the Three Proas, ruled by the descendants of Tamborolangi'. The number three is related primarily to matters originating in the upperworld. J ust as there are three important gods, so in important regions there of ten are three rulers (Kesu', Tallulembangna). From the upperworld ca me the three-eared rice; the three hearthstones of ten serve as a me tap hor on occasions which have to do with the upperworld.

VI.2.2 The ta manurun in Kesu'

VI.2.2a Manaek and Palapadang (tald by Bua' Sarungalla) 27 From the first marriage of Ambun diKesu' with Puang Mora, a son and a daughter were born: Palonga and Manaek. Palonga was killcd by the people of LUWU'.28 From the second marriage of Ambun diKesu', that with Pabane', similarly, a son and a daughter were born: Polopadang and Lai' Ambun. Since Palonga had been killcd, Polopadang was destined to become the foremost dignitary in Kesu'. One day Polopadang went to catch fish in Tadongkon, in a sawah known as To' Kamiri (kamiri = Aleurites triloba). Thc sawah, situated in Kesu', is also called To Kalimbuang, 'Thc Place of the WeIl'. Polopadang was accompanied by his dog. In the sawah a fish-trap had been constructed, a gusian. A gusian is a rectangular or round space in the sawah which has been partitioned off with walls reinforced by rods or poles that criss-cross each other. The sawah itself is the fish pond and is, as every sawah, surrounded by an earthen dam. To let the water flow out of the gusian, Polopadang removed the soil of the outlet. Then he ladled out the stranded fish with the help of a bingka' (a small winnowing fan). When he had captured most of the fish, he went looking for those which had taken refuge between the poles. In between the poles of ten deep spaces exist. Reaching in to probe such a gap, Polopadang's hand became stuck. No matter how he tugged, his hand would not come free. Then he bade his dog to fetch his halfsister Manaek. The dog ran to the house of Manaek where he barked and carried on so fiercely that she followed along with him for a distance. Then Manaek turned back home, but the dog began again to bark. This happened several times. Finally Manaek went with the dog far enough to discover her brother

Polopadang. This comment demands explanation. Kabusungan can be translated as 'sacral, consecrated', or better yet, as 'extreme1y holy'. It implies that Manaek had attained a status equivalent to that of a puang. T4is is the reason that she bears the epithet of Datu Baine (Goddess or Princess, the title by which she is addressed during the mantaa' bati (see Vol. 11 and this VoL, IV.6.1). Kandean saratu' means a hundred dishes or hundred eating bowls. In English undundui kandean saratu' is roughly equivalent to 'to touch the hundred eating bowls with the lips'. This means that one is allowed to take food from all dishes except that of a slave. For a puang this signifies such degradation that he eats from the plate of a to makaka. Applied to a to makaka of high birth, the expression implies th at he eats from the dishes of a low ranking to makaka (cf. Woordenboek: 123). In the present story the saratu' indicates that Polopadang -like the Biblical Esau -yielded his rights of primogeniture and joined the ranks of the to makaka. Although the pure descendants of Manaek, through their puang-status, actually outrank the descendants of Polopadang, one scarce1y notices any distinction in practice. However, objects which are associated with Manaek have a sacral tint. This is especially the case with the product of her hands known as the Unfinished Cloth (Tannuntangmangka) discussed in chapter VIII section 3.

VI.2.2b Polopadang and Deatanna (told by B. Sarungallo) One day Polopadang was walking through a maizefield when he saw a lovely woman with very light skin.29Her name was Deatanna, and she had just climbed down to earth from heaven along a rainbow. Polopadang seized her. Startled, she cried out, "Earthling, why do you make bold with a goddess like me?" "I heartily wish you to be my wife", Polopadang said, "for you are so beautiful." But Deatanna replied, "I refuse. I am a goddess and you are a mere mortal." Polopadang, however, would not release her. Finally Deatanna yielded on the condition that he promised never to speak vile words. This promise he gave her. From the marriage of Deatanna and Polopadang a son was bom. His name was Pairunan (Paerunan). One day Pairunan was playing

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with the golden top which he had received from his father. The toy bumped against his father's shin so that Polopadang uttered a few curse words. Directly Deatanna said, "Y our father has used vile language, so now we willleave this house and this world". She had hardly finished speaking, when a rainbow appeared; Deatanna, her child in her arms, mounted to heaven. Polopadang saw her fade from view. He, too, tried to ascend but fell back to earth. He grieved over them deeply. With stratagems of every sort he tried to reach his wife and son, but to no avail. Then he tried another way: he wanted to climb on high via the horizon but this too miscarried. Weeping and miserabIe he squatted on the beach. Then a white buffalo approached him. Tedong Bulaan (= White Buffalo) was his name. The shaft of a bamboo spe ar protruded from its back. Someone had stuck it there to chase the animal from a forest. The buffalo drew ne ar and asked Polopadang, "Why are you weeping?" Polopadang answered that he was in search of his wife and child who were in heaven but that he had not succeeded in meeting them. Then the buffalo replied, "Pull the spe ar from my back and I will bring you part of the way to your destination". Polopadang did what was asked of him. Then the agreement was made that his descendants would not consurne the flesh of white buffaloes; those who did would contract scabies. The buffalo then carried him to the horizon. Here he dropped Polopadang who once again broke into te ars because he could go no further. Then the sun said that he was willing to come to his assistance, "but I am too hot, you cannot climb up along me. I will ask my younger brother, the moon, to help you". Happily the moon too had compassion for Polopadang, and with the help of this celestial body Polopadang could reach the upperworld. Here he encountered a slave who was drawing water from a weIl. Polopadang inquired for whom the water was intended, and the slave answered him, "For Deatanna and her son". Then Polopadang asked him, if he might drink from the water he had just drawn. Unobserved he dropped the golden top which he had brought with him into the bamboo (with water). When Pairunan took a bath, the top appeared. He cried out, "The top, my top!" At first Deatanna would not believe that it was in deed Pairunan's toy, but finally she decided to interrogate her slave. "Perhaps Polopadang has managed to reach heaven", she said then. The next morning Polopadang went to his wife. Deatanna's servants asked him what he had come for. "I want to see my wife and my son Pairunan". The servants went to Deatanna and returned with the

"You may see your wife and child provided you carry the water needed for today in this basket". This was an impossible task because the basket was loosely plaited. Then Polopadang sat down on the bank of the river and burst into tears. An eel poked his head out of the water and asked him, "Why are you crying?" Polopadang answered him, "I have to haul water and must carry it in this basket. Since this is more than I can do, I will never lay eyes on my wife and child again". Then the eel wove its body through the openings in the basket so that no water could leak from it. Ever since, for the descendants of Polopadang, the eating of eels has been taboo. But Polopadang had not reached his goal yet, for a second task followed. The servants informed him that before sundown he had to divert the water from a spring to the yard of Deatanna's house. He made a start at the endless task, but he soon sat down and broke into tears. Aserangkak (?) happened to pass by and asked, "Why does the man cry?" Polopadang explained to him how matters stood, whereupon the serangkak summoned his friends who together with him carried out Polopadang's work. Once more, however, he was not permitted to come face to face with Deatanna. A new task was announced: before the day was over he had to fill four baskets with maize, grain by grain.30This time mice came to Polopadang's rescue, however, the people were still unwilling to part with Deatanna (it is not clear who is meant by "the people": the inhabitants of the upperworld? Deatanna's relatives?). A further labour followed: before the day was over, he had to eat an entire field of sweet potatoes. Now wild pigs kept Polopadang from failing. Then a final task was set forth: in pitch darkness Polopadang had '10 point out his wife and child in the midst of a vast crowd of people. This time a cat and a firefly helped him out. The cat, miauling, sat in front of Deatanna, and the firefly alighted on her hair knot. Thus Polopadang could point out his wife and child. He received permission to take them back with him to earth where they enjoyed a long and happy life. (See also Radjab 1950, story no. 17, pp. 108-116.)

V1.2.3 The to manurun in Riu (Suloara' and Lando Rundun: the genealogy of Riu, as recounted by the fo minaa in that region, 1970) Af ter the institution of the rules concerning the kapa' (the fines imposed upon divorce which go along with class divisions), the Riu

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people celebrated the first *maro-*and bua'-ritual. Puang diRano, the son of Banggai diRante and Rangga Uai (see VI.1.2a), married Datu Lino; for the marriage he journeyed to Lino, a viIlage or area which my informants, the to minaa, were unable to locate exactly (Lino actually means the visible world, the world of men, this world). The couple had four children:

1. Pong To Minaa (the first to minaa);
2. Sangga diOlang;
3. Datu Nangka;
4. Marambio Padang (Marampio Padang). In many parts of Tana Toraja he appears in a myth which tells of the exploits of a thief from the underworld, sometimes disguised as a pig (cf. VI.4). Pong To Minaa went from Lino to Rura; he took the 7,777 a/uk (adat-precepts, rituals) with him and performed a bua'-feast (remark- abIe because the presiding priest at the bua'-feast is not the to minaa but the to burake). Sangga diOlang went to Olang somewhere in the south (Palopo?). The two remaining siblings stayed in Lino. Pong To Minaa married Datu Rura. From this match Londong diRura was born (at this point the to minaa related the story of the incest committed in Rura; see VI.3). Londong diRura drowned, and with him the two children whom he wanted to marry each other. Pon dan Padang (Marampio Padang) abided by the instructions concerning the rul es of marriage. He had one child, Puang diLino, who took Buen Manik for his wife in Rura. They had eight children:
5. Pabane', who went to Kesu';
6. Paiiri, who journeyed to Matampu' (the west);
7. Pasonti', who settled in Kabutuan Allo (the east);
8. Pong Saban Ranga, who traveled to Sinadi (the name of a high mountain in Duri);
9. Padarra went to Rappan (Rappang);
10. Beka'-beka' and
11. Bara Dondi remained in Rura;
12. Pong Rumase went to Palopo. Pabane' took the 7,777 a/uk with him to Kesu' wh ere he married Ambun diKesu'. In Kesu' the most celebrated of their offspring are Polopadang and Manaek. Polopadang (Polo Padang) stayed in Kesu', Manaek resided in Nonongan. The other children of Ambun diKesu' and Pabane' scattered:

The Sa'dan-Toraja

Petimba Bulaan made his home in Sangalla'; Malulung Sandi migrated to Rangri (?) in Sangalla'; Pata Langi' went to Tikala; Takia Bassi to Angin-angin; Pong Songgo lived in Tadongkon, Kesu'; Amba Bunga dweIled in Ma'kale, Pangarungan in Tallunglipu; Tengko Asik in Barana', Tikala; Palairan went to Tagiri on the Sesean and married Kiding Langi'. This pair had three ehildren:

1. Seredadi;
2. Bongga Tonapo;
3. Pong Sanda Bulunna. Seredadi married Bai (Pig). Their ehildren were Datu Manoting, Karaeng Dua and Tali Siba'ba. Datu Manoting stayed in Karua, Karaeng Dua set out for Palopo, Tali Siba'ba for Duri. Bongga Tonapo married Datu Banne. They had three ehildren:
4. Lambe' Susu, who went to Salokan (Riu);
5. Patiang Boro, who went to Buntu (Riu);
6. Bongga to Salu, who departed for Salu (Kesu'). (At this juneture a summary followed of the important ancestors of the Toraja elsewhere, e.g. Karasiak in Madandan, etc.) The most significant information concerning the history of Riu has to do with the des cent of Lambe' Susu ('Long Breasts'). She married Salokan. The child of Lambe' Susu and Salokan was Lando Rundun, the beauty of the Sesean with the long hair, who married a prince from Bone. In brief the tale runs as follows: Lando Rundun, a beautiful 'princess' was accustomed to bath herself in a spring (this souree is still exhibited to visitors). One day she lost one of her hairs which was washed by the eurrent down to the lower reaches of the Sa'dan River. Here a Buginese prince discovered the hair. He was impressed by the length of the hair which could only have belonged to a beautiful woman. He proceeded upstream until he found Lando Rundun (lando: long; rundun: letting the hair hang loose as, for example, af ter bathing). She, however, did not immediately agree to become his wife: the prince had to perform many feasts before he could eall her his own. Por this tale see Van der Veen 1979: 1-17. Lambe' Susu, af ter divorce from Salokan, married Emba Tau. Prom this union Suloara' 31 was bom, the renowned ancestor of the Sesean-ramages which inhabit the mountain region. He had a number

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of male siblings some of whom went elsewhere to live. In this context Marimbunna is of importance. He went to Tikala. He almost was vanquished in the war against the Bonese. Suloara', however, did not suffer any defeat. Marimbunna then summoned a meeting. He proposed to unite forces with Suloara'. As allies they renewed the struggle against the Bonese under the leadership of Suloara'. Bone was defeated. Again a meeting was convened. Here Suloara' (Riu) was acclaimed as ambe' (father), Marimbunna (Tikala) as indo' (mother), a duality thus with a male and a female in power. When Tikala celebrates a mortuary ritual, the heads of the buffaloes are sent to Riu; when Riu celebrates, then the heads go to Tikala. This exchange takes place between tongkonan which are each other's sibali,32

VI.2.4 The arrival of the ancestors Irom the island ol Pongko' According to Toraja myth, their ancestors left heaven in the dim past to land down on the island of Pongko' ('Round Earthmound'; also called Kalebu' = Small Hill). This island lay somewhere to the north of Sulawesi. When the inhabitants ofPongko' heard that an enemy from the west was nearing Pongko' with a fleet of proas, the island ruler summoned a meeting. One of his army commanders offered to try to defeat the enemy. He did not await the arrival of the hostile fleet, but launched proas to meet them at sea. On their way the defenders were hit by a storm. Their eight proas (lembang) swerved from their course and finally came ashore at a deserted uninhabited region near the mouth of the Sa'dan River. The people aboard the proas then followed the course of this river until at length they arrived in Rante Bulaan, the Golden Plain. From here they set out for Limbong and Rura. The latter village is in Duri: it is the setting for the ensuing myth (see VI.3). In part the myth is supported by prehistorie artefacts found throughout the Duri region, i.e. coffins of the same type as those found in Tana Toraja. These sarcophagi are no longer used at present. Also mention should be made of the fact that the Duri are looked upon as Islamized Toraja. The form of govemment of several federations in this area be ars astrong resemblance to those of the puang-regions in Tana Toraja (Tideman 1933: 359,467)..

VI.3 Myths concerning the consequences of incest The most important myth in this context is th at of the drama of Rura. We follow the version as narrated by B. Sarungallo (1969). The events took pi ace at a time when heaven and earth were still

The Sa'dan·Toraja

connected by a ladder. There were two brothers, Londong diLangi' and Londong diRura (londong = cock, or, in poetic diction, man). The former was unmarried, the latter was married and had four children, two boys and two girls. When these reached maturity they sought for marriage partners but there were no people with whom they could wed (or, if such people existed at all, they we re perhaps of too low standing to marry them). The four siblings wondered whether there wasn't some way out of their quandry and they resolved to send two slaves, Pong Maleleong and Pong Datu Bakka', to Puang Matua to ask whether they could possibly marry among themselves. Both slaves set off, but under way they thought better of it and took counsel with each other. Should Puang Matua give them negative answer, there would surely be no marriage feasts. Therefore they retraced their steps and reported to their masters that Puang Matua had granted his consent to the brother-sister marriages of the brothers with their sisters. Now preparations were made in Rura (situated in Duri) 33 for a great la'pa' kasalle (bua' kasalle)-feast. Singing and dancing were to take place and a burake (priest) would officate. The celebrants, however, were afflicted by the wrath of Puang Matua: a mighty flood inundated the whole site of the feast and whoever was there drowned. The two slaves and Londong diRura also perished. Only Londong diLangi' 34 was spared. Puang Matua decided then to summon Londong diLangi' to heaven. Londong diLangi' came and inquired why he had been called: Londong diRura was already drowned, wasn't he? Puang Matua answered that he was about to sunder the connection with the earth because he was unwilling to be involved further in the affairs of the earthlings. First, however, he gave Londong diLangi' four nuts of the betel palm: one of the four was still whoIe, one was in halves, a third in quarters and the last was split into eighths. "Take these nuts with you, plant them and see which germinate." Af ter Londong diLangi's departure, Puang Matua overturned the celestial ladder; the remains of this ladder are not in Duri, but in Kesu', in the form of the Sarira rock·complex. Af ter his return to earth, Londong diLangi' planted the nuts. The whole nut did not come up, which implied th at marriages between brothers and sisters were not allowed. The second nut did sprout, however, signifying that marriages between first cousins, sampu pissan, were permitted. The third and fourth nuts also germinated, which meant that marriages between sampu penduan, second cousins, and between sampu pantallun, third cousins, were permitted.35

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In this myth a few points stand out: the incest committed takes place between brother and sister, thus not between father and daughter or mother and son. The story is the mythic foundation of marriage regulations on earth which obtain for relatives of the same generation, and -this point is less obviously made -of the same class. The slaves are in large part responsible for the punishment; their meddling contributed to the severance of the link between heaven (cf. VI.4.2a, the tale of Pong Sumbung Sare Pio, the poor man, who caused the overturning of the celestialladder by stealing Puang Matua's flint and steel). Puang Matua appears as a punitive god, a role otherwise consigned to the gods Tandiminanga and Pong Lalondong in the underworld. Having meted out punishment, Puang Matua no longer interferes with mankind (but see p. 119 for the argument that he did not become a deus otiosis). For a different version of the deluge in Rura, see Kruyt 1923/24: 95-97. Still another vers ion comes from Dr. H. van der Veen which is here summarized as follows: Londong diLangi's son was going to marry his own sister. Pong Maratintin, the Teller of Lies, was sent by the parents of the young couple to ask Puang Matua if su eh a marriage was allowed. First Puang Matua split a betel nut into halves and said that a marriage of this order of relationship (i.e. between brother and sister) was not permissible. Then he broke one of the two halves down the middle and declared that a wedding between partners so related, between first cousins thus, was not permitted either. Only if the two were second cousins a marriage could be contemplated. The devilish Pong Maratintin, however, wished to disrupt good order on earth and reported to Londong diLangi' and his wife that marriage between brother and sister was permitted. The wedding feast was celebrated. The wrath of Puang Matua swept down upon the place of celebration. The connection with heaven was severed. The 'Golden Age' 36 passed away. The rice no longer grows as it should and is exposed to erop failure. Plagues strikes the livestock so that it no longer multiplies in abundance; and diseases is the scourge of mankind.

VI.4 Miscellaneous myths

VI.4.1 Ulelean; introduction In many ulelean the heroes and heroines, poor at the outs et, achieve prosperity: they acquire sawahs and buffaloes and they themselves,

al! it were, of poverty and low status, but he can speak, a gift which even the most costly buffalo in the society is not able to match. Through the medium of this buffalo its poor owners, a girl in the tale of Babu' Solong, a youth in the story of So' Patelang, compile vast riches. The ulelean are for the most part tales of the Cinderella-type. Another favourite character in the stories is Pottala, the Toraja Till Eulenspiegel. The Cinderella theme recurs in the tales of Saredadi (Radjab 1950, Tale no. 14), To lao Mepare, To Ma'bone, Seba Sola Pia biung (Van der Veen 1924c: 2-4), Babu' Solong, So' Patelang, Tonggo (The Very Good) Sere Tapong, Sere Dodo and To Kalala', the Poor (Van der Veen 1924c). Sometimes the names of the heroes and heroines in these narratives refer to their scanty clothing: Sere Tapong, 'The one who wears a torn sarong of akan-fibers'; Sere Dodo, 'The one whose sarong is tattered'; Babu' Solong, 'The one who uses an areca leaf-sheath for a back covering' (instead of a mat braided from rushes). In other ulelean the protagonists are misformed. On occasion the poor heroes are aided by deata, gods and goddesses. This happens, for example, in the stories of Tonggo and of To Kalala'. The ulelean reflect the Toraja wish-dream: many buffaloes, full rice barns, etc. The 'table-be-Iaid'-motif, in which the role of the donkey is played by a cock or a buffalo who makes all wishes come true, occurs with frequency. Also elsewhere in Indonesia, the cock and the buffalo are wish-dream fulfilling agents. The poor and the orphans who come into wealth can be regarded as figures poised between 'poor' and 'rich', as 'social mediators' in the sense which Lévi-Strauss attaches to the term (Lévi-Strauss 1967: 223).

Pong Sumbung Sare Pio ('He who wears a loin cloth of stitched-together rags') Formerly the earth was connected with heaven by a ladder (Eran diLangi' = celestial ladder). The foot of the ladder stood in Rura (see VI .3). People who had something to ask of Puang Matua or the deata, climbed up the ladder. Onee Pang Sumbung Sare Pio (the name suggests a poor person) climbed the ladder and stole the flint· and steel of Puang Matua. In anger at the theft, Puang Matua kicked down the ladder. It came to earth in pieces. The far end of it is the Sarira, a ridge of mountain peaks running through Kesu', Rantepao and Ma'kale (the name Sarira, or, better yet, Tindak Sarira, means Rainbow). Af ter the ladder had been shattered, it happened that a child of Londong diLangi' in Rura feIl ill. In despair the child's mother cried out, "How can I go to heaven now to ask Puang Matua for medicines to cure my child?" Then Puang Matua let a tille-stalk fall to earth and said, "Use this in place of the celestial ladder". (Told in:

A. C. Kruyt 1923/24: 160-161.) The myth is known in a number of versions. In some of them Pong Sumbung Sare Pio is called Pong Sumbung Pio Saratu', 'He who has sewed together one hundred shreds of loin cloth'. VI.4.2b The myth of Marampio Padang When mankind began to settle on earth, their guide on their way was sacrifices, they determined the domain of the village all around. A start was made at cultivation, the kaise'-shrubs grew in rows (kaise': a shrub with red fruits). Then there came the child of someone from the underworld and taak fruits away. Marampio Padang saw that his kaise'-fruits were few by night and many by day. He borrowed the lance of Datu Nakka'. Marampio Padang stabbed the child of someone from the underworld. Datu Nakka' looked for his lance, he saw it na more. Marampio Padang offered buffaloes and sawahs and pure gold, but Datu Nakka' refused these. Datu Nakka' held him responsible, and made a demand which could not be fulfilled. Then Marampio Padang went to collect a fortune-giving liana and a rattan with con- verging axils. Marampio Padang made a basket. Sampurari opened for him the layers of the earth which lie on top of each other and Marampio

Marampio Padang said, "For whom is the drum being beaten?" A buffaloherd answered, "For the child of Pong Tulak Padang that was stabbed above in the sky. Many medicine men have tried to cure him, but the child has not recovered". Marampio Padang said, "Bring me to the child". The buffaloherd said, "Give me mangoes, then I will bring you there". Upon arriving at te village Marampio Padang said, "For my part, when there are no longer any people above in the house, then I will begin applying my medicine". When he had gone up in the house, he passed the flat of his hand several times across the child's body and ,then pulled the lance out. The princely body of the inmate of the underworld, it arose in well-being and went up to the river bank, as healthy as usual. Payment for Marampio Padang was proposed to him. He said: "A fit reward for me would be for you to perform that which brings blessings". Then they placed the offering on the altar; everything contributing to the beauty of the sacrifice was laid on the altar. Marampio Padang saw it and said, "That now is my payment: the beauty of the sacrificial ritual". He asked and said: "What is planted of the bananas over-there?" They replied: "The trunk of it". Marampio Padang asked again: "And of the sugar palm?" He was told: "The fruits of it are planted". Marampio Padang again inquired: "And the cendana-tree?" (sandalwood; Toraja: sendana). People said, "The branches are cut off and stuck into the ground". He asked once more: "And that slender bamboo?" They said, "The rootstock is planted". He went on asking, "What is that which makes a noise there?" People answered and said: "The drum". Then Marampio Padang said, "Let all th at be my payment!" Marampio Padang took the payment and placed it in his basket. He returned by the rope, repeatedly beating his drum. The inmates of the underworld said: "He came to cure what his hand had misdone". The plants which come down from heaven by now have congregated with the plants which appeared on earth. Marampio Padang returned the lance to Datu Nakka'.

Mythology 165

Marampio Padang went to tap palm wine. Rain started. Now Datu Nakka' ripped off one of the leaves of Marampio Padang's tree. Then Marampio Padang said to Datu Nakka': "Give me my leaf back; your lance, didn't I also return that to you?" Datu Nakka' returned it but the leaf had already wilted. Datu Nakka' offered his possessions, but Marampio Padang refused them. His own person Datu Nakka' offered. And Marampio Padang began to use Datu Nakka' as a slave for doing work in the sawahs. Marampio Padang was a generous man; he called him his child. Marampio Padang than perished the cycle of his rites: the feast of the sacrifice of a pig in the house, the sacrifice on an altar, the merok-feast, the rites of the maro-feast during which a bamboo-shoot is inserted into the ground. They all serve for protection; thereafter the bua'-feast was celebrated.38 We learn from the story that the underworld is not as bad as the word suggests. In our culture the term has gloomier connotations than among the Toraja. The latter believe that various cultivated plants originated in the underworld and also that good relations can exist between the people on earth and those of the world below. Different versions of the story of Marampio Padang have come down to US.39 In the vers ion above the thief is a child from the underworld, in other versions it is a pig. This pig then is the counterpart of the pig created in the upperworld. The sendana-tree from the underworld is the counterpart of the heavenly sandalwood tree mentioned in the Passomba Tedong (Merok: 152-153). The mango-tree in the underworld has also its pendant in a celestial tree. The sugar palm which originated in the underworld can be recognized by the fact th at its branches on the left si de point downwards; next to this there also exists an Arenga saccharifera which derives from the upperworld (Merok: 91). The healing of Pong Tulakpadang's child in the underworld finds a parallel in the cure wrought by Indo' Belo Tumbang in the upperworld when Puang Matua's child Banno Bulaan, 'The Golden Ricewater', was sick (Merok: 142-143, verses 726ff.). Marampio Padang's des cent into the underworld is the reverse of mankind's most serious ambition, i.e. contact with the upperworld. Yet, it also is a complement, a counterpart even of man's efforts at communication with the upperworld. In ritual, however, no attempt is made to act out such a descent into the underworld, for such an

She carried the dog to the side of the house and covered him with a mat. A crow told the news to her father. Seeing that his dog had been killed, he asked who had done this. Tulangdidi' said it was she. Then her father said that he would have Tulangdidi' die together with the dog. (Note: the dog was already dead; probably we should read like the dog.) Her mother gave her a chicken egg with uncooked rice (barra'). They went out; then her father said, "Here I will kill you". She said, "A little bit farther north, there where the pigeons gather and the birds come together". Having joumeyed upstream, her father said: "Here". She said: "Wait, 1'11 first go and relieve myself". Then Tulangdidi' added a pigeon egg to the chicken egg she had. When she came back she said, "Hack me, please, through the middle". Thereupon Tulangdidi's father struck her square down the middle. A pigeon came out of the egg; it pecked open the chicken egg. When the chicken (cock) was full grown it collected the maggots from Tulangdidi's body.40 The cock of Tulangdidi' fulfilled the task of the to ma'peuli', the female slave who removes maggots from the corpse (cf. Vol. 11), an act of purification making part of mortuary rituals of high order. Here again the cock is intermediary between under- and upperworld. Having gathered them, the cock said, "Live again, Tulangdidi'" (Van der Veen 1924/25: 71-72). Thus she was brought to life, went to live in the woods and accumulated great wealth because the cock made buffaloes, rice, etc. appear by magic. Someone informed her parents that she was still alive and had come into wealth. They wouldn't believe it. However, they paid the girl a visit. Tulangdidi' treated her mother better than she did her father. She gave him his food in a cat's bowl and had him presented with an empty limestone cylinder. When her father wanted to shake some chalk out of the case, the floor caved in. Af ter he had fallen through the floor, Tulangdidi' told her buffaloes to kill her father. He was trampled to death and buried under buffalo dung. When, later, her mother died, she was interred with pomp.

Mythology 167

Once upon a time people were busy pounding rice. Tulangdidi's cock was struck by a scoop used for dishing out pig fodder .41 He flew to heaven with Tulangdidi' holding onto his tail feathers. "Let us fly to the moon", the cock said. There Tulangdidi' still remains, known ever since as Indo' Sadenna or Indo' Samadenna (translated as: Mother Everything in Hand, Mother All there is; Merok: 71, verse 348). In the Passomba Tedong Tulangdidi' is one of the daughters of Pong Banggairante. Aecording to another version of the story, Tulangdidi's cock changes into a constellation (Manukna Lapandek or Londongna Tulangdidi'). When this constellation appears in the sky, the Kesu' (Rantepao) farmers begin to sow their rice. On this occasion a chicken is sacrificéd (Van der Veen 1924c: 69). What we are dealing with appears to be a moon-myth (the weaving Tulangdidi'; Tulangdidi' cut in half). Another connection is that of Tulangdidi' with the eock and the rice. The astral aspect emerges in the following poem:

"Indo' Sadenna has a golden spinning wheel which she uses as a stick, What has been mixed she takes for her share, the cock of Lapandek, They follow each other to the moon on high, spurring each other on, the seasons have their meeting, Whereby they pay attention to the waning and the waxing of the moon." (Transcribed and translated into Dutch by Van der Veen 1924c: 69)

The cock is Tulangdidi's companion who has brought her riches:

"The fowl of Lapandek, the cock of Tulangdidi' these full grains of sowing-rice are now being sown, that speckled of hue, on the golden mat playing with the riehly flowing well water; Let (the crop) be protected, Let not its roots knock against anything, so that (the erop) may rise on high, whose young shoots do not die." (Translation from Van der Veen 1924c: 69)

The two fragments of poetry here reproduced in their logical sequence appear in the original in reversed order. I eannot explain why. The poem as such is a litany recited before sowing the rice seed by the to indo' padang, the rice priest. The litany confirms the importance of Tulangdidi' and her cock for rice cultivation.

Tulangdidi' or the Fowl of Lapandek (a place in the puang-regions, Tallulembangna), is a constellation used in scheduling the phases of the agricultural year (Van der Veen 1924c: 70).42 The translation of the name Tulangdidi' is difficult. Van der Veen regards 'The Upright Yellow (One)' as an accurate attempt, a name moreover which is perhaps a reference to (ripe) rice. For additional versions of the myth of Tulangdidi' see Radjab 1950: 104-107 and Van der Veen 1924c: 69-73).

VI.4.3b Bulu Pala' Because this tale is in many regards a counterpart to that of Tulangdidi', I reproduce it at some length (af ter A. C. Kruyt 1923/24: 310ff.).43 There once was afather with seven sons who lived on the mountain known as Lapandek near Mebali. (His house, stabie an<~ other property which belonged to him can still be identified at this location.) The youngest son's name was Bulu Pala', 'Hairy (Hand)palm'. "This boy", so his father said, "might bring misfortune". But many people who saw the child said: "This child is good". As a consequence the father began to love his youngest son more than his other children. Therefore the boy's brothers grew envious of him and decided to murder him. One day one of the brothers said, "Father has died, come let us dig a grave in which to bury him". When the brothers had prepared the grave, they asked Bulu Pala': "Be so good as to see whether by now the grave is large enough for father". Bulu Pala' lay down in the grave and stretched himself out. His brothers then hurriedly poured earth on him and buried him alive. The dog and the cock of the boy. however, dug their master free. (The cock, it is reported, was an extraordinary animal for he could give his master everything the latter desired: a buffalo, a pig, a house, wh at ever he wished.) When the boy who was supposed to be dead returned among his brothers, they wondered at his reappearance, but their ha te for him remained un- abated. One day they said, "Father is dead, let us go to cut wood to make a coffin (duni) for father".44 When the coffin was prepared, they said, "Brother, lie down in it, so we can teIl whether it is large enough for father". Bulu Pala' did what was asked, but as soon as he lay in the coffin, his brothers shut the coffin, bound its planks together and tossed everything into the river. The river flowed rapidly and bore the coffin out to sea. The dog

Since no one gave them anything to eat any more, the cock wanted to peck at the fodder that the brothers gave to the pigs, but one of them gave him a blow so that his wing broke. The cock now went to find his master to complain but look where he would, he could not find him. He searched by the river and questioned the current: "Have you seen my master?" But the current replied that the previous day his master had floated past and by now was certainly very far away. The cock, in the company of the dog, made his way downstream and when they arrived at the mouth of the river they saw a wooden coffin floating there. The cock flew to it and perched on top. He managed so to scratch and to rock that the coffin drifted landwards and ran aground. (Kruyt 1923/24: 311). The dog pulled the coffin ashore and bit through the ropes. His master sprang out alive. Bulu Pala', who had developed a dislike for his brothers, built a house in a lonesome spot. Af ter some time he told both his companions that he wished to go to heaven. The dog was unable to follow him there and dug a hole in the ground that served him for shelter. The cock went along with Bulu Pala'. Before his master departed for heaven, he promised the dog to give him a sign when it was time for him to come out from his lair. "When there is much thunder every day and the winged white ants come out of the earth, it is the dog of Bulu Pala' who was changed into the larve of the white ant (the termites). Everyone can see Bulu Pala' and his cock in the sky; they are carried in a palanquin." (A. C. Kruyt, loc. cit.) Apparently the constellation of and around Orion is here referred to. Radjab gives a somewhat different vers ion (1950: 18-36). He heard the tale from the late Puang Lasok Rinding of Sangalla'. In this narrative Pong Bulu Pala' is already a married man when his brothers deceive him in the manner described above. The wife of Bulu Pala· is the daughter of a man in whose house Bulu Pala' has been a guest. In this house he received his cock and his dog as gifts, the cock who brought wealth and who apparently aroused the jealously of Bulu Pala's brothers by its ability to provide their younger brother with everything desirabie. Yet, even before this the brothers were so hostile that they had twiee tried to have Bulu Pala' be trampled by buffaloes. This plot went wrong because of the recalcitrance of the buffaloes who spared Bulu Pala's life. In the myth as told by Puang Lasok Rinding of Sangalla', mention is made of three-eared riee. It originated

The Sa'dan-Toraja

in heaven and was carried away by the protagonist of the tale. In this version of the story Bulu Pala's father worries greatly about his son to whom he is deeply attached. The boy's mother has a bit more prominence in the proceedings, for she gives birth to Bulu Pala' in an extraordinary manner: he is delivered from the palm of her right hand. He grows astonishingly fast and already speaks to his parents while he is still being carried about; the gist of his speach is that his parents must take good care of him and not abandon him to his fate. He had not appeared on earth to do wrong, or spread evil, but to dispense welfare and prosperity to all living things. Oddly enough, af ter these words he did not speak again for a long time. Besides, he was extremely precocious and could already herd buffaloes when he was one year old. In this version it is Bulu Pala's wife who, together with his dog and cock, rescues him from drowning by freeing him from the coffin. Pinally, the cock and Bulu Pala' go to heaven, and his wife and dog are changed into larvae of white ants. The two narratives resembie each other closely; it only needs to be added that Radjab's version takes pi ace in Papansura near Duri. The parallelism between the Bulu Pala' myth and that of Tulangdidi' is striking in spite of differences between them. In the sch.ematic comparison on page 171 we stick to the two versions of the Bulu Pala' tale here reproduced.

In spite of a few basic differences (good versus bad father, bad versus good dog) the overall agreement of the two tales emerges vividly. Tulangdidi' and Bulu Pala' could well be the female and male aspects of one and the same being, some sort of rice-, agriculture- or fertility-deity. The cocks of Tulangdidi' and that of Lapandek (B.P.) are almost identical. They are of ten mentioned in the same breath (see Merok: 30-31). The cock of Lapandek is said to be Orion. In the myth as related by the late Puang Lasok Rinding of Sangalla', Bulu Pala' and his seven siblings are the constellation of Orion. Pong Bulu Pala' drifted downstream in his coffin, the direction of the ancestors, the to matua. In contrast Tulangdidi' asked to be interred upstream, the direction of the deata (gods and goddesses). This, too, can be an indication that the two protagonists are, as it were, each other's complement. The one finally retires with his cock to a configuration of stars indicating the proper time to begin the cultivation of rice. The other finds refuge as the divine weaver in the moon, another appropriate

cock

VI.4.4 Til! Eulenspiegel tales The Till Eulenspiegel figure is prominent in the story of Pottala. Ris antagonist is Datu, a rich glutton, to whom he is in debt. In the

Once again he went to Pottala, handed back the axe and again pressed him for payment. Pottala promised to pay. He stayed at home, took his blowpipe and shot three ducks who were on the sea. Afterwards three wild ducks lay in the house, one in the central room, one in the southem part of the bedroom and one next to the hearth. Pottala roasted the ducks. When Datu came to be paid, a tantalizing odour greeted him. He c1aimed the blowpipe as repayment of his loan and Pottala gave it to him. Yet: no wild ducks from the sea ended up in Datu's house. Again he paid Pottala a vis it. Pottala asked for a short respite 'fo collect money others owed to him, so he could pay Datu. Then Pottala gave his dog several coins to eat. Datu arrived at the moment that the dog shat gold and he demanded the anima!. Yet, onee Datu was home again, the miraeulous animal tumed out to be no wonder at all. Datu retumed the dog, tied Pottala up and wanted to set him afire. (Buming a person is punishment for a major transgression.) First, however, he entered Pottala's house to eat. Meanwhile a hunch-back passed by and asked Pottala why he was tied fast. Pottala replied that he, too, once was a hunch-back and now was being straightened out. The hunch-back took Pottala's place. Datu came back downstairs and in blind rage kindled a fire which consumed the hunch-back, Datu believing that he was buming Pottala. Pottala went to c1ear a patch of wooded land. When that yielded proeeeds he took them to Datu. Datu was astonished to see him. Hadn't he set Pottala on fire? Pottala answered, "Af ter the Datu had bumed me up, I met my ancestors". The Datu expressed a wish that he, too, be set on fire so that he could meet his aneestors. He ordered his kaunan (slaves) to fetch wood. The fire was ignited, he leapt into it and died. The above story is borrowed from Radjab (1950: 98-104) and Van der Veen (1924e: 52-62).

Mythology 173

It is possible to interpret the present folk tale, following Wertheim, as a form of social protest. Pottala is a good example of a lower c1ass .Eulenspiegel who dupes a rich aristocrat, a patu or Lord.45Yet, another interpretation is possible, one hinging upon Pottala's name. Van der Veen (1924c: 59) points out that tala means sexually deviant, a man who acts like a girl or is feminine in appearance. The figure of Pottala is highly reminiscent of the burake tambolang, the priest considered to be an hermaphrodite (cf. chapter IX: Priest). He is, as it were, a pseudo-burake. The burake tambolang is a person who enjoys much respect in Toraja society: during the great bua'-ritual, it is he who makes contact with the upperworld; he is the priest of the rituals of the northeast which are associated with the deata (gods). Pottala, as a parody of the burake, comes from the diametrically opposed direction: he tells Datu that he has visited his ancestors (nene') - these dwell in the Southwest. His report, moreover, is pure fabrication and belongs to the prank of hopes to ensnare Datu with. Who, then, is Datu in this interpretation ? Rather than merely a rich, highranking man, he can also be seen as the personification of an important god of the upperworld. Wertheim regards certain folk tale motifs as protests against the established order. This does not alter the fact that stories like those ab out poor orphans and people such as Pottala are current among all classes. Of ten they are tagged with a moral; at the end of the tale of The Congenital Cripple, for example, we hear:

"We then, we people, all of us, the high and the low alike, the rich as well as the poor, the prominent and the humbIe, When we are wealthy we must not say, I am rich and respected, how can anything ever stand in my way. Whatever I choose to do to these poor and lowly creatures, who would ever criticize me; for I am rich and respected. To behave like this, is wrong, because the fate of man is un- fathomable. If you say that one there is inferior and poor, perhaps later he will become rich like The Congenital Cripple. And the rich man, may become poor in his turn." (Van der Veen 1924c: 10-11)

V1.4.5a The myth of Pano Bulaan This myth was transcribed for the first time by Adriani and A. A. van de Loosdrecht. Below appears an abridged vers ion in English of his original Dutch translation (Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsch Zendelinggenootschap 1914: 225-244).

She tripped over a snake (a python) who, when she touched his head, wanted to swallow her. Pano Bulaan said that the snake might marry her (if he gave up the idea of eating her). The snake consented, whereupon Pano Bulaan said that she would put him into a hollow tree. This happened; the snake thereafter provided Pano Bulaan with food, and with golden krisses and golden jewellery (rara' = jewellery worn by upper class women). When the moment that Pano Bulaan's child would be born drew near, the snake said that he would let the child live if it was a girl and that he would devour the baby if it proved to be a boy. Pano Bulaan gave birth to a son, Panggalo'-galo' (The Bold One), whom she concealed. The boy grew up and ordered shipbuilders to make ready an iron vessel for him. When the snake was off again scouring for food, the ship set out for the open sea with Pano Bulaan and her son on board. They had taken along the goods and jewellery. The ship was well-protected, for it was covered with swords and sharp iron. 11he snake saw their departure and swam out into the sea. He pounced upon the ship but was cut into three pieces. The snake's head fell onto the iron proa; Panggalo'-galo' picked it up and the head turned to gold (what happened with the remaining sections of the snake's body is not reported). The son then asked his mother what course to follow. She answered him:

"Look for the coconut palms standing in a row, The areca trees stretching in a line, Point your proa in their direction ... "

Panggalo'-galo' struck out as his mother had directed. Then she told him to climb a coconut palm (which belonged to Pano Bulaan's plantation). When he had reached the top he heard a woman's voice: "Who is that? Who comes climbing the coconut palm of Pano Bulaan as if he were some god,46 seeing that the owner has disappeared and the dishes have been shattered for her and the rice-pounders broken into pieces?" Panggalo'-galo' turned back and told his mother that he had been spoken to 'from above'. This repeated when he climbed up an areca palm (Toraja: kalosi).

Mythology 175

Pano Bulaan then revealed to her mother -for, it was her mother who had reprimanded the youth -who she was and she introduced Panggalo'-galo' to his grandmother. Since Pano Bulaan's husband had remarried,47 mother and son took up residence with the grandmother. First they celebrated the merok-feast and then the manganta'. As the result of her skin disease which causes the skin to peel away, Pano Bulaan has some snake-like features. The forest, however, is not her true habitat: she comes from a village. She is of high status: she has a golden colour and receives jewellery (rara') from the snake which is appropriate to women from the upper class. Formerly, this story would have been classified as a moon myth: both the snake and Pano Bulaan with her scaly skin condition are mythical figures who shed their skins and thus renew themselves. l1he snake's wish to swallow Pano Bulaan and later her son can be interpreted as a mythical explanation of the phases of the moon. There is no certainty, however, that this is the true meaning of the myth. There are other features to be considered. The golden hue of the protagonist (hulaan = gold) is associated with the upperworld. The myth is portraying an opposition which plays a leading role in Toraja religion: life and death. Pano Bulaan escapes death by marrying the snake. The snake is presented as an animal that lives in the forest; Pano Bulaan sets up house for the snake in a hollow tree trunk, the place where the Toraja bury children who die before they grow teeth. The forest stands in opposition to the civilized environment from which Pano Bulaan originally comes. In this story we can observe different phases of burial rituals: the 'interment' of the snake in a hollow tree; 'head-hunting', also a component of the ritual for the dead; the celebration of the manganta' and the merok-feast. Both these feasts can be of various import, but one of their ritual meanings involves conveyance of the dead from the sphere of the West to that of the East (the gods). In the following subsection appears a second version of the story of Pano Bulaan. It differs from the first in several minor regards. We selected it not because of these differences but because in its unabridged form it is a typical specimen of Toraja narration.

VI.4.5b Rangga Bulaan 48 In a certain country there once was a girl, Rangga Bulaan by name, who was the daught~r of a rich man. She was pregnant, but not (yet) married. Her mother and father were very surprised when they noticed

One day all the chiefs, village elders and notables came together to mete out righteous punishment to Rangga Bulaan which she had eamed for her sin, a sin of great shame. Their decision was to drown her in the deep ocean, ban her from the country, and decIare her dead. Then Rangga Bulaan was decIared dead and her death ritual was held. Af ter some time it appeared that Rangga Bulaan who had been pronounced de ad and for whom a death ritual had been enacted was in fact not yet dead. She came to life again. She floated on the ocean and was carried ashore by the current. Then Rangga Bulaan cIimbed onto the land. She saw no houses; she noticed that she stood near the edge of a dense forest. Rangga Bulaan was fi1led with sorrow when she thought of her fate. Where would she pass the night, where would she find protection and a place to sleep? Rangga Bulaan went looking for a pI ace to pass the night and entered into the underbrush. She found shelter under an enormous tree. There she spent the night, just as if it was her own home. Every day and night she had nothing to eat but the fruits of the forest. How sad and lonely she felt in the thick woods. She thought about digging a weIl where every day she could bathe hers elf to her heart's content. So she dug a weIl under a tree. Now each moming ::md aftemoon she could bathe as often as she wanted. On a certain day while Rangga Bulaan was bathing as it pleased her to do, an enormous snake (saa = python) came sHthering towards her, much to her alarm. She became very frightened and shivers ran up and down her whole body when she saw the snake, which was very huge. Saa spoke to Rangga Bulaan thus:

"Hé, heaven is cIosed, the earth is satiated, you, dear and lovely child of man, I will swallow you in one bite, I mean I'm going to kill you, child."

Rangga Bulaan answered him thus:

"Your words are but all too true, heaven I will no more see, no more will I be able to He on the earth, since I cannot fly away, do then what your heart prompts you to."

Mythology 177

Thereupon Saa spoke thus:

"I won't devour you,

if you will marry me."

Rangga Bulaan pondered a long while for it was difficult to reach a decision. She couldn't do anything but agree. So it happened that Saa's request to marry Rangga Bulaan was granted. From that moment forth Saa and Rangga Bulaan were married.49 They lived as husband and wife and had a nest for a house. Saa had made a nest in the jungle that he destined for the residence of Rangga Bulaan. As head of the family Saa had to go out from the nest to look for food and to accumulate riches in gold and silver. So time af ter time Saa went off in quest of food and wealth in order to bring them back to the nest as their property. The wealth consisted of gold and silver and the food were intended for them both. When Saa noticed that his wife was expecting a child, he was very glad. He said to Rangga Bulaan: "If you bear a child and it is a girl, I will love her because she will be able to catch shrimps to feed me. But if the baby is a boy, I will swallow him, because if I let him grow into a man, he will turn against me and perhaps he will kill me". Rangga Bulaan replied: "I will obey you in all things, if only the child is delivered successfully. It is good th at you coHect food for us and wealth of gold and silver. In addition, you must look for many swords so for us so that we can protect ourselves". Rangga Bulaan thought to hers elf, if the child turns out to be a boy I will conceal him until he is fuHgrown. If Saa saw him, he would swaHow him, skin and bones. But if the child grows up he can build for us a boat with a roof of swords. She let Saa go off to collect food and to assembIe wealth and swords. Saa remained away a long time to find food and amass riches. When he came back he brought food, wealth and swords into the nest that served Rangga Bulaan as a home. Slowly the wealth and swords piled up and all this was their property. When delivery was about to take place, Rangga Bulaan once more sent Saa to search for food and to collect riches. Rangga Bulaan thought to herself, if I give birth presently to a boy he will be swallowed skin and bones by Saa, just as Saa said he would do. Indeed, Rangga Bulaan bore a son. She gave her child the name of Panggalo'-galo', 'The Brave One'. How sad Rangga Bulaan was when she thought about how things stood. She said to herself, when

"A little

daughter, I will certainly love her dearly". Saa did not see the penis of the child because it was hidden. Rangga Bulaan said to Saa, "So you promised me when I was pregnant, if the child I bore was a boy you would swallow him but if it was a girl then you would cherish her truly". How content and full of delight Saa felt because his child was a girl that he would love truly. Rangga Bulaan spoke to Saa: "Go off to find food for us and all kinds of wealth, but especially seek out more swords that we can use to defend ourselves". Rangga Bulaan further insisted by telling Saa: "It is good that you work hard to find food for us and gather wealth of gold and silver and swords to collect in our nest". Not long afterwards there were vast quantities of food and riches piled high in the nest inside the huge tree with the thick shrubbery growing all around. At last Panggalo-galo' became larger and stronger. When Panggalo'- galo' already was a big boy it was difficult to hide his penis. His mother hid the boy and when Saa asked, "Where is my child?", then Rangga Bulaan answered him, "She is at play". Panggalo'-galo' was constantly concealed by his mother whenever Saa asked for his daughter. The food and wealth and swords which Saa had brought home filled the entire nest that was a home for them in the huge tree with the thick shrubbery growing all around. Rangga Bulaan thought deeply, called her child Panggalo'-galo' and together they reached a decision. She spoke, "Ah, my child, you have grown up now; if we do not flee from this pI ace, the day will come when Saa swallows you. It is good if now you make a baat for us which you must equip with a roof of swords". When Panggalo'-galo' heard the words of his mother, he set to work at once to build the baat and he made it with a roof of swords as his mother had requested. Thereupon Rangga Bulaan sent Saa again to look for food and to gather wealth with the words, "Saa, go now to seek food and to collect riches for us sa that they can become the property of our child.

Mythology 179

This time you must stay away for months and only then return with the goods which you have assembIed". Then Saa set off and he remained away for many months in search of food and for wealth as Rangga Bulaan had asked him. Only then could he return home. Panggalo'-galo' was very busy making the boat so that it would be ready before the return of Saa. When the boat was finished, Panggalo'- galo' fitted it out with a roof of swords. When everything had been completed, Panggalo'-galo' spoke to his mother: "The boat you wanted me to make is finished and it is fitted out with a roof of swords the way you told me". Rangga Bulaan answered her son, "Good, now bring the boat to the edge of the sea and come back to fetch all the goods of gold and silver and the food as weIl to bring them to the boat. When you have done that, we will flee from this place before Saa comes back". As soon as the gold and silver and the food were loaded into the boat, Panggalo'-galo' called his mother to come on board so that they could swiftly travel to the country of his mother. Saa, who had not yet come back from his travels in search of food and wealth, did not know that Rangga Bulaan and her child had run away. Panggalo'-galo' and his mother journeyed back to the land where she was born. In the middle of the ocean Panggalo'-galo' did not know what course to set to reach his mother's native country. He asked his mother what to do:

"0, my mother Rangga Bulaan,

who brought me into the light of day, in what direction lies your land, the land that is your home, so that I will steer this boat there, so that I will guide this vessel in that direction."

Rangga Bulaan answered him thus:

"0, my son Panggalo'-galo',

the country of your mother's birth, her home is there where induk-trees 51 stand in a row, where coconut trees grow next to one another, steer your boat there, in that direction steer your vessel."

Thus they journeyed further and further. A gentle wind conveyed them to the country of Panggalo'-galo's mother's birth. And all the while he kept speaking with his mother.

The Sa'dan-Toraja

When Rangga Bulaan looked up, behind the boat she saw an object cleave the water. She became deeply afraid and Rangga Bulaan spoke to Panggalo'-galo' thus:

"My son, Panggalo'-galo', whose boat is that which follows us, whose vessel pursues us from afar, is that not the boat of Saa, is that not the boat from Koko, perhaps he is coming to kill us, perhaps he follows us to destroy us."

Panggalo'-galo' answered his mother thus:

"Ah, my de ar mother, Rangga Bulaan, don't be afraid, don't be upset, his boat won't be like ours, his vessel won't be like ours, our boat has a roof of sharp swords, our vessel has been roofed with swords for shingles, reinforeed with oda-oda blades." 52

A short time later, while Rangga Bulaan and Panggalo'-galo' continued talking to each other in verse, the body of Saa suddenly rose from the sea and hurled itself upon their boat. The balance of the boat was hardly even disturbed when Saa's body landed upon it. There was no danger. The body of Saa was cut into pieces by the sharp edges of the swords which made up the roof of the ship. How sorrow- ful were Rangga Bulaan and Panggalo'-galo' when they saw Saa's dead body that was cut into pieces. Panggalo'-galo' and Rangga Bulaan continued their voyage and Panggalo'-galo' asked his mother:

"0, my mother, Rangga Bulaan,

who brought me into the light of day, in what direction lies your land, the land that is your home, so that I wiIl steer this boat there, so that I will guide this vessel in that direction."

Rangga Bulaan answered him thus:

"0, my son, Panggalo'-galo',

the country of your mother's birth, her home is there where induk-trees stand in a row,

Mythology 181

where coconut trees grow next to one another, steer your boat there, in that direction steer your vessel."

So Rangga Bulaan and Panggalo'-galo' spoke to each other in verse and not long afterwards they came near the coast. When Rangga Bulaan saw the induk-trees which stood in rows and the coconut trees growing side by side, she pointed them out to her son, saying, "Look, there is the place where your mother was bom". Panggalo'-galo' headed the boat to the place and they reached the coast where the coconut trees grew next to each other. There the boat was hauled ashore and Rangga Bulaan had it tied fast with a rope. Rangga Bulaan told Panggalo'-galo' to climb a coconut tree and piek a young coconut so they might drink from it. No sooner had Panggalo'-galo' climbed into the tree than a messenger from Rangga Bulaan's mother came in order to forbid Rangga Bulaan's son to climb the tree. The messenger said, "Whose son is that who just climbs the coconut tree of Rangga Bulaan? How does he dare climb the tree just like that? Doesn't he know that Rangga Bulaan has already been dead for a long time. She is already buried under a well and the front of the house had been blackened. These coconut trees we consider as dedieated to her memory. Hé, you, come down from the tree at once!" Panggalo'-galo' climbed down, went back to the boat and told his mother everything he had heard: that the man was angry and forbade him to climb the coconut tree. Rangga Bulaan told her son to try another tree, but again he was forbidden to climb the coconut tree. Several times Panggalo'-galo' went back to pluck a young coconut for his mother, but on each occasion he was not allowed to and people grew angry with him. Rangga Bulaan said to her child: "If again someone forbids you to climb into the tree, you must tell him that the owner of these coconut trees has sent you because it has been a long time since she has eaten a young coconut. Now the owner herself has sent me to pluck a young coconut so that she can drink the milk". Panggalo'-galo' went back and climbed up another coconut tree just as his mother had instructed. Not long afterwards the man returned. He forbade Panggalo'-galo' and became angry, saying: "Hé, who are you, who have climbed yet again in the coconut tree of Rangga Bulaan whereas she died long ago. Come down right away!" Panggalo'-galo' replied, delivering his mother's message: "My mother, Rangga Bulaan, has sent me back to climb up in the coconut

milk". The people who had heard Panggalo'-galo's words were very surprised. Rangga Bulaan's mother came and said wrathfully: "Who are you, to call the name of my daughter Rangga Bulaan who perished woefully long ago! Where is she now, have the birds of prey or the fish of the ocean eaten Rangga Bulaan ? I am amazed that someone has been ordered to climb up her coconut tree. You have defiled her memory". Panggalo'-galo' answered Rangga Bulaan's mother: "Impossible! I am Rangga Bulaan's son. My mother is now waiting in the boat. She sent me here to climb up the coconut tree to pluck a young coconut because she wanted to drink coconut milko If you don't believe me, go to the boat to see for yourself if 1 have lied". All who heard the words of Panggalo'-galo' were extremely surprised because they knew that long ago Rangga Bulaan had been drowned at sea, that she really was de ad and that a ritual for the dead had already been celebrated for her. The people said: "Good, let us go have a look. Perhaps it is true". The mother of Rangga Bulaan sent areliabIe messenger to inspect the boat. When the messenger came close to the baat, he saw Rangga Bulaan sitting on board. He saw the boat fully loaded with goods of gold and silver and very much food. The messenger of Rangga Bulaan's mother returned to relate what he had seen. He said: "It is true that Rangga Bulaan is on the baat. I saw that the baat was fully loaded". But Rangga Bulaan's mother did not yet place confidence in this messenger. She sent yet another messenger in whom she had even more trust, to visit the boat and see if Rangga Bulaan was there. When this mess enger saw that in deed it was Rangga Bulaan who was sitting on the boat, he came back and reported to Rangga Bulaan's mother: "It is true that Rangga Bulaan is on the boat. She was exiled from the country, she was drowned in the ocean, but now she is alive again". Only then did the mother and father of Rangga Bulaan go to see if their daughter was on the boat. Af ter the mother and father had seen Rangga Bulaan with their own eyes, they believed that Rangga Bulaan who had already died long ago, happily now was alive again. The mother and father of Rangga Bulaan saw Panggalo'-galo' and they asked: "Whose child is this?" Rangga Bulaan answered her mother and father: "It is my child, your grandchild. His name is Panggalo'-galo'. He built the baat so that we could come back here,

Mythology 183

Mother!" The grandparents embraced Panggalo'-galo' and they wept. The mother and father invited Rangga Bulaan and her child to go with them and said, "Let us return to our house". Rangga Bulaan answered: "We would rather remain in the boat to rest. Your daughter committed a sin, she was exiled, drowned at sea and banished from the land". The mother and father of Rangga Bulaan turned back at these words to their village and said to the chiefs and village councillors: "Our daughter Rangga Bulaan died and has come back to life. Has that ever happened before?" Then all chiefs and village councillors convened to speak with one another so that they might reach an agreement that by coming back Rangga Bulaan had admitted her sins and the error of her ways. They concurred that it was fitting to be grateful to Rangga Bulaan now that she had returned with her son Panggalo'-galo' and had brought along such riches in gold and silver. Rangga Bulaan was very happy now that she was at home with her child and an abundance of wealth in gold and silver and had come back with a boat equipped with a roof of swords. She had been declared de ad for such a long time already, and a mortuary ritual had been celebrated for her, but she was stiIl alive. Only then was Rangga Bulaan willing to return to the house of her mother and father, because people had already agreed to hold a merauk (= merok)-feast in token of their gratitude. The thanksgiving was celebrated by the mother and father of Rangga Bulaan and all inhabitants of the country took part. The merauk-feast could be held as a vote of thanks because Rangga Bulaan who was already dead had come back to life. Thanksgiving was dedicated to heaven, to god, because Rangga Bulaan was already given pardon for her sins. The thanksgiving sounded thus:

"Let it be an example for the village, an example for the country, no one shall die by drowning if the same sort of thing happens again, no one will be exiled when the same sort of thing happens again, but let it be a warning for the people, an example for the living."

Thus the tale of Rangga Bulaan became an example for the country down unto the present day.

ANIMALS AND PLANTS IN RITUAL AND MYTH

"These are buffalo people." (Kennedy, Field Notes on Indonesia: South Celebes, 1940-1950)

VII.1 White and pied buffaloes The kerbau (Bos bubalus var. sondaica) is the most important animal in the culture of the Sa'dan-Toraja. People are preoccupied with water buffaloes. In daily conversation the word tedong ('kerbau') 1 crops up again and again. People talk ab out buffaloes with the fervor of Europeans discussing pedigree dogs. The kerbau of the Sa'dan-Toraja are colossus es among the buffaloes. The sound which the megataurus makes comes as something of a surprise: it is not the bellowing of a steer, but rather the gentle bleating of a goat. Tedong is the word commonly used for 'kerbau', karambau is a more solemn term which appears in ritual songs.

VII.1.1 Colour, markings and other characteristics The Toraja, just as other people for whom livestock are an important part of their culture, distinguish various types of kerbau. There are buffaloes which are bonga; these are spotted, sometimes even more dappled than Dutch cattle. They are white (or reddish) with black patches and often have China-blue eyes ('wall-eyes'). Such kerbau are also found in several other parts of Indonesia: for example, among the To Bada of Central Celebes, on Sumba, Flores, Roti and Timor (Kreemer 1956: 30-31). Here, however, such animals are, proportionately, less common. According to the veterinary surgeon Mansjur these piebald kerbau are not so rare among the Sa'dan-Toraja: he counted some 875 out of a total 20,000 which he inspected (Mansjur 1940: 24). In addition to the highly priced dappled colouration of the anima Is, attention is paid to the location and direction of ridges in its coat;

which can be favourable as weIl as unfavourable, see Mansjur's article. A pied buffalo with favourable hair-ridges bestows much luck on its owner. Such luck, however, was never the lot of the common man in puang-regions for long, because in previous times whoever owned a bonga-calf had to cede it to the prince as a token of homage. It remains unknown how this dappled variety originated; the Toraja maintain that cross-breeding to achieve special markings, is not done and that the birth of a bonga is a matter of chance. One pied buffalo can be valued at 10 to 20 ordinary, solid black buffaloes. Below follows a categorization of buffaloes according to their colour and markings: all black-and-white pied kerbau are accorded the designation bonga regardless of how the black and white are proportional to each other. A saleko (doti) is a buffalo with roughly equal amounts of white and black skin area (masaleko-leko) and many spots. Mr. W. Papajungan who was my principal source of information commented, "The markings of the saleko look like the tracks of someone who has kept going back and forth". Doti is a word heard more frequently in Mamasa. The markings of the doti are compared to a woodcarving motif of the same name which consists of a combination of white crosses; it is a motif which one fiJ;lds as weIl on ancient maa'-cloths (doti langi'). Some of these specimens are as speckled as lapwing eggs; the plenitude of flecks is associated with abundance and indicates wealth.2For an illustration, see Mansjur (1940: 25). A bonga ulu has only a white head (= ulu); there is no white on the buffalo's neck. Should the white of the head begin only before the ears, the animal is known as a bonga sori or bonga rori'. The price demanded for such a buffalo in October 1966, a bull, was 875 Dutch guilders (the price of an 'ordinary' bonga ulu was 750 Dutch guilders). The head of bonga tengnge' and half the neck are white, like the tengnge', the hen-harrier. A todi (samara) has a white circle on its forehead. The same term is sometimes used for a blazed horse. For all the categories of kerbau cited here, it is essential th at the tail, or at least the tip of the tail, be white. Should buffaloes have a black tail, then they may not be used for sacrificial slaughter. In describing such animaIs, my informant used the Arabic-Indonesian word haram, taboo. Such beasts are less valuable. A kerbau which is as expensive if not more expensive than either a bonga or saleko is the lotong boko, one with black hind quarters. In addition to various bonga, other types of kerbau are recognized.

140 cm. Such horns are also depicted as a motif in woodcarving: pa'tanduk rape. Tanduk sikki', two semi-circular horns which touch each other at their tips, are considered ugly. Should horns curve downwards and almost meet, then they are referred to as sikukku'. Kerbau with horns of the particular shape called tanduk bibang are sacrificed during the ma'nene' (ma'tomatua)-ritual. Bibang signifies 'sherd from a cooking pot'. In the Passomba Tedong such buffaloes are mentioned: "They are the atonement offering to the West, for the ones who are revered as ancestors" (Merok: 129). Sokko mebali is the buffalo of low value with horns bending downwards which appears in folk taIes (cf. Belksma 1924: Tales 3 and 4). Yet, in some of these tales the animal (then called sokko remak) brings wealth to the poor owner (Van der Veen 1924c). The value of a young kerbau is determined by the span of its horns. The wider the span the more precious the animal. Really precious beasts are housed in special stables which are so constructed as to prevent damage being done to the valuable horns. The more expensive

VII.! The form of kerbau horns:

a. Tarangga d. Sokko

"they are already pretty the way they are". There are pitch black buffaloes (pudu') with beautifully shaped horns which are worth as much as a saleko. W. Papajungan had commissioned a woodcarver to copy the heads of three of his comely buffaloes, and had these fastened to the front and back of his new house and to the front gable of his ricebarn. On these naturalistically depicted heads real horns rose up, for during the interim the beasts themselves perished in a mortuary ritual. The value of a kerbau thus depends upon its colour and the configuration of its horns -at least if they are bulls or oxen. Cows never have attractively formed horns and even when they are pied the older cows have only a comparatively low value. The length of a buffalo's horns, a variabIe which affects the animal's value, is an indication of its age. In Kesu' the following categories of size are distinguished (see also Woordenboek) :

1. sanglampa taruno, the top of a (middle) finger long (in extraordinary circumstances such a young kerbau is sacrificed as part of the offering known as pa'karu'dusan);
2. duang lampa taruno, two finger tops long;
3. sompok rangka' (sompok rakka'), one finger long;
4. limbong pala', half a hand;
5. sangkumabe', just longer than half a hand (see fig. VII.2);
6. sanglengo, a hand. Such a kerbau is already equivalent in value to a fat pig (in 1969: 12,500 rps or 125 Dfl);
7. sangtaruno mengkaluo, one hand and one finger (which is held crosswise under the hand). Similarly with two and three fingers, until-
8. sangpala', one hand and four fingers (cf. fig. VII.2);
9. sangbusukan ponto, from the top of the middle finger to the armband, i.e. a hand and half of the forearm;
10. alla' tarin, up to the elbow or just below;
11. inanna, past the elbow. Formerly, less valuable buffaloes were stabIed under the house; the former Netherlands Indies government put an end to this practice. In addition to stables, buffaloes are now housed in corrals. Until the moment they are sacrificed at a mortuary ritual or other feast,

*1*

v

"Then Datu Bakka' and Pong Malaleong, completely exhausted, bowed their bodies, thereon they were treated like buffaloes used for work on the rice fields, they were handled like 'karambau' used for labour on the sawahs." Passomba Tedong (Merok: 137) 3

A pure white buffalo is known as tedong bulan (bulan = moon); the word also means 'light in colour'). White buffaloes are never slaughtered at a mortuary ritual. Meat from these animals may not be eaten in most districts, with the exception of Baruppu'. Myths provide explanations for the taboo, but these rationalizations are not all alike. In the story of Polopadang which circulates in Kesu' and Sangalla' the prohibition arises because the hero is helped by a white buffalo (see VI.2.2b). The white buffalo astride whose back Lakipadada, the legendary forefather of the puang of Ma'kale, Sangalla' and Mengkendek, tried to cross the se a, faited to reach his destination.

The Sa'dan-Toraja

The beast could not reach the far shore and was therefore (according to a version of the story, which differs from that of VI.2.1b) cursed by Lakipadada. For this reason people may not eat the me at of white buffaloes -a rather different clarification of the taboo from the one contained in the preceding myth.4 Yet another line of reasoning dep arts from the assertion that the blood of Puang Matua is white, just as the blood of the rulers in part of the Sa 'dan region, the already cited puang of Ma'kale, Sangalla' and Mengkendek. White animaIs, associated with gods and rulers of heavenly descent, may therefore not be consumed; this obtains for all of Sou th Celebes. Elsewhere in Indonesia -and sometimes in Asia -white cattle are associated with princes. It is possible to draw a parallel with the Dalai Lama who, when he was still the monarch of Tibet, rode on a white yak upon certain occasions. The belief that it is forbidden to eat the flesh of a white (albino) buffalo occurs also elsewhere in Indonesia (see Kreemer 1956: 115,216). No such taboo is found, however, either in Baruppu', or among the Mamasa-Toraja who are close relatives of the Sa'dan-Toraja. The Sa 'dan do not raise any white buffaloes: albino calves are abandoned to their fate upon birth so that a speedy death is assured. At present some people spare suoh calves' lives. The Sa'dan themselves maintain that most white buffaloes are born blind. Kerbau are herded and cared for by young boys 6-12 years old; this is one of the finest periods in the life of any Sa'dan-Toraja entrusted with the responsibility. When school children are invited to write about their lives, the time when they tended the buffaloes is described with verve; even boys from acculturated milieu recall such days with nostalgia. The cumbersome animals are like putty in the hands of their small keepers. The boys lavish care on the tedong, rubbing them down, polishing their hooves and shining their horns until they gleam like steel. Now that school demands much of a boy's time, herding buffaloes becomes more difficult.

S. 1. Pasapan from Tallulolo was very proud of his bonga u/u.
Like all costly kerbau, the beast was only put out to graze during the morning; it was washed with soap and rubbed with oil. The bull was housed in a clean stabIe where it was fed with fine grass. The buffalo itself was extremely clean; its skin, ruddy and black, shone; its tail hung like a white brush and its horns were perfectly shaped and right- angled in cross-section; its damp nose was bright. In short, the bull was Pasapan's pride and joy. It did not roll its eyes the way one

common argument runs that the value of kerbau is highly exaggerated considering their limited economie usefulness. Capital sunk in these animals could be put to better uses. This position is set forth by Siregar in an article in Madialah Universitas Hasanuddin, no. 16, 1965. He maintains that in 1961 there were 278,959 kerbau in Tana Toraja and the total value of kerbau slaughtered during various feasts amounted to 207,360,00 rps (Siregar 1965). In Dutch currency the sacrificial bill was about 1.8 million guilders. The kerbau is so thoroughly woven into the social-religious structure of Sa'dan-Toraja life that we can confidently speak of a 'buffalo complex'. It is easier to point a finger at this preoccupation, than it is to propose guidelines for change. Even the most modern-oriented Toraja continue to sacrifiee buffaloes at rituals for the dead. Prom a more objective point of view, kerbau are not really the totally useless creatures that some pretend. Their meat, eaten during mortuary feasts and other rites, is considered a treat. Buffalo hides, moreover, represent an important export article. Buffalo cows do provide milk (Kennedy 1953, A. C. Kruyt 1923/24), even if not with the abundance of Dutch cows. Buffalo milk is thought to have healing properties and is drunk as a cure for venereal diseases. Occasionally in 1950 I saw buffaloes harnessed to a plough, a sight which occurred with more frequency in 1966 and 1969 when I was again doing research in the field. As I mentioned earlier, only bulls and oxen are of real value. Males, indeed, are the only acceptable beasts for sacrifice, not only among buffaloes but also among pigs and chickens (although with fowl, exceptions are allowed). What tells with buffaloes is not only that males are larger than females, but that their horns are more splendid as weIl. Absolute rigidity, however, is not insisted upon. Should one, for example, have sacrificed the really essential number of oxen and

mataTÎ' ('Well-carved' or 'he who has a comely

form'), Rangga manurun ('He who came down from heaven', peri- phrasis for the animal's perfection), and Arrang Samalele ('Light that is evenly diffused', a name deriving from the buffalo's markings which were said to be dazzling). The names of these buffaloes are as widespread and famous as those of human notables in the society. Papajungan had even made a number of epigrams (londe) in praise of his favourites. Consider, for example, this composition in honour of Rangga manurun:

Torro madatu ritondok

Rara' ballo matari'

Natidukunni linggi' rangga manurun

"He remains in the village like a prince, A finely carved neck ornament of gold. Descended in full perfection from heaven, At once those of high rank approach him."

VII.1.2 The lamily tree ol the kerbau Mythical buffaloes also have names. Just as people, these animals have important ancestors. According to traditions from Sangalla', Kesu' and Banga, the first bull came down from the upperworld, but the first cow sprang from the earth (A. C. Kruyt 1923/24: 299 and 301-302).5 The first union of buffaloes in myth is reminiscent of the marriage of the to manurun who chose women of the earth for their wives; these women sprang from a river or a weIl. The first cow emerged also from water; Sanda Bilik, the ancestress of the puang- family, hrought this cow with her. A. C. Kruyt (1923/24: 301) offers the following genealogy of the mythical kerbau in Kesu':

Manturini = Laelo'

I Tanduk paku I Tanduk waka' I Sokko remak 6

Animals and plants in ritual and myth 193

This genealogy illustrates how important the buffalo is, and how illustrious his ancestry. Indeed, isn't Puang Matua himself, as a husband, compared to a bull buffalo? "Puang Matua was as steadfast in the marriage as a centipede in a deep sleep, To Kaubanan was constant in the union like an adult ruminating buffalo bull" (Merok: 85). Before a buffalo is sacrifieed during the merok-feast, the to minaa recites its family history aloud.7Just as during the bua' kasalle a specific pers on is praised in poetic language and his excellence is emphasized, so the buffalo about to be sacrifieed is extolled. I was told that during this praise, the animal stands very still. It is as if it understands the significanee of the laudation, as if a bond exists between the person who recites the praise and the tethered kerbau. "Tears even well up in the eyes of the mighty animal, he is so deeply touched" (oral information from Mr. Pasaka, Rantepao).

VII.1.3 The kerbau in art and in ritual Kerbau horns, remnants of rituals for the dead, adorn Sa'dan-Toraja houses (in 1966 one saw far fewer such horns, for thieves had made away with these trophies for the purpose of carving horn combs from them). The jawbones of the buffaloes hang in the parent-house of dignitaries, the sokkong bayu. (This manner of decoration, possibly designed to ward off evil is widespread among the megalithic peoples of Southeast Asia, Indonesia inc1uded.) The horns of the buffalo slaughtered at the merok-feast are hung on a sendana (sandalwood) tree. The ultimate destination of these horns is something I have been unable to ascertain. The horns have magical significance: they repel evil influences. Stylized kerbau heads are carved upon the doors of ricebarns. The same motif, pa'tedong, is also part of the woodcarving decorations on the front and sides of the tongkonan,8 more specifically on the sangkinan rinding, the broad posts into which the wooden panels of the walls are inserted. At times the doors of rockgraves are also adorned with a stylized kerbau head; these of ten are more impressive, more gruesome than the pa'tedong fashioned on houses and ricebarns. Lively depicted kerbau are sometimes found on the sacral maa'-cloths. In more statie guise they also turn up on the pio, loin c10ths with woven designs, which are hung out as banners (tombi) during certain celebrations (see fig. VII.3). On these ancient textiles the buffalo is reproduced with turned head so that it displays its horns to better advantage. A look beneath ricebarns of ten reveals decorations, scenes

S. P. Pasapan from Sangbua', Kesu'.
Colours: dark blue on a white background. Actual size. (Drawing by Miss Suzanne Taub.)

from daily life, along the inside of the lowest horizontal beams: kerbau frequently figure in these scenes. One can see the bonga reproduced with its natural colouration (this kind of art is particularly noticeable in the district of Tikala). The carved buffalo heads, life-sized, which adorn the façade of the tongkonan and the important post which supports the roof, the tulak som ba, are life-like. They are very naturalistic, indeed: once I saw a tulak somba with a carved buffalo head on which a carved heron was perched; it would not have surprised me if the white bird had suddenly taken flight! Ricebarns also are sometimes fitted out with ornamental buffalo heads, as are some modern homes (I have already mentioned those on the modern residence of Mr. W. Papajungan). The horns whioh jut from the wooden buffalo heads are real, and are carefully selected; one is choosey about their form. Someone from Sallebayu, I was to1d, the most eminent tongkonan in Tonga, Kesu', was hard in search of a buffalo with beautiful horns so that these horns might be affixed to his tulak som ba. The wooden buffalo heads on the tulak somba and on the front of the house are called kabongo'. The buffalo heads described here are presumably meant as a defense against evil influences (see a1so VIII.1). Children a1so model buffaloes. Boys make clay versions, tedong-tedong; Wilcox tells how these tedong-tedong are given such great horns that the buffaloes become top heavy and topple over. Adults

Part of the reenactment of the ritual is the 'sacrifice' of buffaloes, buffaloes of clay. When girls play at such a pas time, tubers fulfil the role of kerbau. During my fieldwork I discovered that I, too, had become susceptible to a certain cultural preoccupation: increasingly more buffaloes were being scribbled in my sketchbook. A to makaka from Kalambe' showed me photographs of his comely buffaloes, with enthusiastic commentary. And how proud S. 1. Pasapan from Tallulo was of his bonga ulu! (see above p. 190). Stones in the shape of a buffalo are called punduk sarai. Such stones are considered 10 be able to bring their owners many buffaloes. Buffalo horns are wom during the dances which must be performed during certain rituals, and they are part of the ceremonial dress of particular persons. Ma'randing is a dance executed by a group of men who sport imitation buffalo horns (see Claire Holt 1939: 69 and photos 56 and 57). These imitation horns (tandu' allang or tanduk gallang; gallang = brass) are made of brass. Around their necks the dancers wear the tora-tora, a necklace of crocodile teeth with the fangs of a wild boar hanging in front. Each dancer carries a shield in his hand. Roughly half a dozen men take part in the ma 'randing which is performed at the funeral of persons of eminence, particularly for deceased who had a name for bravery. The dance is thus a war dance during which the dancers wear buffalo horns. The dancers (to ma'randing) are members of the slave class (Woordenboek v. randing). Ma'tenten is another war dance.9This dance used to take place when the kerbau slaughtered during death rituals were speared to death. They then bIed slowly to meet their end. Another war dance is mangaru', a term for war dance also occurring in Buginese (in Makassarese: ngaru). The dance is a form of homage to the prince or some other figure of authority upon his arrival. As far as I was able to determine, these dancers do not wear buffalo horns. All that is known is that while they dance the dancers shimmy with their entire bodies in a fashion similar to war dances on Nias. The ma'tenten is described in Claire Holt's book (1939: 69-70, 110). In the dance known as manganda' the dancers' head-dress consists of real buffal0 horns. The head-dress is extra heavy because between the horns a cloth is stretched which in part serves as a backdrop for coins. The coins can be ancient. There are some dating from the first

One of the figures they trace is a ring dance during which they first move counter- c10ckwise and then reverse direction. (For further particulars, see Claire Holt 1939: 66ff. and photos 65-68.). Buffalo horns are also worn by those who officiate at major feasts. During the great bua'-feast such a man is the to ma'tanduk (J. Kruyt 1921: 63). At the la'pa'-padang-feast, the priests (to menani) wear imitation horns, fashioned from the ribs of sugar palm leaves. According to Ne' Sangga, they wear real horns which are pointed up. Buffalo horns then, realor artificial, are worn at rituals related to both death and fertility. In the Rantepao region (Sangalla', Kesu' and Tikala) old coffins (rapasan) had a buffalo head as decoration at one end. Sacrificed buffaloes accompany the deceased to Puya; a special buffalo path stretches through the kingdom of the dead. Life in the hereafter is imagined as an extension of life on earth, and the deceased must be ab Ie af ter death to comport himself at the level to which he was accustomed during life. This idea was repeated to me by Toraja informants. Relatives assist by sacrificing buffaloes to go along with the deceased to Puya. In the past the burial of a prominent member of certain tongkonan in Kesu' and Tikala entailed the killing and decapitation of a human being to tend the herds of the deceased notabIe in the hereafter.10 The Netherlands Indies government set a limit to the slaughter of the number of buffaloes permissable at a mortuary ritual. The Indo- nesion government has done likewise. Anyone who wishes to celebrate a mörtuary ritual for the dead, must report the number of buffaloes to be put to death during the proceedings. The proposed number is sometimes cut back severely by the authorities: one asks for permission to kill twenty and receives to go-ahead to sacrifice four. It also happens that the children of the deceased agree among themselves to limit the number of kerbau to be slaughtered. Limitations introduced by the colonial government perhaps had the effect that they drove up the price of a saleko (bonga); Kruyt reported that a pied kerbau was valued at the price of four ordinary ones (in 1923/24: 304). Because the government's rule restricted only the number of buffaloes to be

ritualY The pa'karu'dusan is considered to have died simultaneously with the dead person and is more or less identified with him (cf. Vol. II). Close family members of the dead may not eat the meat of this buffalo. In the past, but on occasion also in the present, the pa'karu'dusan was brutally slaughtered (Kruyt 1923/24: 147). In Rantepao the parepe' is the equivalent of the tandi. rapasan (another name is kampa tatau). Family members may partake of the meat of this sacrifice. From the day that the body of the deceased is laid into the rapasan, the tandi rapasan stays in the room beneath the dead person's home during all the time that the rites called dipalimang bongi, dipapitung bongi and the first part of the dirapa'i are celebrated (cf. the mortuary rites as discussed in Vol. II). When the buffaloes are led in procession about the terrain where the fin al mortuary feast is held, the tandi rapasan goes in front. A maa'-cloth is draped over its back. This kerbau is slaughtered on the day that the deceased is brought to the rockgrave to be entombed. The other name for this buffalo, kampa tatau, the guardian of the tatau, is an allusion to the doU (tau-tau) made in effigy of the dead person. In burial huts in Mamasa-district one sometimes sees such dolls seated astride a wooden buffalo; these depict the deceased and his mount on their way to the next world. In the Sa'dan region, the tau-tau rides a horse, although here, too, the notion exists that a kerbau carries the dead to the hereafter (the mount then is the parepe' and not the tandi rapasan). Tulak bala'kaan is the name of a buffalo which is bound tightly to a pole (tulak) of the bala'kaan (= the scaffolding upon which the

the hereafter (the parepe') ;

c. the buffalo as guardian of the dead (kampa tatau). The function of the tulak bala'kaan is difficult to explain. In addition: kerbau are considered to accompany the de ad to the next world and they determine the status of the deceased in the re alm of the dead. Upon the pi ace of slaughter, the buffaloes are tethered to wooden poles (respectively, the trunks of the sugar· palm, the areca palm, the pseudo sugar palm, and the *bambu betungl2)*which rise from the ground next to the upright stones (simbuang batu). Before the buffaloes are killed, they sometimes are pitched against each other in battle. It is a show of might: he ad crashes against head, the vast bodies shivering with the impact. The fighting, however, is not bloody. The actual slaughter of the animals is thus all the more gory. In 1950, 1966 and 1969 I witnessed mortuary feasts at which one giant kerbau af ter another crumpIed in a heap af ter a single blow of the machete. Boys raced about to catch the ebbing life blood, the same boys who had been the buffaIoe's playmates and their keepers. Ethnographers with a camera were as a ruIe thrust into the front ranks of spectators where they might capture the spectacIe on film. This vantage, however, entails legitimate reason for fear: the dying buffaloes can still plunge about. People do not regard slaughtering as crue!; in farmer times when the buffaloes were speared to death, the act was in deed more barbarous. The blade descends while the buffalo is standing. The animal's right or left fore-Ieg is bound to a post with rattan. While one man pulls the buffaIo's head up by tugging on the bamboo ring which the beast wears through its nose, another slashes at its throat.

be bungled and then the buffalo suffers beyond measure. During the slaughter, the crowd sometimes shows signs of excitement comparable in some respects to the emotion of spectators at bull fights. When I asked if people didn't find it a pity to kill such expensive creatures and inquired whether they didn't grow attached to their buffaloes, the answers I received were all negative. "We sacrifice our costly animals so that we can acquire part of the dead man's legacy and can become rich!" Distribution of the meat and the various remnants of the slaughtered buffaloes is connected to extant patterns of reciprocity (between villages, tangkanan, family members, friends, acquaintances, and so on). The division of society into classes also becomes manifest in the procedure. The kerbau, status symbol, price index, sacrificial anima!, mount for the dead and expiatory offering, is of all the animal kingdom the closest to man. Thus in the Passomba Tedang it is said of the first man's son:

"He received the name of Manturino, and his other name was Datu Muane, He was all but the namesake of the divine progenitor of the buffalo, with only a small difference, he had the other name of the begetter, revered as a lord, of the kerbau." (Merok: 103)

One differentiates kinds of kerbau, higher and lower sorts, just as people are differentiated. The common green kerbau belongs with those 'who wear an armband of clay', the ta kaunan, the lowest class; this is iterated in a litany which the ta minaa recites during the merak- feastY The tedang bulan is associated with the puang. What Evans Pritchard has written about the cattle of the Nuer also obtains for the kerbau of the Sa'dan-Toraja: "They furnish certain ritual categories; and they greatly enrich the language of poetry" (Evans Pritchard 1947: 41). People's attitudes towards the kerbau is ambivalent. The beast is spoiled during its life but is allowed to die -especially in days past-a gruesome death. Pong Lalondong severed the thread of life spun for mankind; man puts an end to the buffalo's life. Buffaloes are

The Sa'dan-Toraja

slaughtered during feasts which have to do with life and well-being, but also during rituals for the dead. Living beings exchange kerbau and present to their dead parents the most costly possession which they own: the buffalo. In return they receive something valued as highly: ricefields. The kerbau is the symbol of wealth and also of property of the ramage. This emerges in the opening of the poem which has been translated in section VII.1.4: "Three are the symbols with which we began" (i.e. the hairs, the lice and the parasites on the buffalo). It was the prerogative of the burake, the leading priest (priestess) to kill a dappled buffalo during the great bua'-feast. This was the most precious kerbau of all. The white kerbau remains an outsider to the entire buffalo-complex; in myths, especially those traditions concerning Polopadang and Lakipadada (cf. V1.2.2 and VI.2.1b), this animal is a prominent actor. but he cannot be sacrificed.

VII.1.4 The buffalo as a symbol of the ramage's power and wealth

The following poem, transcribed by Bua' Sarungallo, gives a condensed survey of the implications of the kerbau as symbol of the ramage's power and wealth (Dutch version by H. van der Veen).

Tallumo te dandanan sangka' kitirandukki

1. Bulunna tin de te dong darun bulaanna to ma'rapu tallang.
2. Kutunna tinde tedong ba'tan bulaanna to ma'rapu tallang.
3. Lissena tin de te dong bu'buk bulaanna to ma'rapu tallang.
4. Balulangna tin de tedong 10- tong boko'na to ma'rapu tallang.
   "Three are the symbols (clues, signs) with which we began."

The hairs of this buffalo are the golden needIes of the ramage-members, numerous as bamboo culms. The lice from this buffalo is the golden millet of the ramage-members ... The para sites on this buffalo are the golden sawdust of the ramage-members ... The hide of this buffalo is the maa'-kain (Zotong boko) with the figure of a buffalo with a black back belonging to the ramage-members ...

5. Ikko'na tinde tedong kandaure salombe'na to ma'rapu tallang.
6. Tandukna tinde tedong gayangna to ma'rapu tallang.
7. Lentekna tinde tedong banua gayangna to ma'rapu tallang.
8. Kalungkungna tinde tedong suke salappa bulaanna to ma'rapu tallang.
9. Isinna tinde te dong lai lola'- na to ma'rapu tallang.
   201

The tail Of this buffalo is the beaded jewellery with long loops belonging to the ramage-members ... The horns of this buffalo are the golden krisses of the ramage-members ... The feet of this buffalo are the sheaths of the golden krisses of the ramage-members ... The hooves of this buffalo are the golden betel cases of the ramage-members ... The teeth of this buffalo are the precious stones imbedded in the large golden armbands of the ramage-members ... The tongue of this buffalo is the golden serving spoon of the ramage-members ... The hind quarters of this buffalo are the golden sack with lance ribbon belonging to the ramage-members ... The galing 14 of this buffalo is the golden lance with the silver ribbon on the shaft which belongs to the ramage-members ... The spleen of this buffalo is the blue cindai-cloth 15 with white figures that belongs to the ramage-members ... The entrails of this buffalo are the golden bullets of the ramage-members ... The stomach of this buffalo is the great golden bag of the ramage-members ...

10. Lilana tinde tedong pesangle bulaanna to ma'rapu tallang.
11. Pollo'na tin de te dong purru- san bulaanna to ma'rapu tallang.
12. Galingna tinde te dong doke pando' bulaanna to ma'rapu tallang.
13. Bayana tinde tedong saritan- na to ma'rapu tallang.
14. Tambun tenen a tinde tedong peruru bulaanna to ma'rapu tallang.

15. Tumabangna tinde tedong kandu' bulaanna to ma'rapu tallang.

16. Lalikanna tinde tedong balu- bunna to ma'rapu tallang.

17. Buana tinde tedong lampo'- na to ma'rapu tallang.
18. Balangna tinde tedong sepu' bulaanna to ma'rapu tallang.
19. Atena tinde tedong sangeran bulaanna to ma'rapu tallang.
20. Talinganna tinde te dong talinga maa'na to ma'rapu tallang.
    

    VII.1.5 The division of the meat

The Sa'dan-Toraja

The chamber of the stomach for food that is chewed a second time belonging to this buffalo is the golden martavan 16 of the ramage-members ... The he art of ,this buffalo is the great, cone-shaped bag of the sheath of the sugar palm which belongs to the ramage-members ... The lungs of this buffalo is the golden betel pouch of the ramage-members ... The liver of this buffalo is the golden whetstone of the ramage-members ... The ears of this buffalo are the ancients c10ths (maa') with ear motifs belonging to the ramage-members, numerous as bamboo culms.

The laudation of the kerbau's virtues and symbolic values, so eloquent- ly voiced in the preceding section, should not induce us to overlook the animal's more prosaic but all the same very useful gifts, all of which can be summarized in one word: meat. Whether dedicated to the gods or to the dead, the meat of the sacrificial animal is, with few exceptiot;ls, destined for the living, and for the living this mcat is not an incidental extra but an integral part of each celebration. The division of the meat is a matter of immense social relevance and the Toraja everywhere have fixed rules for meting out everyone's share. The rules may differ from place to place, but never is the division of the me at left to chance or circumstances. In the following pages we describe the procedures followed in Ba'tan (Kesu'). Om informant was Bua' Sarungallo. The buffalo is toppled by a slash with a machete (la'bo') or else pierced through with a lance. Execution by spear, now obsolete, was formerly reserved for only the karu'dusan and the buffalo which was sacrificed during the merok-feast (and presumably also kerbau put to

death during the great bua'-ritual). It was (and continues to be) considered unlucky if the spear had to be thrust twice into the beast instead of once only. Similar belief pertains to wielding the machete as the instrument of death. If speared, the buffalo was supposed to fall to the right; a fall to the left was regarded as an ill omen. As soon as the buffalo has fallen to earth, small boys rush up -at a ritual for the dead -to collect escaping blood in bamboo containers. The buffalo is butchered and skinned; then small boys (testimony has it these are children of the ta parengnge') make off with the hooves. They tie these to a string and play a game with them: two boys cross the strings to which the hooves have been attached and then pull until one of the strings breaks. The cutting up of the carcase continues as follows: the kerbau is divided into two along its underside. The entrails are removed. Then division of the meat takes place. The front part of the breast is the portion of the ta parengnge'. As far as the other parts are concerned: the bottom of the neck (actually the top of the throat) is, in part, set aside for the butchers. The host also receives part of the throat and some of the shoulder. The owner of the slaughtered kerbau is given part of the heart and the thigh. Below follow further details concerning the division of the most important parts of the buffalo. The meat is handed out by the sakkang bayu; if he does not himself officiate, he must designate a substitute who is a member of his tongkonan.

Division ol bullalo parts in Ba'tan, Kesu'

1. If only one buffalo is killed, the head, complete with the neck as far as the ears, goes to the sokkang bayu (the head of the leading tongkonan).
2. The buku leso, the hip joint of a hind leg with surrounding meat (left or right is immaterial) is alloted in its entirety to the sokkong bayu.
3. The other rear leg is divided in two, one of the pieces roughly twice the size of the second one. The larger portion is given to the datu baine. The upper part goes to the first petulak. The shins of both hind legs are split into two so that four pieces can be distributed, one each for petulak numbers 2, 3, 4 and 5. Should there be additional petulak, then either the front leg or the hind leg is still further divided.
4. One and a half portions are considered to remain from the front

The Sa'dan-Toraja

legs. (Note: Just as the rear legs are considered to extend as far as and to inc1ude the hip joint, so the front legs are taken to reach, and to inc1ude, the 'shoulder joint' or shoulder blade.) The pieces which make up this remaining one and a half portions are divided into three. The buku sanduk (the shoulder blades) go to the to indo' padang (the leaders of the rice ritual) and to the anak patalo, among whom they are divided further.

5. Certain pieces of meat (pariu?, puyung?) go to the pa'buntuan sugi', to the rich, the respected (literally: to those whose wealth is like a mountain; this is also the title of an adat-chief who has much prestige). These can be family relations of the to parengnge'. Only the belly and the back and ribs now remain. A part of the liver, the kidneys, a portion of the stomach, etc. are cut into small pieces and given to the to parengnge' and the to indo' (padang). The ribs and what is left over from the stomach are distributed among 'the people', the heads of families in the village and also among people attending the feast who do not live in the village. The ancestors themselves receive only small bits of meat; see Woordenboek v. kiki'. Rules for passing out the ribs (with the meat on them) are not very exact. The aak (the slab of meat which c1ings to the spine from just above the hip joints) is in La'bo' apportioned to the kaunan. In Tikunna Malenong, the palona ('his breast bone', i.e. the buffalo's) is also reserved for the kaunan. Palo is the name for the me at attached to the midriff of a kerbau (or pig, for that matter). When many buffaloes are slaughtered, then the kaunan may possibly receive and entire hind quarter. The members of this c1ass share it further, one part going 'ta the si de of the mother' and one 'to the side of the father', that is to the farmer slaves and descendants of the deceased's (late) mother's family and to those of the deceased's (late) father's family.
   

   Special buffaloes

The head of the karu'dusan, together with part of the neck, goes, according to one informant, to the tongkonan with which the tongkonan of the deceased maintains reciprocal relations (dipasibali); another informant said this special piece was set aside for the most prominent among the (former) slaves. The following reciprocal relations between tongkonan exist in Kesu':

Animals and plants in ritual and myth 205

Sallebayu-+ To' Sendana <- Aya' ;:; To' Uë Gantanan ;:; Banua Sura' Sangkombong ;:; ?

Yet, exchanges between these tongkonan only take place on the occasion of a mantunu (a slaughter of kerbau for the dead). The head of the buffalo which is sacrificed during the ma'doya, another mortuary rite, is presented by Sallebayu to the tongkonan of the to mangrande londong, the functionary who, during the merok- feast, holds the cock which is to be sacrificed. During the ma'batang, yet another rite of the mortuary feast, Sallebayu gives the head of the buffalo to a related tongkonan of lower status, a junior tongkonan. The head of the animal which is called karu'dusan is presented by Sallebayu to a tongkonan of lower rank, for close family members may not partake of it. Dipatongkonan: the gift of kerbau heads to related tongkonan. There is no limit to the number of houses which may be involved. Nonetheless there is only one tongkonan which stands in a fixed relation to any given tongkonan, i.e. its partner in reciprocal exchanges as cited above, its dipasi- balian. It was remarked, prompted by the above, that people sometimes sent the head of a slaughtered buffalo to someone with whom they were feuding. This antagonist, when the occasion arose, returned the favour in kind. Further information indicates that the heart of a slaughtered kerbau is divided up among members of the marapuan; the host of the feast, moreover, receives not only part of the breast but also part of the heart and the kidneys. When portions are meted out fo the to indo' padang (those thus who receive the upper segments of the front legs) the portion of the one who performs the mangimbo (presumably the bunga' lalan) exceeds that of the rest. Should only one buffalo be killed, the head and one buku leso, as previously specified, go to the sokkong bayu. When more are sacrificed, nevertheless only one head and one buku leso are accorded to the sokkong bayu. One shin of the slaughtered kerbau (at a mortuary feast?) goes to the to ma'ba'ta, those who tap palm wine. Old people are given the brains and the tongue of a buffalo that has been killed, for these are soft (in the Sa'dan region, the to parengnge' share the tongue). To take a bit from all portions of a sacrificial animal in order to make

The Sa'dan-Toraja

an offering to the gods (deata) is called pantiti'. Pemanala is the term for setting something aside from all portions of the sacrificial animal to offer it to the bombo, the spirit/soul of the deceased (see VII.1.6).

VII.1.6 Pemanalaj the parts of the pesung A pesung is an offering for the gods to eat which consists of cooked rice and scraps of meat from all the different parts of whatever animal has been sacrificed, with the exception of the buku sanduk, or shoulder blade. This offering is set out on banana leaves (Woordenboek v. pesung). The constituent ingredients of a pesung prepared af ter the sacrifice of a kerbau during the merok-feast in Kesu' include small pieces from:

1. Buku leso, the hip joint;
2. Kalumpani'na,17 a thin layer of meat in front of the hind legs;
3. Bale'ke'na, the kidney;
4. Atena, the liver;
5. Lompona, fat;
6. Balangna, the lungs;
7. Buana (presumably) the heart (bua pollo' = buttock);
8. Tampak usukna, the far end of the rib;
9. Kollongna, me at from the neck that is cut off in rings;
10. Sokkongna, back of the neck;
11. lkko'na, the tail and/or one hind leg;
12. Some plain meat for the tuak, the palm wine;
13. Baana, the spleen;
14. Ruangna, meat from one of the halves of the trunk;
15. Palopalo, me at from the midriff. For purpose of comparison, I here list the parts taken from a cock sacrificed at the merok-feast to be included in a pesung:
1. Buku lesa, the hip joint;
2. Rakka, the toes;
3. Buku palangkina (part of the lower leg?);
4. Tampak usukna, the tip of a rib;
5. Pangreresan, that portion where the neck is cut off;
6. Lilana (a piece of) its tongue;

7. Tampak passi'na (two parts of ?);

8. Songdongna, ?;
9. Buana, the heart;
10. Atena, the liver;
11. Papan palengko'na, the intestines (?).

VII.2 The pig Pigs are of the type found generally throughout Southeast Asia (Sus vittatus). Today European and Bali pigs have been imported. Among the approximately 100 swine (killed) during a mortuary feast in Tondon (1966), it was possible to pick out two English boars by their snub noses. Just as kerbau, pigs are carefully bred.ls According to one myth, the pig (bai) is of earthly origin; according to another of supermundane. According to the Passomba Tedong, the consecrational litany for the kerbau sacrificed at the merok-feast, the first pig emerged from a rock (Merok: 111). This implies a heavenly origin to this anima!. In the story of Mambio Padang, however, an analogue of the tale of Marampio Padang (Kruyt 1923/24: 354ff.) circulating in Nanggala, it is told how a pig stole edible roots from Mambio Padang (see VI.4.2). This pig had emerged from the underworld through a hole and retreated the way he had come. The pig appeared to be the child of the lord of the underworld. (In other versions the thief is a human being from the underworld.) The ancestor of the swine, whatever his origin, is spoken of in terms of respect. Ris appearance in the world was not unaccompanied by a measure of sumptiousness. To the tune of his squealing, his round nose first poked up, then a golden trotter came into view. Yet, the name of the forefather of the pig is not illustrious: Tamio, a kind of fat worm. In Sangalla' the ancestor of the swine is known as E'gon. Af ter the kerbau, the pig is the most important sacrificial anima!. At all feasts, pigs are slaughtered; a hoard are involved in the renewal of the roof of aparenthouse (tongkonan), the celebration of a mangrara papa. Another important feast at which numerous pigs are killed is the mangrara banua (see VIII.1: The tongkonan). Pigs are carried to these feasts and to the merok-feast on stretchers. These stretchers (letto'-letto', lettoan, lempoan) are decorated with clothes, krisses, beads and the red leaves of the bloodwort. Even on more modern festival occasions, on the anniversary of Indonesian Independence for example, pigs are carried in this fashion. Pigs are regularly being brought to market. Piglets are carried in a sort of small sack (kamboti) plaited from palm leaves. Large pigs, in addition to being transported on stretchers or litters, are also at times carried to feasts by two men af ter being trussed to a bamboo, sometimes provided with a bamboo support. Support or not, this mode of transport is anything but painless. In contrast to buffaloes and chickens, the colour of pigs is of minor

The Sa'dan-Toraja

importance in sacrifices. Only for certain rites are specific markings required of a sacrificial pig. Black pigs are called pudu', pigs with a white spot on the front part of the face, todi; bai ballang are pied pigs. Mainly males are sacrificed during feasts, a fact deserving attention, for the same exclusiveness obtains for buffaloes and fowl. Se1dom, at least when an important feast is being held, will female animals be part of an offering. Males are more impressive, and thought to be more beautiful. Pigs which have been sacrificed at a feast are prepared on a kind of spit. This spit (langngan) serves to singe away the animal's bristles. The liver and the gall bladder of the dead pig are examined for purposes of divination. The rules for distributing the meat are recounted in VII.2.1. Swine do not of ten appear in art as a stylized motif. In naturalistic scenes painted underneath ricebarns, however, pigs are common enough, rendered at times with considerable wit. On one ancient loin cloth (!indo pia), a heirloom in the possession of S. R. Pasapan from Tallulolo, stylized pigs do appear.

VIL2.1 Divisian af the meat af ter the sacrijice of a pig in Kesu'; informant Bua' Sarungallo If only a single pig is sacrificed, then the buku sanduk (for explanation of the parts of the pig's body to which this and other terms refer, cf. VII.1.6) goes to the sokkong bayu. The kollong, cut in a ribbon from the neck, is placed with rice upon a dulang; this is then called the kollang to parengnge'. On the occasion of the manganta', all ta parengnge' and ta indo' receive a kollong. The sacrificial pig is distributed together with other slaughtered pigs at such feasts. During the mangrara banua, no special buku sanduk portion is reserved for the sokkang bayu because so many pigs are put to death. The ikko' is that part of the rear section of the carcase which is given back to the owner of the pig af ter the animal is slaughtered. Persons of respect are not permitted to eat from the palo, meat attached to the pig's diaphragm; if they did, they would catch scabies. Formerly, it was said that those who ate from this part of the animal would turn into cowards in battle. The midriff is therefore put aside, and allotted to women and, af ter them, to men of low class. During the great bua'-feast, however, the palo muane, half of the midriff of the pig sacrificed as part of this ritual, is awarded to the to indo'

padang and the to parengnge', the adat-chief. The other haH, palo baine, falls to the women. Dimamatai indicates that the pig which is divided is still raw. Should one pig be sacrificed and then be cooked, then the sokkong bayu receives the buku leso. This is served on the dulang gamished with rice.

VII.3 The chicken From his bellows Puang Matua created the ancestor of chicken, the cock Menturiri (Merok: 90-91, verse 439), at the same time that he brought into being other important forefathers of animais, plants, and metals, including the ancestors of the buffalo, cotton, rain, iron, and boiled rice. The ancestor of the chicken carried on like a madman; he pecked away at kemels of grain without ever taking a pause. For this reason he was called Puang Maro, The Possessed (ibid: 94-95, verses 464-466). His hyper-active pecking is apparently regarded as neurotic. This helps clarify the relation of the chicken to the maro- ritual which is held to prevent illness and to ward off evil influences. During this feast certain individuals become possessed just as Puang Maro once was. Throughout the *maro-ritual-*with the sole exception of the maro pembalikan (see Vol. 11, Rituals of Convers ion) -only chicken are sacrificed. Puang Maro married the hen Landokollong (alias Landobaroko = Long Neck). Informants told me that the katik, the carved chicken's head which appears on the façade of the tongkonan is an image of this mythical bird. From this first marriage chickens issued that were of different colour, each colour subsequently being reserved for particular rituals:

a black chicken (lotong) is killed facing West as a sacrifice to the ancestors; a brown(ish)-yellow chicken, tasak, is sacrificed during the rice ritual; a black chicken with white spots or flecks, karurung, serves as an offering when buffalo or pig stalIs are being built to promote fertility of these animals (a plenitude of spots or dots symbolizes abundance); a black-and-white chicken, koro, is sacrificed by goldsmiths when imploring the gods to bless their work; a chicken with markings suggestive of colouring by raindrops, the uran-uran, is sacrificed in ritesassociated with the cultivated land of

associated with abundance); a brown cock with white spots, seppaga, is sacrificed in pre- paration to making palm wine, "so that the sap may flow like blood" (B. Sarungallo informed me that such a cock must also be sacrificed when two brothers who have fought with each other settle their differences); a brown cock with white feet, sella', is associated with the cock for the gods; a brown cock with white ear-Iaps, sella' mabusa, is used for sacrifice by leaders of the rice ritual (the to indo').

During the la'pa' (bua') kasalle-feast, a small basket with a white hen in it is hung on top of a stout bamboo pole together with a few bundies of rice. A long rattan cord keeps everything in place. The cord hangs down to the ground and the leaves of the bamboo are left intact. The pole (lumbaa) is erected in the gorang (a platform for ceremonial use), facing in the direction of the deata. "The next moming, at a very early hour, participants in the feast take tums pulling on the cord until one of them has broken the bamboo pole and can capture the white hen. People believe that the lucky man who succeeds at th is has been allotted long life. He lets the white hen live in the hope that it will lay many eggs. The clusters of rice are then divided among those taking part in the feast in order to be sown later." (Woordenboek: 323 v. loembaa.) Buri', speckled cocks, are pitched into the fighting arena should people wish to ascertain the judgement of the gods (Merok: 461-481). Indeed, whenever the to parengnge' or elders who must settle a dispute cannot reach a decision, a cock-fight is arranged to determine right from wrong. This is the reason that the cock is spoken of as 'The Highest Judge'. The chickens enumerated above all have a place in myth. They sometimes play a leading part (cf. the myth of Tulangdidi', VI.4.3a). The colours, or observances appropriate to certain sacrifices are set forth in detail in the Passomba Tedong. Finally, B. Sarungallo made mention of the barumbun, a brown chicken with grey spots, which is sacrificed to commemorate the birth of a child (oral information). In most circumstances cocks are preferred to hens. Yet, sometimes a hen is required, as, for example, the white hen tied to the lumbaa. During a maro-ritual, held to speed recovery of a sick person, many

Animals and plants in ritual and myth 211

chickens are killed; then both cocks and hens are slaughtered in numbers. The chicken, like the kerbau, is closely allied to mankind. He accompanies man as a sacrificial animal, both at cyclic rituals and at rites of passage. In Vol. II we will meet with many examples of this sacrificial use. The cock also has a function in the administration of justice. Personally, I am inclined to associate the cock with Pong Lalondong (londong = cock), The Judge in the Kingdom of the Dead, but my Sa'danese informants disagree. To them the cock is too clearly a bird of the upperworld; heaven was the scene of the cock's creation. In woodcarving, the cock is invariably portrayed on the front of the tongkonan and of the ricebarn, together with the barre allo, the sun motif. The symbolism is obvious: the cock crows at the crack of dawn. He is the heraid of morn:

"The fowl of Lapandek high up in heaven, the cock of Tulangdidi', awake the sleeping to join their companions, the rock of heaven gapes open, it is light." (Prom A. C. Kruyt 1923/24: 309)

Mr. Parinding, however, offered me another interpretation of the ubiquitous carved chicken motif: the cock is a fighter, a hero; its image signifies that members of the tongkonan (inhabitants of the house but also descendants of the founder of the house) must act heroically. B. Sarungallo's view is that "the cock is depicted on the house because, like the kerbau, he be10ngs together with man but most important of all is that he is regarded as the highest judge". It is in connection with this perception that in what follows below I have paid close attention to the rules which govern cock-fighting. The cocks are brought to the place where they will fight. A large basket (salokko') is carried along, the cock's coop; the cock himself, already strutting, rides on its trainer's arm. Should one meet anyone on the way, no conversation is exchanged because talk might have a negative influence on the outcome of the fight. As fight time nears, you can see people arriving in long lines from every point of the compass, many of them holding one or more fighting cocks carefully. Those who have already arrived at the site of the cock-pit have inspected the blades which are to be fastened to the cock's spurs. People are constantly busy pampering the cocks, observing portents (how the feathers grow, colouration, etc.) and permitting cocks to

Sa'dan·Toraja

skirmish with each other in warm·up encounters -without knives. The holding of a cock·fight is called massaung, the cock-pit ala·ala or laa. The arena is roughly rectangular and surrounded by a fence made of diagonally woven bamboo. Cocks of roughly the same dimension but different colours are paired off as combatants. The colour difference is to prevent confusion. The pa'kayun is the person who holds on his arm the fighting cock which people want to see do battle. Opposite him there stands the other pa'kayun, distinguish-able from the first through his clothing, and/or cap. The panglappa' is the one who releases the cock in the arena af ter having taken him from the pa'kayun. The birds, however, are first compared. There are thus two panglappa' inside the fighting space. The passikki is the person who fastens the artificial spurs consisting, as already mentioned, of razor-sharp blades (see fig. VIlA). The passepak is umpire, he must

Fig. VII.4 Artificial spurs (tadi) used during cock fights. Collection Lambaga

Kebudayaan Indonesia, Museum Pusat, Jakarta (inv. no. 23548). (Drawing by Subokastowo.)

Animals and plants in ritual and myth 213

watch closely to see who wins or loses; he crosses to the loser and cuts off one of its legs (sepak). The leg is part of his payment. Mamun is the term used to denote pitting a cock without artificial spur against one that is so equipped; this happens when one bird is larger than its adversary. Sometimes the larger one receives one spur. The cock which is vanquished during the fight is laid on the parasila (a kind of wooden fork). The victor is then urged to peck at the head of the cock he has defeated. If he pecks away, this is a sign that he has won the fight indeed; if he fails to peck, then the bout has not been decisive. The owner of one cock can serve as pa'kayun or panglappa' for another. Dere is the custom of presenting the owner of a fighting cock, or of fighting knives which have been borrowed, with a gift should one's bird prevail. In my eyes the fighting cocks are cruelly treated. Prior to battle their feet are bound to the basong man uk, a decorated piece of wood. The fight itself is bloody, unless the loser is almost at on ce mortally wounded, which not uncommonly happens. Even the winner of ten does not leave the arena whoIe. Still, the lot of the winner is better than that of the loser, who is always put to death, usually only af ter the sepak is cut off while he still lives. Cock-fights are extremely popular and involve heavy betting.

VII.4 Other birds Birds, if they are able fliers, belong to the upperworld.19They are mediators, messengers between gods and men. Great value was attached to the cry and flying patterns of birds -especially on headhunting expeditions. The koang-bird is an omen of success, if it is heard to the right; should the koang be heard on the left, however, then misfortune is in store. The korong (called kayo in Ma'kale and Sangalla'), a kind of heron, is auspicious if it flies over the road from left to right; good luck is pen ding, also, if it comes from the north. Should the bird approach from the south, the enterprise had better be renounced. When this bird is spotted flying from right to left, this is described as diampang, thwarting (from ampang = thres· hold); this, too, is an unfavourable line of flight. The same beliefs were attached to the flight of the puyo (quail) and of the angin-angin. A. C. Kruyt, our principal source of information on these matters (1923/24: 265-269) also provides the names of some other birds which were of significance for head-hunting

One of the kaloko's cries is known as ma'tinti. "When a priest (to minaa) is on the point of invoking the spirits (deata) and a kaloko' gives forth with a ma'tinti, then he need not further call upon the gods because they are already there. This was also to be the case should the prince of Ma'kale, Puang Tarongko, chance to pass by." (ibid.: 267). In general it is thus favourable when birds accost a group of warriors from the north. The north, af ter all, is the direction of the deata. Head-hunters also are attentive to hen-harriers and other such birds but, oddly enough, not to the alo, the hornbill which elsewhere in Indonesia (for example, on Borneo) is closely associated with headhunting. This alo merely portends drought should one spy him winging over the landscape. In myths and legends birds of ten play the part of messengers, or they bring men an important item of culture, such as rice (for further examples, see A. C. Kruyt 1923/24: 328 and Van der Veen 1929: 397). With the bird names kayo, tambolang (a black and white coloured stork) and tattiku' (a sm all bird), three categories of priests are alluded t~, respectively the to ma'kayo (the death priest), the to burake and the to burake tattiku'.

VII.5 The dog In the Traditions reported by Ne' Mani' (Van der Veen 1976) it is told how the ancestor of the dog was created in the upperworld: Buriko, He Who is Grey of Hue with Black Stripes. The breed of dog found in Tana Toraja resembles a Dutch keeshond with its slanted eyes, pointed ears and tail resting on its rump. Dogs of practically every gradation of colour can be seen. Long hair is also not common, aIthough on the slopes of Sesean I did observe some few isabelline dogs with long-haired coats. A dog's colouration and behaviour have predictive value (ibid.: 299ff.). Should a dog be killed as part of a sacrifice, the tint of his hair is carefully considered. Dogs are numerous in Tana Toraja. They are for sale at markets/o tied to a bamboo pole as 'leash'. The poor animals have no idea of the lot and peer ahout rather pitifully in the strange surroundings. At present they are in demand as food, more sa than in the past when they were only eaten by kaunan. The puang-lineages, certain to makaka families in Ma'kale, the descendants of Ambun diKesu' and Manaek

Animals and plants in ritual and myth 215

were not allowed to (or still may not) consurne dog me at. In the last case the prohibition can apparently be traced back to the important role as mess enger and intermediary which the dog fulfi1s in the mythical stories of Manaek and Polopadang. In other myths, too, the dog plays a leading part, sometimes not a very praiseworthy one, as in the myth of Tulangdidi', yet sometimes as the saviour of the protagonist, as in the myth of Bulu Pala'.

VII.6 The cat The cat is called serre' (Rantepao) or sese' (Ma'kale).

VII.6.1 Beliefs and categories The cat comes from the upperworld but lives, according to Toraja belief, as judge in the hereafter. Together with the earliest rice, the cat came down to earth from the upperworld (arriving at the former district of Sa'dan), or else she descended with the first being from heaven; according to a variant of this story, the cat's descent brought her to the mythical island of Pongko', or Lebukan (A. C. Kruyt 1923/24: 280). Like all important animals originating from the upperworld, the cat, too, has her ancestor: Tanduk Bangkudu, The Red-horned One (Sangalla' District). It seems likely th at the 'horned' is a reference to the cat's erect ears. Traditions in Tikala and Riu assert that the cat's ancestor was created in the upperworld at the same time as the first human being.21 There are cats which occupy something of an elite position in society: they dwell indoors and never set foot on the ground. These are the serre' datu.22Van der Veen maintains that these cats do not differ in colour or in appearance from others, but Harry Wilcox disagrees, identifying the serre' or sese' datu as small tabbyeats with a long tail (and not a stumpy one).23 Both authors emphatically report that these serre' datu do not come into contact with the earth, which is consistent with their elevated status (Wilcox 1949: 113). A serre' [ao is a cat which also enjoys being cared for but is allowed to prowl about the yard. In 1949-1950 I had not seen a serre' datu and so was unaware exactly how a 'princely cat' 100ked. In 1966 when I returned to Tana Toraja, such cats had already become scarce. The residents of tongkonan Panganan in Ba'tan were kind enough to fetch their serre' datu from the attic for my inspection (1966). The cat, however, considered such treatment as profane, and unbecoming to her station. She was a handsomely coloured tabby. All serre' da/u,

She was almost as tailless as a Manx cat (from the Island of Man in the lrish Sea; a European short-haired cat). Her kitten, pitch black with a long tail was considered the offspring of amisalliance because of his colour; this aspersion would seem to contradict Van der Veen's account of serre' datu of all colours. It had become difficult to find appropriate mates for serre' datu now that so many insolent ordinary cats wandered about. Moreover, these cats are becoming increasingly rare because the hearth, their ca t's box, is at present quite of ten located in a separate house next to the tongkonan. The cat, the rice and the fire are closely related to each other. Cats guard the rice by hunting mice_ This perhaps explains why the position of the Sa'danese cat is so important: one considers her the protector of all the goods of her master. In Kesu' she is called the 'mother of all goods', who hold things together.

"The cat belongs to the family of the goods. She is the guardian of the basket of woven bamboo with the cover of wood in which the jewels are kept, The ribbon of the low basket fuIl of jewels." (Passage from Van der Veen's Dutch translation of a ma'bua'-Htany)

Van der Veen provides yet another example of chanting the praise of cats. It was recited during the ma'singgi', the ceremonial songs of laudation voiced in the course of a great feast:

"The cat is the source of goods. She sees to it that the mice no longer stir, the mice with their betel tails.24 Through her the cloths remain durable which He on the bottom of the basket, the hairs do not stand on end because of the valuables of every description." (Van der Veen 1924a: 366)

Thus the cat minds the contents of the baka bua in which -formerly -clothing and valuables were stored. While originating from the upperworld, the cat keeps a vigil over the goods of men in this world and, in addition, fulfils an important function in the Land of SouIs. The cat assists Pong Lalondong, the Judge of Puya, to strip worldly goods from those souls which committed theft during their sojourn on earth.

the same reason a bamboo blowpipe, the instrument used to make the hearth fire blaze, may not be used as a cudgel against her. The cat's place is beside the hearth, her favoured sleeping place. Nor it is permitted to take a swipe at a troubles ome cat with a winnowing fan. Nevertheless it does happen that people kill a cat that eats chickens (a serre' datu never commits such a sin, for she remains in the house). The pers on who has killed a cat must sacrifice a chicken or el se he will descend into poverty. In the Rantepao region, the death of one of the inmates of the house is announced to the cat; the animal is at once brought to another residence. In Ma'kale district such transportation takes place because otherwise the cat would grow stiff from staring at the dead: then she wouldn't be ab Ie to catch mice anymore. In Kesu' the cat dies a ceremonial death should the master of the house die: she is thrown down from high up "to let her feel that her master has perished". The intention is for the cat to accompany the deceased to the here af ter, there, too, to stand guard over his possessions. In the past many valuables were sent along with the dead. A dead cat is laid to rest in a tree.25In Kesu' in a small basket, in Ma'kale rolled in a mat. In Kesu' a male cat is provided with a nee dIe up on burial, a female with a rice knife. Elsewhere, in Ma'kale, Baruppu', Sangalla' and Rantepao, the dead cat receives food for her journey to the next world. For more details on cats see A. C. Kruyt 1923/24: 280ff.; most of the information presented here has been borrowed from this work. One can place the cat in the ma'bua'; as mouser, she is coupled with the rice. Yet a further step is possible: she is guardian of all the goods of the house, the court yard, and even beyond, a position emphasized in the ma'bua'-litany. Even in the here af ter she fulfi1s this role; she restores stolen property to its rightful owner. Yet, her position is not without ambivalence. On the one hand she is kept far from every contact with death. The cat may not look at the dead, and in some pI aces (Sa'dan district) not even in the eyes of those who are dying. Just as life and death are kept as distinct as possible and ceremonies concerning rice are entirely separate from ceremonies involving death, so, too, the cat, associated with rice, may not come into contact in this life with the dead. But: the Sa'dan also believe

Sa'dan·Toraja

that cats are ab1e to see sou1s. Through her behaviour, a cat can predict approaching death. She has an important function in the land of the dead, too, as Pong La10ndong's assistant. A cat must be respected. Whoever ridicules a cat runs the risk of being reborn as one. TaU stories are to1d about cats. Some of them form part of Toraja mythology (cf. VI.2.2b, Deatanna and Polopadang), others are mere fairy tales. Wilcox (1949: 113) speaks of a 'wild cat with a gleaming iron coUar, a kind of fairy tale beast. Whoever succeeds in stealing such a necklace thereby acquires power. Van der Veen was also aware of the fab1e (oral information). Together with the kerbau, the cat is the most fascinating animal in Sa'dan-Toraja culture. UnintentionaUy, the cat caUs to mind the burake, the most important priest(ess). She has the same protective function, superintendence of socia1 welfare. The cat,· too, belongs to different worlds. And therefore it is no wonder that in Kesu' the cat is spoken of as the ancestor of the burake tattiku'. This was the cat Burake Manakka (manakka = accomplished, quick-witted, to be fuU of spirit). The burake manakka are burake who search for mi ce during the ma'bua'-feast.

VII.7 The snake and the eel To A. C. Kruyt's way of thinking, Pong Tu1angdenna' is the god of snakes and eels. He a1so cites a myth telling how an eel conveyed an infant to a princess of the puang-ramage. Peop1e deduced that this girl must be married to the eel and therefore members of the puang-lineage refrain from eating eel (A. C. Kruyt 1923/24: 320). Why the descendants of Po10padang and Deatanna may not eat eel is a1so clarified by the myth about them (cf. VI.2.2b). In the past, considering the images of snakes on ancient coffins and old tangkanan (see VIII.1), the role of the snake must have been more important in Toraja land than it has become today.

A. C. Kruyt devoted considerab1e attention to the snake (1923/24:
320-323). A snake which dweUed in a tongkanan was 100ked upon as a tutelary spirit to whom peop1e referred as they would to ta matua (the ancestors who are associated with the ritual of the West). Such a snake may not be driven away. No sacrifices are offered to the snake, however. Should a snake enter into an ordinary house, this is a sign that one of the household, or one of the domestic animais, will die. Whenever possible peop1e try to kill a snake under these circumstances; if successful, they must then sacrifice a chicken to the gods

Such a snake is brought to a bamboo bush; it is considered innocuous. Should a woman die while bearing a snake, then a rope of beads is placed around the animal. The snake is given puffed rice (ratuk) to eat and then released. If a woman is 'pregnant' with snakes, people call this kea'tang deata, with child by the deata' (A. C. Kruyt 1923/24:

323). It is believed that a snake will not die if someone does not kill it. The animal sheds its skin and lives on. Anyone who finds such a loose skin will become brave, and will own ancient maa'-cloths. Just as with other important animals in Sa'dan mythology, snakes and eels have two sides: they are associated with the upperworld and with the northeast just as they are with the southwest. The eel is, it goes without saying, a creature th at is connected with water; the eel- god of the Sopai, moreover, is dangerous. For specific aspects of the snake figure, a reader is referred to the myths of Pano Bulaan and Rangga Bulaan, VI.4.5a and b. VII.8 The tree of life It is remarkable, considering that the tree of life plays such a great role in the culture of the Sa'dan-Toraja th at it is almost absent as a motif in their plastic art. The Toraja know two living trees of life: the barana', the banyan tree (Indonesian: waringin, Ficus religiosa) and the sendana, the sandalwood tree (lndonesian: tiendana/cendana, Santana album). The first is central to the bua' kasalle-feast as it is celebrated in Kesu', the second is an integral part of the merok-ritual (see Vol. 11). The barana' used to be planted with the intention of organizing a great bua'-feast in due time; the tree would be full-grown towards the time that the ritual could be celebrated. But the sendana used in the merok-feast is only a mere sapling. The intention is that it will grow and flourish, thus symbolizing the well-being of the ramage.26 The barana' is not celebrated in chant but the heavenly prototype of the sendana is acclaimed in poetic language in the Passomba Tedong.

"Here is the richly laden tjendana tree to which we shall bind the buffalo with the skin befitting the offering rites, for this is the tree with the blood of mankind, herewith is the tree whose branches are full of precious things, to which we shall tie up the kerbau with the neck hair suitable for the adat performances, the tree with the life-fluid of the people of the earth." (Merok: 152-153, verse 778)

From Puang Matua's pronouncement, one could argue that the sendana is not strictly speaking a tree of life (Cosmic Tree) in the sense that Eliade attaches to the term (Eliade 1964: 269, The World Tree), because the tree is identified with mankind. Yet, slightly further along in the Passamba Tedong, mention is made of how the rice prospered better af ter the planting of the heavenly sendana (see verse 781) so that one of the pre-conditions of a tree of life, the bestowal of fertility and abundance, is fulfilled. It is a symbol of vitality anyhow. It is the "tree with the life-fluid of the people of the earth" (Merok, verse 778). In the Passomba Tedong the sendana is called the tree with seven branches and seven leaves. It was felled by the first carpenter, To Tanarangga, in the north of the firmament. Since the carpenter was unaware of the sacrifices he should have offered, the tree disappeared into the heavenly spring (which provided water to the rice fields of the upperworld). Thereupon Puang Matua taught To Tanarangga the sacrifices which are required: three chickens coloured like dark red beads (tinggi) to be offered on a likaran biang as ahar 27 (Merok: 107-109). Since that time mankind presents offerings whenever trees must be cut down. The four sendana posts mentioned in the mythic narrative -their exact origin remains unclear to me -probably symbolize the tongkonan, the parenthouse. The richly laden sandalwood tree belongs to this house, so that perhaps both the sendana and the main posts of the mythical tongkonan derive from the tree of heaven. The divine forefather of the earthly sendana was transplanted by the people in the upperworld to a hill because the roots of the tree had damaged their golden plough. The tree, however, was unwilling to flourish on this hilI and wished to be planted in the sawah-dike. It is there that Puang Matua, wishing to hold a merok-feast, went to fetch the sendana

means of symbolic expression on other occasions. The sendana lalong is p1anted beside the entrance to the village and, together with the warriors of the village, it must watch over the security of the sett1ement. The tree was invo1ved in a ritua1 which was enacted at the village entrance. The sendana bonga is the sanda1wood tree which, together with passakke-1eaves (the 1eaves of the Cordyline fruticosa) and bloodwort 1eaves, is p1aced next to a stone, the patangdo, which is imbedded in the earth in front of the house which is the center of the great bua'-feast (information from Van der Veen). The tree of life thus p1ays a major ro1e in the *bua'-*and merok-feasts, two important ritua1s of the East, the aluk rampe matallo. The sendana, however, has its counterpart in the ritua1s of the West, the aluk rampe matampu', the ritua1 for the dead. During a rite of the ma'tomatua the sendana dongka is p1anted, a variety of sanda1wood tree differing from the heaven1y sendana. This tree has no red heart-wood, like the sendana bonga; the heart-wood is whitish instead. This sendana is on1y p1anted if a kerbau is slaughtered during the ritua1 named above, and not if pigs a10ne are slaughtered. The kerbau is then tied fast to the sendana by the horns.

VI 1.9 The bate manurun, the «(lag' which came down from heaven 28 This bate ('fIag') is an enormous bamboo po1e adorned with sacra1 objects which is erected during a great maro-ritual. Whereas the tree of life points upwards, stretching itself towards heaven as a medium for man to come in contact with the upperworld, the bate manurun has descended to earth, come down from the upperworld (Singgi' Gelong Tallang [An Eu10gy in Praise of the Bamboo], Van der Veen 1979: 135-155). Although the maro-ritua1 must be classed among cyclic ritua1s, it stands somewhat apart because a disturbance is a1ways one of the main incentives for its ce1ehration, a lack of order which must he restored. Such a ritual response is required for examp1e, when an epidemie breaks out. The movements in this ritual

2.50 Dutch
guilders, see Mevius 1979: 66-67). Bamboo was not planted by man, but by the Ruler of Heaven. He let the bamboo descend from the 'upper regions', "he made it go down below from the opposite side". For this passage the gate of the firmament (the window of the gods) was opened. It is also mentioned that the bamboo was attended by Dracaena terminalis, a symbol throughout all of Southeast Asia and Oceania of blood, vitality, and the repulsion of evil. With its leaves the bate manurun is lavishly decorated. Other symbols serving to ward off evil, also adom the vast bamboo: sharp swords and old, magical cloths. The 'Eulogy in Praise of the Bamboo' also narrates how the bamboo descended on Pongko', the island of the ancestors, and how from there it spread across the earth. It enumerates all the many things that can be made out of this sort of bamboo, so that the practical value of the tallang receives due notice. In this context I want to emphasize the significance of manurun, 'descended from the firmament'. The enormous bamboo pole was lowered by the gods from the upperworld to defend man from all harm (epidemics, etc.); the massive pole is, as it were, a helping hand extended by heaven to mankind on earth (own interpretation).

VII.l0 Rice Rice is the main crop of the Sa'dan-Toraja. There are countless traditions conceming its origins. These differ in their design but they fall into two categories: the first contains the myths in which rice is created in the upperworld and afterwards brought to the earth; and the second those which tell how rice was created on earth. In the

70f., verse 347 and 90r., verse 440). The Ruler of Heaven then either gave the rice directly to mankind, or el se birds, mice or men served as the go-betweens who smuggled the grain into human hands. This is why mice, ricebirds (dena') and other enernies of this erop demand part of the rice harvest as their reward (A. C. Kruyt 1923/24: 326-328). In the second category of myth rice originates from man's sperm. It sometimes happens that both categories of myth coexist in a single district -in Mengkendek, for example. Below I present abbreviated versions of several rice myths reported by A. C. Kruyt. Rice was created by the Ruler of Heaven in the upperworld. His daughters, Indo' Simanggala and Indo' Samadenna', quarreled about this kind of grain. Indo' Samadenna' lost the quarrel and went away with her golden reel. (In the version reported by Van der Veen (1965: 72r.,), the two fight over a golden spinning wheel.) It is possible that Indo' Samadenna' symbolizes rice in general whereas Indo' Parepare' is the name for a specific variety of rice. In another rice myth which A. C. Kruyt reproduces, Londong diLangi' receives the rice to bring to earth, and is instructed in the customs which must be observed in the cultivation of the grain. He laid out the first sawah close to Leleu and Rura (in the south of the country of the forefathers; Rura lies in Duri). In Sangalla' it is said that rice came from the sou th (which is more of a factual report than a mythic interpretation). In Mengkendek rice is of celestial origin. In Ma'kale it is alleged that rice came from the north. In keeping with another legend in this same region, it was a small bird (maniku) who let three ears of rice fall on the earth. These were found by people who planted them. Another rice myth, also from Ma'kale, relates how a buffalo herdsman mixed his own seed with buffalo milk and threw the mixture into a wallow where the buffaloes used to splash. Here rice plants grew up which had three ears. (A Ranteballa variant of this story has milk from a woman's breast as the second ingredient of the mixture.) In many rice myths it is stated that originally three rice sterns sprouted, or that birds let three ears of rice fall to earth. The three ears referred to are apparently identical to the pare' tallu bulinna, the pare' tallu etengna, the three 'ears', the three 'clusters', the 'three-eared' rice alluded to in the Passomba Tedong (Merok: 22f.). The above-mentioned myths can be consulted in longer versions in

One half of the gold became rice, the other half became the first man, Pong Laukku'. The gold itself came from 'the source of the river', thus from the north (A. C. Kruyt 1923/24: 330). In reading this myth one cannot help thinking of Tulangdidi' who was cut in half; this heroine, whose story has been told in VI.4.3a is known among the Bare'e-Toraja as 'The Exceedingly Yellow One' (cf. gold) and among the Sa'dan-Toraja as 'The Upright Yellow One' (cf. rice); about to be cut in two she requests burial upstream, further to the north.

VII.11 Millet In the past, according to A. C. Kruyt's evaluation, millet was important to the Sa'dan-Toraja. It would seem rice has largely displaced it. When there was no rice yet, millet would have been offered to the gods. Even today some millet may be offered (see Merok: 78f., verse 383). Millet is called lanno', or altematively (another variety?) ba'tan.

VII.12 Maize Maize is said to have sprung from the tee th of Padakka aft er he was buried (in the district of Sangalla'). From the man's fingers grew dora' (a yam variety); from his penis, a root crop called lame 29 (a yam variety). From Padakka's head, a gourd sprouted (Lagenaria vulgaris); a bird darted from his eyes, the pitutai. A similar legend survives in Tabang (Masuppu' River). Elsewhere too in the Oldand New World important crops have grown from a buried corpse; on Java and BaH, even the rice is alleged to have arisen from a man interred in the earth, but this theme in relation to rice does not appear in Tana Toraja. lts absence can be explained: maize is closely associated with the recent dead whereas rice is linked with the purified dead who have acquired a pi ace in the upperworld. Relatives .observing mouming may eat no rice throughout the mouming period; in Ma'kale people eat no maize during the season that they harvest the rice. Those who we ar mouming for a burake

'are particularly subject to various food taboos. These taboos alternate so that when it is permitted to eat one of them it is forbidden to eat the other. During the maro-feast people in Kesu' are not permitted to eat boiled rice for three fuIl days. Only rice that has been soaked in water may then be consumed, otherwise people would turn to stone. This petrification happened to a woman from the village of Pao. People point out the spot where it happened. This is the Batu Eran ('Stairs of Stone').

VII.13 The tabang (Cordyline terminalis): bloodwort Bloodwort with its red leaves plays a role in the maro-ritual. The colour of the Cordyline terminalis is associated with blood, it symbolizes life and vitality. Those who participate in the maro-ritual fasten these leaves like a fi1let around their head and employ them as a styptic to wounds incurred during the feast (ideally no blood should flow during the ceremonies). In the Pangimbo Manuk, 'The Prayer over the Hen Sacrifice, reported by Ne' Kalo, to minaa of Sereale' (translated and annotated by Van der Veen but not yet published), it is told how the tearing off of tabang-Ieaves from the plant was initiated in the upperworld for Indo' Belo Tumbang (see verse 68). The rending of bloodwort leaves also is described in the Passomba T edong in the vers es described the treatment of the ailing child of Puang Matua in the upperworld:

"Then began the tea ring off of the leaves of the dragon's blood plant, in the iron house, thereon started the pulling off of the foliage of the croton plant, before the poles with strong fibres Indo' Belo Tumbang applied thereto the treatment of splitting, Indo' Bunga Sampa' employed thereon the remedy that brings recovery." (Merok: 144-145, verses 739-740)

The tabang is also the plant down along which the gods who reside at the edge of the firmament are entreated to make their way, the way whicll leads to this world (see verses 12 and 13 in Gelong Maro Sangaju' [The Maro-song of Sangaju'], Van der Veen 1979: 109-129). FinaIly, the tabang occurs in the underworld, too; here the gods of this region have fins or tails of bloodwort leaves (ibid.: verse 12f.).

Passomba Tedong (Merok: 130-131, verse 661).

VII.15 Induk (sugar palm, Arenga saccharifera)

The sugar palm figures in mortuary rituals of a high order. During such important burials, a buffalo is tied to the trunk of an induk; then the trunk is referred to as simbuang induk (see Merok: 130-131, verses 664-666). If one realizes that the buffalo is thought to be very close to man and that the souls of the dead are considered to rise to the firmament by ascending the trunk of a palm, then the symbolism involved becomes evident. The sugar palm has yet an additional role in these rituals; the ribs of the leaves of this palm, with bits of kapok drenched in the blood of sacrificial animals upon them, constitute part of the shrine called palanduan-duan (Merok: 152-153, verse 775). The induk also fumishes palm wine (tuak). This is one of the reasons why the cultivation of the palm is important. During the merok-feast, an offering is made on their behalf. This offering consists of the first blood to gush from the wound of the kerbau which is slaughtered. The palm wine tappers collect this blood: "The object of their taking the first blood is to ensure that the juice in the sugar palms will flow abundantly when they tap them" (Merok: 8).

VII.16 The banana

Although banana leaves play a significant role in sacrificial rituals, the banana did not come into being in the upperworld. In the story of Marampio Padang it is related how he brought the banana to earth with him, up from the underworld. Banana leaves serve primarily as a base on which to arrange food, not only for humans, but for the gods as weIl. A pesung is an offering of food for the deities, consisting of rice boiled in a pot or bamboa cylinder, and small bits of meat from various parts of the sacrificial animal; this offering is set out on four or more pieces of a banana Ie af, presented to the gods with an accompanying prayer (Woordenboek: 461; cf. also VII.1.6 and VIII.7). In same rituals (the maro) banana leaves are replaced by a leaf of the bloodwort plant (tabang) . As serving platter for the offering, the banana Ie af is tom into specific pieces. A whole banana leaf is selected for this purpose, the stem pointing to the operator. The right half of this leaf -with its

Only the right half of the banana leaf is llsed (for this manner of tearing the Ieaf, see also J. Kruyt 1921: 51).

VII.17 Ipo The ancestors of plants created by Pllang Matua with the help of his bellows are almost all ancestors of cultivated plants, with the exception of the forefather of the poisonous ipo-tree, Allo Tiranda (Merok: 88f., verse 437; 90f., vers es 446-450). The name Allo Tiranda signifies 'beaten against something' (Van der Veen 1924b: 370). An alternate name for this ancestor is Datu Merrante, 'The Lord who makes his home on level ground'. Perhaps the name Allo Tiranda is not an allusion to the tree but to the poison that it yields. There is, indeed, a story ab out Allo Tiranda's marriage to a tree with white stripes on it, a tree with long, white spots (Merok: 90-91) called, respectively, kayu toding and kayu lando samara. (A toding is actually an animal with a white patch on the forehead; a lando samara is a buffalo with a tail that is white from about halfway downwards.) This tree was tongle-tongle; in other words, it rose above all other trees. All other trees in the vicinity died and all birds which alighted on the tree also died. So the tale runs (Van der Veen 1924b: 370). The ipo is said to be the resin of the tree designated as lite kayu. Perhaps the tree thus singled out is the upas-tree (Antiaris toxicaria), but it is still more probable that it is the tree which on Kalimantan/ Borneo the Dayak call ipo, the Strychnos nux vomica, which contains a vast quantity of strychnine. (Although Antiaris toxicaria, the upas- tree, also contains this poison, the amount of antiarine dominates.) That the ipo-poison, used to tip arrows shot from a blowpipe, is highly valued can be seen from the fact that the creation of this ipo is narrated not only in the Passomba Tedong but also in other trad i- tions. It served to prevent Datu Laukku', the first man, from being trampled upon. In his Aantekeningen over blaasroer, schild en pijl en boog bij de Sa 'dan-en Binoeang-Toradja's [Notes concerning blowpipes, shie1ds and bow and arrows among the Sa'dan- and Binuang-Toraja] Van der Veen (1924b: 368-373) provides a clear exposition of how the poison is prepared and utilized, together with an account of the weapons and other utensils used in conjunction with it. The value of the ipo-poison also emerges from the bit of market information which he added: three small cylinders full, two fingers wide, were

One boils the leaves of this plant in water and then immerses c10thing in the solution to dye it black.

VII.t9 Suke bombo This small plant (a Drosera species) catches insects; it is a 'meat eater'. Even ants can fall into this ingeniously constructed trap. In such entrapped ants, the Toraja believe, house the souls of ancestors. This is why the fly-catcher (Drosera) is named suke bombo or suke-suke bomba: 'That which has the form of a bamboo cylinder of the souls of the dead'. Should these plants be set on fire then belief has it the souls of the dead change into c10uds which rise up in the West (the direction of the Land of the Dead) and bring rain, rain which promotes the growth of the rice (Woordenboek: 623, under saeke; and The Chant: 10).

VII.20 Cotton and other plants Datu Laungku, ancestor of the cotton, was created out of the divine bellows in the upperworld together with the forefathers of mankind (Datu Laukku'), of the poisonous ipo-tree (Allo Tiranda), of the chicken (Menturiri), of the kerbau (Manturini), of the iron (Riako') and of the boiled rice (Takkebuku) (see VI.1.1). The ancestor of the cotton foretold how thread would be spun from him like the skiens of a spider web and that sacral c10ths would be woven from them. In the Traditions reported by Ne' Mani', the original name for cotton is given as Rambutikembong, The Self-Unfolding Threads (alternate name: Datu Kembong, The Self-Unfolding Lord). "When men had a cover" (i.e. when men first wore dothing), the litany teUs, "people had respect for each other as for princes" (Van der Veen 1976: 426-

427). OccasionaUy, cotton has ritual importance: the burake purifies a bunch of raw cotton during one of the rites of the bua' kasalle- feast; this act possibly symbolizes the ceremonial purification of the atmosphere. Below I have listed several additional plants which fulfi1 a role in myth and ritual: The bambalu-liana is considered to bring good luck; cf. how this

Animals and plants in ritual and myth 229

creeper is used in the merok-ritual. The kaise', a shrub with red fruits, appears in the myths of Polopadang and Deatanna and of Marampio Padang. In both narrations the fruits of the kaise' are stolen so that the shrub's owner wonders who the thief might beo Ma'kaise', moreover, is a rite in the mortuary ritual of the puang during which c10thing is dyed red with an extract from kaise' fruits. On this occasion, a buffalo and a pig are sacrificed. Red is the colour of blood and of life and the ceremony appears to allude to the fact that the puang arrives in the hereafter more quickly than others who die (and thus can begin sooner to protect the rice). The number of plants that appear in Toraja myths is vast; many of these plants are used in performing various rites. Just as many other Indonesian peoples, the Mentawaians, for example, and other Toraja peoples, the Sa'dan are constantly busy with plants as part of their religious activities, inc1uding those designed to heal the sick (such as the curcuma-root). We will examine such practices when discussing the medicine men and women who employ the leaves (nee dIes) of the buangin (Casuarina equisetifolia) and of the passakke, a plant with red flowers and small conical fruits which have a cooling effect and confer a blessing. The salutory passakke leaves are also present on the small shrine set up for the deata during the manganta' (see Vol. 11). The leaves of the darinding also are used on this occasion. Several plants act to ward off evil influences; the bloodwort, as earlier described, is one of these. The leaves are associated with the east-oriented rituals, just like the leaves of the croton (Codaeum variegatum) and the young leaves of the sugar palm. The red flowers of a variety of gladiola, danga-danga, are also used in these ceremonies. Bamboo provides the material used to build shrines, etc. in rituals both of the East and of the West. The bate, constructed from bamboo called tallang, is employed exc1usively in the deata-sphere even though in the bate-song it is called the 'banner of Luwu' '. This standard belongs to the rituals for the dead. Whereas this sort of bamboo (the tallang) was created in the upperworld, the bamboo known in Indonesia as betung (Toraja: pattung) came from the underworld together with the nangka-fruit, the banana and the sugar palm (cf. the tale of Marampio Padang, section VI.4.2b). Above all the emergence of the banana and the sugar palm from the underworld is difficult to explain, for the leaves of these plants have a function in feasts for the deata. How the tille-reed (Andropogon Halepensis Stapf) is manipulated for purposes of divination and how it symbolizes, as it were, a ladder

The Sa'dan-Toraja

to heaven, are discussed in the following chapter (see VIII.7). Chewing betel plays a part in all ceremonies and has a major social function (sinee modem youth disdain to chew betel any longer, this social function is disappearing). For an exposition of the role of the use of betel during marriagecelebrations, see Van der Veen (1950:

298). Betelleaves are a common motif in Sa'dan art (pa'daun bolu). As far as the role of species of palm in ritual is concemed: via the taU coconut and sugar palm the souls of prominent dead climbed to the firmament. The leaves of some kinds of palms, the lambiri or pseudo-sugar palm among them, are employed during the great bua'- feast. The trunk of the lambiri serves as simbuang kayu at the place where kerbau are slaughtered during the great dirapa'i-ritual for the dead. It is the counterpart of the simbuang batu, the menhir to which the buffaloes are tethered and, apparently, symbolizes the palm by means of which the soul of the deceased ascends to heaven. Finally, the parasol of pers ons of status was fashioned from the leaves of the fan-palm, the kambuno. Such a sunshade was a symbol of their dignity. The name of the first to minaa priest was Kambunolangi', the Sunshade of the Firmament (see IX.1 and Merok: 106 and 192). The lamba'-tree is a kind of Ficus. The name lamba' is used to denote a person of rank.

MATERlAL SYMBOLS

"Hai! to this soil, rich with blessings! It is soit spread out like an old woven cloth with seleng motifs ... " (Merok: 187)

In this chapter the symbols will be discussed which are manifestations of the Toraja's material culture, symbols which they themselves fashion in wood, stone or some other medium.

VIII.1 The tongkonan "Hail to this house, with its front shaped like the faces of the gods, where the supreme feast is to take place, abundant be the blessing upon this façade, formed like the countenance of the lords, where the foremost adat performances are to be carried out." (Merok: 18, verse 6)

VIII. 1. 1 General deseription ol the tongkonan; lunetion What do we mean when speaking of a tongkonan? It is a house that not only provides shelter but which, as the seat of a (sub)ramage, is the center of the social and religious activities of this group in its entirety. The word seat in this context is appropriate, for tongkonan derives from the verb tongkon which means to sit, to have become seated. The house commemorates the origin of the (sub)ramage, for at the moment that an ancestor founds a new tongkonan a new rapu originates. The process of ramification characteristic of the Sa'danese kinship system, has the consequence that there are tongkonan of varying importance, senior and junior ones. All have a name of their own. To each tongkonan a compound and number of sawahs belong; this property provides the resources for sponsoring feasts (organized with the house at their center) and for keeping the house in good

Other heirlooms and jeweIlery belonging to the family group can also be stored for safe keeping in the tongkonan. The head of the (sub)ramage is in most instances the person who pre si des over the house and its goods; he need not actuaIly live in the tongkonan, however. The tongkonan is thus the visible symbol of the ramage. Special constructions and ornaments are sanctioned for certain tongkonan of status which les ser houses may not permit themselves. Similar limits obtain for homes in general (the generic term for house is banua). Such limitations concern the privileges of having an a'riri pos i' (a central post) under the house of adding a longa (a porch), and of applying woodcarving. The houses and ricebarns of the Toraja fit harmoniously into the surrounding landscape. As architectonic creations they are every bit as impressive as the buildings on Nias, the houses of the Toba- and Karo-Batak, the Minangkabau and the buildings found on the Palau Islands. Resemblance to these houses is of ten extensive. The waIls of the adat-houses of the Toraja are similarly ornamented with wood-carvings painted in black, white, brown and brownish yeIlow. Mother Earth provides the foIlowing pigments: yeIlow, red and redbrown earth. These earth colours are mixed with palmwine to make the paint durable. Black comes from the kitchen: black paint is prepared from the ash scraped from the bottom of cooking pots and pans. As fixer, sap drawn from the trunk of the banana tree is used. Nowadays people also make use of residue lubricating oil to acquire black paint. For the most part earth paints are used: litak mararang, red paint; litak mabusa, white paint; litak mariri, yeIlow paint. Litak denotes earth, yet it is also the word for paint; litak malotong, black paint, is not an earth product (the terms for these colours are borrowed from Tangdilintin 1975: 235). The Toraja house stands on piles which, in cross-section, are rectangular or octagonal. The floorplan of the house -and that of the ricebarn as weIl -is rectangular. Just as with Toba-Batak and Minangkabau houses, the ridge of Toraja roofs turns upwards at both ends. (Cf. figs. VIII.I-VIII.5 for illustration of Toraja houses.) When the house of a prominent ramage must be built, the first step is to erect the central post, the a'riri posi', an operation termed umpatama a'riri or umpabendan a'riri posi'. A hole must first be dug in which to set the post; permission to dig must first be ,requested

Material symbols 233

o

f

bantuli 0 8 bantuIl

sum bu ng

bantuli 0 '1 ~-----4--~~--ïrl3 m 0 bantuli c s a I i

0 6 h----+--II-=-----r-lz 0bant~1I bantuli":0: b

tan gd 0

bantuli 0 5 Cl bantuli 9

A.1

tulak sOrDba N

Fig. VIII.1 Groundplan of a tongkonan.

Key: 1-8 The garopang. These are eonneeted by horizontal beams, the roroan; to the side of the garopang stand the bantuli whieh support the over-hanging roof. a-d The vertieal parande pata' whieh rest on the earth. The piles without numbers are ealled patongkon. There are 24, 36 or 48 vertieal piles, always a number divisible bij 4 (this applies only to the outermost piles). Four, like eight, has a special significanee in Sa'dan-Toraja religion. I-IV The petuo: these rest on a horizontal floor beam whieh runs parallel to the ridge of the roof, the pata'. The petuo are a eontinuation of the vertieal pol es whieh rest on the ground. 111 The a'riri posi'. The tulak somba is fitted out with a buffalo head. In Kesu', however, this is far from invariable. In Tikala sueh a buffalo head ean be seen more frequently. The long, protruding katik is attaehed to the front wall right in the middle. This wall is also deeorated with life-sized wooden buffalo heads bearing real horns.

f. Site for plaeing offerings for the aneestors.
g. Site for placing offerings to the gods.
x. The hearth.

~----.~----

Fig. VIII.2 Side view of a tongkonan.

from the earth spirit, or spirits (ampu padang). At the bottom of the hole a yellow bead is placed. On the occasion of umpatama a'riri the carpenter sometimes sacrifices a pig. Then the workers proceed to set up the remaining posts. Some residences rest on as many as two dozen of such piles. The bantuZi are the vertical piles located outside the actual living area of the house; they help to prop up the roof. The extremities of the ridge of the roof of leading tongkonan are supported by two tulak samba, one in front, one behind (tulak = to support; samba = the venerated, exalted). Of ten a realistically executed image of a buffalo head is fastened to the tulak somba. This woodcarving (kabongo') is fitted out with real horns. No nails are used in construction of Toraja houses or ricebarns; beams and piles are tenoned and wood pegs hold joints together (for such technique, see fig VIllA). Besides, they also make use of rattan ropes to bind components together. Houses constructed in this way, the Toraja maintain, are better able to withstand earthquakes than modern homes. Horizontal beams are, of course, an important part of housing construction. An important beam is the pata' which, at floor-Ievel, runs the length of the house down its center. The pata' serre', pata'. The arched ridge of the roof is attached to the pata'

Z 1- :.J

ó ,-z Q 2 _ ti,-_____ _

Fig. VIII.3 Front view of a tongkonan.

serre' with ropes of rattan. The framework of the roof is extremely complicated. It consists of various lengths of bamboo bent towards each other. Resting on the horizontal beams and inserted between the vertical piles, the walls of the tangkanan rise. If these walls (rinding) are covered with ornamental woodcarving, the carving is done before the wa lIs are set in place. Only the homes of nobility are allowed to be so decorated. More eminent ta makaka may decorate their houses partialIy. Lower ta makaka and (former) slaves must refrain from any ornamentation.

VIllA The house is supported by a vast number of tenoned piles.

The covering of the roof consists of bamboo stakes vertically split into halves; these are laid in parallel rows, concave and convex alternate1y overlapping (cf. Roman shingles, so-called 'monks and nuns'). In advance the lengths of bamboo are cut to size and brought into juxtaposition to make up required surface areas; they are then stitched together with rattan (see 'fig. VIII.5). Af ter being stitched together

Fig. VIII.5 Fixing the roof shingles, bamboos which have been cut in half

are stitched together with convex and concave sides alternating; this is how roof shingles are made.

"Which came first, the mother (= the assemblages of larger bamboos) or the children (= the smaller bamboos)?" To which the answer has just been given. Certain houses are provided with a verandah or porch (Tonga) created by the extension of the roof weIl beyond the front and rear walls. Such a longa, held up by the tulak samba, is a prerogative of nobility. Each detail of the construction of a house is, of course, subject to elaborate rules.

VIII.1.2 The internal layout of a tongkonan (see fig. VIII.I) There are three or four rooms in a Sa'danese house. In the latter case there are four petuo, middle posts (cf. VIII.1.4).

a. The sali Sali means, literally, floor. This is the central room of the house. The floor of the sali in contemporary houses is lower than that of the other living spaces (Kesu'). Formerly slaves (house slaves) and guests slept in the sali. Here, too, is the hearth: dapo'. The hearth consists of a wooden tray filled with earth. Three hearthstones support the cooking pot. (It is usual to have two sets of three hearthstones.) The tryad of stones are an of ten quoted metaphor in myth and chant. Thus in the Passomba Tedong, the three most important gods, Tulakpadang, Gauntikembong, and Banggairante, are compared to the three hearthstones as a trinity (Merok: 67). Above the hearth a rack is suspended, the palanduan, on which firewood is stored. The hearth is exclusively a woman'sdomain. Here, she cooks daily meals. (Food used during rituals is prepared by men in the open air.) The kitchen is located on the eastern si de of the tongkonan, probably because of the association of prepared food, especially rice, with the sphere of the East (own interpretation). But: the sali is also the room where the dead are placed on view before burial. A corpse, however, is set out in the western side of the house, for it is the West which is associated with the dead. In the sali as weIl the kabusungan are kept the sacral goods which be long to the (sub)ramage -at least when a tongkonan is rich in status. Such goods are stored in the eastern portion of the room.
b. The sumbung The sumbung is the room at the rear of the tongkonan, its southern

bilik (see VIII.2). This ornamentation includes images of a buffalo, a pig and a cock, the three animals which are sacrificed during the *merok-*and la'pa' kasalle- feasts, rituals which involve the participation of the entire family group (see also VIII.1.5). The tongkonan is always at the center of these rites.

VIII.1.3 Woodcarving; special motifs Sa'danese houses in the aId style are covered in woodcarving that

Material symbols 239

consists for the most part of geometrical patterns which have been coloured in. Several of the recurring motifs are associated with the upperworld; the pa'barre allo (barre allo = sun disk with rays), is one example. Two pa 'barre allo designs appear high on the northern gable of the house. Of ten they are flanked by cocks, symbol of day- break. The sun motif is also at times applied to the inside of shutters, a clever inspiration, for when the shutters are thrown open the motif is literally brought to light. (For several illustrations of woodcarving motifs used on houses, see photo pages.) Another conspicious motif is called pa'kapu' baka, 'the tightly-bound basket'. Kadang (1960: 17, motif 13) offers the following explication of this motif: the pattern represents the basket in which all the valuables of the house, and of the family, are sturdily packed. Just as with the image of the sun, the pa'kapu' baka motif appears in many parts of the world: we meet it under the name windu among the Balinese, and under the name bindu matogu among the Toba-Batak. The figure, consisting of loops in an octagonal arrangement, is connected by these peoples with the underworld (in Balinese mythology the loops, in the form of two snakes, coil ab out the turtle Badawang who bears the world on his back). It is dubious whether among the Toraja the motif evokes similar associations: to them it is rather a symbol of prosperity. Even the pa'bungkang tasik, the sea crab, despite its home in the ocean, is not associated with the underworld. This motif is used on the north gable of the tongkonan, the part of the house corresponding to the upperworld. When we compare the tongkonan with the traditional house of the Toba-Batak, or the chiefly residence in a settlement on Nias, houses of markedly similar structure, we are struck by the paucity of 'underworld'-symbols and motifs associated with the World Sea on Sa'dan-Toraja dwellings. In some instances, it is true, mythical snakes like those carved into the lowest horizontal support beams of houses on Nias do also appear in Toraja lands. On some older tongkonan, the front ends of the floor-beams have been crowned with wooden boards on which two snakes have been represented in relief, surrounded by the pa'bulu londong (= cock feathers) motif. In former times habitations of the de ad were also decorated with two snakes: ancient coffins, shaped either like a pro a or a house. The snake was carved as an ornament onto the lid of the coffin which had the form of the roof of a Toraja house. It was cut out in com-

The Sa'dan-Toraja

bination with the pa'bulu londong motif. These coffins, however, have since fallen into disuse. Carving symbols are frequent which refer to the kerbau. The pa'tedong (= buffalo head) motif is of ten carved onto windows and doors, openings through which evil influences might enter into the tongkonan. Other ornaments also are composed of sharp kerbau horns, which, apparently, are considered capable of warding off feared influences. Even the ricebarn is provided with a buffalo head ornament. Pa'doti siluang is a decoration made up of a combination of cross- and diamond-motifs. The name signifies: speckled kerbau. Such a buffalo is costly, consequently the decoration is an allusion to wealth and prosperity (desired on behalf of the house and its occupants). Pa'barra'-barra (= many grains of rice) is similar suggestive; Kadang (1960: 25, motif 21) points out that it expresses two wishes: an abundance of rice and of descendants. Another ornament of houses which belong to nobility is pa'boko kom ba kalua', the massive golden arm-band (which only noble women may wear). The motif refers to the class status of the owners. Other designs (which bear a close resemblance to each other) have to do with plants: pa'baranae, shoot of a banyan tree (Kadang 1960: 39, motif 35); pa'lolo tabang, shoot of a bloodwort (ibid.: 37, motif 33); pa'takku pare, paddy ben ding low (i.e. paddy with a weIl filled ear) (ibid.: motif 41) and pa'batang lau, stalk of the lau (= gourd, ibid.: motif 43). Banyan tree, bloodwort and rice are ritually important. The same holds true of betel chewing. One of its prime ingredients, the sirih leaf (pa'daun bolu) is a favourite ornament on the walls of Sa'dan houses (ibid.: 50, fig. 46). In Kesu' many tongkonan are decorated with a katik, woodcarving representing a bird's neck with a head resembling that of a hen. Informants told me that the katik represents Lando Kollong, a mythical hen, 'She of the Elongated Neck'. In Sangalla' one does not find either katik or kabongo' (a wooden buffalo he ad with real horns). (For further information about woodwork motifs, a reader should consult Kadang 1960 and Pakan 1973.)

VIII.1.4 The a'riri posi' Just as the earth itself is held up by Pong Tulakpadang, 'The Supporter of the Earth', so houses, too, are supported by a god or earth spirit (or several such spirits?). The tongkonan rests on short posts set into corbels on the ground consisting of stones cemented with lime. Among

supporters of life). In turn the floor beam is held up by posts which stand below the spots where the petuo are erected. The most crucialof these posts, hewn from nangka-wood, is decorated with woodcarving. lts foot rests on the earth; it shores up the middlemost petuo. This is the a'riri posi' which rests not upon, but in the earth. lts installation is preceded by ritual; sometimes the carpenter slaughters a pig for an offering (cf. VIII.3ff. and p. 246). During the era when tongkonan still perched on the cliffs, before the Dutch Administration ordered houses to be relocated in the valleys, the a'riri posi' consisted of a circular stone pillar. Tongkonan Banua Sura' in Ba'tan, Kesu', has retained such an a'riri posi' in its possession. A'riri pos i' means, literally, navel post. It can be regarded as the symbol that the house, in the sense of a microcosmos, is vitally connected with the earth, the macrocosmos (own interpretation). Despite the designation 'navel post' the a'riri posi', especially when of stone, looks much like a phallus. During the bua' kasalle-feast, a bundie, called anak dara, is bound to the petuo which rests on the a'riri posi'. This bundie is composed of a banana-stem, various sacral leaves and other accessoires, all tied to a spear. The anak dara is fastened to the north side of the petuo. The name means virgin or sister. According to the Toraja, the anak dara is the female symbol of the family group. (Perhaps also in the sense of a fertility symbol, for women bring forth the children of the group; own interpretation.) The anak dara will be discussed in the context of the major bua'-ritual (Vol. 11).

VIII.1.5 The ampang bilik or ruma-ruma The ampang bilik appears to be a kind of fence consisting of three or fourhorizontal and three vertical planks (see fig. VIII.6). 'Vhe term literally means 'the threshold of the house'. The ampang bilik figures in the la'pa' (bua') kasalle-feast. The constituent planks are decorated with carved, painted motifs. Although all kinds of variations occur, two snakes are never omitted. In ad dit ion the following figures are depicted: a human being, certain birds (cocks or a tambolang), at times also kerbau or horses.

VIII.6 The ampang bilik in tongkonan Buntu Pune in Ba'tan, Kesu' (schematic representation): Key: a. human figure

b. image of two snakes with, between them, the pa'bungkang tasik-motif (according to B. Sarungallo the snakes signify that the ampang bilik is considered sacral (see also fig. VIII.6a)
c. picture .of tbe head of a to manganda' dancer; these dancers perform at the great bua'-feast (see also fig. VIII.6b)
d. kerbau and other animals depicted in 3-dimensional sculpture
e. doti langi'-motifs; these symbolize wealth and abundance.
(Sketch by S. Taub.)

Fig. VIII.6a Animals portrayed on the ampang bilik of tongkonan Buntu Pune,

Kesu'.

Pune, Kesu'.

The remaining ornamentation consists of geometrie designs: the pa'- daun bolu (betel Ie af th at is offered as a sacrifice to the gods, but not to the ancestors); cross motifs (doti langi') which symbolize wealth and abundance; figures which portray the leaves of the banyan tree (pa'barana'); moreover, the pa'bombo uai/ the pa'tedong (the buffalo head), and others. All are important motifs connected with life, or significant as symbols to keep evil influences at bay. Not in relief, but as three-dimensional images, buffaloes, painted in dark colours, and/or pigs stand on the cross-beams of the ampang bilik. A human figure occupies a central position. At times only a human he ad with the accessoires of a daneer appears, at times a body in entirety. It is not surprising that the kerbau is depicted considering the role which this animal fulfils during various rites. When a bua' kasalle-feast is celebrated in Kesu', the ampang bilik is placed in the tangdo'; upon conclusion of the feast it is transferred to the western portion of the rear wall of the sali as a memento of the fact that the tongkonan has celebrated the great bua'-feast. This location is remarkable, for the ampang bUik with its images of snakes, beasts, birds and man is beyond mis take a cosmie representation, the concrete embodiment also of the group's great feast: as such one would except to find it in a more central place in the tongkonan. It goes without saying that not all tongkonan have such an ampang bilik, but only the most important ones, such as those which have been the center of a great bua'-ritual. In Kesu' I saw these artifacts in tongkonan Tammunallo in Ba'tan and in tongkonan Buntu Pune, also

pang bilik) in Kesu' were old and, to some extent, worn. We do not know wh ether in Tikala and Riu, too, the ruma-ruma is also housed in the tongkonan, as a token that the members of this tongkonan have celebrated the great bua'-feast. The Toraja assume that by the. placement of the ruma-ruma the southern room in the tongkonan is closed off from the central and northern rooms. This blockage conveys the symbolism of the bua' kasalle: the Southwest oriented rites are cut off from the northeastern ones.

VIII.1.6 The tongkonan as a cosmie symbol Considering its form, the a'riri posi' can be conceived of as a phallic symbol. Yet its name, posi' (navel), suggests that it represents some connection with the cosmos. The house, connected through the a'riri posi' with the (macro)cosmos is itself a representation of this world order. The anak dara fastened to the a'riri posi' is a fertility symbol, the symbol of the women of the family whose very center is the tongkonan. Should many children be born to the group, that is a blessing for the marapuan (for the ritual which includes the appearance of the anak dara, see Vol. 11). The roof of the tongkonan-and of Toraja houses in general -is indeed on occasion compared to the sky. This can be noticed in the ma'bubung, the prayer that is spoken when the roofing of the tongkonan is renewed. A verse from this prayer reads: "God who arched the firmament downwards, lord who curved the all-enfolding as the covering roof" (Merok: 170-171, verse 18). Between heaven and roof an analogy is drawn. Besides every house on earth has its prototype in 'The Iron House' that was constructed in heaven. This 'Iron House' was roofed with sacral maa'-cloths (ibid.: 117, verse 587). Renewal of the roof is a feast of great activity, featuring cock fights and gambling. During the merok-feast, when the ridge of the tongkonan roof is draped with pieces of bamboo which have been beaten flat, a prayer is delivered by the to minaa af ter he has presented an offering of betel and areca nuts. In this prayer the priest draws a parallel between the roof of the tongkonan and the heavens (ibid.: 4 and 168f.). The northern part of the tongkonan is associated with gods and with the deified dead. This appears from the following: the bodily remains of the burake tambolang, the

Material symbols 245

the tongkonan; to do this a piece of this façade must be broken out. According to Van der Veen a similar exit is made for the puang and for family members of the puang (1965: 19 and 1966: 23). This is called 'the way of the gods' (lalan deata). ather corpses depart from the house through a door (ba'ba sade) in the western wall (West is the sphere of the dead). This egress is called lalan bombo, 'the way of the bomba' (the soul that has not yet been purified). For as important a man as the burake tambolang purification rites are not necessary: his soul ascends directly to the upperworld. The front part of the tongkonan is in deed spoken of as !indo puang, the face of the puang or the countenance of the deata (gods). The nomenclature suggests that the Toraja think of the house anthropomorphically. People also refer to the front gable as ba 'ba deata, the door of the gods. The gods, to be sure, who inhabit the Northeast, enter into the tongkonan via its northern si de (Merok: 19). An important tongkonan, connected to the earth by its 'navel post', is the symbol of the microcosmos.

VIII.1.7 The house in history and myth; and the ritual of its construction The creation and development of things is an important theme in Sa'dan-Toraja myth. According to Bua' Sarungallo, houses too went through a process of development. The first type of dwelling is said to have been a small hut of shrubs. It was called kalumba. Afterwards people built the pandokko' dena', literally: 'the residence of ricebirds', houses which only had a roof of bamboo. The next step was the construction of the patongkon a'pa', a house resting on four piles but without any walls. Then people proceeded to the construction of a banua tamben which, my informant commented, resembied a cage or a stabie rather than a human dwelling. This description, however, pertains only to the part of the banua tamben located below the actual floor. Several banua tam ben can still be seen today, e.g. in the district of Tikala. In 1966 I saw a house of this type with wooden walls. It showed hardly any traces of woodcarving: decoration consisted merely of parallel lines notched in the wood. The space under the house indeed resembied a kind of corral made from horizontal poles. The following phase in house development brought the debut of the banua rapa', 'beautiful houses'. The name actually signifies a well-built, solid house (Woordenboek v. rapa' 11). Although earlier houses were covered less bountifully with woodcarving, I consider it highly

Material symbols 247

assembIed in the vicinity of the old house. The first ceremonies are observed before any actual construction of the house takes place. Rites connected to the building, or repair of a tongkonan are cele· brated in two phases. We begin with:

a. Rites associated with actual construction work (informants: Allo Rante from Ba'tan, tongkonan Banua Sura', supplemented by data from R. Panimba and B. Sarungallo).
1. First the ma'pallin is held, intended to ward off evil influences.
The offering is also reported as part of the merok·feast (Merok: 156-

158). Toraja informants told me that on this occasion a red cock (sella') is sacrificed; according to Van der Veen this cock must be black.
2. The manglika' biang (see Merok: 158-164) which then follows
may be celebrated on the same day as the ma'pallin. Once again, a red cock is sacrificed.

3. The next rite is th at of ma'lelleng kayu (lelleng = cutting, i.e.
   the trees that are needed for construction; kayu = wood). A cock (of unspecified colour) is sacrificed.

4. For ma'patassu kayu, 'fetching the wood from the forest', again
   a red·feathered cock is selected for an offering. This and the previous rite are led by the to minaa.

5. Af ter the ma'tamben, for which once more a red cock is sacrificed
   (possibly a pig instead), construction of the tongkonan commences.

6. Then follows the mangrondon, 'the pulling down of the ruin'
   (the old tongkonan), a rite conducted by the to mano'bo whose function will be discussed below.

7. For the manglo'po' patongkon, 'the digging of a hole for the first
   post of the house', the carpenter (fo manarang) sacrifices a pig (at least, if the tongkonan is of high rank). Van der Veen asserts that this offering can be postponed until the mangrara banua, the feast which is held when the house is ready for occupancy.

8. For the ma'pabendan, 'the raising of the piles', a pig is slaughtered.

9. The mangono' comes next, 'the stacking of sections of roof cover·
   ing in predetermined order'. The sections are sorted and laid out on the ground in such a manner that they can be put in place quickly and efficiently.

10. The placement of the floor beams which run the length of the
    house is observed with the rite known as ma'palumbang pata'. Pata' is the beam in the center which rests on the a'riri posi'. The name of the rite means 'to lay the pata' '. No animal is sacrificed.

11. Nor is any animal sacrificed at ma'kemun rinding, 'covering the
    framework of the house with walls'.

12. The last important rite before the actual mangrara banua begins
    is the ma 'papa, 'laying the roof'. A pig is sacrificed. In addition various pigs are slaughtered as payment for those who have helped to lay the roof. With the ma'papa the first phase of the renewal of a tongkonan is brought to a close.

b. Then, possibly af ter an interim, follows the mangrara banua, 'the covering of the house with blood', a consecration feast for which members of the ramage from far and wide assembIe. The feast continues for a minimum of three days. A diviner (paita) is consulted to select a favourable day to begin.
1. The first rite is the mangrimpung or mangrapu, the making of a
sacrifice as a family group at a pI ace on the outskirts of the village.2 The 10 minaa or the matua ulu presides. (For a description of the mangrimpung, see Merok: 4, 166-168.) Then follows:

2. Membase (= to wash, to wash the hands, to cleanse) is a
purification rite. A pig is sacrificed.

3. The next rite celebrated at this juncture, the ma'pakande to
   matua, 'the providing of food to the ancestors (of the Southwest)', is also customary during various other ceremonies (see Merok: 2). During ma'pakande 10 matua the ancestors are considered to dweIl temporarily inside the house. Upon conclusion of th is rite, the actual festivities begin. Those who have been invited to participate (rapu- members, friends and acquaintances) will by this time have arrived. On the first day of the festivities ma'larampak takes place, 'the placing of the small sections of roof covering along the edge of the roof'. This is also the name of the offering which opens the series of sacrifices which are customary whenever a new or renewed house is being consecrated. The 10 indo' leads the rite. In front of the tongkonan one, sometimes two pigs are killed; the me at is distributed among those present by the 10 indo'.

On the second day eight important functionaries come to the fore. The ritual is called allona (literally: high-day); it goes on for two days. The sokkong bayu leads the ceremonies; he recites the mangimbo (prayer) on the compound. The datu baine performs the mangimbo as weIl as the ma'pesung inside the house. In Ba'tan donalu, the title of sokkong bayu was connected to tongkonan Banua Sura', that of datu baine to tongkonan Tangdo' Ruma-ruma. In Ba'tan diongan, the sokkong bayu from tongkonan Ne' Pareakan performed the rite of mangimbo. The function of to massanduk (the one who serves the rice during ceremonies, usually a woman) was tied in Ba'tan donalu to tongkonan Banua Sura' and in Ba'tan diongan to tongkonan To' Kamiri. In the morning the ma'gellu' is danced, a dance previously also done by men but now only by women. lts performance is restricted to rituals which are related to life. Afternoons, women form into a line, singing and making dancing movements as they do so (see Woordenboek v. dandan). On this day many pigs are slaughtered, between one and somewhere up to three hundred. The carpenter, the to manarang, and the to mano'bo receive the largest portion of me at. From every pig they receive something. On the third day follows ma'bubung, 'laying the ridge covering made of flattened bamboo-betung'. On this day of the mangrara a pig is sacrificed. The most prominent functionary is the to mano'bo. He walks back and forth on top of the roof, in his one hand carrying fire (a torch?) and wearing a wreath of red leaves from the bloodwort on his head. Dressed in a long coat (his clothing is compared to that of a Catholic priest), brandishing a sword in his other hand, he paces along the ridge; finally he hurls the fire down onto a dulang (a dish on a pedestal) which stands on the ground below. The to mano'bo portrays a champion or warrior; the performance probably is an expression of the tongkonan's prowess (own interpretation). Or, armed with fire and sword, he is a figure who must ward off evil influences (interpretation Van der Veen). His spectacular performance concludes the series of rites. Throughout mangrara banua only pigs are sacrificed. For an extremely important tongkonan in Ba'tan (Banua Sura' and Bamba) a kerbau may, exceptionaIly, be sacrificed. At the renewal of tongkonan Kesu', the mother-tongkonan, several kerbau were even slaughtered. As a token that the mangrara banua has been celebrated, in Kesu' a

The Sa'dan-Toraja

yellow board with a crenate-edge, the bung allo, is fastened beneath the central floor beam at the front of the house. Van der Veen denied any knowledge of the term bung allo; possibly bunga' allo was what my informant had in mind (bunga' = to open; allo = day).

Below I give a brief description of the tongkonan Banua Sura' (= tongkonan Banua Sura' was the residence of old Ne' Sangga and his wife. Until his conversion to Christianity in about 1940, Ne' Sangga had been the sokkong bayu of Ba'tan donalu. Originally the house stood high up on the Malenong cliffs, a location chosen for reasons of defense (and possibly, too, seen as symbolically fitting for the elevated status of its occupants). Af ter the definitive establishment of Dutch authority, the house was rebuilt on a lower site. In the 1930's renovation of the house began, lasting until 1957. Not before 1947 did renewal get under way in eamest -accompanied by the highest ritual, for the house is a banua di tallung alloU Together with tongkonan Bamba, tongkonan Banua Sura' is the only house entitled to sacrifice a kerbau during the ma'tarampak. For this event all functionaries who are instrumental in the ritual-the sokkong bayu, the datu baine and others -were on the premises. A prayer of thanks to the gods preceded the offering. The house, naturally, has an a'riri posi'. When it still was perched on the cliff, this central post was of stone: a cylindrical stone decorated with a zigzag line. At present this stone still lies next to the tongkonan; the current a'riri is hewn entirely from wood and decorated with carved designs. Inside the tongkonan the legacy of the group is preserved, heirlooms brought out for use during the feasts. The treasured goods include a mammouth Chinese vase dating from the Ming period, various kandaure and loin clothes of considerable length (on special occasions used as tom bi, banners), golden krisses and the great wood en dish on a pedestal (dulang) which the ancestor Ne' Tikuali used. Ne' Tikuali was one of the adat-chiefs who provided leadership in the war against the Bonese prince Arung Palaka; he was one of the to pada tindo (see 1.5). With infadible precision the worthy Ne' Sangga can enumerate the whole sequence of ancestors who have lived in the tongkonan since the time of To Batu, the founder of the house. At first the house was not decorated; then it was called Mane toë (?, presumably Manete). Ne' Sangga in his white sambu', with his

Uma, a woman; To Tarranuang, a man; Ne' Tikuali who called the Sa'dan together in the 17th century to do battle against the Buginese; Pongo Pasauran, a man; Tato' Pasauran, a man; Ne' Lai' Panda'panda, a woman; Limbong Bulaan, a woman; Ne' Masembo, a woman; Ne' Malisa', a man; Ne' Tikusugi', a woman; Ne' Sangga. In addition to the position of sokkong bayu, there remain a number of other titles, including that of to indo', the leader of the rice ritual, which rest with tongkonan Banua Sura'. It is above all Ne' Tikuali, the distinguished hero, whom the tongkonan has to thank for its prominence.

Below I have des cri bed the mangrara as observed for a simple house (mangrara banua di sangalloi) held in Angin-angin diongan, Kesu', on October 23, 1966, 11.00 AM). The roofing of the house that had no woodcarving decorations, was renewed. Then followed the mangrara, the simple rite of a single day. The disposition of guests was the usualone: dignitaries sat on the floor beneath the ricebarn, the most important among them sitting in front. Guests arrived with their gifts; women carried boiled rice in a bowl that was wrapped in a c1oth, men brought tuak. Several pigs had already been slaughtered; their meat was being prepared in bamboo tubes. The to indo' performed the rite. From one pig an offering was prepared that was placed on a banana leaf. The offering consisted of bits of liver, heart, lung, fat, tail, a sliver from the thigh, the spine and the buku [esa, the important hip joint; added to it were glutinous rice, upe (a kind of taro with large arrow-shaped leaves), tuak and ingredients for chewing betel. The pesung was laid on a

Since the village is separated in two, each section with its own dignitaries, portions were also set out in two rows. In the process shares were also meted out to the to matua and to the deata, also to an important tongkonan, to the to indo' who recited the mangimbo, and to the sokkong bayu; thereafter me at was distributed to functionaries in both sections of the village -to the to massanduk, the to mantobok, the to pabalian, the londong datu and the three matua ulu (for these officials, see IV.2.2). Here I have ehosen not to render in detail how the meat was divided, for one of my informants assures me errors were committed, deviations from adat-prescripts.4Had only he been entrusted with arranging matters all would have gone as it should, for no one surpassed him in this eapacityl

VII 1.2 The ricebam The rieebarn is something of a smaller edition of a tongkonan with the significant difference that the piles on which the building rests are round, not square. Piles for the ricebarn are fashioned from the trunk of the banga-palm (Indonesian, nibung: Metroxylon elatum Mart.); these trunks are so smooth that mice cannot find any foothold to elimb them. The piles themselves are also ealled banga. As a rule a ricebarn (= alang) has four piles, sometimes six. Beneath the alang an elevated floor is laid (sali), see fig. VIII.7 and 8. To a large extent ricebarns are decorated like houses. Most of the ornaments are the same. Thus the pa'tedong-motif is eommon on riee-barns, just as the pa'daun bolu-ornament is. The bottom of the sali is of ten deeorated with carved geometrie designs whieh are eoloured in with paint. Even the boards which form an extension as it were of the walls and which jut out under the sali, are ornamented with woodearving. In Kesu', for example, this woodearving entails stylized images of the dena'-bird, a species of ricebird; elsewhere, including Riu, Tikala, Pangala', the Sa'dan district and Rimbon, one sees entirely different images on the boards: rather than stylized motifs, scenes of daily life appear. Women who pound rice, men and women bringing

Material symbols 253

Fig. VHI.7 Side view of a ricebarn.

Fig. VIII.8 Front view of a ricebarn.

Or horsemen with soldiers afoot, or kerbau and pigs that are being brought to a ritual for the dead. Buffalo and swine are pictured frequently, usually in the form which people consider the most beautiful. Certain ricebarns -the large ones in Kesu' and Buntao' -are decorated with a kabongo' (= wooden buffalo he ad with real horns). Like the tongkonan, the ricebarn is a status symbol. People see how wealthy a family is by the dimensions and the woodcarving of these buildings. The primary function of the alang is the storage of rice, but the barn has other uses as well. The sali is a work pI ace; this fIoor furthermore serves as a place for people to sit or to sleep during mortuary feasts. When guests sleep there, c10ths woven from fibers are draped around the banga. The sali is also where people sit when meetings of fellow villagers are convened. The compound of the village head or of the most important to parengnge' (Kesu') is where such meetings take place; then the sokkong bayu and the datu baine sit in the front of the sali of the alang, the former to the left, the latter to the right. The ricebarn is situated invariably opposite the tongkonan so that during ceremonies the sokkong bayu and the datu baine sit in the southern part of the barn. Ricebarns -and tongkonan-are not of uniform appearance in the various parts of Tana Toraja. One finds roofs covered with bamboo-shingles especially in Kesu', Buntao', Tikala, Tondon, Nanggala, Sa'dan, Madandan, Ma'kale and SangaUa'; in these districts houses and ricebarns decorated with coloured carvings are also com- mono In Bittuang roofs consist of shingles made from smaU slats of wood; in Mengkendek the roofs of dwellings and ricebarns alike are covered with ijuk (Indonesian: black fiber growing between the leaf-sheathes and the stem of the sugar palm). The form of the buildings varies as well as the materials used in construction. In Bittuang houses are wider than in Kesu'. The execution of details also differs in various regions but these are of small consequence in this context. What is of importance is that ricebarns as weU as houses fulfil a role in ritual, albeit that the prominence of tongkonan prevails. Tongkonan, moreover, are not exc1usive to Tana Toraja; they are found also in Mamasa, in Luwu', and in Duri.

Material symbols255

VII 1.3 Otber symboIs: kandaure, swords, krisses, sacraI textiles and drums

The objects discussed in this section are used during both the rambu tuka'-rituals, those of the East, and the rambu solo'-rituals, those of the West.

VIII.3.l Kandaure

The kandaure is an ornament fashioned of beads. It is shaped like a casting net or a half-opened parasol. When it is used as an ornament for vivifying a ritual, the kandaure is stretched upon a frame of bamboo-rods that is reminiscent of the rib-work of an umbrella. The bamboo frame is then set on apoie. When during the gellu', which is performed as part of the maro-ritual, the female dancers wear the kandaure, the ornament hangs over the back with its fringe of beads knotted on the breast. The human figures on the upper edge of the kandaure, eight in number, then stand on their heads. I suggested there might be some connection between this position and the contents of the gelong maro, the maro-songs which make mention of things which have been stood on their head or are somehow inverted, but my informant Bua' Sarungallo rejected this idea. He had a practical explanation for the way the kandaure was worn: it would be difficult to fasten it in any other fashion. Only girls or young women wear the kandaure at a maro-feast, whereas during mortuary rituals (e.g. the ma'parando in Sangalla') male greatgrandchildren also may dress in the ornament. At a mortuary feast the fringe of beads is not knotted on the breast, but braided. A bride in adat-costume aIso has a kandaure on her person. The be ad plaitings of the kandaure are attached to a woven band. People no longer are able to weave such bands although in the past they did in deed make them by a kind of card weaving. The bead ornaments of ten have a proper name; Daranding, for example, is the name of the kandaure which was in the possession of Allo Rante (Ne' Sangga'), the former sokkong bayu of Ba'tan. This kandaure was believed capable of preventing rainfall. Kandaure are precious and can have a value of one or more buffaloes. The price depends in part on the beads: should many expensive masak (a kind of ancient bead) be part of the ornament, then its value is high. Some kandaure, similar to maa'-cloths, are considered sacral. Certain kandaure, indeed, are more than merely decorative but

409).

VIII.3.2 Swords

Many swords are also looked upon as having religious significance. An ancient sword with a decorated handle of carved hom is caUed a la'bo' pinae. It is assumed that these la'bo' pinae came down from heaven together with the to manurun (ancestors). The blades of these swords are damascened, and the design of the inlay helps determine the value of the piece. Like the kandaure, these swords have proper names. Also like the bead ornaments, they are used during rituals for the dead as well as during rambu tuka'-feasts (= feasts of the East). The manner of their use varies considerably. During the maro and ma'bugi', these la'bo' pinae are used to inflict blows or cuts during trance;. in the course of the former feast they also serve as a symbol that dispels evil influences.

VIII.3.3 Krisses and other weapons

Krisses (gayang) are not as highly treasured as swords and kandaure. Rather they are symbols of the wealth of the (sub)ramage, or of the prestige enjoyed by the wearer. They are part of the costume of the female gellu'-dancers. Men wear them at certain rituals falling in the sphere both of rambu tuka' and rambu solo'. Men who command respect we ar krisses when observing the dirapa'i-ritual. The daggers, by grace of their golden appearance, convey some aura of things heavenly, but they are not thought of as sacral (there are exceptions, however). They are also hung on the front wall of a house of mourning during certain rites, and attached to the sarigan and the portable chair of the tau-tau (see mortuary rites, Vol. 11). In the past a dead man was furnished with a kris in his grave. The model of the kris hints at a Balinese or Javanese origin.s Presumably the Buginese imported them. The handle, an anthropomorphic figure, resembles the handle of Balinese krisses. The sheath, however, is of Buginese form. People are able to identify certain krisses as of non Tana Toraja manufacture. Later Toraja goldsmiths made copies. Manda' was a renowned gold-smith.

Other weapons

A number of other important weapons deserve mention. Mata Eulaan, 'The Golden Eye', is the name of the sword of Manaek, the female ancestor of Nonongan. The Duabontik, also called Tallutopongna, is a weapon which, according to tradition, belonged to the female ancestor Lai' Bue, the daughter of Tangdilino and Buenmanik. This weapon is compared to a hook by which the rapu (ramage) can rake in prosperity and precious possessions (Merok: 184-185). The Kayok is an ancient sword which is the property of the most outs tanding rapu in Buntao'.

VIII.3.4 Sacral cloths Among the most important artifacts of the Sa'dan-Toraja are their textiles which are used at feasts and mortuary rituals. Pio, loin c1oths, of ten of great length and with motifs woven into the fabric at both extremities, are also of significanee. These pio are hung out as tombi, flags or banners. Usually these are pio uki', 10inc1oths with woven designs, usually geometrie but occasionally representative (e.g. a team of kerbau harnessed to a plough, pigs, a cock), at both ends. The sarita are tinged with religious value: light and dark blue c10ths of uncertain origin, narrow in shape, sarita are also displayed as a kind of pennant. Of greater sacral value, however, are the maa'-c1oths, old einde's and other c10ths from India, probably imported to Sulawesi (Celebes) by the Dutch East India Company and later traded to Tana Toraja by the Buginese. Such c10ths can be worth 10-20 buffaloes. They are stored in a basket. Before a maa'-c1oth is taken out (which is always an act performed by a woman), it is first given a 'kiss', that is to say that the cloth is held for a moment ne ar the no se and then breathed upon. The sacral c10ths have various patterns: daun bolu, betel leaves, blue and red. A fabric with such a pattern is exhibited during the merok-feast and the mangrara banua-ritual; doti langi', 'spots of heaven' (= stars), a cross motif. The c10th with this motif is hung out on display when the merok-feast or mangrara banua-ritual is observed; oU barra', 'ears of rice'? (barra' actually means hulled rice). This c10th is shown not only during the *merok-*and mangrara banua-feasts, but also during the maro-ritual and mortuary feasts; lotong boko', 'a buffalo with a black back', named af ter the dominant dark colour of the c1oth; seleng, a textile with a cross motif (see Merok: 186-187).

180f., 186f.). Even taU bate' (square batik head cloths imported from Java) are used as a kind of pennant and hung out during ceremonies. On special occasions these same cloths may be wom by the to minaa as a head-dress. In the category of sacral textiles one may further include a number of cloths, bags, etc. with woven motifs. They are all old; their appearance testifies to their age. Moreover, nobody any longer weaves cloths with such motifs; the relevant technique has been lost. One of

interpretation (yet: outside the grave stand the tau-tau which represent the deceased; they look down on the comings and goings of the living). Behind the wooden door a short corridor half a meter long opens onto a square chamber which, from grave to grave, varies much in its dimensions. In this chamber the dead are deposited, next to or on

The Sa'dan-Toraja

top of each other. The graves thus are family tombs. Sometimes one finds a second chamber, joined to the first by a short hallway. In the front chamber the kaunan were laid to rest so that their master, when both had died, would constantly have his slaves available to serve him (it must be stated emphatically that a slave was never put to death upon the demise of a prominent personnage). The custom of burying kaunan in an antechamber was already popular among the more well-to-do to makaka. A to parengnge' or a puang could during his lifetime designate a household slave who later would be buried with him in his rock grave. The digging out of the graves is work for experts who come from Bori' and Riu. Some rock graves are very high up in mountain diffs (at Sangbua' and in Sangalla', for example, and on the slopes of the Sesean); others are comparatively close to earth, hollawed out of boulder (in the river basin of the Sa'dan, for example). Other farms of rock graves are hewn out from the summit of a large slab of rock or a boulder downwards. On top of such a patane a small house is built in the model of a tongkonan; in the house tau-tau find aplace. Beneath the living quarters of the tau-tau a highly realistic wood en kerbau (or horse) is stabIed. One such grave is found near the village of Kalambe; Pong Maramba' had it- prepared for himself and his family (A. C. Kruyt 1923/24: 163). Elsewhere, toa, one comes across such mausoleums but in Kesu' they have come to be replaced increasingly by rectangular constructions out of cement (which people also call patane); these are preferred because they are Ie ss vulnerable to theft. Patane are constructed for those for whom the dirapa'i death ritual is observed. The further west one travels in Toraja regions, the fewer rock graves meet the eye; on the right bank of the Masuppu' River they ce ase to appear. Between the Masuppu' and Mamasa Rivers the dead are buried in coffins placed in sm all huts which have the farm of a Toraja house. These houses are called tangngan (in Rantepao this term either denotes longitudinal floorbeams, or else a lath laid as a girder underneath a coffin; cf. Van der Veen 1923/24: 365, note 26). In these burial houses people hang sunhats, betel baskets and pouches and other household accessories. Also cat's cradles (figures made out of thread) are installed which, according to A. C. Kruyt, represent the barre allo (sun-ray motif). Here, toa, with greater frequency than in the region of the Sa'dan-Toraja, one encounters images of a rider on horse-back. Por further details concerning these tangngan, see A. C. Kruyt 1923/24: 165ff.

Prom the moment he dies a man of some status is always sheltered under a roof or covering which has the shape of a tongkonan. The sarigan, the palanquin in which the remains of the deceased are transported to the rante, the pI ace where buffaloes are sacrificed, and then on to the grave itself, is also fitted out with such a roof.6 Such a beautiful litter is only used during more significant rituals for the dead. It is ornamented in various ways. Sometimes there is even a small katik. A sarigan in Tikala which I found abandoned near a grave, had payung-payung (figures of thread) which dangled from the roof as ornamentation. Besides, sarigan used to be decorated with woodcarving motifs: pa'tanduk rape, pa'bulu londong, pa'doti langi', bua tina or others (cf. also Kadang 1960 and Pakan 1961). The roof of the sarigan is at times studded with feathers. Some twelve to twenty men are needed to carry the sarigan to the rante. Here, the deceased, swathed in winding sheets, is transferred to the lakke-Iakkean or lakkian, a hut on high poles where he resides during the festive days passed on the slaughtering place of the buffaloes. The lakkian stands on six poles; it is for two thirds decorated with red, and for one third with yeUow material. At the ends of the roof and to one side of the lakkian, tombi are exhibited; kandaure also belong to the decorations (see Bodrogi 1970, fig. 6). The stay of the deceased in the sarigan and lakkean are to be regarded as transitional phases in his progress from the house of mourning to his final resting place, the grave.

VII 1.5 The tau-tau (effigies) The word tau-tau means 'little person', or, also, 'like a person'. Spoken rapidly the words sound like tatau. The tau-tau is the image of the deceased, dressed in c1othing, complete with accessories and jewellery (Woordenboek v. tau). The effigy is more than a memorial statue as we know it, for it is thought to have a soH, the soul of the deceased.

VIII.5.1 Manufacture of a tau-tau A specialist (pande tau-tau) fashions the effigy out of nangka-wood. Certain individuals have won fame in the making of these doUs; the carving supplies them with supplementary income. WeU-known pande are Teken in Kesu' and Pong Salapu in Sangalla'. Resemblance to the deceased is the specialist's goal. Nowadays, since some tau-tau craftsmen, Teken, for one, have had training in sculpture on Bali,

doUs. Manufacture of the tau-tau is accompanied by offerings. They will be discussed in Vol. 11. Here the technique demands our attention. Tau-tau have the genitals of whichever sex which they represent. The doUs have movable limbs so that, for example, even the forearm and upperarm can be detached from each other. The head, too, can be removed. aId effigies found in the vicinity of ancient coffins, do not have movable limbs.1 The tau-tau are clothed exactly like a Toraja of status -in an early phase of the ritual, in simple garments, but in grand apparel when he is carried to the slaughtering pI ace of the kerbau. FinaUy the tau-tau, approximately one and a half meters taU, are set up beside the rock grave. As they represent the deceased, offerings are made to them. This explains Protestant opposition to the inclusion of the doUs in the burial ceremony. At the funeral of Lai' Kalua' (end 1930's), however, a tau-tau was part of the procession in spite of the fact that, before she died, she had converted to Christianity. For the burial of a woman of prominent descent, which took place in Kesu' in 1975, a tau-tau was also created. The effigy prompted protests from several family members and from the deceased's church, the Protestant Gereja Toraja. In 1978, however, an effigy was carried in the cortege of a Christian funeral.

VIII.5.2 Function of the tau-tau The tau-tau is fashioned before the second phase of a major mortuary ritual for the dead commences. During the manufacture of the doU, the woodcarver sleeps near (or even under) the house where the deceased lies on view. Actual work on the effigy also takes place in the vicinity of this house, possibly even on the floor of the ricebarn opposite the tongkonan. When the image is completed it is placed beside the dead. Just like the deceased, the tau-tau receives food to eat (an offering, indeed, for giving food to the tau-tau is a ritual process). AU this occurs before and during the second phase of the ritual, in other words for quite some time, as the time lapse between the first and the second phase of the ritual can be considerable. When the deceased is brought down to the floor of the ricebarn to lie in state there, the tau-tau is also brought down and set in position before the barn. Before this the effigy stood in front of the tulak somba of the

Only once the effigy together with the dead -and in the same manner -is carried in a palanquin to the slaughtering place of the buffaloes, does it acquire fancy dress. A head-dress appropriate to the status of the deceased is set in place, expensive jewellery is hung round the doll's neck, and his body ornamented with sash and krisses. At the slaughtering place of the buffaloes, the tau-tau remains in the immediate vicinity of the corpse. The tau-tau, stationed before the grave (or on top of it) keeps alive the memory of the ancestor 'of old'. Once every so many years, his clothing is changed, usually before burial of a new person of rank takes place. From a great height, one by one, the effigies are carried down where they are carefully dressed anew, later to be carried aloft again to their posts in front of the grave. "That it Puang X", people cry out as a doll is carried down from the cliffs. "And that is Puang Y". Older people of ten recall exactly who the effigies (in Suaya more than a dozen in all) represent. That the effigy only plays a role shortly prior to the second phase of the mortuary ritual is probably a matter of the 'maturation' of the deceased. In the first phase of the death feast, aluk pia, the 'child ritual', the deceased has not yet attained a state in which he can do anything for the rice and for his descendants. During the second stage of the death ritual, however, he al ready approaches that state. Then the tau-tau, the image of the deceased, the 'living dead', is stationed beside the corpse. In the course of the first phase of a death ritual for an extremely eminent personage, a temporary tau-tau is occasionally fashioned from a bamboo rod. Decked with clothes this effigy rather resembles a scarecrow. Such a temporary tau-tau is called bate lepong, and will be further discussed in our description of the ma'batang in the village of Parinding in Tikala (Vol. 11).

VIII.6 Megaliths VIII.6.1 Description Ethno-historians of the culture-historical school would classify the culture of the Sa'dan-Toraja as megalithic. Within the process of European-Asiatic diffusion, they dis cern a number of sub-currents (see, among others, Heine-Geldern 1932, 1952; Kwang-Chih 1959; Perry 1918; Riesenfeld 1950). For Indonesia, Heine-Geldern distin-

decorative motifs were characterized by the appearance of spirals (bronze age design). Although the Toraja erect menhirs, they have no stone tools, only iron ones. Besides, they have mastered the art of weaving, and spirals of ten turn up in their deeorative art. All this demonstrates how slippery a business such categorization is. Certain traits, however, are of more general occurrence: where menhirs are found, headhunting is usually practised also. A case in point is Tana Toraja though not in alliocations. And where the Toraja did not hunt heads, they nevertheless set up great slabs of stone! Sueh monoliths are found most of all in societies with a certain degree of social stratification. Menhirs of ten are status symbols -as they are among the Toraja. The German ethnologist Stöhr pointed to the connection between particular forms of myths and the nature of the megaliths in a society. Where the wives of the gods originate from a rock, for example, menhirs are found (Stöhr 1965: 85ff. and 150ff.). In most instanees the megaliths (menhirs as weIl as other stone monuments) have something to do with a feast of merit, or the menhirs function as a monument in honour of the dead. During mortuary feasts the Sa'dan-Toraja, too, erect large (or, on occasion, somewhat smaller) monoliths, similar to those found among the Kuki (Pururn) in Assam on the Asian mainland, and the Kelabites of Borneo (Kalimantan). Megaliths are also raised by the inhabitants of Nias and by the Nga'da and Nage of Flores. In part these megalithic cultures belong to the past, but not among the Toraja. As far as Sulawesi is concerned: many forms of stone culture are known, from both the past and in the present. Menhirs, however, are confined to the island's southwestern peninsuia. In the area of the Buginese, menhirs once were ereeted: prehistorie remains eonsisting of huge upright stones decorated with a shield earved in bas-relief, and enormous menhirs raised on early-Islamic graves in the interior testify to some form of megalithic culture in the past. (For megaliths on Sulawesi, see Kaudern 1938 and A. C. Kruyt 1923/24: 335-339.) The monoliths of the Sa'dan-Toraja are called simbuang batu (batu

interpreted as phallic symbols. They are raised for dead persons of either sex. The Toraja were unable to teIl me much about the significance of the menhirs. They are designed to commemorate persons of consequence af ter their death. Stones shaped like a phallus usually are hewn but menhirs for a female dead of ten are hewn too. This makes it a matter of controversy whether they may be considered phallic or not. At times a menhir resembles a stone a'riri posi' (cf. VIII.1.4). The higher the class of the deceased, the more considerable his status, the larger his menhir. A new simbuang batu is only erected as part of the two major categories of burial rituals, the dipapitung bongi and the dirapa'i (described in Vol. 11). For a deceased of standing, two to five simbuang batu may be set up, as, for example, took place at the mortuary feast for Pong Maramba' from Kalambe' in Kesu'. They can consist of un-cut, rather modest-size monoliths, but, for estimable dead, large simbuang batu, up to two meters high, are raised. Most of these in Kesu' are hewn. Full of pride, Johanna Linorante showed me the monolith erected for her mother some years ago in the neighbourhood of Barana'. The monoliths are of ten hauled a vast distance: extensive manpower is required for the transport of large simbuang, and effective organization. Labour in this form ordinarily demands a developed degree of sodal stratification. In raising the monolith in honour of Lai' Kalua', who died shortly af ter the end of World War 11, the KNIL (Royal Dutch East-Indian Army) lent its assistance by hoisting the menhir into place with a tow-truck crane. In his book Wil cox (1949: 73-75) provides an animated description of the transport of such a monolith.

VIII.6.2 The raising of a monolith Below there follow two accounts of the ralSlng of monoliths. The first was set down by Bua' Sarungallo (October 1969), the second by Puang W. P. Sombolinggi' (1969).

VIII.6.2a Mangriu' batu, the hauling of a monolith in Kesu' First of all an appropriate stone (mebatu) is selected. Before people go out to fetch the monolith, a pig is sacrificed to the spirits of the earth (ampu padang) because af ter all the stone is going to be removed from their kingdom. As a shrine a likaran biang is used (see Vol. 11,

One or more buffaloes, sometimes as many as four or five (costs to be paid by the immediate family of the deceased) are slaughtered. Labourers also receive rice. At times several stones may be hauled. The stone is dragged right through sawahs and gardens whose owners are not entitled to demand payment for damages. A great deal of merry-making accompanies the stone on its way. People spatter each other with mud, etc. According to Bua' Sarungallo the stone can even claim a victim, for someone during the hauling can be crushed. He did not say, however, if such an accident ever took place. Before the stone arrives at the rante (the field where the kerbau are killed during the ritual for the dead), a pig is slaughtered. It is used as an offering which faUs in the rambu solo' sphere, the sphere of the West, of the dead. Once the monolith reaches the rante where it must be put in an upright position, another pig is sacrificed because a hole has to be dug in the earth (ma'tambuli). The to minaa is the one who addresses the earth spirits. The offering faUs under the sphere of the East, of the gods. Af ter the sacrifice, the monolith is set on end. The names of those for whom such a stone is erected live on in memory. It is not known precisely how long this memorial remains vivid, but in most instances one is able to identify the simbuang of father, mother, grandfather, grandmother and greatgrandparents. Next to every simbuang batu on the slaughtering place of the buffaloes, a certain tree trunk is also erected, the simbuang kayu (simbuang batu = stone simbuang; simbuang kayu = wooden simbuang). These are lengths of various kinds of tree trunks, and a pole from the betung bamboo. Buffaloes are tethered to these wooden simbuang, one to each that is set on end. I never found out why stone and wood should be raised in juxtaposition.

VIII.6.2b In Sangalla' The procedure is about the same as on Kesu'. An appropriate stone

100,000 rupiah, the cost of food, buffaloes and pigs for the workers inc1uded (in 1969, 250 rps. was about 1 USA $). Of course, expenses will be proportionaI to the distance which the stone must be dragged and to the size of the monolith. In Sangalla', too, monoliths are raised on the spot where buffaloes are killed during the ritual for the dead. Again, next to each simbuang batu a simbuang kayu is set up, which, as in Kesu', serve as tethering posts for kerbau. The simbuang batu remain standing on the slaughtering place; they can be used anew at any subsequent mortuary ritual. For the use of a simbuang batu slaves were obliged to pay a kerbau-which implies that slaves were permitted to use a simbuang, but not to erect one. I t also implies that there is a difference between the use of the simbuang on the pantunuan and the significanee of these stones as memorials for the dead. Yet, the pantunuan is the proper place for the simbuang batu. If a new rante is prepared, this is combined with the raising of a simbuang batu. There are many menhirs on an old rante, up to twenty or even more. They are arranged either in a circ1e or in rows (see fig. VIII.9). When a rante comes to be abandoned, they remain in place; at times thus they come to stand in the midst of rice fields or along the side of a road. In Kesu' for those for whom the dirapa'i death ritual is celebrated a stone is erected also in their sawah. Similar sawah monuments are also customary elsewhere; that these are phalli can be deducted from one observed by A. C. Kruyt in Bittuang, which had its top painted red (Kruyt 1923/24: 336).

The Sa'dan-Toraja

() o

o

Part of the menhirs on this Tante (side view).

VIII.6.3 Dther stones Surrounding su eh phalli, there are usually some smaller stones, the 'ehildren', most of the time four in number. These stones usually lay on the earth near the plaee where water enters the sawahs; they are never allowed to stand on the south side, the direction (sphere) of the underworld. A. C. Kruyt (1923/24: 336) maintains that these stones are found only on the irrigated rice fields of the parengnge'. Kennedy's informant, W. Papajungan, denied this, eontending that every to makaka ean have sueha stone on his sawah. When sueh a stone is set on end, a pig and a chieken must be killed. If this eoincides with the planting of the rice, stone and rice seed are sprinkled with the blood of the sacrificial animaIs. At harvest time three riee plants close to

genitais). This stone does not stand, but lies next to a sacral tree (barana' ?) which grows on the plain where the rites of the bua'-feast are celebrated. This feast serves, in part, to promote the fertility of the rice. The stone houses a female spirit (Crystal 1974: 121-122). The suggestion arises that these two stones, the standing and the lying one, represent a lingga and yoni. There is no word for lingga and yoni in Sa'dan-Toraja language. Nevertheless, they do occur. Close to the mountain of Kandora (an important peak in the mythical history of the puang-territories), in Mengkendek, lies the village of Potok Tengan (the Top of Tengan). At the center of the village -the place is 'secret' -one finds a lingga, a yoni and a stone shaped like a goose. The two first-mentioned stones are symbols of fertility and power (Salombé 1975: 270). It is uncertain what the third stone symbolizes. The stones play a role in the 'greening' (fructification) of the rice. The to parengnge' (and thus not the to indo' padang, the rice priests!) put down offerings near the stones. For a day and a night dances are performed: manimbong, ma'dandan and ma'gellu'.8 Then the myth of Sawerigadeng is recited (cf. Salombé 1975: 269-293). Elsewhere, too, local stones are reversed (see A. C. Kruyt 1923/24: 337 for the worship of a stone in connection with rice cultivation in To'kalaa ne ar Barana', Tikala).

VIII.7 Sacrificial shrines VII1.7.1 Substitutes for the celestial ladder An interesting and symbolically significant form of sacrificial shrine is that constructed from biang reeds. The shrine is of the simplest, the offering smalI, but its symbolism refers to the most critical event in human history. In the tradition of Pong Sumbung Saratu Pio (Pong Sumbung Sare Pio) it is told how Puang Matua in his wrath threw down the Heavenly Steps, Eran diLangi' and how the tille-reed is regarded as a substitute for the stairway th at was destroyed (see VI.4.2a: The tale of Pong Sumbung Sare Pio). This reed (Andropogon halapensis Stapf) is equated symbolically with the biang, another reed variety (Miscanthus Japonicus Anderson). The tille-shoot is used by the to minaa-priest

The Sa'dan-Toraja

for divining (whereby, however, the word divining, ma'biangi, is borrowed from the name of the other reed; Van der Veen 1929: 396f.). When the to minaa is about to split the divining reed for the first time, he puts his knife on the reed and addresses it. The litany begins with the invocation of the ancestors and clan fathers to draw up their ranks in the West, that reach of heaven where the deceased abide. The to minaa informs them that in the hollow of his hand he is holding the divining reed, the substitute for the ce1estialladder (Sullena Eran diLangi'). Three shoots of reed stood in the midst of heaven, the indo' datunna, the 'royal mother' of the reed on earth. "They stood there as if they were the three hearthstones of those who since the days of yore have been invested with authority" (Van der Veen 1929: 401). The comparison which the litany makes with the celestial ladder runs like this:

"Incline your ear to me, hear what flows from my mouth. For cupped in my hand, I hold the golden breast of the substitute for the ladder to heaven. I brush along the back of the substitute for the ladder of the enveloping (i.e. the firmament) ... " (Van der Veen 1929: 404-406)

For an account of the litany as a whole and a description of divining procedures, see Van der Veen 1929, and below under IX.1. The biang-reed is used when offering is made because buffaloes are sick. Then, "four biang-reeds are inserted next to each other along the path which these animals are accustomed to follow; the leaves are tied together and the food-offering for the gods, the deata, is placed inside them. People do likewise at those pI aces of the sawah where the water enters" (A. C. Kruyt 1923/24: 161). Kruyt calls this offering ma'biangi, we know from Van der Veen that this term denotes divining. If biang are used in the context of an offering to the gods or the ancestors, then they speak of ma'lika biang or manglika' biang. The offering is but a small one. Four biang reeds are planted in a square in the earth; the leaves of the reeds are then wound about the four shoots and twisted into a kind of nest where the sacrificial food is placed. In some districts a *dirak-*or casuarine-branch is added to the reeds, if the offering is directed towards the gods (Woordenboek

v. biang). The accompanying prayer is the likaran biang (see Merok: 158-164). In this prayer, Puang Matua and all other puang ('gods') are called upon; they are supposed to descend to earth:

"Shall thy stairs of beadwork be lowered, shall thy golden steps be let down. Let the rainbow then be thy path, thou shalt make thy way along the areh of the sky-region, like the eoming of aprau, in order that thou eomest to this blissfulland, like a small boat jumping [against a landing stage].H (ibid.: 160-161, verses 23-25)

The lumbaa langi', the bamboo rod which figures in the final phase of the great bua'-feast, ean also be eonsidered as a kind of 'sky ladder'. For the rite in which the lumbaa langi' is used, see Vol. 11 and Woordenboek: loembaa.

VIII.7.2 ather shrines and receptacles The Toraja make offerings 9 of food, stimulants and drink. The food eonsists of rice (boiled, puffed or uneooked) and of meat from saerifieial animals. In addition uneooked maize, millet (lonno') and vernal grass (tagari) ean oeeasionally be presented as an offering. The stimulants and drink are sirih-pinang (betel and areea nuts), palm wine and water. Offerings are presented in small portions. Seldom are they plaeed down without something underneath or something to eontain them. Only during the babo bo'bo', an offering which takes plaee during the most elementary form of a conversion ritual, are grains of cooked rice allowed to fall three times in succession, a gift to the gods, in an (easterly) corner of the sumbung or of the sali within the house. With the piong sanglampa and pesung sangdaun (see Vol. 11) it is in the Toraja's eyes the simplest version of an offering. Piong sanglampa (a single bamboo-joint of cooked food) and pesung sangdaun (sangdaun = one Ie af) in fact go together. The bamboo-joint is a receptacle in which the food destined for the gods is cooked (in aetuality people ordinarily prepare food in the same manner). Glutinous rice is put inside the bamboo which is then leaned against a kind of raek (langngan, see below) beneath which a small fire is kindled. Prom time to time, the bamboo is rotated until it is charred brown or blaek on all sides and its contents thoroughly cooked. Such a length of bamboo together with its contents is called piong. On a piece of a banana leaf (pesung sangdaun), some of the contents of the piong are then spilled out to serve as an offering (cf. VII.16). The gods do not receive much; they are eonsidered to take for their share the

Usually the priest sets down more than one pesung. In many offering rituals, especially in those which are East-oriented, the stem of a bamboo aur (ao', Dendrocalamus strictus) is used as a 'shrine'. The top of this bamboo is left intact and the stem so turned that the top bends to the northeast. A string hangs down from it to which some meat or a sm all package of food is attached as an offering for the gods. The package contains glutinous rice wrapped in plaited sugar palm leaves, belundak. Sometimes the food for the gods is laid down in a sm all basket (karerang) made out of loosely plaited sugar palm leaves and also suspended from the bamboo pole. The bamboo is known by various names: pentiroan (the look-out), tete ao' (bridge of bamboo aur) and tadoran (no translation known). When a karerang is used for pres enting the offering, the pole always is spoken of as tadoran. Then, moreover, a young, just unfolded leaf of the sugar palm covers the entire length of the pole. A suke is a joint of bamboo, usually narrow and short, into which some water or palm wine for the gods is poured. The suke in most instances is attached to one of the legs of the shrine constructed for the more consequential (larger) rituals of the East and West. This shrine is made up of four lengths of bamboo about one and a half to two meters high, set up at the corners of a square; two platforms of plaited bamboo are inserted between these legs, one above the other. The ends of the bamboos are decorated with woodcarving (for the motifs applied see the illustration of the shrine in J. Kruyt 1921: 202). On the upper platform (para-para) food and sirih-pinang are set down for Puang Matua. On the lower platform (also called para-para) sirih-pinang and food are served for the remaining deata. The food is set out on three pesung. On the ground in front of the shrine, i.e. to the northeast, a pesung is placed for the sikambi 1010 tau, the keepers of the rites of men. To the southwest of the altar the to minaa puts down a pesung for the ampu padang, the grandfathers of the ground (my informant Bua' Sarungallo claims that this pesung is not offered to the mice although these animals are at times also referred to by the name ampu padang). Shrines consisting of really elaborate scaffolding are the gorang, assembied during the (great) bua'-feast, and the balaka'an (balakayan) which is erected for mortuary rituals of a higher order. For a

Material symbols 273

description of other utensils and shrines employed during offerings, I must refer to the description of the relevant rituals in Vol. 11. Finally, the langngan requires mention; this term has been translated by Van der Veen as 'roasting spit' (Woordenboek v. langngan). Men usually do the cooking during rituals. They cook in bamboos (the variety used is the bamboo tallang). The bamboo cylinders are stood against a simple rack consisting of twotimes two poles crossed in the form of an X with a longer pole laid in the crossings between them. The bamboo tubes lean upright against the longer pole under which a fire bums. This singes the bamboo, thus slowly cooking whatever is inside. During rituals of the West, the knots of the binding material fastening the pole to the crossings, are tumed down, towards the earth, whereas during rituals of the East, they face upwards. The terms used for shrines and receptacles for offerings entail frequent confusion. A tadoran, for example, can also be the name for a bamboo-pole to which a plaited platform has been attached somewhere roughly in the middle. For the Toraja, the number, colour, sex and kind of the sacrificial animals are of more importance than the artifacts on which offerings are served up. Below a list of shrines and offerings in order of their ascending importance:

Shrine Offering

Babo bo'bo' (no shrine Glutinous rice from a piong (few grains) or receptacle) Pesung sangdaun Glutinous rice from a piong Likaran biang Meat from a red chicken and some glutinous rice from a piong Tadoran Meat from a red cock and some glutinous rice from a piong Tete ao' Some me at from a pig and some glutinous rice. Offering takes place in the yard Palangngan para Meat from a pig and some glutinous rice (small board attached to the front wall) Palanduan-duan (not Meat from a kerbau, pig and cock, some mentioned in the text glutinous rice. above)

PRIESTS

"The one was called Datu Mengkamma' the other was named Karaeng Ma'loko-Ioko. They watched over the complete number of a hundred prohibitions for The field lying at the head of the firmament." (Merok: 121)

The Sa'dan-Toraja have various categories of priests and priestesses, each with aspecific competence in the enactment of rituals. In one and the same ritual different priests may officiate. Besides other persons also fulfil fixed functions in ritual, persons who occupy a position which is otherwise secular. By virtue of their supernatural des cent adat-chiefs-the puang and the to parengnge'-naturally have a significant role in the celebration of any important feast. Part of their functions the chiefs can delegate to the priests, especially the recitation of litanies. Other roles are not transferable. It is the leading member of society who, officially at least, takes the initiative to hold a community feast; execution of the ritual, recitation of the pertinent litanies and the p:-esentation of offerings are, to a great extent, the prerogatives of a priest who has his own, inalienable functions. There are six principal categories of priests:

1. the to minaa;
   

   2. the to menani;

3. the to indo' padang (bunga' lalan);

4. the to mebalun or burake bombo;

5. the to burake tattiku' and to burake tambolang;
   

   6. the to ma'dampi.

Perhaps the to ma'gandang, 'he who beats the drum', should also be included. He officiates at the bua' kasalle-ritual. We did not include the paita, the seers who have knowledge of fortunate and unfortunate days. They are consulted on all sorts of occasions, both ritual and profane, but do not officiate as such in ceremonial functions. Nor did

11.)

IX.1 The to minaa

Because the to minaa officiates in so many rituals, he necessarily is the first to be discussed in the present review. Many to minaa, moreover, are well-versed in mythology, litanies and adat-prescripts. This priest is, as it were, a scribe in a society without script or scripture. Some to minaa possess really capacious memories -matched, it is true, by a few to parengnge'. The recitation of the Passomba Tedong, the consecration litany of the kerbau sacrificed at the merok-feast, is not a task for just any to minaa. In Kesu' its recitation from start to finish lasts twelve hours. The style of the litany is ornate and discursive; parallelism and metaphors abound. Today, therefore, the to minaa's use of language is difficult to comprehend.! Minaa means literally 'rich in thoughts'. Among the occasions at which the to minaa officiates are the merok-feast and a later phase of the aluk rampe matampu'. Although the latter is part of the mortuary ritual, the to minaa does not function as a death priest. He occupies himself with the ancestor worship of this ritual, with veneration of the to matua, just as during subsequent conversion rituals he will address himself to the deata, the ancestors of the East. Furthermore two to minaa have responsibilities during marriage rites. Divination is also consigned to the care of these priests. This ma'biangi (see Van der Veen 1929) is resorted to when someone is seriously ill. Sickness, according to the Sa'dan-Toraja, is the consequence of transgression. The to minaa must investigate whether the sick person has violated either the adat-regulations (aluk) or taboos (pemali). Should a violation have been committed, then one half of the divining reed with the convex si de turned upwards (lumbang) will fall to the right of the to minaa, while the other half with its hollow side turned up (tungara) will come to lie at the priest's left side af ter the reed has been cut down the middle. Should the right hand half of the reed fall in the tungara position and the left hand one in lumbang position, then this is an indication that no transgression of adat-regulations or taboos has been perpetrated. The cleaving of the reed takes place on a board, 'the head cushion of the reed' (allonan biang). During the divination,

personages of respect (ma'singgi'). The priest also interprets the meaning of the particular situation ofthe organs of a sacrificial pig or cock, or the omen announced by the cry of a certain variety of screechowl. Whereas the priest's incantations have the past for their content, his divining activities concentrate on the future. Before warriors entered battle, the to minaa prayed th at their efforts would be blessed. He then stood on a hill with a staff in his left hand. When the Toraja set out to revenge the death of one of their number, the to minaa raised a shield (unnamba' balulang = to sow the shield) and implored a blessing. Before a headhunting expedition departed, the ta minaa crowed like a rooster (A. C. Kruyt 1923/24: 312). Then the party set out. Should they return with a head, the ta minaa would sacrifice a pig, the he ad of which would be fastened to the front wall of the house (of the family of the deceased for whom revenge had been taken?). In Rante Tabang the severed human he ad would be set on the neck of the Toraja villager who had lost his own. When, subsequently, the latter was buried, the head of the parepe'-kerbau (see VIII.1) was conveyed to his rock-grave (Van der Veen 1924: 386). A distinction is made between more and less accomplished ta minaa. The ta minaa manakka is an extremely gifted official who knows all rituals in detail, whereas the ta minaa ulu man uk is a ta minaa whose services are repaid with no more than the head of a chicken, because he is unfamiliar with the great sacrifices.2 When presiding at major rituals, the merok-feast, for example, the ta minaa wears a maa'-cloth on his head, the ends of which hang down his back. This head-dress of the ta minaa also receives mention in the Passamba Tedang (Merok: 152-153). In addition he we ars a long jacket, bayu lamba' (lamba': a kind of fig tree; metaphorically: rich, respected) which is left open in front. This jacket probably is of Arabic origin and borrowed by the Toraja from the Buginese; a picture of this jacket is found in Matthes' Ethnagraphische Atlas bevattende voorwerpen uit het leven en de huishouding der Baeginezen [Ethnographic Atlas including artifacts from Buginese life and household], photo XIV, fig. 18. Like sa many other important figures, people and things among the Sa'dan, the to minaa also has a celestial ancestor: Londong diLangi' ('Lord in the Firmament'); next to this forefather, people in Kesu'

dte Kambuno Langi' (langi' = heaven; kambuno = a parasol made from the leaves of Corypha gebanga, the fan-palm), also known as Ta'dung Kaissanan. In Pangala' other ancestors reported are La'lang Langi' ('Parasol of the Heaven'), or Batare Palinge, one of the eight children of Datu Laukku'. Pong Tambuli Buntu, one of the eight children of Pong Tandi Minanga, is yet another mythical to minaa. Van der Veen lists yet more names (1923/24: 375ff.). With all these mythic figures, emphasis is placed on the priests' heavenly origins and, at times, on their divine descent. Pong Tambuli Buntu was the first to minaa who came down from heaven to earth to sacrifice during a marriage ceremony. He did likewise when the legendary carpenters, Pong Kate'bak or Kateba' and Pong Pande Patangnga' were about to build a house. Whether the latter is one and the same as Tandi Minanga's son is not clear. The son of the god Tandi Minanga escaped from the flood that inundated Rura (cf. VI.3) and, together with two other to minaa, officiated at the sacrifices made during the la'pa' kasalle-ritual to attone for the incest that had been committed. The activities of other mythical to minaa, Kambuno Langi', for example, were largely confined to the precincts of heaven. The heavenly origin of the 10 minaa adds to their status. The position appears in most instances to be inherited, yet this is not a fixed rule. In Pangala', only a to makaka, a person from the c1ass of free men can be a 10 minaa, but in Ranteballa also a kaunan, a slave, could officiate. Elsewhere, too, in Ma'kale and Kesu', this possibility is not prec1uded. Yet, a priest from the kaunan-class can never make an offering at a ritual or feast given by a prominent to makaka (Van der Veen 1924). It seems that to minaa can be called to their office by a certain dream, one in which activities connected with to minaa-hood play a role, e.g. the beating of a drum. In Nonongan a man can succeed his father as 10 minaa. One becomes a priest as an adult, af ter gaining knowledge about rituals, learning to recite the litanies, and mastering the right way to express oneself. One can also become an apprentice to a to minaa. Women seldom become 10 minaa. In general the status of any 10 minaa depends both on his social position and on his personal qualities. For a to minaa no special burial rites are observed, except if he was of noble des cent. A good case of ,the latter is the funeral celebrated in the 1920's for the father of the to parengnge' (adal-chief) of Pangala' where two to minaa sang the praise of the deceased. Such eulogies for the dead are restricted to persons of eminence. In Ma'kale

Of the role of this priest during a mortuary ritual, one can say that he does not officiate over that which constitutes the essence of the ritual offering to the soul of the deceased (that is the function of the to mebalun), but rather that he lends assistance by reciting the relevant litany which he alone knows. Moreover, the to mebalun (the death priest), is so contaminated by the sphere of death th at he is not permitted to execute certain solemn, more or less sacral actions su eh as the consecration of the pa'karu'- dusan, the kerbau which is considered to die simultaneously with the deceased (a component of the mortuary ritual observed for a puang). The ma'nene', Van der Veen maintains (and here he is seconded by

B. Sarungallo), falls under the aluk rampe matampu' (the West-oriented rituals) even though the action takes place at the rock grave. Thc to minaa fulfils an important function in this ritual (see Vol. 11; The Chant: 7f.). He officiates also during the ma'pakande to mafua, the offering to the ancestors. Although these are the 'ancestors of the West', he apparently is not contaminated by contact with the sphere of death. In sacrificing a black hen during this ma'pakande to matua, however, he does become involved in the ritual to ward off evil powers. The to minaa furthermore presides over rites of consecration such as the previously mentioned massurak, the blessing of the pa'karu'- dusan. Such rites of consecration probably all aim at keeping evil influences at bay. Thus, for example, the fo minaa consecrates the pig that is put ,to death during the menammu pare-ritual; the fa indo' padang (the priest who is of utmost significance in the rice ritual) performs the sacrifice. At the mangrara banua (the feast consecrating an important house), the to minaa recites the blessing over ,the pig that will be sacrificed, praying that the form of its gall bladder may be auspicious. Here the carpenter or the to parengnge' conducts the sacrifice proper (but he can invite the fo minaa to replace him). The to minaa of ten is active in warding off harmful, injurious influences, for example during the mangrambu langi', designed to expiate incest. Also in case of sickness or bad dreams the fo minaa is called upon.

Pigs and one kerbau are slaughtered in front of the grave; the death priest, 'the one who swaddles the corpse in its winding sheat', performs the sacrifice which is presented to the deceased. The following evening an offering is presented to the ancestors at the western side of the house of mourning; now it is the to minaa who makes the offering. This rite in turn ushers in the conversion ritual, performed to transfer the soul of the deceased from the sphere of the West to that of the East, the sphere of the deata or the gods.

IX.2 The to menani

Another functionary is the to menani who officiates at the bua' (la'pa') padang-feast in Kesu' and Ma'kale. An account of his role will be presented in our description of this ritual (Vol. 11). In Kesu' only members of a certain tongkonan (Buntu Karunanga in Angin-angin) are eligible for this office. No reason for this restriction could be uncovered. To Siuang Tanduk, 'The one who carries a hom', was the first to menani who came down from heaven (Van der Veen 1924: 393). At the above-mentioned feast, this priest wears imitation horns made out of sugar palm-Ieaves.

IX.3 The to indo' padang

The to indo' padang is well-informed about the aluk padang, the adat and ceremonies connected with arabie land (in this instance, the rice fields). The priest's title (indo' means mother) might suggest that the priest could be a woman. Yet, the to indo' padang is invariably a man. To indo' can be translated as 'the one who mothers', a metaphorical expression for, 'the one who bears responsibility for' (the ritual of rice cultivation); it is the priest's task to promote the growth and ripening of the rice. Indo' padang thus means 'mother of the land', 'keeper of the soH'. There are various priests of the rice; the pre-eminent to indo' padang is the bunga' lalan, 'the one who goes first along the way' (of the rice ritual). This to indo' padang is the leader of the ritual: he is the first to sow rice, the first to plant the young shoots and also the one who brings the requisite offerings. In short, he has the same function as the 'leader of the rice' among other Indonesian and Southeast-Asian peoples. Yet, this priest also officiates

The Sa'dan-Toraja

at mangrara papa, the feast of the renewal of the roof of the parenthouse. The association of the ritual of the rice with the roof of the tongkanan is not an obvious one; I can merely comment that both feasts are connected with the upperworld. The mythical ancestor of the to indo' padang is Datu Mangkamma', one of the eight children of Datu Laukku'.3

IX.4 The to mebalun The to mebalun is 'the one who swaddles corps es in their winding sheat', a name indicating one of his specific tasks. He is also called the burake bamba, the priest of the bamba, and is the 'outcast' of Sa'danese society. Tradition has it that the eight offspring of Datu Laukku' all chose a craft, except for one. He beat his sister to death and became the first ta mebalun (Kruyt 1923/24: 142).4 Van der Veen names Pundu Kasisi' as the first wrapper of the de ad (1924: 391). Contact with the deceased who have not yet been transported to the sphere of the gods makes him impure. Aversion to (and thus presumably fear of) the to mebalun is strongest in Ma'kale and, to a somewhat lesser degree, in Rantepao. In the district of Ma'kale no one will set foot in the house of a death priest though the priest himself is allowed to enter the house where the deceased is kept. His services are needed there. To summon him to perform these services, people throw a stone against the wall of his house th ree times, calling out, "You have to come quickly, for your seed is rotting" (Kruyt 1923/24: 141). In Kesu', too, this is common practice. The priest knows what it is all about, and calls in turn, "When does the feast start?" The answer is, "In three day's time". When the to mebalun wants rice, he goes and sits at the side of the road and eries, "Here is someone who has need of rice". Informants told me that in Kesu' the residence of a to mebalun stands some distance apart from other houses. He may not enter the homes of others, but they all are allowed to enter into his. He is the sole individu al who is permitted to eat riee during a mortuary ritual. For all others -relatives and guests -this is taboo. The ta mebalun has his own spring; he may not take water from other wells, and he is obliged to keep at a safe distance from anything connected with the deata or the to dolo (ancestors who died long ago and thus are purified). The taboos cited above do not exist in Mamasa. In the Sa 'dan region the wrappers of the dead are, as a rule, people from the lowest c1ass,

the priest of the impure dead, the bombo. Other names for this functionary include parengnge' matampu' (= the chief of the West) and burake matampu' (= priest of the West). Puya, the kingdom of the dead, lies in the West. He conducts the ritual for the dead until attention turns to the gods whereupon he cedes precedence to the to minaa. The name burake bombo is unknown in Kesu'. In Nonongan (which historically belongs to the federation of Kesu') and in Buntao' people use the term to parengnge' matampu', Lord of the West. Elsewhere (precise locations are not specified) this priest is known as to minaa to mombo, the priest of souls (A. C. Kruyt 1923/24: 142). In the puang-regions (at any rate in Ma'kale and Sangalla') the wrapper of the dead is ealled to ma'kayo. Kayo is the name of the grey heron; in this context, it is of interest to note the title of a burake-priest to be discussed in the next section, i.e. the burake tambolang. The tambolang is a large, black and white, long-Iegged wading bird. Apparently, here the to ma'kayo is regarded as the counterpart of the burake tambolang. In contrast to the immediate family members of the deceased and to those who have stepped on the sleeping mat of the dead person, and in contrast, too, to the deceased himself, the to mebalun is allowed to eat rice during a certain period of the death ritual (the period during which he officiates). A kaunan-woman prepares this rice; she is known as the to massanduk bo'bo', 'the woman who la dIes out cooked rice' (A. C. Kruyt 1923/24: 144). According to F. K. Sarungallo (Kesu') the to mebalun is also allowed to take as much meat from the slaughtered pigs and buffaloes as he wants. In addition he receives rice and money as compensation for his services (see also Kruyt 1923/24: 143). For a description of the death priest's apparel, see the account of the ritual for the dead observed for Sia Sa 'pang in Kesu' (Vol. 11).

1 was unable to attend the ceremony, informants told me that the ta mebalun wore a special hat while carrying out his duties. The hat was made from the sheathes or spathe of the areca palm; a reference to the hat crops up in the death chant (badong) :

"Ne' Sara, he was summoned then; He wears the dried areca leaf." (The Chant: 32, verse 148)

Finally, the family of the deceased and the local ta minaa consult the ta mebalun about the sequence and the number of rites to be observed and also the length of the period within which these are to be celebrated. The death priest is aided by an assistant, the ta pabalian (the generic term for a helper or aide).

IX.5 The to burake: the to burake tattiku' and the to burake tambolang All of the priests discussed thus far have been men. The most important religious functionaries among the Sa'dan-Toraja, however, are a woman, the burake tattiku' and an hermaphrodite, a man dressed as a woman, the burake tambolang. They fill the leading roles during the la'pa' kasalle-feast which J. Kruyt has described as the bua'-ritual (1921: 45-78 and 161-187). Unlike the ta minaa, the ta indo' padang and the ta mebalun, the burake (and this holds for the ta tambolang as well as for the ta tattiku') cannot boast des cent from a celestial ancestor. Only Ne' Kendek of Salu (Kesu'), the informant of A. C. Kruyt and H. van der Veen in 1923/24 identifies an 'ancestor' of the burake tattiku': Burake Manakka, the gifted burake, the cat who sought the mice for their bua'-feast (see A. C. Kruyt 1923/24: 289, as a story ab out the cat this was reported in the same year by Ne' Pande in Angin-angin, Kesu'; cf. above VII.6.2). Van der Veen, however, points out that this is not a general accepted explanation of the origin of the burake. The burake only makes his appearance in myth af ter the descent ofthe ancestor to the earth (cf. VI.3, Myths concerning the consequences of incest). In addition they are mentioned in the litany recited during the merok-feast (Merok: 147ff.). The fact that so little is reported concerning the des cent of the burake probably increases the significanee of these priest(esse)s, or at any rate contributes to the air of secrecy which enshrouds them. The word burake means impotent, or hermaphroditic. Possibly, the Bare'e-Toraja word wurake

Priests 283

provides an altemate (though hardly more enlightening) explanation; wurake is a spirit of the air. However that may be, the Sa'dan have come to conceive of only the burake tambolang as impotent or hermaphroditic (usually he is a transvestite). According to Kennedy's informant W. Papajungan all to tambolang were hermaphrodites. Wilcox was told that the burake tambolang of Makuia' (Tokesan) was an hermaphrodite. In Wilcox's opinion, however, this priest was a sexual invert. Yet, all this is contradicted by the experience of Dr. Van der Veen who stated that many burake tambolang were married, and of ten fathers of children before they received the calling to enter priesthood (1924: 396). He adds, however, that af ter assuming office as burake they can marry a man.s The name tambolang possibly refers to the dualism of this priest. Tambolang is the name of a certain stork said to be black and white.6According to the Toraja, the burake tambolang is half-man, half-woman ('above' a woman, 'below' a man). Little is known about the clothing wom by the priestess, the burake tattiku' (tattiku' is the name of a small bird; Latin name unknown). Among her attributes (as among those of the to burake tambolang) belongs the garapung, a sm all musical instrument with a handle; 7 the instrument makes a c1attering sound because two strings of beads click against the drumhead. This instrument, the c1apper drum, is also known in other parts of Southeast-Asia.8 When, during the harvest-season, the burake tambolang, made 'her' rounds -he is considered to be female -then 'she' had to be received by the sawah-owner who slaughtered a pig for 'her'. As recently as two generations ago the burake tambolang still enjoyed much respect. Should 'she' appear on the battlefield, then fighting stopped. The es teem accorded to this 'priestess' can also be deduced from the ritual for the dead celebrated for a burake. When 'her' corpse was carried out of the house of mouming then part of the front wall, the north wall, of the house was broken away (cf. VIII.1.6). According to Van der Veen, this treatment pertains only to the burake tambolang not to the burake tattiku' (1924: 397). Whether the token of honour (the bunch of rice-stalks is given to the burake tambolang as 'she' passes through the sawahs) also is bestowed on the burake tattiku', is not known. Certainly, however, the burake tambolang is more highly regarded than the burake tattiku'. The latter is always a woman, apparently in most in stances an ol der woman. Besides hermaphrodite, the word burake also means impotent, empty, in this case probably reference to someone who has reached an age

ta makaka (the free) and can be married to a ta minaa. The calling of a burake tambalang to priesthood is, emotionally, a more complex process than that of a ta minaa. A single dream is sufficient inspiration for a ta minaa, whereas the burake tambalang's summons takes the form of a state of ecstasy which, according to Van der Veen, can last up to three or four months. Undoubtedly the tambalang·to-be goes through a period of tension in which auto- aggression is observabie. In trance he/she presses a sword against the flesh without incurring a wound, etc. Afterwards a kind of rebirth follows: the ta tambalang is 'created anew by the deata' (as a woman) to quote one of Van der Veen's early informants (1924: 395). Probably the calling comes at a somewhat advanced age; we noted that of ten he was already a married man and afather when he entered priesthood. The medical officer W. Meyer at Makassar has reported that the burake tambalang is not an hermaphrodite. This priestly function in days gone by when war was more a constant preoccupation presumably offered men of peacable disposition a 'way out'. It is possible that the priest's calling has something to do with a feeling of being summoned to play the part of a guardian of the balance between upperworld and underworld on this earth. The office, it goes without saying, is not one which can be inherited. A puang can never be a ta burake tambalang, even though both figures belong to the foremost members of Sa'dan society. The position of the burake tattiku' and of the burake tambalang has diminished in significance as a consequence of the spread of Christianity, education and the influence of modern times in genera!. Furthermore, the feast at which they officiate, the great bua'-feast, is of ten very costly. As early as 1923 Kruyt reported that, in those days, such feasts had already become extremely rare because expenses were virtually prohibitive.9This is true of Kesu'. Yet, such celebrations are still held elsewhere, in Tikala among other places. Here the feasts entailless expenditure than they did in Kesu'. In Simbuang the burake is also summoned to participate in the rite which is observed when a house has been finished (ma'burake). In Pangala' the burake tattiku' also officiates in the course of the merak-feast; it is she who sprinkles the sacrificial buffaloes with hulled rice. The role of the burake will be further discussed in our account of the bua' (la'pa') kasalle-feast (Vo!. 11).

Priests 285

The burake tambolang is a man dressed like a woman; the burake tattiku' is a woman. What is remarkable is that during the bua'-feast the burake tattiku' appears wearing the clothing of the opposite sex. At a certain phase of the celebration, she binds her ha ir up like a man, takes a sword and shield in hand and dances together with another to burake around the tangdo'.10 The dance is something of a war dance or a dance of exorcism. During another phase of the ritual the to burake tattiku' and the to ma'gandang enact a parody of a marriage proposal. The burake tattiku' then plays the part of the bride,u The burake is the most important functionary during the bua'-feast, a celebration considered as a feast to nurture communal welfare, to promote the prosperity of man and beast, and is also a fertility feast. The burake tattiku' (and to tambolang as weIl) act as the promotors and protectors of the spiritual and secular well-being of the com- munityY At the same time the burake (in Kesu' at least) stand in their turn under the protection of the deata ('gods') of Kesu'. Both categories of burake are referred to as burake deata, the burake of the gods, or, the burake who are involved in the ritual of the gods. Mabuchi (1964) has pointed out that the prestige of the priestess derives in part from her power to curse.B In this context the myth of Rura is instructive, in the course of which the burake pronounces a curse (cf. Vl.3). It is not certain whether or not the burake enters into a trance. Van der Veen's Woordenboek (12, v aloek) gives two definitions for mangaluk: 1. the invocation of the deata by the burake; 2. a demon possesses someone. Such possession is not connected to the burake, however. She comes exclusively in contact with the gods and is not possessed by the souls of ancestors. (When attending at a bua'-feast on the slopes of the Sesean in 1970, I saw no signs of trance in the burake tattiku' during the mangaluk.) The to burake tambolang and the bissu of the Buginese either both emerged from the same type of priest (comparable to the berdache among the Zufii, see Benedict 1934; chapter IV, the Pueblos of New Mexico: 41-52) or else the to burake tambolang owes its origin to Buginese influence. The region where this priestess of the 'berdache'- type functions borders on Luwu', but the bissu-type associated with agriculture is more common in Segeri whereas it is absent in Lnwu'. On the other hand, one also encounters the term bissu in Mamasa and Pitu Ulunna Salu on the western border of the Sa'dan region.

Sa'dan. The priestess (a woman, no berdache) then climbs into a banyan tree, a gesture symbolizing contact with the upperworld (Merok: 147).14 Among certain Dayak tribes (lban, 010 Ngaju) both sorts of priests were known, a woman and a man dressed as a woman, just as among the Bare'e-Toraja. Below follows some further information about the last burake tambolang in Tana Toraja (data acquired in 1975). As a result of the tireless efforts of informant Johanis Lobo' I finally met the to burake tambolang in a village in Sangalla'. The priest's name is Tumba' Upa' (tumba' = to spring up, also a second name for the anak dara during the great bua'-feast; upa' = prosperity, fortune). In contrast to the to burake tattiku' who still officiated during the great bua'-feast celebrated in Riu, the burake tambolang had not performed any of the duties of his offiee in a long while. What is worse, he (or 'she') had lost es teem and was pestered by local youths. That is why he had taken refuge in a house in this village somewhere in the puang- regions; a family had taken him in with loving hearts because af ter the burake tambolang had in the past said a blessing over this coupIe, they in deed produced children af ter long years of barrenness. The burake tambolang was approximately seventy years old (his own estimate of his age was much higher). He had curly grey hair, fine, rather feminine features, and, for all his years, surprisingly sturdy limbs. The burake had a bag in which he carried such as collection of junk that he looked like a tramp. The priest still had the garapung with him; he made continual mus ie on it. Tumba' Upa' conveyed the impression that he was not completely sane; this provoked the taunts of the young. Moreover, the memory of the priest had sorely suffered. This interfered with the collection of exhaustive information. The following data emerged from our meeting: He was born in 1850 and was thus 125 years old (a boast which practically everyone present accepted as true). His birth was miraculous. His mother had been pregnant a full year when in 1850 in the village of MakuIa' in Sangalla' she brought a son into the world. When af ter several days, however, she wanted to light a fire in the h~arth early in the morning, she sawa sm all child lying there. She drew this child out of the hearth; it turned out to be a gir!. Then she called her husband. The two of them examined the baby carefully and reached the conclusion that it was their newborn son who had been turned

full-grown. Thereafter Tumba' Upa' received the inspiration which converted her into a to burake tambolang (it proved impossible to find out what form the inspiration took). The burake then told us that during the great bua'-feast he c1imbed upon a wood en platform (apparently the gorang) where he sang the praise of those in attendance. In Riu th is ma'singgi' is a task which falls to the to minaa. The praise extends to the prominent members of the society, the to parengnge' and the to matua ulu. During the bua'-feast, the to burake's apparel consisted of a yellow sarong (dodo kuni) or a sarong studded with coins (dodo uang). When asked if he c1imbed the barana'-tree to stay there for a while as is the custom in Kesu', the burake answered, No. Af ter the rice harvest, the to burake went from village to village with his garapung, praying for a blessing over the rice that had been stored, praying that it would multiply (see the second song sung by the to burake tambolang), all the while rattling with his garapung. Tumba' Upa' demonstrated how he sang and played. The manner of singing c10sely resembled that of the to burake tattiku' who officiated at the great bua'-feast in Riu. Tumba' Upa' also confirmed th at he is able to bless childless married couples so that they become fertile. Here follows the first song of the burake tambolang Tumba' Upa' from Sangalla', transcribed by Johanis Lobo' (1975); Dutch translation by Dr. Van der Veen:

1. Inde diong sanggandangku
2. padangku ma'giring-giring.
3. To laen-laen dadinna,
4. to senga' panggaranna.
5. Mara'na tonna ditampa,
6. tonna diammun elo',
7. Apa nakande indo'mu tom- niu
8. dipangngidenan, to dikom- bong
   Here then is my fellow priestess, my companion in office who rings the bello Someone of a remarkable birth, of an extraordinary creation. Alas, when she was brought into being, when her (mother) had put into her mouth what she desired. What did your mother eat when for your sake she acquired an appetite, You who were formed in her beIly,

The Sa'dan-Toraja

who were brought into being in her womb?

10. Allo ia umpelobo'i, bulan The sun, he causes her to prosper, undaranai. the moon takes care of her. Second song of the burake tambolang Tumba' Upa' from Sangalla', transcribed and translated as above.

set in the

...

diong pangrante 15

cock.

Finally, we must turn to the geographic distribution of burake tambolang and burake tattiku'. They never appear in combination in any one region. They are local variants confined to distinct geographical areas as indicated in table IX.1. It is difficult to explain this mutual exc1usion. As far as the puang- realms are concerned, Mengkendek, Ma'kale and Sangalla', one might ascribe the position of the burake tambolang to Buginese influence. Yet, in other places where the burake tambolang officiates, in Madandan for example, the Buginese influence is of less intensity than in puang-regions. On the other hand, the occurrence of a burake

Pangala' Tikala Dende' Piongan Banga Taleon Malimbong Nonongan (Kesu')

The to ma'dampi is a medicine man, or woman, who performs in the maro-ritual and at ma'bugi' (see Vol. 11). The mythical medicine woman is Indo' Belo Tumbang, also known as Indo' Bunga Sampa' (cf. the Passomba Tedong, Merok: 142ff.). She is the female protective spirit who watches over the medicine as it is used in the maro-ritual. In most instanees the office of the to ma'dampi is hereditary. Below there follows a brief biography of Ne' Banne, a man of Kanuruan in Nonongan. He is not only a to ma'dampi but alo minaa and a 10 indo' as well. Through the combination of his offices he is an extremely busy person. Here I shall restrict the account to his functions as a 10 ma'dampi. Ne' Banne must act on behalf of three categories of gods and spirits:

a. the first (and most important) is Datu Maruru', the spirit who in duces smallpox. Datu Maruru' is not simply an evil spirit; he falls within the sphere of the rampe malallo, the rituals of the East. His name means, literally, the Righteous Lord. He has

The Sa'dan-Toraja

provided Ne' Banne with specific instructions about how to cure smallpox;

b. the second group is that of the deata; these gods were the ones whom he first encountered;
c. the third group of spirits assisting him, are the to diponene', the ancestors. Ne' Banne does not consult Datu Maruru' every time a new case arises, for curing smallpox has become a routine affair. If he bungles his work, Datu Maruru' becomes angry. Even a to ma'dampi can err; he must abide by the instructions once given to him. It was in 1922 that he 'met' Datu Maruru' for the first time (in a dream). Ne' Banne has brought many persons back to health. He must stick to the guidelines provided by Datu Maruru' or this spirit will punish him -by throwing a stone at him, for example, or by hiding Ne' Banne's betel pouch. Other to ma'dampi also have such a protective spirit and all these spirits have a name; one medicine man was reported to have a protector of the name Kurre Sumanga' ('Thank You', or more exactly, 'come, sumanga'). Ne' Banne does not officia te at maro and ma'bugi'-rituals; he confines himself to the treatment of individual cases of illness in his village. He cures smallpox by rubbing the patient's sores with water from a kandian lau (a water jar fashioned from a calabash). In the water he has placed leaves from three plants: the passakke, darinding and tananti.16He uses three water jars, because a different kandian lau is required for each kind of spirit assisting him. When a patient summons Ne' Banne he does so by sending a mediator with sirih-pinang (betel and areca nuts). Ne' Banne cuts the nut in half and se es whether he detects auspicious signsP Then he addresses a prayer to his three categories of helpers. Then he proceeds to his therapeutic work, becoming, as he himself put it, 'crazy'. From his words must be inferred that he enters into a trance. Should the patient recover, then Ne' Banne receives payment: for Datu Maruru', 7 'dimes' (Indonesian: ketip) and 36 small bundies of rice (1 bundie = one sangkutu'); for the deata, 5 'dimes' and 36 sangkutu'; for the to diponene', 6 'dimes' and also 36 sangkutu'. He may not receive any less, neither is he allowed to ask for more; this would enrage his spirits. They fixed his payment when they proposed to him that he become their 'messenger'. Ne' Banne is always busy as a re sult of his triple function and

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sometimes his offices conflict with each other. Once while he was performing as a to indo', for the rice cycle had a1ready begun, Ne' Muda, a prominent personage in his village, Kanuruan, called upon him to come to treat his three sick children. Since rice and illness be10ng to different spheres which are not compatible with each other (disease must be kept far from the rice),I8 Ne' Banne was at a 10ss to do. His perturbation was all the greater because one of Ne' Muda's children had a1ready died before the medicine man was sent for. Fortunate1y, improvement took p1ace rapid1y, re1easing Ne' Banne from a difficult choice. Ne' Banne must submit to certaintaboos; he may not wear b1ack c1othing; during particular phases of the moon (bulan sampe and bulan samba, waning and waxing moon, respective1y) he may eat no pork. In the room of a patient there may be no b1ack objects (b1ack is the co10ur of the mourning). Ne' Banne has not grown rich from his three functions. He to1d how he became a medicine man: he was a rich man's righthand-man and he1ped him pay out wages to those who worked on his sawahs. Once af ter helping to hand out pay, Ne' Banne felt il1 and lay down on a sawah dike. Someone saw him there, a man called Ne' Ranggina and in order to comfort him, he tred with his foot on Ne' Banne's stomach. Ne' Ranggina thought that by so doing he had brought the patient relief, but meanwhile Ne' Banne had fainted. Ne' Ranggina was taken aback and with four other men brought Ne' Banne to the hospita!. Ne' Banne stayed there for some time but was then sent home. He did not return to his own house, but rather to the home of the above-mentioned Ne' Muda. There he feU as1eep but then a number of tiny spirits came to tease him. At first he mistook them for small children. They were of a yellow co10ur, with yellow hair and yellow teeth (this is a common description of the appearance of the deata). He a1so felt something co1d in his heel; these were the linggis 19 of the deata who were stabbing him there. No blood flowed, however. Next -a1so in his sleep, but with eyes wide open-Paragusi came (see VAA). This visitor placed a stomach (complete with intestines) next to Ne' Banne and said, "This is the stomach of the dog that be10ngs to X". But Ne' Banne answered: "It might weU be my stomach and intestines!" He did not accept Paragusi as a protecting spirit or tutor because he found him to be an e~il spirit (intestines are the food of the batitong, werewolves). The whole time that Paragusi was in his vicinity, Ne' Banne was afraid: the spirit was

ta diponene' appeared as weIl as the deata who had teased him. They provided him with the means for curing the sick: into the water jar described above, the kandean lau, they poured water and then added passakke, daun buangin, kuni (curcuma), man ik riri (yeIlow beads) and pamuntu (scrapings from a piece of an iron pan). They also told him that the medicine could only be used for one specific illness (i.e. smaIlpox, perhaps also chicken pox). The healing sub stance had to be used, however, in the name of Datu Maruru'. In the past days, Datu Maruru' explained, smaIlpox came at set times, but at present (the time when Ne' Banne was presented with the medicine) everyone is struck who first drinks water from the weIl in which 'I' have sown the disease. Since their first encounter, Ne' Banne has seen Datu Maruru' now and again (who, he said, is yeIlow like the gods and wears a dress 'like you' -the last remark concerning me). He also catches glimpses of the ta dipanene' (who look like Toraja) and the yeIlow-tinted deata, but he no longer sees them as frequently as he once did.

IX.7 The burake and the priests of neighbouring peoples; Summary The burake tambalang displays marked similarity to the bissu of the Buginese and the sanra of the Makassarese. An antequated word for burake, indeed, is bingsu; the term is still used at the merak-feast (Merok: 146f., verse 755). The bissu of the Buginese is also a homo- phile (?), a transvestite or a 'hermaphrodite' with a religious function: in Luwu' and at princely courts elsewhere in South-Celebes, these priest(ess)es used to be the guardians of regalia. In Segeri, near ParePare, the bissu took the lead in the cycle of rice cultivation by performing the ritual ploughing. The bissu are also masters of medicine. This function is not aIlotted to the burake tambalang, nor is officiating during the rice cycle. It is beyond doubt that some connection exists between the Buginese (Luwu'nese) bissu and the Sa'danese ta burake tambalang. Whereas the latter officiates at a feast aimed to promo te the weIl-being of a larger group, the bissu in Luwu' is a court dignitary, the keeper of the regalia on which the overall prosperity of the kingdom depends. In Segeri (also Buginese territory) the bissu is the foremost functionary in the rice ritual.

Priests 293

The to burake tambolang is associated with the polarity as weIl as the balance between upper-and underworld, day and night, man and woman. In the pers on of the ta burake tattiku' the scale would appear to rise a bit upwards towards the realm of the upperworld. The titles bestowed on these two categories of priests are borrowed from birds: the large tambolang (stork), the sm all tattiku'-bird. The burake bamba is the priest of the impure dead; he performs in mortuary rituals, those of the lefthandside, those of the southwest. The to minaa guides men along the path of life. He officiates at rites of transition, is the keeper of the traditions of the ramage or adat-community and performs at the merak-feast celebrated by the host and his kinship group. He is the priest who functions in the world of man. FinaIly, there is the to ma'dampi. He is one of the two shamans of Sa'dan-Toraja culture. The other is the to burake, both the tambolang and the tattiku'. The to ma'dampi is a typical example of the type of shaman medicine man found in so many parts of the world (only in the district of Balepe' does the ta burake tattiku' also minister to the sick). Both the to burake and the ta ma'dampi undergo at the outset of their official lives the so-called 'shaman-disease' which manifests itself in psychic tension, trance phenomena, dreams, and disturbances of memory, etc. (cf. Eliade 1964, chapters II-IV).

All those priests we shall meet again in Vol. 11 of this book which is devoted to the description of the ritual and ceremonial life of the Sa'dan-Toraja. They are the masters of ceremony who immediate between the people and their gods and thus see to it that calamities be averted and man and beast be blessed with peace.

NOTES

CHAPTER I 1 Brevity characterizes this introductory chapter because several topics, such as the clothing and adornment of the Toraja and how the Toraja differ ethnically from neighbours, have been treated at length in other publications (Nooy-Palm 1969 and 1975). These subjects will reappear, moreover, in a series of monographs about Indonesian peoples. The aim of this series dictates that the monograph about the Toraja will deal with contemporary administration, education, material culture, and forms of handicraft. 2 The kingdom was also called Luwu' but was spelled with a hamzah (glottal stop) at the end. 3 Pongkapadang, the important ancestor of the Mamasa-Toraja, is a descendant of one of the oldest Toraja ancestors (oral information from Dr. H. van der Veen). 4 The Toraja, inclusively speaking, were in fact differentiated into East-, West-and South-Toraja; the Sa'dan-Toraja fall within the category of South-Toraja. 5 Oral information by the late Prof. A. A. Cense to Dr. H. van der Veen. 6 The Kroniek van Wadjo' [The Wajo' Chronicle], translated and annotated by

J. Noorduyn, is an exception (see also section 7 of this chapter).
7 Catholic priests came from Belgium and the south of Holland, Protestant missionaries from other regions of The Netherlands. 8 On this section see Van Braam Morris 1888, 498; Crystal 1974; Van Lijf 1948; Van de Loosdrecht 1921, 131-153; Pol, undated (1947?); Van Rijn 1902; Van der Veen 1940a. 9 Table 1 (agricultural use of land) fails to communicate whether dry fields and ladang are used for rice production exclusively, or also for maize and manioc. 10 Tae' (Zuid-Toradjasch)-Nederlandsch Woordenboek met register Nederlandsch-Tae' by H. van der Veen ('s-Gravenhage 1940). Later there appeared also J. Tammu and H. van der Veen, Kamus Toradja-Indonesia with collab- oration of L. Pakan (Jajasan Perguruan Kristen Toraja, Rantepao 1972). 11 A civil servant of an administrative branch, when departing from his post had to leave behind for his successor a complete survey of the region under his jurisdiction. These reports provide information about both land and people. 12 Memories van Overgave can be found in the non-circulating library of the Museum and Social Science Research Division of the Royal Tropical Institute in Amsterdam and in the library of the Royal Institute of Linguistics and Anthropology in Leiden. There are also copies in the Government Archives at The Hague and, for Memories up to and including 1900, in the Government Archives at Schaarsbergen. Additional Memories are available in the Statistical Archives of the Ministry of the Interior at The Hague. 13 A sequel was promised to this second article which Van Lijf, alas, was unable to finish because of his premature death.

CHAPTER 11 1 This word can also signify the naming of the parts of the body in sequence which might suggest that one conceives of the ramage anthropomorphically.

Pong Y or Ambe' ... if a man, and Lai' Z or Indo' ... if a woman. Grandparents are of ten designated by the name of their oldest grandchild: Ne' Sangga ('Grandfather of Sangga'). (Ambe' = father, indo' = mother; Ne' = grandfather or grandmother.) 3 Making use of bits of the ribs of sugar palmleaves is caIled rebongan didi (literaIly: the breaking of the veins of the leaf of the sugar palm). This works as a memory aid; see the process as described in the text. 4 The number of generations counted varies according to whether the first ancestor in heaven is inc1uded or counting begins with the first ancestor who descended to earth. 5 For the nam es Patabang, Telebuë, Parange and Pata'ba I am unable to provide any translation. 6 Although this territory is part of Kesu' it has a separate status. 7 See Robin Fox 1967: 164ff. In Toraja there is no special word for kindred. 8 Dapo': hearth. Rampanan has different meanings: 1. a thin beam on the si de of the house which supports the lower extremities of the roof; 2. to let go, to free, to lay down. Kapa' also has more than one meaning: 1. a fine to be paid by a marriage partner who commits adultery; 2. cotton (see also IJ.5.2). 9 J. S. Bulo', 'Hukum perkawinan (rampanan kapa') menurut adat Toraja Sa'dan', stenciled manuscript, Ujung Pandang 1970 (translation: 'Marriage law according to the adat of the Sa'dan Toraja'). Mangesu' Matandung, 'Tinjauan selayang padang ten tang Pasandak Salu Lako Rampanan Kapa' sebagai delik adat pad a masyarakat Toraja Sa' dan', stenciled manuscript, Ujung Pandang 1973 (translation: 'GJobal considerations concerning the Pasanduk Salu Lako Rampanan Kapa' as common law delin- quency in the society of the Sa'dan Toraja'). (Note: Here only Indonesian words have been translated; the Toraja expression Pasanduk Salu ... remains to be elucidated.) Access to both sources is difficult; Matandung's thesis is contained in the Research Library of the Royal Tropical Institute at Amsterdam. 10 Matandung's view strikes me as having more to offer. Indeed, during a certain rite of the great bua'-feast (see Vol. IJ), the burake-priest purifies cotton with a cotton-bow, that is normaIly used for c1eaning seeds from the raw cotton, symbolizing thus the c1eansing of the atmosphere. 11 The term also means: important viIIage meeting.

CHAPTER III 1 He was one of the seven children who originated from the seven leaves of a tree which sprouted from the ashes of Puang Matua's beIlows (see Merok: 104ff). 2 The use of the name Tumba' is surprising; it is usuaIly reserved for women of the upper c1ass who attend the great bua'-feast. 3 The poetic name for a slave is to ponto litakan ('the one who wears a bracelet of c1ay'). 4 These are chores which faIl to kaunan (slaves) during a ritual. At present (former) members of the slave c1ass stiII perform them as their part in a traditional exchange of services. 5 Sometimes kaunan can also own land, occasionaIly even sawahs. (Information from H. van der Veen, who, during his sojourn in Tana Toraja, rented a plot

44-80

of ground for making clay bricks from a man who belonged to the kaunan- class.) 6 Even formerly it 'was not proper' to use the term kaunan in the presence of a slave. 7 Garanta' = stock, land, beginning, origin; bulaan = gold. The term kaunan bulaan was used especially for the household servants of the puang, all of who se possessions, his own person included, were associated with gold. 8 N.B. Here the term kaunan itself is used, and not a polite alternative. 9 Tuyu is a kind of rush used for braiding mats and handbags; passasaran tuyu: small pieces of tuyu; pare pare nangka: the hard bits of the nangka- fruit which are inedible. Anak patala: anak = child, patala = victor. 10 In the following districts people do not speak of ta parengnge', but rather of ta ma'dika ('the free'): Balepe', Bau, BaBa, Bittuang, Buakayu, Kurra', Mappa', Rembon, Ulusalu, Sesseng, Simbuang, Taleon, Palesan, Rano, Pali and Tapparan. 11 The name might be translated as follows: the ta makaka who are carried (direngnge'), who, in fact, do not belong entirely to the ta makaka-class but are tolerated, carried along with it (own interpretation). 12 This hypothesis, extremely difficult to test, co mes from informants from Kesu'. 13 The tandila is a musical instrument (a stick-cither) which resembles a gesa- gesa, a kind of violin; tandila uia' is the name of the clapper-drum of the burake ('priest'), the gamaru or garatung. 14 Although the above is stated in the past tense, certain functions of the tangkanan layuk are filled to the present-day. 15 The same holds true for more lowly ta makaka.

CHAPTER IV 1 According to Tandilangi' (1975) and Tangdilintin (1975: 180/85) a bua'-circle is divided into several penanian. It is possible that this only obtains for the Tallulembangna. 2 For location, see Map 2. The name Buntao' is a contraction of Buntu Ao': 'the Hill on which the Bamboo Aur [a particular variety] grows'. 3 Cf. batu parandangan, stone corbels upon which the piles of a house or a ricebarn rest. 4 The term Talinga rara'na Sangalla' (see IV.l.7) was simiIarly elucidated. 5 There is still a further title attached to Sallebayu: that of sakkang bayu of Tonga. 6 Tikunna Malenong consisted originally of the bua'-circ1es (which are also villages) of Ba'tan, Angin-angin, Pao and Tonga. Two other bua'-communities (= villages) joined Tikunna Malenong later. When this happened, I do not know. 7 The important tradition of Nonongan also played a part in political decisions of more recent days. At the time that a successor to Pong Maramba' had to be chosen, in about 1916, Nonongan pretended that it had a better claim than others to the office of territorial head for all Kesu', it only acquired the office of kepala bua', or bua'-head. Tikunna Malenong and La'bo' also received a kepala bua' at that time; these functionaries were eliminated later on. 8 Pong Panimba, the father of my informant Roson Panimba, was an important adat-chief in Kesu' prior to World War 11. 9 It is doubtful whether a new prince will indeed be chosen considering the fact that the state of Sangalla' has acquired another legal form and considering

80-96 297

also that the sons and daughters of the deceased puang Lasok Rinding have converted either to Christianity or to Islam. 10 All these animals are parti-coloured; some of their patches, characteristically, are white -the colour with which the puang is associated. 11 Kua-kua is probably RottboeIIia glandulosa. The name kua-kua points to slaves; cf. tana' kua-kua, c1ass or status of slaves (information from Van der Veen). 12 This Simbuang should not be confused with the (former) district, the lembang Simbuang. 13 In the modern era, the church has become a social (religious) center. Of ten a number of settlements share a single church building. 14 Originally Silanan consisted of two lembang, Silanan and Pemanukan, which were united under the name of Maduan Salu: 'The Three Rivers'. The whole area was divided into ten bua' under a pa'palumbangan (for this title see IV. 1.7). The pa'palumbangan was related to the puang. The puang-dynasty had also intermarried with the principal tongkonan of Silanan. The family of the pa'palumbangan is referred to as ma'dika. Another part of Mengkendek was Gandang Batu ('The Stone Drum'). This region was also called Sikampa Susunna Arra ('The Watch near the Boundary Post') or Tallu Kurinna ('The Three Cooking Pots') a name which refers to its three bua'. This area was governed by a pa'palumbangan. 15 To prevent any misunderstanding: there are also tongkonan with no titles attached. A tongkonan is an adat-house, which, if status permits, is decorated with attractive carving; it serves as a center for a particular (sub)ramage. Not every (sub)ramage, however, is in possession of a title. Slaves also have a tongkonan. 16 C. J. Grader, 'Tweedeling in het Oud Balische dorp', Mededelingen van de Kirtya Liefrinck-van der Tuuk (Singaradja 1937); F. W. F. Hunger, 'Eenige aanteekeningen over de Noord-Balische Aga desa's Sidatapa en Pedawa', Djawa XVII: 367-371, 1937; V. E. Kom, De Dorpsrepubliek Tnganan Pagringsingan (Santpoort, 1933). See also: V. E. Kom, Het Adatrecht van Bali [The Adat-Iaw of Bali], 2nd ed. ('s-Gravenhage, 1932); and for information on other regions, R. M. Koentjaraningrat, Villages in Indonesia. 17 In Madandan the saroan is a community whose members farm a vast sawah coIIectively and together receive payment for their work. It is thus a territorial work-community with an economic base. Sometimes the Sa'danese saroan is highly reminiscent of the Balinese sekaha or banjar, a ward in a Balinese village. (A sekaha is a society: sekaha subak, a subak society, com- parabie to a polder or river-board.) There are, however, structural differences. In Madandan a large saroan with some 30-40 members is called a sarobussan; a small saroan with no more than 3-8 members, a saro'-saro'. Just as is true for the Balinese subak, every saroan-member has equal rights even though formerly the kaunan yielded precedence to the to makaka because c1ass differences were deeply imprinted on society. Membership in a saroan was obligatory, in fact, for a fine was levied on those who did not participate. A saroan-member is known as 10 sumaro (Harahap 1952: 60). Harahap maintains that saroan-heads were from the 10 makaka-c1ass; they were sometimes called indo' saroan (= mother of the saroan). The head of the long- konan is then also the saroan-head. In the territory of Simbuang the saroan has the name akka', a word which conveys the meaning 'to take up and to shift'. This organization is an institutionalized form of mutual aid. 18 Buntuasa is the name of a cliff situated in the region of Marante. To Mendarang is derived from mendarang ('to warm oneseIf by the fire').

re- si stance against the Dutch-Indies regime in 1917. 20 The anak to makaka of Ranteballa (Palopo) and Rongkong must be equated with the parengnge' of the Sa'dan region. 21 Each of the two wards is further subdivided into two, e.g. diongnalu in the wards Koro-koro and Bo'ne. 22 As my Toraja informants themselves observed, it is difficult to give any explication of this title. In Kanuruan, Nonongan, I was told that the 'jackets' stood for family members, usually the other to parengnge' in the village. The 'collar' is, as it were, that part of the garment from which the rest hangs (i.e. on which the whole depends). 23 Manobok is literally 'to pierce with a lance'. It was formerly the custom to kill the kerbau with a speer-thrust through the heart. Because the Chinese merchants pay more for undamaged kerbau hides, piercing with a lance through the breast has in many territories been replaced by delivering a death blow to the throat with a large machete. 24 Van der Veen told me that the tasks alternate if the feastgiver's tongkonan is in Ba'tan doan, then the sokkong bayu recites the prayer in the compound; if, however, it is in Ba'tan diongan, it is the datu baine who performs this office. 25 During the mangrara banua and the merok, two pigs are sacrificed, one in the house, the other in the yard. 26 Sipalakuan: to ask each other for something; see also Woordenboek: 257,

v.lakoe.
CHAPTER V 1 Nevertheless, I since found a similar notion suggested in Merok: 34. 2 Sometimes division into seven spheres is assumed; cf. the sacrificial prayer during the Mangrare Pare (Vol. 11). 3 For Indo' Ongon-ongon, see Overleveringen van den Beginne vanuit de Hemel in geregelde volgorde medegedeeld door Ne' Mani', priester uit Sereale, edited and translated into Dutch by Dr. H. van der Veen, Bijdragen 132 (1976) : 418-438. Translation of the title: Traditions of the Beginning descended from Heaven and reported in proper sequence by Ne' Mani', a priest from Sereale. Sereale lies on the slop es of the Sesean; Ne' Mani' was a to minaa. The work will bequoted as: Traditions reported by Ne' Mani'. 4 Deata also means spirit in the sense of life spirit. When a man experiences sudden fright people say meUai deatanne, his life spirit flies. Evidently, deata in the sen se of deity indicates a living god, a god of life. 5 A quarrel is adjudicated, if necessary, by a cock fight. Pong Lalondong's cock's feather splendour has to do with his function as judge. 6 The other gods are also referred to as 'merciful gods', 'lords of great compassion' (Merok : 40-41). 7 Earlier, during the consecration of the buffalo which is recited during the merok-feast Puang Matua is depicted as measuring out and balancing the periods of night and day against each other (see Merok: 29). 8 According to A. A. van de Loosdrecht it is Puang Matua himself who shears the thread of life for man (Van de Loosdrecht 1914: 239). 9 Doti are dots; the doti langi' are a symbol of abundance. 10 In the light of both her name, bulaan = gold, and her situation in the zenith, she conjures up thoughts of the sun.

1930 : 348). 12 Bombo is also the term for the soul of the living, the soul which can abandon the body during sleep, and journey about, even to the land of the dead (A. C. Kruyt 1923/24 : 74; Wilcox 1949 : 109). 13 Occasionally it is claimed that the sacrifice of a dog in front of a rock grave is performed so that the dog's soul shall chase away the cats which lurk at the entrance to the land of the souls (information from Dr. H. van der Veen). 14 The souls of women who died in childbed (elsewhere in Indonesia more feared than anything: cf. Sell 1955) do not arouse terror in Tana Toraja. Such women are buried in the same manner as other people and there are no rumours about their souls being dangerous. 15 Not to be confounded with Datu Laukku', the first man created by Puang Matua. 16 Why not in Baruppu'? Perhaps because the position of a ramage-Ieader is here less prominent than elsewhere? Or is that position weaker because the tradition of a heavenly ancestor is lacking? We simply do not know.

CHAPTER VI 1 In practice the concepts alllk and ada' are not always clearly differentiated; aluk, the term for ritual, is also used in the sense of a precept or command- ment underlying a custom. 2 Actually, among the Toraja, too, instinct of ten prevails over principles, for the so-called ulelean are on occasion incorporated as 'tales' in the ossoran; see, for example, Van der Veen 1976, Ossoran Tempon daomai Langi' (Traditions reported by Ne' Mani'), in which the folk story of Marampio Padang has been incorporated. And the Passomba Tedong contains a condensed segment of the story of Tulangdidi' (see Merok: 70-73). 3 The earth (Mother Earth) is pictured as feminine. Subsequently, a masculine god of the earth is born, Pong Banggairante. 4 Diverse versions of the creation myth exist; thus the 'Traditions of the heavenly beg innings of things' recorded by Ne' Demme, an adat-expert from Kesu', presents a somewhat different picture than that of our present text which has been borrowed from the Passomba Tedong. Ne' Demme's work has been translated and annotated by Dr. H. van der Veen but I have chosen not to discuss it here because it remains uncertain whether these 'Traditions .. .' will be published. 5 These names admit alternate spellings: Pong Banggai Rante, Pong Tulak Padang, Gaun Tikembong. I have chosen, however, to adhere to Van der Veen's spellings. 6 Other names for this deity are Puang Bassi-bassian, 'The Lord who is covered with the speckles of age', and To Kaubanan, 'The one with the grey hair'; the latter is also a second name of Puang Matua. 7 Stöhr associates the theme of divine spouses who originate from rocks with megalithic cultures (1965 : 150-151). The theme recurs in the Minahasa, North Borneo, South Nias and Riung (Flores). 8 Ubi is the Indonesian term; the Sa'dan-Toraja word is dua'. 9 These important goddesses are also associated with rice. 10 In Ne' Demme's 'Traditions .. .' this is an alternative name for Pong Lalondong. Cf. no te 4, above.

Notes pp. 137-150

11 The young women and gids performing to tumbang roles attach the word Tumba' as a prefix to their names. Tumba' means to 1eap, to jump up. (por the bua'-celebration, see Vol. Il.) 12 The creation story here given deviates from the 'Traditions recorded by Ne' Mani' '. Ne' Mani's tale is more elaborate than the present text which is an abridgement of the creation myth in circulation in Riu. In Ne' Mani's account the goddesses Simbolongpadang and in particular Indo' Ongon-ongon are prominent. The former separated heaven and earth by creating the lightning. The latter descended to the underworld to become the wife of Pong Tulakpadang. Indo' Ongon-ongon made the earthquake and shock the ground. Moreover, she created the night. Comparable goddess protagonists are absent from the Kesu' myth. 13 Van der Veen's translation of the Merok text (p. 85, verses 407f) ignores one important detail. Puang Matua is instructed by his works to penetrate into the rock hiding his future wife by means of a tallang baine, (a piece of) a female bamboe tallang. The inversion of sex (bamboo normally is a male symbol) attributed to the god's action should not be passed by unnoticed. Puang Matua's bellows carry a comparable inverted symbolism. An informant, consulted on the meaning of these bellows, explained to me that the two bamboo pipes of the bellows are their female organ, the bellows proper, the belly, the male part, and that the whole is a symbol of marriage. 14 Also the name of a certain sacrifice, see VIII.7. 15 Naturally, 7,777 is asymbolie number. Seven is an important number in this culture. The four sevens indicate the total inc1usion of all rituals one can think of. 16 It goes without saying these are late additions to the story. 17 In Tandilangi's artic1e (1967) the reason given for destroying the ladder was an act of incest in Rura (see VI.3: Myths concerning the consequences of incest). Another account of the removal of the celestial ladder co mes from elsewhere in Tana Toraja; see VI.4.2a: The tale of Pong Sumbung Sare Pio'. 18 Sanda Bilik, who sprang from a boulder in the riv er, combines the origins of a goddess in heaven who originated from a rock, and an important ancestress on earth who emerged from a river or a well. See also Van der Veen 1979: 20 note 14. 19 Sokko = horns which are turned downwards; remak = garrulous; Sokko remak = The Garrulous Buffalo Whose Homs Curve Downwards. 20 Another version tells how the buffalo when he could swim no further, sacrificed himself by letting a crocodile eat him. In payment the crocodile offered to bring Lakipadada safely over the sea. Before he sacrificed himself, the buffalo made Lakipadada promise not to eat the flesh of his descendants, the white buffaloes. For yet another account, see Nobele 1926: 127-128. 21 This might explain why, in the context of the higher rituals for the dead in the puang-regions (and in Kesu' and Nanggala, too), during a certain rite a small wood en figure, carved and adorned with paint, is carried along which bears the name of bungkang-bungkang (= that which resembles a crab). 22 Mangga, Indonesian for mango; Toraja: pao. 23 Garuda: a mythical bird in Hindu mythology. 24 Later this pit turned into a dish divided into two parts. It now belongs to the pusaka-objects of the puang-family. This 'mangga-pit' is, in fact, the nut of a palm, Lodoicea Sechellarum, that is indigenous to the Seychelles! 25 In Nobele's version Lakipadada marries the granddaughter of the prince (Nobele 1926 : 126). Puang Tandilangi' pointed out to me that he himself had followed the example of his famous ancestor by marrying a princess from

150-168 301

Goa (Puang TandiJangi', as Puang Sombolinggi', is a son of the late Puang Lasok Rinding of Sangalla'). 26 For information about the two pusaka-flags owned in Goa and Luwu' respectively, see Nobele 1926. (Pusaka is the Indonesian term for heirloom, of ten a heirloom of sacral value.) The 'flag' of Sangalla' here mentioned should be distinguished from the bate manurun (the bate come down from heaven) which plays a role in the maro-ritual as celebrated, among other pI aces, in Tikala (see Vol. 11). 27 The name Manaek is untranslatable; Polopadang = Part of the Land (Earth). 28 The antagonism between Kesu' and Luwu' reaches back to this mythical event. 29 There exist a number of versions of this myth. In one of these Deatanna is called Tonglo Sugi', The Exceedingly Rich One. She repeatedly stole kaise'- fruits from Polopadang's fields. The thievery caught his attention. Finally Polopadang succeeded in unmasking the culprit. 30 According to another version: four baskets full of millet. 31 Suloara': 'He whose breast shines as a toreh'. 32 Sibali: become a pair, marry. This concept entaiJs a form of reciprocity between two houses (subramages). See VIII.1: The tongkonan. 33 Duri is the mythic -and probably also the real -country of origin of the Sa'dan-Toraja on Celebes; is is, in any event, the area where these Toraja lived for a time. 34 Two versions of this myth exist. According to the other one, Londong diRura was spared and became the patriarch of the Sa'dan-Toraja. 35 The present myth is from Kesu' and might just as appropriately have been printed in section VI.2.2: The to manurun in Kesu', which pictures Londong diLangi' (or Londong diRura) as the initial ancestor of all important ramages in the Sa'dan region. The myth has been placed here, however, because it portrays how marriage restrictions entered the world. 36 Not a Toraja expression. 37 One version of VI.2.2b: Polopadang and Deatanna, might fit here. In this version Deatanna steals kaise'-fruits from the field of Polopadang. 38 Marampio Padang also appears in the Pangimbo Manuk, the prayer to be said at the Chicken Sacrifice, simiJarly annotated and translated into Dutch by Van der Veen (see verse 124). Unfortunately, this 'prayer' has not yet been published. 39 For variations on Sulawesi, see Van der Veen 1976: 434, note 119. Throughout Indonesia this tale recurs; the form may vary but the theme remains the same: theft committed by a person or animal from the underworld. A simiJar story is found also in Goa (see B. F. Matthes, Boeginese en Makassaarse legenden [Buginese and Makassarian Legendsl in Ds. H. van den Brink, Dr. Benjamin Frederick Matthes, Amsterdam 1943 : 384-385). For the tale as it exists among the Batak, see W. Braasem in Oriëntatie no. 17; for the version current with the Iban, see Gomes 1911 : 300-316. 40 According to Radjab, the co ck collected Tulangdidi's bones; presumably this author suspected aconnection with the Indonesian word tulang, bone. However, in Toraja, Tulangdidi' means 'The Upright Yellow (One)'. 41 In an alternate version the instrument was a rice pestle; the cock suffered a broken wing and flew up to the sky. 42 Precisely which constellation the Toraja mean is not c1ear. A c1ue is provided, perhaps, by the constellation Tamangkapa (= the Wing Flapper, the Cock) of the Bare'e' Toraja. It has a role analogous to th at of Londongna Tulang- di di' among the Sa'dan-Toraja. The Pleiades constitute its head, Orion's Belt

Notes pp. 168-193

the body and Sirius the tail (Van der Veen 1924c: 70). The myth of Tulagg- didi' and her cock is also found among the Bare'e' Toraja. 43 Radjab has also included this myth in his anthology of tales (Radjab 1950: 18-36). His version differs from Kruyt's. The story is also known among the Bare'e' Toraja. 44 This is an old element in the myth, for the dead today are no longer interred in a coffin. 45 According to Wertheim folk tales cireulate first and foremost among the lower classes. These tales are characterized by an element of social protest. In this they differ from myths which must be assoeiated primarily with the upper classes (Wertheim 1964: 21-37). 46 The souls of dead persons of status are thought to reach the firmament by ascending along a coconut tree. 47 This information is remarkable because up to this point the tale has suggested that Pano Bulaan was made pregnant by an unknown, or socially non- aeceptable partner. 48 Rangga (= having branches) Bulaan (= gold) is the name of a girl also called Adeng (= 1) Bulaan or Pano Bulaan. The story was translated into Duteh by R. M. Djojowirono. The original Toraja text with the Duteh translation are in the Research Library of the Royal Tropical Institute in Amsterdam. The text was taken down from narration by Mr. L. Pakan who also wrote an explanatory introduction which runs as follows: The marriage customs practieed in Tana Toraja are highly respeeted. They date from the beginning of the world. If a woman became pregnant before she had a husband she would bring the utmost disgraee to her mother and father and all other family members besides. Sueh a woman had to be punished, banished from the country and drowned in the deep ocean. 49 In the Toraja text: rampanni kapa' and napobaine. For information ab out kapa', see 11.5.2. 50 In the Toraja text the words used for sword are la'bo' penai; these are short swords which have a special funetion in the maro-ritual See VIII.3.2. and Vol. 11. 51 lnduk: sugar palm, Arenga saecharifera. 52 Oda-oda: a stabbing or cutting weapon.

CHAPTER VII 1 Tedong is also used in Buginese for kerbau. In Sa'dan-Toraja there is no specific word for a bull exeept in the territories of Ulusalu, Bittuang and Mamasa: aa' and in Ma'kale: aya. A large adult sacrificial bull, however, is called penamile or pinamile (penule in the district of Dende'). 2 A coneentration of flecks, dots, etc. is associated with the stars in heaven and with an abundanee of grains of rice. 3 These verses follow a passage from the Passomba Tedong discussed in 111.1. 4 For the story of a white buffalo who cured a princess of Luwu' from her skin disease by licking her, see Noorduyn 1955: 32 and 33. 5 In addition to the notion that the first male buffalo came from heaven, the first female from earth, there is also a belief that a buffalo trail wends through the Kingdom of the Dead and that there is a cave full of kerbau who trample the souls of criminais. 6 A deseent line of the kerbau is also presented in the Passomba Tedong (see Merok: 120-133, verses 439, 653ff.) Cf. also ibid. 90f, and 1976 : 427, verse 11. 7 This happens, too, whenever the pa'karu'dusan is sacrificed during a mortuary

ritual of high order. For further information about the role of the sacrificial kerbau cf. Vol. 11 on the merok, the bua' kasalle-feasts. 8 According to informant B. Sarungallo it is wrong to call this motif pa'tedong, for the name should really be pa'ulu tingke', 'the head of the spinning-wheel'. 9 Other information indicates that the ma'tenten is dan eed at the bua' kasalle- feast. 10 In other areas, for example in SangaIIa', this was not customary. 11 Sumbung penaa is sometimes translated as 'that which follows the breath'. 12 Indonesian for a thick variety of bamboo: Dendrocalamus flageIIifer. 13 For the association of the parts of the kerbau with the possessions of the ramage, see section VIL1.4. 14 H. van der Veen could not find a translation for this word; it is not clear what part of the buffalo is meant. 15 Sarita, sacred cloth from India. 16 A big, glazed pot of Indian origin; these jars were exported from Martaban (Burma). 17 Na = possessive pronoun, 3rd person (sing.). 18 Sometimes a person is contracted to tend a pig; even tu al profit is divided evenly between owner and caretaker. 19 The crow, however, is not associated with the upperworId. 20 The government banned this practice some time around 1975. 21 See Traditions reported by Ne' Mani' (Van der Veen 1976). 22 The cat serre' that is treated as a datu (lord); who, just as the Buginese prince of Luwu', never leaves his house (Woordenboek). 23 Woordenboek: serre' datu are black, grey or speekled and can have a stumpy tail. Usually they have such a tail, despite Wi1cox's observation. 24 The tail of these rodents is compared to (the stem of) a betel 1eaf. 25 Pa'pong: a kind of ficus. Another tree, the kapok-tree, is also cited; cf. Kruyt 1923/24 : 138. 26 Another symbol of the growth of the ramage is the tallang-bamboo. It develops many shoots which all grow closely together in a dense cluster. Cf. Merok: 164-165. 27 For this shrine see VHI.7. 28 The bate manurun discussed here should not be confused with the bate manurun which is one of the pusaka of the puang of SangaIIa'. 29 Another name for th is ubi (yam) is dua'.

CHAPTER VIII 1 Pa'bombo uai, a motif in woodcarving. Bombo uai: an insect that moves swiftly over the surface of the water. 2 According to Allo Rante, mangrapu also took pI ace before construction of the house began, thus already prior to mangono'. The to minaa brings an offering to the ancestors who have lived in the tongkonan (the offering can also be brought to one of the to matua, i.e. the elders of the viIIage). The offering takes place outside the actual viIIage, in the fields where a pig is sacrificed. 3 This despite the fact that the occupant (Allo Rante, alias Ne' Sangga), was converted to Christianity. One should, however, keep in mind that a tongkonan is the center of a vast family group not all of who se members are Christians. The new sokkong bayu, Allo Rante's successor, led the celebration. 4 Deviations from adat-prescription do occur; we cannot here pursue these departures in detail, even though they are often instructive.

Notes pp. 256-285

5 For the Javanese kris, see W. H. Rassers 'On the Javanese Kris' in Panji, The Culture Hero (1959) : 217-297. 6 For iIlustrations of a sarigan, see Harahap 1952: 8, and Holt 1939: fig. 54. 7 This does not agree with the earlier-mentioned report tbat the fashioning of tau-tau came into vogue for tbe first time some 7 to 10 generations ago (above, VIII.4). 8 For the manimbong-dance, see Claire Holt 1939: 74-76; for tbe gellu'-dance, ibid.: 70-73. During the ma'dandan women in festive clothing draw up in a row and sing certain songs. 9 Here I use Van Baal's distinction between offering and sacrifice: 'In tbis paper I call an offering any act of presenting sometbing to a supernatural being, a sacrifice an offering accompanied by the ritual killing of tbe object of the offering' (Van Baal 1976 : 11).

CHAPTER IX 1 Several specimens of litanies, eulogies and other recitations were recorded in 1966 and 1969; Pa'singgi' (performed by Ne' Sesa, district of Kesu') and several parts of the Passomba Tedong as recited during the *merok-*and bua' kasalle-feasts (sung by Enocb Palolean Amba Titedok, former to minaa from tbe district of Nonongan). These tapes are now kept in the Ethno-musicolo- gical Center Jaap Kunst, Amsterdam. 2 According to C. Salombe (lecturer at tbe Faculty of Letters at the Hasanuddin University in Ujung Pandang) tbere are five categories of to minaa. The highest category has the right to a special form of burial resembling that of to burake tambolang,' tbe corpse of such a to minaa is carried out of the house via a breach made in the inclining portion of tbe northern gable of the tongkonan. 3 Van der Veen, in his account of tbe merok-feast, cites two ancestors of the to indo' padang: Datu Mangkamma' and Karaeng Ma'lokoloko, created by Puang Matua (Merok: 97). 4 No mention is made of this in the Passomba Tedong. 5 This implies tbat tbe burake tambolang sometimes is a homosexual. 6 Despite efforts begun in 1969 to trace a tambolang-bird, I bave been unable to detect one. I have been asserted, however, that it must be tbe white-necked stork. 7 So named in Ma'kale and Sangalla'. Elsewbere also called garatung and gamaru (Buntao', Rantebua, Ranteballa, Pantilang). 8 In Indonesia it was used by Cbinese pedlars, thus as a purely profane instrument. On Bali, bowever, tbe katipluk is tbe instrument of tbe cbtbonic priest, tbe sengguhu. In Tibet tbe instrument constitutes part of tbe outfit of tbe lamaistic-Buddbist priests and is associated witb tantrism. Tbe term musical instrument is, in tbe opinion of tbe musicologist E. Heins, not particularly apt: a signalling instrument would be a more appropriate term, one, for example, to catcb tbe attention of spirits. Tbe drumbead of the garapung is made of pytbon skin. 9 Actually A. C. Kruyt meant tbe la'pa' kasalle-feast identical in tbeory to tbe bua' padang-feast but in practice more expensive and extensive. Tbe bua' padang refers simply to the rice ritual. 10 Tangdo': a platform constructed on the occasion of the bua' kasalle-feast in front of the celebrating tongkonan. Both priests we ar parakeet feathers (bulu baan) on tbeir heads, a symbol of the upperworld. 11 Love scenes provoking laughter, apparently deriving from a fertility ritual,

Van der Veen has translated these to mean 'They who fall in a trance, They who dance to the singing of a litany, They who may not tread the ground' (see verses 18 and 19 of Gelong Maro): 'At the sight of the progeny of those who are in a trance, of the descendants of those who dance to the singing of a litany, the offspring of those who may not tread the ground, the performances of those who are possessed by a spirit.' (Van der Veen 1979: 47) 15 Londungna, umbena', mali'na: correct translation uncertain. 16 The passakke is a plant with red berries and small pits shaped like hailstones; masakke means cool, salutary. The name of the plant thus hints at a godsend. Darinding is acreeper with a thin significance of gentle coolness. Madarinding means: cool, healthy, blessed. The name of this plant, too, implies benificence (information from H. van der Veen). For tananti, see Woordenboek. 17 According to Toraja belief illness is often the result of a violation of incest taboos. For the meaning of the splitting of areca nuts see page 160. 18 This regardless of the fact that the rice rituals and those designed to heal the sick both belong to the same sphere, th at of the East-oriented deata-rituals. Only one single group of Ne' Banne's aiding spirits, the ancestors, fall under the sphere of the West. 19 Linggis: iron rods, used in agriculture.

GLOSSARY AND INDEX OF TUE MOST FREQUENTLY USED TORAJA AND INDONESIAN TERMS AND NAMES

aak, a slab of meat which clings to the spine joint above the hip joints, 204. ada' (see also adat, Indonesian), the complex of habits and customs, 85, 90, 133. adat (Indon.), the complex of habits and customs, 52, 59, 68, 74, 75, 78, 81, 83, 90, 91, 92, 93, 117, 138, 220, 231, 279, note 9 chapter 11. adat-(chief), the head of an adat-com- munity, 13, 61, 62, 70, 209, 274, 277, note 8 chapter IV. adat-(community), 6, 16, 58, 59, 60, 62, 67,72, 74, 75, 77, 91, 104, 105, 112, 293. adat-(decrees), 133, 143, 146. adat-(institutions), 114. adat-(law), 114, 115, 136. adat-(precepts), 157, 252, 275. adat-(regulations), adat-(rules), 26, 145,

275. adat-(sanctions), 38. Ada' Bitti', 'The Small Adat', and adat- community in Sangalla', 81, 87, 88. Ada' Tangnga Sali, 'The Adat of the Middle Room', titIeholders who belong to the to makaka in Sangalla', 90, 91. adi, adi', adina' (see also Basse Adina), younger sibIing, younger cousin, 42, 79. akan, a palm tree (Borassus flagellifer?),
276. akka', 'to take up and to shift', the name of a saroan in Simbuang, no te 17 chapter IV. ala-ala, cock-pit, 212. alang, ricebarn, 104, 252-254. alla' tarin, 'up to the elbow or just below', a measure for buffalo-horns, 188. allo, day, sun, 80, 88, 90, 112, 118, 126. allona, the high-day of a ritual, 249. allonan biang, 'the head cushion of the reed', a term used in divination, 275. Allo Tiranda, the ancestor of the poisonous upas-tree, 136, 228.
     alo, hornbiII, 214. aluk (see also sukaran aluk), ritual, also used in the sense of adat-precepts or

adat-regulations, 26, 67, 90, 112, 114, 133, 138, 146, 147, 157, 275, 285, note 1 chapter VI. aluk matampu', see aluk rampe matampu'. aluk padang, the ritual (or the adat and ceremonies) connected with arabIe land (ricefields), 279. aluk pia, 'the child ritual', the first part of an important death ritual, 263. aluk rampe matallo, 'the Ritual of the East', the rituals for the living, 112, 114, 278,289. aluk rampe matampu', 'the Ritual of the West', comprising the rituals connected with death, 51, 112, 275, 278. aluk sumpa langi', 'the completion of all feasts', the final stage of an important ritual of the eastern sphere, 143. aluk susu, an adat-regulation (in the mortuary rites) that is customary in the family of the mother, 26. Alukta, see Aluk To Dolo. Aluk To Dolo, 'The Belief of the Forefathers', 10, 104, 107, 108. aluk to mate, 'the Ritual for the Dead',

112. ambe', father, 30, 41, 50, note 2 chapter
113. ambe' saroan, head of a saroan, 103. ambe' tondok, 'the father of the viIIage' (= ambe' saroan), 103, 104. ambe' ure (see also pa'amberan) MoBr, FaBr, 29, 41. Ambun diKesu', see Lai Ambun diKesu'. ampang, threshold, 92, 213. ampang bilik (see also ruma-ruma), 'the threshold of the house', a construction of decorated planks in a tongkonan of importance, 238, 241-244. ampo, grandchild, 29, 42. ampo guntu', greatgrandchildren, 29, 42. ampo salemberan, greatgreatgrandchil- dren, 22, 42. ampo todoan, greatgreatgreatgrandchil-

50, 52, 54. anak patalo, nobility, people of rank, 44, 49, 50, 54-56, 94, note 9 chapter 111. anak sangtepo, 'quarter child', a child who inherits one fourth (sangtepo) of his father's estate, 37. Anak Tallu, 'The Three Children', a council in Balusu, 65. anak fo makaka (see also to makaka), note 20 chapter IV. anak ure (see also pa'anakan), nephew, niece, 29, 42. angin-angin, a kind of bird, 213. Annan Pulona Tongkonan, 'Sixty Tongkonan' (= Pantilang), 69. ao' (In don. aur), Dendrocalamus strictus, a bamboo variety, 272. api', brother or sister (in chants for the dead),28. a'riri, post, pile, 250. A'riri Bassi, 'The Iron Pillar', the title of an adat-chief in Pantilang, 69; ibid. in Sangalla', 88. a'riri posi', 'navel post', an important post or pillar of a tongkonan, 87, 232, 233, 240-241, 244, 246, 248, 250, 265. Arrang diBatu, 'The Radiance in the Stone', a female deity, 118, 120, 132,

136,139. Arung Palaka, a Bonese prince, 8, 19, 60,62,250. ate, atena, the liver, 202, 206. baa, baana (bayana), the spleen, 201, 206. ba'ba, 1) door, 30; 2) bride price, 30. ba'ba deata, 'the door of the gods', the front gabie, 245. Ba'ba Lumuran: The Door Covered With Moss', a title in Sangalla', 83. ba'ba sade, a door in the western wall,

245. babo bo'bo', an offering of grains of cooked rice, 271, 273. babu', a garment, a back covering plaited from rushes, 162. babu' solong, a back covering made from an areca-leaf sheath, 162. Babu' Solong, a figure in a myth, 162. badong, a chant for the deceased which is sung by a group of people attending the mortuary feast who as they sing perform a round dance, 16, 124, 282. ba'gi, a share in a legacy, 38, 39, 40. bai, pig, swine, 207. bai ballang, pied pig, 207, 208. baine, woman; wife, 42, 80. baisen, parents of child's spouse, 30, 42. baka bua, a large basket for storing clothing and valuables, 216.
     bala' kaan, the scaffolding upon which the meat of a sacrifice is distributed during a ritual for the dead, 76, 197, 198, 272. balang(na), the lungs, 206. baleatang, a kind of fine, 53. bale'kena, the kidney, 206. Balepe', a lembang (district), 20, 65, 289, note 10 chapter lIl. bali (see also pabalian and sibali), helper, one of a pair, counterpart, 122. balian, baliang, OX, 186. Baliara, a title in Balusu, 65. Bali karae, the cat of the underworld, 121,122. balida, the beam of a weaving loom, 166. Balimbing Kalua', 'The Great Root', a title in Buntao', 69. Balla, a lembang (district), 20, 67, note 10 chapter 111. ballang, bai ballang, a black pig with a white belly, 81. Ballo Matari, 'He who has a Comely Form', name of a buffalo, 192.

Balusu, a lembang, 20, 33, 67, 279. bambalu, a kind of liana, 228. Bamba Puang, a mountain from which souls ascend to heaven, 123, 130. bambu betung (Indon.), a variety of bamboo, 198, 249. banga, 1) Metroxylon Elatum Mart., a palm tree, 252; 2) a pile of a ricebarn, 252,254. Banga, a lembang (district), 20, 63, 64, 67,289. Banggairante, Banggai diRante, Pong Banggairante, 'The Vast Plain', 'the Plain which extends itself', the name of the god of the earth, 117, 121, 132, 134, 135, 138, 142, 143, 252, notes 3 and 5 chapter VI. banjir (Indon.), fIood, 116. Banno Bulaan, 'The Golden Rice-water', a child of Puang Matua, 120, 165. bannu', strips of bamboo, 92. bantuli, a vertical house pile located outside the actual living-area of the house, 233,234. banua, house, 232. ban ua di pasituang, 'a house which is passed by', a house which is considered of lesser importance, 246. banua di sangalloi, 'a house of one day', ritual connected with the building of a house of lesser importance, 246. banua di tallung alloi, 'a house of three days', ritual connected with the building of a house of this type lasting three days, 246. Banua diToke, 'The Hanging House' (in myths), 90, 141, 142, 146, 147. banua kaunan, a house of slaves, 246. ban ua rapa', a beautiful house, 245. banua tam ben, an old type of house, 245. barana', Ficus religiosa/Ficus benjamini, 24, 219, 221, 269, 287. Barana', a viIIage in Tikala, 158. Bare'e-Toraja, 151. barra', uncooked rice, 166. Barra' Massakaranna, 'People who prepare the food' (food = rice), the title of an adat-community in Kesu', 77. barre allo, sun disk with rays, a motif in wood-carving, 211, 239, 260. barumbun, a brown chicken with grey spots, 210. Baruppu', a region in Tana Toraja the

Glossary and Index

inhabitants of which caU themselves To Baruppu', The People of Baruppu', 33, 34, 66, 124, 189, 190. basong manuk, a decorated piece of wood used in a cock-fight, 213. basse, agreement; to be under oath, 70. BasseAdina,'The Bond with the Younger Sibling' (Mengkendek in the TaUulembangna), 79. Basse Kakanna, 'The Agreement with the Older Brother' (= Ma'kale in the Tallulembangna), the princedom considered the most ancient of the puang-domains,

79. Basse Lepongan Bulan, 'The Agreement (concerning the region) Round as the Moon', the name for Tana Toraja (or a part of it) in mythical times, 8, 19, 60,
80. Basse Maruang, 'The Agreement with the Slaves' (in the TaUulembangna), 86. Basse Tangngana, 'The Agreement with the middle Child' (SangaUa' in the Tallulembangna), 80. Basse Tau Karua, 'The League of the People of Eight', the title of a community in Mengkendek, 92. ba'tan, millet, 224. Ba'tan, a village in Kesu', 100-103, 215, 247, 249, 250, 259, note 6 chapter IV. Batari Uai, the Water Goddess, 26. bate, 1) a flag, a banner, 221, 222; 2) a sacral cloth (in SangaUa'), 151; 3) a bamboo-tallang, decorated with a banner, used in the maro-feast, 221, 222,
81. bate lepong, a temporary tau-tau, made of bamboo, 263. bate manurun, the banner which is descended from heaven, 221, 222, note 28 chapter VII. Bate Manurun, a sacral cloth from SangaUa', which is descended from heaven, 151,258. bate-(song), a song sung at a maro-feast, 222,229. batitong, a werewolf, 127-128, 291. batu, stone, 147. Batu Eran, 'Stairs of Stone', a staircase in the myths, 225. batu parandangan (batu pare), stone corbels on which the piles of a house or a ricebarn rest, note 3 chapter IV.

20.
bayu lamba', a long jacket, 276. belundak, a package of glutinous rice,

272. biang, a kind of reed, 40, 269, 270. bibang, sherd from a cooking-pot, 186. bilante, Homolanthus populneus, 228. bindu matogu (Batak), a motif in Batak art and religion, 239. bingka', a small winnowing fan, 153, 252. bingsu (= to burake), a priest of the eastern sphere, 292. bissu, a priest of the Buginese, 285, 292, note 12 chapter IX.
     Bittuang, a lembang (district), 20, 30, 33, 67,254. Bombing, a resistance leader in Tana Toraja, 9. bombo, the unclean soul, the soul of the deceased before purification, 113, 114, 121-124, 128, 129, 206, 245, 279, note 12 chapter V. bombo kosik, an aquatic insect with a bad odour, 148. Bombo Kosik, the name of a slave in myth,148. bombo mendeata, a soul that af ter death becomes a divinity, a deified soul, 128. bombo uai, note 1 chapter VIII. bonga, a pied animal (buffalo or pig), 81, 185, 194, 196. bonga rori', a black buffalo with a partly white head, 185. bonga tengnge', a black buffalo with a white head and a neck which is half white, 185. bonga ulu, a black buffalo with a white head, 185, 190, 195. bongsu, the youngest child, 41. bori', boundary; see Bori' and Borisan Rinding. Bori', a region in Tikala, 67. Borisan Rinding, 'The Boundaries of the Wall', a social class in Sangalla', 89. bua, buana, fruit, heart, 206. bua', bua' area, bua'-circle, an area in which a bua'-feast is held (see also bua' or penanian and bua'-communities), 50, 54, 60-63, 64, 65, 67, 91, 92, 104, notes

6 and 14 chapter IV. buangin, Casuarina eqllisetifolia, 229. bua'-communities, communities which encompass a bua'-area or a bua'-circle, 50, 60, 62, 66, 68, 77, 91, 92, 97, note 6 chapter IV. bua'-fe ast (see also bua' kasalle and bua' padang), a feast of the East for the welfare of the crop andlor the community, 67, 92, 100, 124, 137, 140, 143-144, 157, 196, 200, 208, 218, 219, 221, 258, 269, 272, 282, 285, 286, 287, note 2 chapter 11, note 2 chapter lIl. bua' kasalle (see also bua'-feast), a ritual of the East, a ritual of the highest order, 22, 47, 57, 61, 62, 100, 123, 137, 160, 193, 210, 228, 241, 244, 259, 274, 276, 285, 286, notes 7 and 9 chapter VII, notes 1, 9 and 10 chapter IX. Buakayu, a lembang (district), 20, 64. bua' padang, a ritual for the welfare of the crop (or of the fields), 60-62, 69, 79, 100, 103, 196, 279, note 9 chapter IX. bua tina, a motif in woodcarving, 261. Bugi', Buginese people. bugi', bugi'-feast, an exorcistic ritual,

127. bukll, bone; see buku leso. buku [eso, the hip joint of a hind leg of a buffalo, 203, 204, 206, 209, 251. buku sanduk, the shoulder-blade, 204, 206,208. bulaan, gold, 175, note 7 chapter 111, note 10 chapter V, note 48 chapter VI. bulaan masak, 'the patch of pure gold', a (mythical) region in Tana Toraja, 114. bulan, moon, 291. bulan sampe, waxing moon, 291. bulan sombo, waning moon, 291 bulian, blowpipe, blowgun; see Bulian Massa'bu. Bulian Massa'bu, 'The Thousand Blowpipes', a title in Sangalla', 83, 84. bulu baan, para keet feathers, no te 10 chapter IX. Bulu' Pala, 'Hairy Handpalm', a figure in the myth of that name, 166, 168-171,
128. Bunga aru (Bunga waru), the sword of the prince of Luwu', 149. bunga' lalan, the most important of the rice priests, 205, 274, 279. Bunga' lalan, the Pleiades, 123.

bungkang-bungkang, 'that which resembles a crab', a wood en figure which is carried along in a death ritual of high order, note 21 chapter VI. bungkang tasik, 'sea crab', a guise of the deity To Sop ai, 116. Buntao', a lembang (district) 20; a patang penanian, 25, 54, 67, 68-72, 254, 289, note 2 chapter IV, note 7 chapter IX. burake, see to burake. burake bombo, the priest who dresses the corpse, the death priest, 122, 274, 281,293. burake manakka, a priest in Simbuang,

275. Burake Manakka, the mythical cat at a bua'-feast, 218. burake tambolang, see to burake tambolang. burake tattiku', see to burake taftiku'. buri', a speckled cock, 210. Buriko, 'He who is Grey of Hue with Black Stripes', the mythical ancestor of the dog, 214. busirrin, 'which smelIs of ants', a sacral cIoth,258. cendana, Santana album, sandalwood, see sendana. einde, eindai, old sacral cIoth of Indian origin, 201, 257. daa, north, 13l. daa ulunna langi', 'the head of the heavens', zenith, 112. danga-dansa, a variety of gladiola, used in religious activities, 150, 229. darinding, a plant used in religious activities, 229, 290, no te 16 chapter IX. dapo', hearth, family, marriage, 23, 30, note 8 chapter II. dassi'-dassi', a bird, 214. datu, lord, prince, master, 43, 149, 151, 172, note 22 chapter VII. Datu, 1) Lord, Prince, 69, 91, 110; 2) a figure in myth, 171-173. datu baine, a title in Kesu', 54, 97-100, 104, 203, 249, 250, 254. Datu Baine, Goddess, Princess; the title of the ancestress Manaek in Nonongan, 76,78,154. Datu Bakka', the name of the first slave in myth, 43, 44.
     Datu Etan, 'The Black Lord', a deity,

Glossary an.d Index

140, 14l. Datu Laukku', the first human being, 136, 137, 140, 141, 143, 145, 227, 228, 280, note 15 chapter V. Datu Laungku', the ancestor of the cotton, 136, 228. Datu of Luwu', 69, 91, 149, 151, 172. Datu Manappa', 'The Reliable Lord', a child of Datu Laukku', 140. Datu Mangkamma (Datu Mengkamrna), the first to indo' padang, 14l. Datu Maruru', the Lord of the SmalIpox, 126, 127, 289-292. Datu Masarrang, 'The Fierce Datu', The Righteous Lord', 140. Datu MatalIo, the prince of the East, 9l. Datu Matampu', the prince of the West, 9l. datu muane, a title in Kesu', 97-100, 104. Datu Muane, 'Male Lord', the sea god,

116. daun bolu, 'betel leaves', a motif in art,
117. daun buangin, Casuarina leaf, 292. deata, 1) god, goddess, spirit, 70, 110, 113, 114, 115, 119, 121, 124, 129, 130, 146, 162, 163, 170, 173, 206, 210, 214, 229, 245, 252, 259, 272, 275, 280, 284, 285, 290, 291, 292, note 4 chapter IV, note 4 chapter V; 2) soul, 128, 129. Deatanna, a woman of heavenly origin in myth, 154-156, 218, 229, note 37 chapter VI. dena', ricebird, 223, 252. Dende', a lembang, a region in Tana Toraja, 20, 67, 78, 289. diali, to put to death, to exile, 38. diampang, thwarting, 213. diong (diongan, diongnalu), 97, 98, 99, 100-102, 249, 251, note 24 chapter IV. dipalimang bongi, a death ritual which lasts five nights, 197. dipapitung bongi, see pitung bongi. dipasibali, reciprocal relations between tongkonan, 204, 205. dirak, a casuarina-branch, 270. dirapa'i, a death ritual of the highest order, 116, 117, 123, 124, 197, 230, 258, 259, 260, 265, 267. direngnge', to be carried in the manner in which a woman carries aload, note 11 chapter lIl. disanga anak, a person adopted as an

100-102, note 24 chapter IV. dodo kun i', a yellow sarong, 287. doi'i manuk, 'money with a bird', a coin with the image of a cock, 15!. donalu (see also doan), up, 249, 250. dora, a yam variety, 224. Doso, a sword (heirloom) owned by the puang of Ma'kale, 149. do tangnganna langi', zenith, 139. dali, 1) dots, note 9 chapter V; 2) a special kind of buffalo (white with black dots), 185. doli langi', 'spots of heaven', cross motifs, 119, 185, 243, 257. dua', yam, note 8 chapter VI, note 29 chapter VII. Duabontik, a weapon which belonged to the female ancestor Lai' Bue, 257. duang lampa taruno, 'two finger tops long', a measure for the homs of a buffalo, 188. duba-duba, the maa'-cloth which is used in a death ritual of high order, 258. dulang, a dish on a high pedestal, 53, 208, 209, 249, 250. duni, coffin, 168. Duri, 1) a reg ion south of Tana Toraja, 112, 159, 170, 223, 254; 2) an ethnic group living to the south of the Sa'dan-Toraja, 6, 7, 8. durian, a fruit, Durio Zibethinus Murr,

88. E'gon, the first swine in myth (Sangalla'),
89. engkok (see also ingkok, ikko', ikko'na), taiI, rear part of the carcase, 201, 206,
90. Eran diLangi', 'Heavenly steps' (in myth), 145, 163, 269, 270. gal/ang, brass, 195. gamaru, see garapung, garatung. gandang, drum, 259. Gandang Boro, 'The Good Drum, the Peaceful Drum', a title in Sangalla', 87-89. garopang, piIe of a house, 233. garapung, garatullg, a clapper drum, 283, 286, 287, note 13 chapter 111, notes 7, 8 and 13 chapter IX.
    garonto' (see also kaunan garonto'), stock, land, beginning, origin, no te 7 chapter

311

111. garuda (Indon.), eagle (in myth), 149-152, note 23 chapter VI. gayang, kris, 256. Gauntikembong, 'Self Expanding Cloud', the god of the upperworld, 118, 121, 132, 135, 136, 138.
gel/u', a dance which is performed during the maro-ritual, 249, 255, 256, 269, note 8 chapter VIII. gelong maro, songs sung at the maro- ritual, 255. geso-geso, a kind of violin, note 13 chapter 111. gora(-gora) tongkon, 'the sitting crier', a class in Kesu' and Nonongan, 52, 72, 103,104. go rang, a wooden platform on piIes; the structure is used for ceremonial purposes during the bua' kasalle-feast, 210,

287. Guali Bassi, 'The Iron Doorframe', a title in Sangalla', 83. gusian, a space in the sawah partitioned off with walls, 153. haram (Arab., Indon.), taboo, 185. Hadat Luwu', the Court (or State, Coun- ciI, Indon.) of Luwu', 85. hikayat (Indon.), narration, story, tale, 15!. ijuk (Indon.) black fiber growing between the leaf-sheathes and the stem of the sugarpalm, 254. ikko', ikko'na, ingkok (see also engkok), taiI or back part of a buffalo or a pig, 201, 206, 208. inaa, mind, meaning, thought, 128. inanna, 'past the elbow', a measure of buffalo homs, 188. indo', 1) a kinship term (Mo, MoSi, FaSi), used as a term of address or a term of reference, 29, 30, 41, 50; 2) a person bearing authority, 50, 63, note 2 chapter 11. Indo' Belo Tumbang, 'Mother Ornament in a State of Trance', the first female physician in the upperworld, 120, 145, 225,289. indo' bua', the chief of a bua'-circle, 63. Indo' Bunga Sampa', 'Benevolent Mother Blossom', see Indo' Belo Tumbang. indo' datunna, 'the royal mother' (of the reed on earth), 270.

Pong Tulakpadang, 112, 120, 121, 144. Indo' Orron, a dangerous spirit, 126. indo' padang, to indo' (padang), the rice priest, 50, 52, 71, 72, 102, 141, 167, 204, 205, 208-209, 210, 246, 248, 251, 252, 269, 274, 278, 279-280, 289, 291, note 3 chapter IX. indo' palapa' (palapa'?), the title of the head of a tongkonan in Pantilang, 69. Indo' Pare'-pare', 'Mother of the Small Rice', a goddess, 120, 132, 135, 136, 140. Indo' Rua Tumbang, 'The Mother of the Eight Tumbang', a child of Datu Laukku', 140. Indo' Samadenna (Indo' Sadenna = Tulangdidi'), 'Mother all there is', a goddess, 132. indo' saroan, he ad of a saroan, note 17 chapter IV. indo' ure, a kinship term, MoSi, FaSi, 29. induk, induk-tree, sugarpalm, 179, 180, 181, 182, 226, note 51 chapter VI. ingkok, see engkok. Ingkok Bulaanna Kalindo Bulanan, 'The Golden Tail of the Kalindo Bulanan', a title in Sangalla', 88. ipa', a kinship term, BrWi, SiHu, HuBr, HuSi, WiBr, WiSi, 42. ipo'-(tree) see upas-tree, the ipo'-tree (upas-tree in Indon.7) of which poison for arrows is made, 144, 227-228. issong, rice mortar, see Issong Kalua'. Issong Kalua', 'The Great Rice Mortar', a title in Buntao', 70, 71; ibid. in Kesu',

76. issong kalua', a title in Pantilang and some other regions, 54, 78. kabongo', a wooden buffalo-head hung on the tulak somba or on the front wall of a house or a ricebarn, 194, 240, 254. kabupaten (Indon.), regency, 3, 7, 13, 58,
77. kabusungan, 1) sacral, consecrated, extremely holy, 154; 2) sacral goods which belong to the ramage, 237. kada, word, words, story, see Sembang Kada. kaise', a shrub with red fruits, 163, 229, note 29 and 37 chapter VI.
    Glossary and Index

kaka (term of reference), older brother, older sister, older cousin, 29, 42. kaka' (term of address), older brother, older sister, older cousin, 42. Kalebu', 'Small HilI', the mythical island of origin of the Toraja, 113. kalimbuang boba, 'the source of blessing water' (= the source of the Sa'dan River), 114. kaloko', a kind of bird which is of significance in headhunting, 214. kalosi, Areca-palm, 174. kalumba, a hut, one of the first types of dwelling, 245. kalumpani'na, a small layer of meat in front of the hind legs, 206. kalungkung, hoof, hooves, 201. kam bi', keeper (of a ritual), 141, 142. Kambi'na Pantanakan Lolo, 'The Keeping of the Nursery for the young Rice Plants', the title of tongkonan Sallebayu in Kesu', 75. kamboti, sm all bag plaited from palmleaves, 207. kambuno, fan-palm, Livistona rotundi- jolia,230. Kambunolangi', 'The Shunshade of Heaven', the name of the first to minaa, 137, 230, 277. Kambuno Talluna Kesu', 'The Three Parasols of Kesu', a region in Kesu', 74. kamiri (see To 'Kamiri), Aleurites triloba,

153. kampa tatau, 'the guardian of the tau-tau', the name of a buffalo in a death ritual of high rank, 197, 198. kandaure, an ornament fashioned of beads, used in the gellu'-dance and in ceremonies, 11, 131, 151, 250, 255-256,
154. kandean, kandian, bowl, dish; see to makaka kandian. kandean lau, a bowl fashioned from a calabash, 290, 292. kandean saratu', 'a hundred dishes' or 'a hundred eating-bowls', 154. kapa', the penalty to be paid by the marriage partner who is responsible for dissolving the marriage bond, 30, 34-37, 53, 143, 156, note 8 chapter I1, note 49 chapter VI. karambau, a solemn term for buffalo in rituals, 184.

suspended from a bamboo pole, 272. karapi, a subdivision of a tepana padang,

65. Karua penanian, 'the eight penanian', a community in Sangalla', 62. karu' dusan, pa' karu' dusan, a buffalo which is kiIIed during the first part of a death ritual of higher order, 188, 197, 198, 202, 278, note 7 chapter VII. karurung, a black chicken with white spots, 209. kasalle, big, large, see bua' kasalle. kasisuran, family, 23. kat ik, a woodcarving representing a bird, 209,233,240,261. katipluk, a dapper drum, used by the sengguhu on Bali, no te 8 chapter IX. kaunan (ta kaunan), a slave, a serf, the unfree, people who do compulsory labour, the lowest rank, 26, 32, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 54, 55, 56, 85, 86, 91, 122, 150, 172, 186, 199, 204, 214, 260, 281, notes 4, 5, 6 and 8 chapter 111, note 17 chapter IV. kaunan bulaan, 'the golden slaves', slaves who belong to the tangkanan; see kaunan garanta'. kaunan garonta', slaves who belong to the tangkanan and can never be sold, 45, 46, 55, 87. kaunan indan, slaves who are unable to pay off their debts, 45. kaunan mengkaranduk, persons who, either from fear or because they had been plunged into destitution by adver- sity, sought protection from a rich and/ or powerful master, 45. kaunan sandang, see kaunan indan. kaunan tai manuk, 'chickenshit slaves', the slaves of slaves, 52, 55. kaya, a grey heron (see also ta ma'kaya), 213, 214, 281. Kayok, the name of an ancient sword in Buntao', 257. kayu, wood, 247. keatang deata, 'with child by the deata', said of a woman who is thought to be pregnant of a snake, 219.
    KebaIi'bi, underworld, 130. keeamatan, district of a kabl/paten, 3, 5, 43, 62, 71, 74.

kepala (Indon.), chief, 66. kepala pitu, 'the seven heads', a community of seven viIIages in Lol ai, 66. kerbau (Indon.), buffalo, 184-206, 207, 208, 211, 221, 226, 228, 230, 240, 241, 243, 249, 250, 257, 267, 273, 278, note 23 chapter IV, notes 1, 5, 6, 7 and 13 chapter VII. Kesu', 1) a lembang, 20, 43, 51; 2) a federation, 30, 31, 32, 54, 55, 69, 72-79, 89, 95, 97, 98, 100-103, 104, 115, 126, 139, 143, 144, 153, 188, 202, 204, 217, 237, 238, 243, 265-267, 276, 277, 279, 280, 285, note 6 chapter 11, note 8 chapter IV, notes 28 and 35 chapter VI. ketip (Indon.), 'dirne', 290. kiki', sm all bits of meat offered to the ancestors, 204. kila', lightning, 82. KiIIi'-kiIIi', the forefather of the burake- priest (Tikala and Riu), 141, 144. kaang, a bird which is of significance as an omen, 213. kallang, meat cut in a strip from the neck,206. kambang, a viIIage meeting, 36, 53. kambang( an) kalua', a large, important viIIage meeting, 35, 36, 53. kara, a black and white chicken, 209. karang, see kaya. kasik, see bamba kasik. kua-kl/a, reed, Rattbaelia glandulasa, 53, 54, note 11 chapter IV; see also tana' kua-kua. kuni', Cureuma, 292. Kurra', a lembang, 20, 67, note 10 chapter 111. Kurra Manapa', 'Dense Thicket', 'Den se Underbrush', the titIe of one of the Ta A'pa' of Sangalla', 82-83. kurre sumanga', 'Call your soul', Come, sumanga' (= soul), used in prayers to address to the ancestors; also used to say thanks, 128, 290. kutu, Iice, 200. laa, see ala-ala. la'ba', sword, machete, 202. La'bo', a community in Kesu', 74-77, 289, note 7 chapter IV. la'ba' pinae, ancient sword, 149,256, note 50 chapter VI. ladang (Indon.), dry field, swidden, 12, no te 9 chapter I.

103, 230, 276. Lambe' Susu, a female ancestor in Tikala,

158. lambiri', the pseudo-sugarpalm, 230. lame, a yam variety, 224. Lando Kollong, a hen in myth, 240. Lando Rundun, a female ancestor in Riu, 156-159. langi', heaven, heavens, upperworld, 131. Langi', Heaven, 24, 115, 132. langngan, a kind of roasting-spit, 77, 208, 271,273. langsa', a fruit, Lansuim domesticum, 88,
159. lantang, hut, shed, 75. Lantang Bulaanna Sukaran Aluk, 'The Golden (feast) Hut, where all Adat-Regulations are Displayed; a title in Kesu', 75. lao', south, 131. la'pa' kasalle, see bua' kasalle. la'pa' padang, see bua' padang. lau, gourd, 240. lau', see lao'. layuk, the principal, the most important, see tongkonon layuk. Leatung, a region in Sangalla', 84. Lebukan, 'lump of earth' (in myth), 143. lembang, 1) proa, 113, 117, 132, 159; 2) district, adat-community, 6, 58, 60, 61, 62-69, 74, 92, 104, 105, 113, 144; 3) a division of a modern kecamatan, 3. Lemo, a community in Kesu', 77.
     Glossary and Index

lemo laa', a kind of citrus, 150. lentong, lempong, a framework of poles for carrying a pig, 207. lepong, round, see Basse Lepongan Bulan. Lepongan Bulan, 'Round as the Moon', region in Sangalla', 90. le'to, siblings, 28. letto-lettoan, see lentong. liang, rock grave, 18, 113. likaran biang (manglika' biang), 1) an offering, 265, 273; 2) a prayer, 220, 270,

273. liku, pool, pothole, 117, 142. Liku Lambe'na Kalindo Bulanan, 'The vast, deep pool of the Majestic One', a title in Sangalla', 87-88. lila(na), tongue, 201, 206. lili', dependent regions in Sangalla', 85-
274. limbong, pool, 126. Limbong Allo, see Indo' Orron. limbong pala', 'half a hand', a measure for buffalo-horns, 188. limbu, corner-post, 83. Limbu A'pa'na Sangalla', 'The Four Cornerposts of Sangalla', a title in Sangalla', 83,90. lindo puang, 'the face of the gods', the front part of a tongkonan, 245. lingga, a phallic symbol, 269. linggis, iron rod, 291, note 19 chapter IX. lino, the middleworld, the dwelling-place of men, 110, 130. Wak mabusa, white paint, 232. Wak malotong, black paint, 231. Wak mararang, red paint, 232. Wak mariri, yellow paint, 232. 10', see lao'. lokkon loë rara', 'coil of hair, dangling like a golden neck ornament'; lokkon lo'erara', the title of a woman of high rank,50. Lokkon Lo'erara' (Lokkon Loërara'), a goddess, 120, 132, 135. Lolai, a region, 66. 1010, umbilical cord, 29. lompo(na), fat, 206. londong, cock, 117, 211. londong datu, a functionary in a village in Kesu', 252. Londong Kila', 'The Lightning Cock', the title of the To A'pa' from Sangalla', 82. Londong diLangi', 'The Cock from Hea-

160, 161, 223, 276, note 35 chapter VI. Londong diRura, 'the Man -or Cock-from Rura', who according to myth was. drowned in Rura, 157, 160. Londongna Tulangdidi', 'The Cock of Tulangdidi', a co ck who plays a role in the myth of Tulangdidi', 166-168; a constellation, 168, note 42 chapter VI. londong sella', a red co ck with white feet, 81,210. longa, the verandah or porch of a house of a nobleman, 237. lonno', millet, 224, 271. lotong, a black chicken, 209. lotong boko', 'a buffalo with a black back', the name of a maa'-cloth, 257. lumbaa langi', a bamboe pole which figures in the final phase of the great bua'-feast, 210, 271. Luwu, modern district, 7, 68. Luwu', old kingdom, 6, 8, 17, 37, 68, 85, 88, 149, 172,285, note 2 chapter I, note 28 chapter VI. lumbang, half of a divining-reed, with its convex side turned upwards, 275. maa', sacral c1oth, 119, 136, 185, 200, 202, 219, 257-259, 276. ma'ba'ta, 'those who tap palm-wine', a rite of the mortuary fe ast, 205. ma'batang, an important rite of a mortuary feast, 205, 263. ma'bate, 'carrying out the bamboo-pole', a rite of the maro-ritual, 140. ma'bua', see bua'-ritual. ma'bua'-litany, 216. ma'bubung, the prayer which is said when the roofing of a tongkonan is renewed, 244, 249. ma'dampi, see to ma'dampi. ma' dandan, a dance, note 8 chapter VIII. Madandan, 1) a district, 20; 2) a lembang, 29, 66, 67, 77, 158, 289, note 17 chapter IV. ma'dika bua', head of a bua', 64. ma'dika (ma'dika lembang), head of a lembang, 63, 64, 66, 67. ma'gellu', see gellu'. makaka, see to makaka. Ma'kale, 1) a traditional lembang governed by a prince, 13, 15, 29, 30, 54, 55, 79, 80, 89, 91-92, 146, 147, 149, 189, 190, 197, 214, 215, 217, 224, 254, 277, 279,

315

280, 288, 289, note 7 chapter IX; 2) the capitalof the kabupaten Tana Toraja, 3; 3) a district in the colonial administration, 20; 4) a modern kecamatan, 21. Makassar (Macassar), the former name of Ujung Pandang, capitalof South Sulawesi, 7, 9. ma'lelleng kayu, 'cutting the trees that are needed for construction', (kayu = wood, ma'lelleng = to cut), a rite associated with the actual construction of a house, 247. Malimbong, a region, 20, 64. mallai, to run away, flee, 129. Mamasa, a region which borders on Tana Toraja in the west, part of the kabupaten Polmas (= Polewali-Mamasa), 279, 285. Mamasa-Toraja, a group which c10sely resembles the Sa'dan-Toraja, 6, 7, 190, note 3 chapter I. ma'mimi, pure, 55; see also puang ma'- mimi. mamintungku baine, daughter-in-Iaw, 42. mamintungku muane, son-in-Iaw, 42. Manaek, the most important female ancestor of Nonongan, 26, 157, 257. manakka, accomplished, quick-witted,

218. ma'nene', see ma'tomatua. Maniang, a pusaka-sword in Ma'kale,
219. mangaluk, the invocation of the deata by the to burake, 285. manganda', a dance in which the dancers wear buffalo-horns, 195, 196, 242, 243. manganta', a conversion ritual, 100, 104, 175,208. mangimbo, a prayer, to pray, 98, 100, 102, 205, 249, 252. mangaru', a war dance, 195. mangga, mango-fruit, 149. maniku, a bird, 223. mangkaro palembang, an important rite accompanying the founding of a house,
220. manglika' biang (likaran biang), a rite during the construction of the house, 247, 265, 270. manglo'po' patongkon, a rite which is held when a house is built, 247. mangono', a rite which is held af ter the building of a new house, 247, note 2

VIII. mangrambu langi', see ma'rambu langi'. mangrande londong, 'the one who holds the cock', a functionary at the merok- feast, 101-102, 205 (to mangrande londong). mangrapu, 'to gather together in a family group', a rite in several rituals, note 2 chapter VIII. mangrara banua, 'to cover the house with blood', a ritual which is held for a new house, 100, 101, 102, 249, 251. mangrara tallu, a ritual for the inauguration of a distinguished house, 147. mangrere londong, a functionary in Kesu', 102. mangrondon, 'the pulling down of the ruin' (= the old building), a rite in the process of house-building, 247. mangulai, see ma'tomatua. manimbong, a dance, 269, note 8 chapter VIII. mano'bo, see to mano'bo. mantaa bati, a litany, 76. mantobok, (see also to mantobok), a title in a Kesu' village, 101, 102. mantunu, the slaughter of buffaloes for the dead, 205. Manturini, the first buffalo (in myth), 136, 192, 228. Manturino, Datu Laukku's son, 137. manurun, see to manurun. manurun di langi', 'those who came down from heaven', the ancestors who descended on earth, 81. Manurun di Langi' (To Manurun di Langi'), 'Come down from Heaven' (= Puang riKesu'), the most important ancestor in Kesu', 24-26; ibid. in Tikala, 117,141,142,143. ma'pabendan, a rite which is held when a house is in process of construction,

247. ma'palumbang papa, a rite connected with house-building, 248. ma'pakande to matua, to give food to the ancestors (of the Western sphere), an important rite in several rituals, 248,
248. ma'pallin, an important rite in many rituals; the sacrificial animal is a black chicken, 247. ma'papa, the renewal of the roof of a
     G10ssary and Index

tongkonan, a rite, 248. ma'parando, a rite of a death ritual in Sangalla', 255. ma'pesung, bringing an offering on pieces of banana-Ieaf, 140, 249. ma'patassu kayu, 'fetching the wood from the forest', a rite connected with the building of a house, 247. Mappa', a district, 20, 64. ma'rambu langi', 'to cover the heavens with smoke', an expiatory offering, 31,

33. Marampio Padang, a mythical hero, 157, 163, 165, 229, note 38 chapter VI. ma'randing, a war dance, 195. marapuan, a ramage, 22, 23, 24, 27, 59, 205,244. Marimbunna, an ancestor in Tikala, 159. Marrin diLiku, the wife of Manurun diLangi', 142. maro, a purificatory or exorcistic ritual, 120, 127, 137, 140, 160, 221, 226, note 26 chapter VI, note 14 chapter IX. maruang, a specific piece of meat allotted to slaves, 86. ma'sak, a bird, 214. ma'sanduk, a title in a Kesu' village, 100, 101, 102, 103. massang, pure (of noble birth), 55. massaung, a cockfight, 212. ma'singgi', the laudation of a special category of people, 50, 216. massomba tedong, the consecration of the sacrificial buffalo at he *merok-*and the great bua'-feast, 100. Masuppu'(river), 7, 14, 15. ma'sura' tallang, a sacrifice in expiation of a transgression, 140. massurak, the blessing of the pa'karu'- dusan-buffalo, 278. Mata Bulaan, 'The Golden Eye', the name of the sword of Manaek, the fema1e ancestor of Nonongan, 257. ma'talla', the process of buying oneself out of slavery, 56. ma'tamben, a rite connected with the building of a house, 247. ma'tenten, a dance, 195, note 9 chapter VII. ma'tomatua (ma'nene'), a ritual for the ancestors, 102, 140, 186. matua ulu, the village elders, titleholders in Buntao' and Kesu', 72, 101, 102, 103,

20; 2) a lembang, governed by a prince, 1, 3, 8, 30, 55, 76, 79, 80, 88, 89, 91-92, 147, 189, 190, 197, 223, 254, 288, 289; 3) a kecamatan, 21. Menturiri', the first chicken (in myth), 136,228. merok-feast, merok-ritual, a feast given by the ramage, 13, 27, 28, 43, 47, 53, 54, 57, 65, 67, 69, 99, 100, 109, 110, 118, 134, 137, 140, 165, 175, 183, 193, 202, 206, 207, 220, 221, 226, 229, 244, 247, 257, 275, 282, 293, note 7 chapter VII, note 1 and 3 chapter IX. mettamben lako barana' tang sirrinan, 'to set forth diagonally on a banyan tree at a place where there are no ants',

i.e. to marry with a woman of pure (nobIe) blood, 24. minaa, see to minaa. muane (ku), husband, 42, 80; see also anak muane. mula, the first, see Pong Mulatau. naa, soul, 128. Nakka, see manakka. Nanggala, a district, 3, 20, 66, note 21 chapter VI. nani, to sing, 61. naraka, Sanskrit for helI, 122. Ne', ne', grandfather, grandmother, used as a prefix before a name (Ne' Sangga), 29,30. nene', grandfather, grandmother, forefather, -mother, ancestor, 29, 30, 119, 124,125. nene' guntu, great-grandfather, great-grandmother, 29, 41.
nene' salemberan, great-great-grandfather, great-great-grandmother, 29, 41. nene' tangnga, 'ancestors from the mid- dIe period', 125. nene' todoan, great-great-great-grandfather, -grandmother, 29, 41. nene' undi, 'ancestors from the latter period', 125.

317

Nonongan, a region, 76-77, 120,277,289, note 22 chapter IV, no te 1 chapter IX. oda-oda-(blades), a sword, swords, 180, note 52 chapter VI. oli barra', 'ears of rice', a pattern on a maa'-cloth,257. ossoran, myth, 133, note 2 chapter VI. pa'amberan, FaBr, MoBr, 41. pa'ampoan, Br's or Si's grandchildren,

42. pa'anakan, nephew, niece, 29, 42. pabalian, helper, a function in the village, 102, 271. Pabane', an ancestor in Kesu', 153, 157. pa'barana', 'the leaves of the waringin', a motif in woodcarving, 2, 35. pa'baranae, 'a shoot of a banyan tree', a motif in woodcarving, 240. pa'barre allo, a sun disk with rays, a motif in woodcarving, 239. pa'batang lau, a stalk of the lau' (= gourd), a motif in woodcarving, 240. pa'boko komba kalua', 'the massive golden armband', a motif in woodcarving,
43. pa'bombo uai, an insect that moves swiftly over the surface of the water, 243, note 1 chapter VIII. pa'bulu londong, cock's feathers, a motif in woodcarving, 239, 240, 261. pa'bungkang tasik, the sea crab, a motif in woodcarving, 239. pa'buntuan sugi', 'the rich who se wealth is like a mountain' (the very rich), 204. Padakka, a figure in myth, 224. padang, earth, land, 61, 92, 110, 111, 115,
44. Padang, Earth, a deity, 115. Padang di Sangalla', the land of Sangalla', 79. pa'daun bolu, 'betel leaves', a motif in woodcarving, 230, 240, 243, 252. pa'doti langi', a figure in art, 261. pa'doti siluang, 'the speckled buffalo', a motif in woodcarving, 240.
    pa'indoran (pekaindoran), FaSi, MoSi, 41. paita, seer, 137, 274. pa'kapu' baka, 'the tightly bound basket', a motif in woodcarving, 239. pa'karudu'san, see ka'ru'dusan. pa' kayun, a functionary in a cockfight, 212,213. paladan bo'do', see tangdo'.

Palasa Makati', 'some who is like a bull with a hump that itches constantly', a title in Sangalla', 83. Palesan, a lembang (district), a region, 64, note 10 chapter 111. Pali, a region, 67, note 10 chapter 111. palo, the meat of the midriff of a buffalo, 204, 208, 209. pa'lolo tabang, a motif in woodcarving,

240. palona, breastbone, 204. Palonga, a brother of Manaek, 153. pa'longkona, the hind quarters of a pig,

241. pampang, horns of an ox, 187. pananda bisara, determining the rules of adat-Iaw, 114. Pan dan Matari Allo, 'Extensive as the Sun', a title of the puang of Sangalla',
     90.
     Pan de Manarang, 'The Skilful Carpenter', a sibling of Kambunolangi', 137. Pande Paita (alias Pande Pandita), 'The Skilful Seer', a sibling of Kambunolangi', 137. Pande Paliuk, 'He who is extraordinarily cap ab Ie', a sibling of Kambunolangi',

242. Pane Patangnga', 'The first iron-smith' (in myth), 141, 277 (also Pong P.P.). pandokko' dena', 'the house of ricebirds', a house with a bamboo roof, 245. Pangala', a lembang, 20, 66, 78, 277, 289.
     Pangala' Tamman, 'Impenetrable Wood', a title in Sangalla', 82. pangala tondok, 'the founder(s) of the village', 94. pangarak, head of a saroan, 97. Panggalo'-galo', 'The Brave One', the child of Pano (Rangga) Bulaan, 173-183. Pangimbo Manuk, 'The Prayer over the Hen Sacrifice', 225. panglappa', a functionary in a cockfight, 212,213. pangloU, a pudu' (black buffalo) with a white tip on its tail, 186. pangngan, betel, see anak pangngan. pano, a skin disease, 174.

Glossary and Index

Pano Bulaan (= Rangga Bulaan), 'The Golden Skin Disease', a woman who plays the principal role in the myth of the same name, 173-183, 219, no te 48 chapter VI. panta'nakan 1010, 'a nursery for young riceplants', 74, 75. Panta'nakan Lolo, 'The Nursery for the young Riceplants', an area in Kesu', 74,

75. Pantilang, a reg ion in Luwu' inhabited by Toraja, 68, 69. pantiti', an offering to the deata (gods)
76. Pa'palumbangan, 'The Piling up of Rice Bundies on a sawah-dike', a title in Kesu', 76. pao, mangga, note 22 chapter VI. pa'pong, a kind of tree, note 25 chapter VII. pa'puangan, 'those who are honoured as a lord', crocodiles, eels, 116. Paragusi, see To Paragusi. parande pata', house pile, 233. para-para, the platform (or shrine) on which offerings for Puang Matua are placed, 272. Parandangan, 'The Points of Support', functionaries in Buntao', 72. parengnge', see to parengnge'. pare pare nangka, 'the hard, inedible bits of a nangka-fruit', a class in Kesu', note 9 chapter IIl. parepe', a buffalo figuring in a superior type of funeral, 197-198, 276. pare' tal/u buUnna (pare' tal/u etengna), 'the three clusters (ears) of rice' (in myth),233. pariasuru', a functionary who performs at the ma'nene' (ma'tomatua) ritual,
77. pasanduk salu rampanan kapa', 'a marriage to test the way one sounds the depths of a river', an expression which refers to the binding element in the marriage agreement, 34. passakke, a plant, 221, 229. passepak, a functionary in a cockfight, 212-213.
    Passomba Tedong (passomba tedong), 'the laudation of the buffalo', the litany by which the buffalo is consecrated in the merok-ritual, 43, 45, 119, 120, 134-

220, 223, 225, 237, note 2 chapter VI, notes 3 and 6 chapter VII, note 1 chapter IX. pata', a horizontal beam in a house, 233, 234-235, 248. Patala Bantan, a son of Lakipadada, 150. Patala Bunga, a son of Lakipadada, 150. Patala Merang, a son of Lakipadada, 150. pata' serre', 'The beam on which the cat sits', a beam which supports the attic,

234. patalo, victor, note 9 chapter lIl. patane, a tomb hollowed out of a boulder, 260. pa'tanduk rape, a motif in woodcarving depicting buffalo-horns, 261. patang, four, 61. patangdo, a stone placed in the ground in front of the house which acts as the center of a great bua'-feast, 221. patang penanian, the four penanian, an adat-community, 60, 61, 62, 66, 69-72, 76, 97, 99, 104. pa'tedong, a stylized buffalo-head, a motif in art, 193, no te 8 chapter VII. patongkon, house pile, 233. pa tong kon a'pa', a house resting on four piles, but without any walls, 245. pattung, a bamboo variety, 144, 229. pa'ulu tingke', 'the head of the spinning-wheel', a motif in art, note 8 chapter VII. payung-payung, figures of thread used in a death ritual, 261. pekaindoran (pa'indoran), 1) a title in Kesu', 75; 2) a kinship term, 41. pemanala, parts of the pesung, 206.
     Pemanukan, a division of the region of Silanan, no te 14 chapter IV. pempetuanna (= padang), cultivated land,92. penaa, breath, 128. penamile (pinamile, penule), a large sacrificial bull, note 1 chapter VII. penanian, an adat-community which celebrates the bua' padang-feast, 60, 61, 62-69, 72-82, note 1 chapter IV. pentiroan, 'the look-out', the name of a bamboo used for an offering, 272. Pentionganan, 'the look-out', a title in Kesu', 77, 78. penule, see penamile. pesung, an offering on a banana-leaf,

206, 226, 251, 259, 272. pesung sangdaun, an offering consisting of a banana-leaf in which food is wrapped, 271, 273. Pesungan, Banne, a title in Tikunna Malenong,75. Petimba uai, 'the one who fetches water for the puang', a title in Sangalla', 86. petulak, village elder, helper, 68, 71, 101, 203 (see also tu lak, support). petuo, 'supporters of life', the name of house-posts, 233, 241. pinamile, see penamile. pio, 10in-c1oth, also used as a ceremonial banner, 193, 194, 257. pio uki', a 10in-c1oth (Pio) with a woven design (uki'), 257. piong, a bamboo-joint in which food is cooked, 271, 273. Piongan, a district, 20, 67. piong sanglampa, a single bamboo-joint for cooked food, an offering, 271. pitung bongi (dipapitung bongi), a death ritual which lasts seven nights, 197, 265,

267. pitutai, a kind of bird, 224. pollo'na, hind quarters of a buffalo, 201. Polopadang, an ancestor in Kesu', 153- 156, 189, 218, 229, notes 27 and 37 chapter VI. pong, a contracted form of puang, lord; a term of address for a father of several children, 110. Pong Banggairante, see Banggairante. Pongkapadang, the ancestor of the Mamasa-Toraja, note 3 chapter VI. Pongko', 'Round Earthmound', the island on which the ancestors landed, 62, 112, 113, 125, 130, 131, 145, 159. Pong Lalondong, 'The Lord of Puya', the Realm of the Dead, 115, 117, 122, 132, 135, 138, 161, 216, 218, note 5 chapter V. Pong Maleleong, one of the first slaves in myth (Kesu'), 43, 44, 137.
     Pong Maratintin, 'The Teller of Lies', a mythical character, 161. Pong Mulatau, the first man (on earth), an ancestor, 25, 137, 138, 140, 143. Pong Paku Lando, 'the Longleafed Pern', a slave in myth, 138. Pong Pirik-pirik, 'The Small Rain', the forefather of the rain, 136.

Tiku, the resistance leader in Tana Toraja, 9. Pong Tulakpadang, 'The One who supports the Earth, The Lord of the Underworld', 114, 116, 118-120, 121, 129, 131, 132, 134, 135, 138, 144, 145, 252, note 5 chapter VI. Pong Tulangdenna, 'The Lord dwelling in a particular PI ace', 115, 116, 117, 126, 132,135. po'pok, werewolf, 127. post, navel, 241, 244. Pottala, a mythical character, 162, 171-

173. potto kalembang, the name for slaves in Buntao', 44, 45. Potto Kalembang, the first female slave in myth, 44. puang (Puang), lord, prince, 8, 17, 18, 30, 31, 32, 63, 65, 79-90, 110, 122, 132, 134,. 136, 146, 154, 189, 190, 197, 199, 229, 245, 252, 260, notes 10 and 14 chapter IV, note 28 chapter VII; puang, gods,
174. puang-area,-realm, -regions, princedom, 16, 18, 25, 26, 63, 76, 151, 185, 288, note 14 chapter IX. puang-family, 17, 18, 25, note 24 chapter VI. puang-lineage, puang-dynasty, puang- ramage, 18, 23, 26, 33, 121, 214, 218, note 14 chapter IV. Puang Lakipadada, see Lakipadada. Puang Maruru', see Datu Maruru'. Puang Matua, 'The Old Lord', the most prominent god of the Toraja, 111, 112, 117-120, 129, 131, 132, 137, 138, 145, 146, 149, 160, 161, 190, 193, 220, 223, 225, 272, note 6 chapter VI. Puang Mora, an ancestor in Kesu', 153.
     Puang Radeng, 'The Lord who 1eans sitting against Something', a deity in Kesu', 117, 132, 135. Puang riKesu', an ancesor in Kesu', 74, 75,78,126. Puang Tamborolangi', 'The Drum of Heaven', an ancestor in the Tallulembangna, 145-148, 151. Puang Tambulibuntu, son of Tamborolangi', 148. pudu', a black buffalo or pig, 186, 208. punduk sarai, stones in the shape of a buffalo which bring their owners luck,

Glossary and Index

195. pusaka (Indon.), heirloom, 151, notes 24 and 26 chapter VI, note 28 chapter VII. Puya, realm of the dead, 113, 114, 121, 122, 131, 132, 135, 196, 216. puyo, quail, 213. raja, 1) prince; king, 150; 2) princely people, 6; 3) grand, magnificent, 6. rajang (Buginese), west, 6. rambu tuka', 'c1imbing smoke', the sacrifices for the East, 112, 255, 256. rambu solo', 'laying smoke', the sacrifices for the dead, 112, 255, 256. rampanan kapa', 'the laying down of the kapa', the agreements made at marriage, 30, 34-37, note 9 chapter 11. rampean, cognates, 27, 42. ranaka, helI, 122. rangga, 'having branches', 143, note 48 chapter VI. Rangga Bulaan, see Pano Bulaan. Rano, a district, 20, 64. rante, the plain where the conc1uding rites of the entombment rituals are celebrated, 92, 93, 261, 266, 268. Rantebua (Rantebua'), a district, 20, 68. Rante Bulaan, 'The Golden Plain', a region in myth, 143, 159. rante kala'paran, the plain where the bua'-rites are celebrated, 93, 261. Rantepao (Rante Pao), 1) a town, 3, 72, 126; 2) a district, 21, 215, 260, 280. rapu, subramage, 22, 23, 31, 59, 231, 257. rara', jewelry wom by upper-c1ass women, 174, 175. Ratte, 1) a former district, 68; 2) a village, 66. rebongan didi, 'breaking sugar-palm 1eaf-ribs'; these sticks of the sugar-palm leaf are used as a mnemonic aid in the recitation of the genealogies and in enumerating the various adat acts to be performed, 23-24. Rembon, a region, 3. rengnge', the manner in which a woman carries aload, 48, 49. retteng, occasional or topical poetry, 16. Riako', the ancestor of iron, 136, 228. Rinding Bassi, 'Iron Wall', a title in Nonongan, 78; ibid. in Tikunna Malenong,
196. Rinding Bassina Kesu', 'The Iron Wall of Kesu' " a title in Kesu', 75.

Sugar-Palm Leaves', a title in Buntao', 71; ibid. a title in Sangalla', 84. Rinding Kila', 'The Wall of Lightning', a title in Buntao', 70. Riu, a region, 144, 156-159,286,287. rokko, below, 130. ruangna, me at from one of the sides of the body, 206. Rura, a region in myth, 159-16l. ruma-ruma, a decoration constructed of planks, previously used as a decoration in a great bua'-feast, 238, 241-244. Saa, the python in the myth of Pano (Rangga) Bulaan, 173-183. Sa'dan, a district, 20, 37, 65, 254. Sa'dan River, 3, 7, 15, 62, 116, 158, 159. Sa'dan-Toraja, 2, 6-8, 10, 11, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 22, 59, 66, 107, 117, 118, 131, 134, 190, 191, 193, 218, 222, 224, 260,274. saleko, a buffalo with roughly equal areas of black and white skin, 185, 188. sa U, 1) floor, 237, 243, 252, 254, 276; 2) the central room of a tongkonan, 237. Sallebayu, a tongkonan in Kesu', 75, 103. salu, river, 24. Salu Bombo, The River of the Dead, 12l. samara, a buffalo with a white circle on its forehead, 185. sambao', the buffalo of the slaves, 186. sampu, cousin (cross-or parallel-), 28, 42,160. sampu pissan, first cousins, 28, 33, 42,

160.
sampu penduan, second cousins, 28, 42,

160. sampu pentallun, third cousins, 28, 32,
161. Sampu rari, a god of the underworld,
162. sanda, complete, 146. sando, a priest, 275. Sangalla', 1) a lembang (district), a princedom governed by a puang, 8, 18, 20, 21, 62, 69, 79-91, 189, 190, 197, 254, 286, 288, 289; 2) the name of one of the present districts in Tana Toraja, 2l. Sangbua', a bua'-cirele in Kesu', 67.
     sangbusukan ponto, 'from the top of the middle-finger to the armband', a measure for buffalo-horns, 188.

321

Sanda Bilik, the wife of Tamborolangi', 146, 147, 148. Sanggalangi', a district, 2l. sanggaria, a governor in Luwu', 7. sangkapan padang, a lump of soil, a elod of earth (in myth), 142. sangkumabe', 'just longer than half a hand', a measure for buffalo-horns, 188,

189. sanglampa taruno, 'the top of a (middle) finger long', a measure for buffalo-horns, 188. sanglengo, 'a hand', a measure fOl" buffalo-horns, 188. sangpala', 'one hand and four fingers', a measure for buffalo-horns, 188, 189.
     Sangpalin Bangunan, 'To rise together' (in a fight), the name of an adat-com- munity in Tikala, 67. sangparengngesan, 'one parengnge'-ship', a word denoting a socio-political entity,

190. sangsaroan, a group of people inhabiting a ward, 95. sangtaruno mengkaluo, 'one hand and one finger', a measure for buffalo-horns, 188. Sangtendanan Langngan, 'One in the setting up of the langngan', an area allied with Kesu', 77. sangtepo padang, see tepona padang. Sangulu Bai, 'Porming One Swine's Head', an adat-community in Tikala,

191. Sapan Kua-Kua, 'Dam or Barrier of Reeds growing in Puddies', a title in Sangalla', 84. saratu', one hundred, 146, 154. sarigan, a palanquin containing the remains of the deceased, 26l.
     Saripibulaan, a god, 132. sarira, a rainbow, 163. Sarira, a rock-massif in Kesu', 160. sarita, a sacral eloth, 136, 257-259. saro, payments (or compensation) for work,95. saroan, mutual aid organization, 18, 54, 65, 66, 95, 96, 97, 99. sauan sibarrung, double bellows, used by Puang Matua to create man, plants, animals and iron, 136. Sawerigadeng, a hero in myth, 15l. Seba Sol a Pia Biung, a character in

20, 67. si bobo' bannang, 'boiled rice, used to starch th re ad', a simple form of marriage, 35. sibali, possessing a bond of reciprocity, 103,159. sikukku', horns which curve downwards and almost meet, 186. Silanan, a region in Mengkendek, 92, note 14 chapter IV. sile'to loloku, (my) full brother or sister (same Fa and Mo), a poetic expression (1010 = umbilical cord), 28, 42. simbolong manik, 'hairknot, shining like beads', a title for a woman of noble birth, 50, 64. Simbolong Manik, a goddess, 135, 136. Simbuang, a lembang (district), 13, 20,

64. simbuang batu, a menhir, 198, 265-269. simbuang kayu, a tree-trunk used for ritual purposes in a funeral of high order, 266, 267. singgi' to kaunan, the laudation of the unfree, 47. sipuia', a reason for requiring payment of the kapa', 35. siruran, family, 23. sisura' (sisuia' sirrin), 'peIl-meIl', refer-ring to the prohibition against marrying one's brother-in-Iaw's sister, 33. siulu' (siulu' lanmai tambuk), brother or sister, 29, 42.
    siulu' dia ambe', half-siblings (same father), 42.

Glossary and Index

siulu' dia indo', half-siblings (same mother), 42. Sokko mebali, the buffalo with horns bending downwards in folktales, 186. Sokko remak, see Sokko mebali. sokkong, to support (the back of the neck),206. sokkong bayu, 'the collar of the jacket', a title in Kesu' and elsewhere, 53, 54, 65, 70, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 103, 137, 203, 208, 249-251. solonna tandilo rante, 'the companion of the tandilo', a special name for a gifted sokkong bayu, 54. somba, brideprice, 31, 37. somp ok rangka', 'one finger long', a measure for buffalo-horns, 188, (also sompok rakka'). So' Patelang, a mythical eh ara eter, 162. Sudan, a sword of the ancestor Lakipadada, 149, 151. sukaran, measure, 146. sukaran aluk, prescriptions for the rituals, 67, 68, 114, 145, 146, 147. suke bombo, a Drosera species, 228. sule to gandang, 'the substitute for the drum', a name given to a gifted sokkong bayu, 54. Sullukan, a tongkonan in Kesu', 96. Suloara', 1) a lembang (district), 144;

2) an important anccstor of the ramages in the Sesean-area, 158, 159. Suma', see sunga'. sumanga', soul, 129, 290. sumbung, the room at the re ar of the tongkonan, its southern end, 233, 237-
238. sumbung penaa, 'the appendage of the soul', the name of a buffalo sacrificed during the first part of a funeral of high order, 197, 198. su na', see sunga'. sunga', 'thread of life, the predetermined span of life', 129. surasan tallang, a shrine for offerings for the deata, 119. susuk, po Ie, 36. tabang, bloodwort, 215. tadoran, a bamboo pole used as an offering, 272, 273.
Takkebuku, 'Having no Kernel', the ancestor of (boiled) rice, 136. takinan la'bo', 'those who gird on their

functionaries or the security farces in a penanian, 71, 72. Takinan La'bo'na Pentionganan, 'As in one bond girding on the swords of the Pentionganan', the name of the security forces of Lemo which serve the tongkonan Nonongan, 77. ta la, sexually deviant, 173. Taleon, a lembang (district), 20, 64, 289, note 10 chapter lIl. taZi, a ribbon, 49. taZi bate, a square batik cIoth imported from Java, 258. taZi pakkaridi', a hair ribbon, 49. talla', buying one's freedom, 47. tallang, a variety of bamboo, 222, 273. tallang baine, a female bamboo tallang, note 13 chapter VI. Tallo Mangka' Kalena, 'The Egg which spawned its own Beginning', a goddess, 117, 132, 135. Tallu Kurinna, 'The Three Cooking-Pots', the name of three bua', in Mengkendek, note 14 chapter IV. Tallulembangna, 'the Three Proas', the name of the three princedoms in the south of Tana Toraja which were governed by a prince, 60, 79-91. tallung bongi, a death ritual which lasts three nights, 145. tambolang, a stork, 293, note 6 chapter IX,. Tamborolangi', the important ancestor of the puang-Iineages, 18, 24, 26, 64, 65, 66, 117, 145-148, 151, 153. tambun, bladder, 201. Tamio, a kind of fat worm, the name of the for::father of the pig, 207. tampak llsllkna, the tip of a rib, 206. tana, earth, land, 110. Tana, Earth, 132. Tana Matarik Allo, 'Land that has the Shape of the Sun', the name of the league fighting Arung Palaka, 62. Tana ngKalë-loë, 'Hanging Country', a mythical land of the Bare'e-Toraja, 151. Tana Toraja, 'The Land of the Toraja', a regency (kabIlpaten), 2, 3, 7, 8, 9, 19, 93, 125, 149, 159. tana', peg, stake, boundary-post, real, acknowledged as vaIid, so that it has become a hard and fast rule, 35, 52.

tana' bassi, 'the iron stakes', the rul es applicable when a member of the to makaka cIass breaks the marriage laws, 52, 53, 56, 143. talla' bulaan, 'the stakes of gold', the rules applicable when a man of high nobility violates the marriage regulations, 52, 53, 56, 143. tana' karllrllng, the rules applicable when a person of low rank violates the marriage rules, 52, 53, 56, 143. tana' kua-kiw, cIass or status of slaves, 143, note 11 chapter IV. tandilo, a stick-cither, note 13 chapter lIl. tandilo ula', a cIapper-drum (cf. ga- marll or garatung), note 13 chapter lIl. Tandiminanga, 'The Supporter of the Rivermouth' (of the Sa'dan River), a deity, 117, 132, 136, 161. tandi rapasan, 'the supporter of the rapasan' (= coffin), a special kind of buffalo which is sacrificed at a death ritual of high order, 197. Tanduk Bangkudu, 'The Red-horned One', a name for the cat, 215. tandllk bibang, buffalo-horns of a particular shape, 186. tanduk gallang (tandll' 'allang), horns made of brass, 195. tanduk kolong, hams which arch back-wards with the points toward each other, 186. tandlIk pampang, horns with a wide span, 186. tandllk sikki', two semi-circular horns which touch each other at their tips,

186. tanduk tarangga, see tanduk kolong. Tanduk Tata', 'Sharp, Pointed Horns', an important functionary (vice-regent) in Sangalla', 82-84, 91, 92. tandllng tiulu, the first sawah laid out (tilllu: the source; tandllng: spacious field),94. tangngana langi', the middle of the heavens, 110, 131.
     TangdiIino' (TangdiLino'), 'Not from the Earthquake', the most important ancestor of many ramages in Tana Toraja, 25,76. tangdo, the room in the north part of a tongkonan, 243.

10 chapter IX. tang mate, immortality, 149. tangngan, 1) a coffin in the form of a house, 260; 2) a longitudinal floorbeam (Rantepao), 260. Tapparan, a lembang (district), 20, 63, note 10 chapter 111. taripa jambi, Ladoicea Secheilarum, 151. tasak, a brown-yellow chicken, 209. tasik, sea, 130. tattiku', a small bird, 214. tau-tau, effigy, 197, 256, 259, 260, 261-

263. tedang, buffalo, 184-206. tedang bulaan, a white buffalo, 199. Tedong Bulaan, the white buffalo in myth,155. tedang ma'kallang, a black buffalo with white feet, 186. tedang-tedang, buffaloes made of clay,
264. Tele Raoa, a mythical figure of the Bare'e-Toraja, 151. tepana padang, 'one fourth of the land', a division of a settlement, 65, 95, 96. Tikala, a lembang (district), 20, 67, 77, 117, 144, 145,254.
     Tikunna Malenong, 'That which is situated round the Malenong Cliff', a region in Kesu', 74-79, 289, notes 6 and 7 chapter IV. tille, a kind of reed, Andrapagan Halepensis Stapt, 229, 269. Tillok bulaanna Kesu', 'The Golden Beak of Kesu' " a title in Kesu', 77. Timbayo KiIa', 'Flashing Lightning', a deity, 132. tingga', the recitation of a genealogy, 23. tinggi, dark-red beads, 220. To A'pa', 'The Four', the vice-regents of the princedom of Sangalla', 80-84. TobongkiIo, the hen-harrier, a mythical figure of the Bare'e-Toraja, 151. ta burake, a rice-priest in Buntao', 71, note 10 chapter 11, note 13 chapter 111. ta burake bamba, the death priest (= ta mebalun), 119, 122, 274. ta burake tamba lang, a 'hermaphrodite' priest of the eastern sphere, 51, 123, 173, 200, 219, 224-225, 228, 244, 245, 274, 282-289, 292-293, notes 2 and 5

Glossary and Index

chapter IX. ta burake tattiku' (burake tattiku'), a priestess of the eastern sphere, 27, 78, 144, 214, 218, 219, 228, 274, 282-289, 292-293. To di'paulunna Sangalla', 'The one who is placed as the Head of Sangalla', a titIe in Sangalla', 87. To disulu Tedong, 'The Space under the House for Buffaloes', a name for the region of Simbuang in Sangalla', 88. ta dala, the Ancestors of the Southwest, 119, 124, 280. ta galenan, the (souls of) Iepers, 122. ta indo' (ta indo' padang), the rice-priest, 52, 71, 72, 102, 167, 204, 205, 208, 209, 210, 246, 248, 251, 252, 269, 274, 279- 280, 289, 291, note 3 chapter IX. To kalala', 'The Po or', a figure in myth,

162. To' Kamiri, a sawah in myth (Kesu'), 74,153. To Kaubanan, 'He who has grey Hair' (Puang Matua), 119, 132, 139, 142, note 6 chapter VI. ta kengkak, 'folk with a taiI', people living in the underworld, 111. ta ma'dampi, the medicine man, 274, 289-292. ta ma'dika, 'the free' (= ta parengnge'), note 10 chapter 111. ta ma'gandang, 'the one who beats the drum', a priest, 27, 144, 274. ta makaka, free people, free farmers, a class, 32, 44, 48, 52, 53, 55, 56, 72, 81, 90, 97, 104, 121, 124, 146, 150, 154, 186, 195, 214, 235, 260, notes 11 and 15 chapter 111, note 17 chapter IV. ta makaka direngnge', an intermediate class of low-ranking ta makaka, a class between the ta parengnge' and the kaunan, 48, 49, 52, 53. ta makaka kandean, 'the ta makaka who have their own dishes', a high-ranking class of ta makaka, 53. ta ma'kaya (= ta burake bamba, ta mebalun), the name of the death priest in the puang-realms, 214, 280. ta manarang, a carpenter, 249. ta ma'nasu, 'the one who cooks the meat' (of the sacrificed animaI), a functionary in Kesu', 98. To Mangambo', 'The Sower', a deity, the

205.
to mano'bo, a person functioning in a house-building ritual, 249. to manobok, 'the one who slays the kerbau with a lance at the merok-feast', a functionary in Kesu', 67, 98, 103. to mantobok, a functionary who kilIs the animal used as an offering in a ritual,

252. to manurun, an ancestor who descended from heaven to live on earth, 18, 23, 32, 51, 78, 111, 117, 123, 124, 146, 152, 192,256. to ma'randing, war dancers, 195. to massadi, 'the one who cuts the meat of the sacrificed kerbau into pieces', a functionary in Kesu', 98. to massanduk, 'the one who serves out the rice', a functionary in Kesu', 98, 103, 249, 252, 281. to matua, 'the old ones', the ancestors of the Southwest, 114, 115, 119, 121, 124, 125, 252, 274. tombang, a sacrifice brought upon the occasion of a divorce, 53. tombi, banners, 193, 194, 250, 257, 261. to mebalun, 'the one who wraps' (the body), the death priest, 51, 52, 274, 278, 280-282. to menani, a priest who wears (imitation) buffalo-horns at the lapa'-padang feast, 196, 274, 279. to mentuyo, suicides, 122. to minaa, a category of priests, 13, 17, 47, 51, 52, 71, 76, 81, 103, 115, 128, 137, 138, 139, 144, 157, 193, 199, 214, 224, 247, 248, 258, 266, 269, 270, 274, 275- 279, 289, notes 1 and 2 chapter IX. tondok, a vilIage, 92-94. Tondok Lepongan Bulan, 'Land forming one whole round Iike the Moon', the name of the league fighting Arung Palaka, 62.
     Tondon, a district, a lembang, 20, 65. Tonggo, 'The Very God', a figure in myth,162. Tonglolangi', an ancestor in Kesu', 32. tongkon, to sit, 231. tongkonan, important house, family center, center of a (sub)ramage, 19, 22-28,

41, 48, 49, 53, 57, 59, 64, 65, 66, 67, 69, 72, 74, 75, 76, 80, 81, 82, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 93, 96, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 118, 119, 140, 148, 193, 194, 199, 203, 205, 210, 211, 215, 216, 220, 221, 231-252, 254, 256, 261, 279, note 15 chapter IV, notes 2 and 10 chapter IX. Tongkonan A'pa', 'The Four Tongkonan', a kind of council in Pantilang, 69. Tongkonan Basse Tiropadang, a functionary in Buntao', 71. tongkonan layuk, an important tongkonan, 55, 86, 148. tongle-tongle, a big tree, 227. Tonglo Sugi', 'The Exceedingly Rich One' (= Deatanna), note 29 chapter VI. to pabalian, the helper (of a priest or another person) who functions in a ritual, 252. Tri Paragusi, a dangerous spirit, 126-127. to parengnge', a rank of important people, nobiIity, 38, 48, 49, 50, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 63, 65, 68, 69, 71, 72, 96, 103, 203, 204, 205, 208, 209, 210, 254, 260, 274, 275, 277, 278, notes 20 and 22 chapter IV. to parengnge' aluk rampe matallo = to parengnge', 50, 57. to parengnge' aluk rampe matampu', 'the to parengnge' of the ritual of the West', the death priest, 50. to pongmasa'ga, 1) 'the powerful one' (= the vilIage head), 97; 2) a leader of the resistance against the Dutch, note 19 chapter IV. to ponto litakan, 'the one who wears a bracelet of cIay', a poetic name for a slave, note 3 chapter 111. Toraja, a collective name for all people who inhabit the mountains of Sou th- western and Central Sulawesi, 6, 8. Torajang, 'The People from the West', a name given to the Sa'dan-Toraja by the Buginese, 6. tora-tora, a necklace made of crocodile teeth, with the fangs of a wild boar suspended in the front, 195. To-ri-aja, 'The People of the Interior, the People of the Highlands', 6. To Sopai, the deity of Mount Sopai, 116, 126, 219, to sugi', the wealthy, 57. to sumomba, the helpers (= petulak),

V.
ta tumbang, see tumbang. ta usserek daun punti, 'the one who tears the banana leaves in which the offerings are set down', a functionary in Kesu',

98. ta ussamba tedang = datu baine, 98. tuak, palm wine, 11, 206, 226. tuang-tuang, a decoration used in a death ritual of the highest order, 259.
    tulak, to support, 101, 197. Tulak Bala, 'The Supporter of the Dike', a title in the district of Balusu, 65. tu lak bala'kaan, 'the supporter of the bula'kaan, the name of a special buffalo in a death ritual of high order, 197,

99. tulakna lamba', 'the supporter of the lamba'-tree', a functionary in Kesu', 103. Tulakpadang, see Pang Tulakpadang. tulak samba, an important post which supports the roof of an important tangkanan, 194, 233, 234. Tulangdenna, see Pong Tulangdenna. Tulangdidi', a girl figuring in a myth, 136, 166-168, 171,205,224. tumba', to leap, to jump up, note 11 chapter VI. Tumba', a word used as a prefix before a name, note 11 chapter VI. Tumba' Gantanan, 'She who lept on dry Land', an ancestress, 25. tumbang (ta tumbang), 1) a woman who enters into a trance during the mara- ritual, 120, 140; 2) a girl or a woman who fulfils a ritual role in the great bua'-feast, 137, note 11 chapter VI. tungara, a particular position of a reed used in divination, 275. tutungan bia', 'those who light the torches', a set of functionaries in Buntao',

100. tuyu, a kind of bulrush, 122, note 9 chapter lIl.
     Glossary and Index

Va Saruran, a resistance leader in Tana Toraja, 9. ubi (Indon.), yam, 135, note 8 chapter VI, note 29 chapter VII. uki', see pia uki'. ukku', the cry of a newborn infant, 136. ulelean, tales, 161-162, no te 2 chapter VI. ulu, head, 185. ulu', sibling, 29. ulunna langi, 'head of the upperworld', zenith, 110, 131, 140, 141. Ulusalu (Vlu Salu), a lembang, 20, 66. umpabendan a'riri past (= umpatama a'riri past), 'to erect the central post', a rite associated with the building of a house, 232-234. " unballaan pa'ta', 'to drop rice which has already been boiled', a tresspass calling for the payment of kapa', 36. unnamba' balulang, 'to sow the shield', a rite, 276. unrampanan dake biang, 'the releasing of a spear that resembles the biang-reed', a suspension of obligations in a death rite aimed at preventing a wealthy relative from taking advantage of the slaughtering of beasts in this ritual principally in order to be rewarded with land,40. untengkai susuk, 'going beyond the boundary posts', a tresspass calling for the payment of kapa', 36. Vntulak buntunna Bone, the battle against Bone, 76, 99. unu', sibling, 29. upas-tree (up as, Indon.), Antiaris taxi- caria Leseh., a poisonous tree, used for making poison, 117, 136, 139, 227. upe, a kind of taro or Arum, 251. uran-uran, 'raindrops', the name of a chicken with certain markings suggestive of colouring by raindrops, 209. Vsuk Sangbamban, 'From one Rib', a god created from Gauntikembong's rib, 132, 135, 136. wurake, see ta burake.

List of Iiterature consulted but not explicitly mentioned in the text

AdV

BKI

Handboekerij RTl

I

lAE

KIM

KIT

KITLV

Madjalah MNZ

MTZW

NION

TBG

TNAG

VBG

VKI

VMKAW

Bibliography

List of abbreviations used in the bibliography

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1950 'De Samenspraak der beide priesters, de woordvoerders van bruid en bruidegom bij de huwelijksplechtigheid der Sa'dan-Toradja's', Bingkisan Budi: 291-306. 1965 The Merok Feast of the Sa'dan-Toradja, VKI 45, The Hague. 1966 The Sa'dan-Toradja Chant for the Deceased, VKI 49, The Hague. 1976 'Ossoran tempon daomai Langi' (Overleveringen van den Beginne vanuit de hemel, in geregelde volgorde meegedeeld, door Ne' Mani, priester uit Sereale-landschap Tikala)', BKI 132: 418-438. 1979 Overleveringen en zangen der Zuid-Toradja's, VKI 85, The Hague. Veen, H. van der, N. Adriani and A. A. van de Loosdrecht 1916 See N. Adriani, A. A. van de Loosdrecht and H. van der Veen. Veen, H. van der and J. Tammu 1972 See J. Tammu and H. van der Veen. Veer, K. van der, L. W. Kuilman and G. J. van der Meulen 1946/50 'Rijst', in: C. J. J. van Hall and C. van der Koppel (ed.), De landbouw in den Indischen Archipel, Vol. 11 A, pp. 7-112, The Hague. Verdoorn, Frans en Pieter Honig 1945 See R. Heine-Geldern. Villages in Indonesia 1967 See R. M. Koentjaraningrat (ed.). Walcheren, P. M. van 1971 'Ornamentiek bij de Toradja's', NION 1: 147. Wertheim, W. F. 1964 'Society as a composite of conflicting systems', in: East-West ParalleIs, sociological approaches to modern Asia, pp. 21-37, Deventer. Wilcox, Harry 1949 White Stranger, London. Wulfften-PaIthe, P. M. van 1940 'Over Trance', Geneeskundig Tijdschrift voor Ned-Indië, 36-80: 2123-

2153.
Yacobs, Yan 1971 Data-data perekonomian sosial, wilayah BRI Tjabang Makale, stencilled report Bank Rakjat Indonesia, Kantor Tjabang Makale. Zoetmulder, P. and W. Stöhr 1965 See W. Stöhr and P. Zoetmulder.

For a detailed and annotated bibliography on the Sa'dan-Toraja, see Nooy-Palm, 'Bibliography; Survey of Studies on the Anthropology of Tana Toraja, Sulawesi', Archipel 15: 163-192.

Pa'daun bolu: figures representing betel leaves (Piper betel).

Pa'bulu londong: the cock feather motif, Pa'bungkang fasik: the lobster or sea also found on ancient coffins. crab; this motif differs from the bungkang-bungkang displayed during a mortuary ritual of high order.

Pa' kapu' baka: representing a tightly Barana' rapa': close formation of leaves woven basket (baka) symbolizing the of the Ficus religiosa.

wood-carving, presumably the end-piece of one of the outer floor beams of a house, showing a snake carved in relief and along the right-hand edge the pa'bulu londong-motif (bulu londong = cock's feathers). (Collection Lembaga Kebudayaan Indonesia, Museum Pusat, Jakarta; inv. no. 23603)

wal!. (Photo F. van der Kooi, 1937)

The shelf with the coffins near Pasui, in the vicinity of Sossok. (Photo F. van der Kooi, 1937)

Over the vault a house is erected in the shape of a Toraja dwelling in miniature. A tau-tau (effigy) is placed in this house. (Photo F. van der Kooi, 1937)

Rocks tombs in the district of Tikala. (Photo F. van der Kooi, 1937)

On the floor of this barn a tau-tau (wooden dolI) is placed, which represents the deceased Ne' Lai' Ambun, a woman of noble birth. Af ter some days this tau-tau wiII be carried to the pantunuan, the plaza where the buffaloes are slaughtered in honour of the deceased. (Photo F. van der Kooi, 1937)

10 minaa engaged in rebongan didi in the first ph ase of the mortuary feast of Puang Lasok Rinding of Sangalla' (1970). Rebongan didi means literally 'breaking sugar-palm leaf-ribs', but is generally used in the sense of 'enumerating the offenses of a person confessing his guilt' with the intercession of the to minaa. The to minaa mayalso use these sticks as a mnemonic aid in recitation of the genealogies and in enumerating the various adat acts to be performed, as in the case of Sangalla'. (Photo Betty Nooy-Palm/Royal Tropical Institule, 1970)

em- bankment after crossing the sawah. (Photos F. van der Kooi, 1937)

of a village at the foot of Mount Sarira near Lemo (district of Ma'kale). (Photo F. van der Kooi, 1937)