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Lea E. lams
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Overseas Chinese Nationalism
THE GENESIS 0^ THE PANCHINESE MbVEMENT
IN INDONESIA, 1900-1916
MASJACBUSiiTTS iNSTlTUTB OF TEC^NiOtOGT
UNIVERSITY
OF FLORIDA
LIBRARIES
COLLEGE LIBRARY
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Overseas Chinese Nationalism

W. W. Rostow, Alfred Levin, and Others, Nor- ton, 1953; Mentor Books, 1954
W. W. Rostow and Others, Technology Press and Wiley, 1954
W. W. Rostow and Richard W. Hatch, Technology Press and Wiley, 1955
M. F. Millikan and W.W. Rostow, Harper, 1957
A. Bauer and and Communications Ithiel de Sola Pool, eds.
C. K. Yang, Technology Press, 1959
C. K.Yang, Technology Press, 1959
W. W. Rostow, Harper, 1960

6
BOOKS FROM THE CENTER
PUBLISHED BY
HANDBOOK FOR INDUSTRY STUDIES
Everett E. Hagen
CHANGING IMAGES OF AMERICA: A Study
of Indian Students' Perceptions
George V. Coelho
THE JAPANESE FACTORY: Aspects of Its So-
cial Organization
James C. Abegglen
INDUSTRIAL CHANGE IN INDIA: Industrial
Growth, Capital Requirements, and
Technological Change, 1937-1955
George Rosen
THE PASSING OF TRADITIONAL SOCIETY: Mod-
ernizing the Middle East
Daniel Lerner, with Lucille W. Pevsner
THE RELIGION IN JAVA ("Modjokuto" Series)
Clifford Geertz
OTHER BOOKS FROM THE CENTER
THE DYNAMICS OF SOVSET SOCIETY
THE PROSPECTS FOR COMMUNIST CHINA
NINE SOVIET PORTRAITS
Raymond A. Bauer and Edward Wasioiek, Tech-
nology Press and Wiley, 1955
AN AMERICAN POLICY IN ASIA
MOSCOW AND THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF
INDIA
John H. Koutsky, Technology Press and Wiley,
1956
A PROPOSAL: Key to an Effective Foreign
Policy
FRANCE DEFEATS EDC
Daniel Lerner and Raymond Aron, eds., Praeger,
1957 (published as LA QUERELLE DE LA C.E.D.,
Armand Colin, 1956)
THE ECONOMICS OF COMMUNIST EASTERN
EUROPE
Nicolas Spulber, Technology Press and Wiley, 1957
SOVIET EDUCATION FOR SCIENCE AND TECH-
NOLOGY
Alexander Korol, Technology Press and Wiley,
1957
INDONESIA'S ECONOMIC STABILIZATION AND
DEVELOPMENT
Benjamin Higgins, Institute of Pacific Relations,
FORGING A NEW SWORD: A Study of the
Department of Defense
William R. Kintner, with Joseph I. Coffey and
Raymond J. Albright, Harper, 1958
FOR INTERNATIONAL STUDIES
THE FREE PRESS
CHINA'S GROSS NATIONAL PRODUCT AND SO-
CIAL ACCOUNTS: 1950-1957
William W. Hollister
INDUSTRIAL GROWTH IN SOUTH INDIA: Case
Studies in Economic Development
George B. Baldwin
AMERICAN BUSINESSMEN AND INTERNATIONAL
TRADE: Code Book and Data from a Study
on
Raymond
Attitudes
OVERSEAS CHINESE NATIONALISM: The Gen-
esis of the Pan-Chinese Movement in
Indonesia
Lea E. Williams
, 1 900-1 91
FINANCING ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: The
Indonesian
Douglas S.
Case
Paauw
FOR INTERNATIONAL STUDIES
SCRATCHES ON OUR MINDS: American Im-
ages of China and India
Harold R. Isaacs, John Day, 1958
THE INFLATIONARY SPIRAL: The Experience
in China, 1939-1950
Chang Kia-Ngou, Technology Press and Wiley,
1958
THE AMERICAN STYLE: Essays in Value and
Performance
Elting E. Morison, ed., Harper, 1958
ALLOCATION IN SPACE: Production, Trans-
port and Industrial Location
Louis Lefeber, North-Holland, 1958
JAPANESE POPULAR CULTURE: Studies in Mass
Communication and Cultural Change
Hidetoshi Koto, ed. and trans., Tuttle, 1959
THE HUMAN MEANING OF THE SOCIAL
SCIENCES
Daniel Lerner, ed., Meridian Books, 1959
A CHINESE VILLAGE IN EARLY COMMUNIST
TRANSITION
THE CHINESE FAMILY IN THE COMMUNIST REV-
OLUTION
BLOC POLITICS IN THE UNITED NATIONS
Thomas Hovet, Jr., Harvard, 1 9S0
THE STRUCTURE OF THE EAST GERMAN ECONOMY
Wolfgang F. Stolper, Harvard, 1960
POSTWAR
STATES
ECONOMIC TRENDS IN THE UNITED
Ralph E. Freeman, ed.. Harper, 1960
THE UNITED STATES IN THE WORLD ARENA
THE QUESTION OF GOVERNMENT SPENDING:
Public Needs and Private Wonts
Francis M. Bator, Harper, 1960
The Center for International Studies
MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY
Overseas Chinese Nationalism
THE GENESIS OF THE PAN-CHINESE MOVEMENT
IN INDONESIA, 1900-1916
hy Lea E. Williams
The Free Press, Glencoe, Illinois
1960 by The Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Printed the United States of America
Designed of Congress by Catalog Sidney Card Solomon
Copyright ©
in
Library Number: 60-9582
To my mother
who from earliest memory taught me of
faraway peoples, places, and times.
CONTENTS
PREFACE ix
ABBREVIATIONS xiii
CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 3
The Problem 3
Indonesian
The Environment 5
Position Separateness Minority 9 13 16
20
2.
for Nationalism 22 22
Rule 23
The Chinese Position 9
Chinese
The Chinese as a
Notes
CHAPTER THE BACKGROUND OF THE NATIONALIST
AWAKENING
The Need
Dutch
Chinese Revenue Farming 24
Grievances 27
Education for 36
the 38
the 42
Major Chinese
Government Chinese
The Chinese and Officialdom
The Chinese and Outside World
Notes 48
CHAPTER 3. THE MOBILIZATION FOR NATIONALISM 54
The
Confucianlst Revival
Internal Divisions for Reform in Education
The Movement
11
of
Chambers Commerce 95
Soe Po 03
Other Pan-Chinese 109
Sic
Associations
Summary
Notes
CHAPTER 4. DEVELOPMENTS IN LEADERSHIP
The
Collapse of the Officer Institution 24
Local Leaders 36
Dynastic Officials Nationalist
Diplomatic Consular Leaders
Reformer and Revolutionary
Recapitulation 71
Some Symbols
and
Notes
CHAPTER 5. AN EVALUATION
of the 88
Conclusions the Indies Chinese
191
201
The Accomplishments of Indies Chinese Nationalism
The Weapons Chinese
General on
ment
Notes
GLOSSARY
SOME NETHERLANDS INDIES
SURNAMES
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Primary Sources
Secondary Works: Books
Secondary Works: Articles
INDEX
1
1 1
113
124
1
1
146
159
163
168
1
1 74
184
1 84
1
Move-
202
205
207
211
21
213
220
231
Application to the Problem of Minority Nationalism
EQUIVALENTS OF KUO-YU
PREFACE
bulk of the research for this in In-
donesia the Netherlands from 1952 to 1954. In Jakarta the facili-
ties of the Bataviaasch (Batavian Society) the
University of Indonesia, particularly Sinological
of great usefulness. of individuals in that city, (Ministry including of the Interior),
Mr. Hsu of the Tiong high school,
Mr. Inio editor of Po, furnished invaluable ad-
vice writer especially fortunate in benefiting
from the unlimited of the late Mr. P'in-san,
perial holder under the last dynasty and for
the outstanding representative of scholarship in
Historical reasons led to the removal to
cial pertaining to the subject under investigation.
therefore, necessary of for the writer in to spend the Netherlands the portion to return of his briefly to
that country in 1957. a long tradition of scholarly
interest in the Far despite their altered political position in
Southeast Asia, the interest continues. Miss
of the Koninklijk Instituut voor de (Royal Institute) in
[ix]
The book was conducted
and
both Genootschap and
its Department, were
Many Raden
Mas Utoyo Kementerian Dalam Negeri
Eng-hua, principal Hoa Hwe Koan
and Beng Goat, Keng
and guidance. The was
graciousness Chin an im-
degree Chinese many years
Confucian Java.
Europe of most of the offi-
documents It was,
major
first two years research and
The Dutch have
East and,
Johanna Felhoen-Kraal
Tropen Tropical
[x]
Amsterdam was more than generous and helpful in introducing the writer
to scholars and officials with special connections with Indonesian studies
in arranging for the use of libraries. Also at the Koninklijk Insti-
tuut voor de Tropen, Professors Bertling all displayed sympathetic Messrs. interest
in the writer's project, as did Professor University of
The rich libraries sources of of the universities material at late Leiden Professor at
Professor Mr. D. van der of Leiden
versity supplied assistance. Reverend
A. of the formerly a missionary in Indonesia, (Netherlands Dr. Missionary Col- K.
lege) at Oegstgeest, material from their files
libraries, most helpful. in Mr. Alderse-Baes rendered of the assistance. Indonesian
author's adjustment by to the friends, libraries life in the language the of the Netherlands was Th Schoofs Bibliotheek of
(Royal Library) that of the Koninklijk Instituut voor Tool-,
(Royal inestimable of the Institute for value. research Therefore, special for this study gratitude on the archives of the Mr. Ethnology), H.
his staff at the Rijksarchief (General State Archives),
Baron S. J. Tuyll Serooskerken Dr. Woltering of the
Ministerie van Buitenlandse (Ministry of Foreign Affairs),
Mr. Nienhuis and hisstaff at the Ministerie van Rijksdelen
(Ministry of Parts of the Ministry),

W. Brink, and J. Brouwer Nederlandse Zendings-Hogeschool
P. Overzeese Overseas Realm, the former Colonial

and
and Coolhaas and A.
van Marie and Willem van Milaan
Wertheim of the
Amsterdam. and Amster-
dam were. The Duyvendak,
van der Valk, and J. Meulen Uni-
much encouragement and The
who made available and
were E.
Chamber of Commerce Amsterdam much The
and
promoted two good Mr. and Mrs. M. J..
Amsterdam. Two Hague, Koninklijke
and Land-en
Volkenkunde Language, Geography and
were of
Much was based
Dutch government. is due Brouwer
and Algemeen
van van and
Zaken and
Ixi]
all In the Baron van HoSvell tot Westerflier
of the Hulpdepot, Rijksarchief State
Archives) at Schaarsbergen These expressions of thanks have mentioned
the the writer of only in Indonesia a of the in Holland. kind helpful persons met by
England Dr. Victor Purcell Chinese, generously G., the leading of his time British advice. authority this
country there are these are to the officers the writer of the Center for International Studies Foremost of
the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, the research;
Professors Fairbank, Rupert Emerson, L. Oliver
of Harvard special University; Dr. research support Schleiffer, bibliography; stint. her
people contributed to the writing of this study, but errors mis-
interpretations are spelling of solely those proper of the In this presents special problems
growing out of such factors as recent political In Indonesia
in the case of differences in systems
of romanlzation currently English of purely
Indonesian place be followed. Thus there
to Jogjakarta, Surabaya, such as Batavia, so on; but formerly with will be
referred to in that as those are the appropriate for the
period under study. sensible, will be
Ized according to the modified by the Journal
of Asian Studies in the case of less easily Identified use of
the or spellings derived from South dialects will
Hague, and J. G. F. M. G.
Aigemeen (Subdepot, General
.
names few many and
and
In, CM.
on overseas gave and In
many whom is much indebted.
among
who underwrote
John K. and Douglas
Hedwig who made available
knowledge of methods and and my wife,
whose encouragement and
were as always without Many
Its and
writer.
The names work
changes
and, Chinese names, dialect and
. The accepted spellings
names will
may be references
Bandung, and places
Dutch names, Weltevreden, and Buitenzorg,
manner, names
Whenever Chinese names roman-
Wade-Giles system used
; names, the
Dutch Malay China
IxiiJ
be unavoidable. incomplete of Chinese surnames in
the East Indies to be found at the of this book. based
scattered references from a give the
nese characters for the of various individuals. will be seen,
the gives the romanizations, then the or
forms a takes characters. in the all area studied, cases, finally, the feasible appropriate likely to
clarify the or bring out the significance of the proper
terms used in the text, alternate forms or translations will be in-
dicated. Chinese characters for will, they are
be given as aid in identifying persons, organizations, various
terms. Reference notes are at the of chapter; certain titles
will be abbreviated. of these other abbreviations appears
on pp. xiii-xiv. In notes than source cited, refer-
ences are given in order corresponding to that in data from
the sources are University Lea Williams
Providence, Island

E.

An
is
upon
names
list Wade-Giles
name
Chinese In
meaning
and
an
A list
where
an
employed.
Brown
Rhode
June 1959
list common
end The list is
number of works which Chi-
As
one more
and,
where it is and
names
names when known,
and
end each
and
more one is
which
'
ABBREVIATIONS
Ad. Chin. Chinese Affairs
Aff. Adviser for
Jap. Aff. Adviser for
Jap. Aff. Adviser Affairs for Chinese
arch. For. Aff. archives try of Foreign of the Affairs Netherlands
arch. v. Parts archives try of of the Netherlands Parts of the
Asst. Res. Assistant Resident
Atty. bjj^het Hui Consul Tsa d'Affaires Procureur- (Leiden)
Chin. Minister
Chin. For. Aff. Minister of Foreign Affairs
Dir. Civ. Serv. Director (Binnenlandsch of the Civil Bestuur) Service
Dir. Ed., Relig., Ind. Director gion, of Industry Education, Reli-
Dir. Fin. Director of Finance
Dir. Jus. Director of Justice

N.I.
N.I. and
N.I.
N.I.

Ad. Japanese Affairs
Ad. Chin. Japanese and
Neth. Min. Minis-
Neth. Min. O Minis-
Realm Overseas Realm
Gen. N.I. Attorney General(
Generaal Hoog-Gerechtshof)
CHHTC Chung Hwa Chih
Chin. Charg6 Chinese Charge
Chin. Con. Gen. Chinese General
Min. Chinese
Min. Chinese
.,...
[xlv]
DL
Locomotief (Se rang)
First Secretary
ste Secretary Secretaris) Secretaris)

G.G.

Isf G<3v. Sec
Gen Sec.
of Sumatra's Coast
Indische (Amsterdam)
Koloniale Netherlands StudiSn (Batavia)
Netherlands Consul
Netherlands Minister
Netherlands Ministry of Colonies
Netherlands Affairs Ministry of Foreign
Netherlands Nederlandsch-lndi'6 India
Officer for Affairs
Officer for Affairs
Officer Resident Sin Po for Justice
(Drukkerij Tiong Sin Po, Batavia,

G. Sumatra W. Cst. IG KS

Neth. Charge
Neth. Con
Neth. Min
Neth. Min.
Neth. Min

N.I. Off. Chin. Aff. Off. Jap. Aff. Off. Jus. Res. SPJN THHK Temp. Ad. Chin. Aff. Wl
N.I. Government (1 Gouvernements
N.I. General (Algemeene
N.I. Governor General Governor West Gids
935)

Gen.
Col.
For. Aff
De ma
Charge d 'Affaires
General
()
Chinese
Japanese
Jubileum-Nummer
1
Hoa Hwe Koan
Temporary Adviser to the N.1.Gov-
ernment on Chinese Affairs
Weekblad voor Indi'^ (Batavia)
Overseas Chinese Nationalism
.
INTRODUCTION
the nursery of nationality.
Lord Acton
Exile is
The Problem
Perhaps twelve million Chinese today live and, in many cases,
prosper in Southeast Asia. Estimates on the division of their loyalties
seem almost as numerous as the immigrants themselves. Officials, jour-
nalists, and travelers in the area commonly state that the overseas
Chinese population can be classified as 10 per cent vociferously pro-
Communist, 10 percent rather forlornly pro-Kuomintang, and 80 per
cent cautiously "waiting." Clearly there is no way to evaluate this
guess. Only two observations on the problem seem universally accept-
able: the political attachments of most overseas Chinese are either
concealed or unsettled; and virtually all these people look ultimately
to China as their symbol of national prestige and security. Relatively
few Chinese in Southeast Asia seem inflexibly committed to a cold war
camp; but without significant exception every immigrant is a national-
istic Chinese, a man somehow prepared to give final allegiance to
China
Nationalism is not necessarily rational in economic or political terms.
Countless examples can be put forward to demonstrate this fundamental
point. The people of one newly independent nation may have been bet-
ter off economically under colonialism; perhaps the citizens of another
[3]
[4]
state enjoyed a larger measure of political stability personal free-
in the days of imperial rule philosophy of
tionalism lucidly set forth in a slogan of in
prefer self-government in to servitude in tranquility."
Vigorous nationalism, like love, often blind.
Outside observers, including sometimes the author, are permit nationalism to feel to that the
their tycoon best interests. to endorse simply illogical for a Singapore student rubber
going indoctrination in Peking appears misguided There no practical
reason for a causes shopkeeper or to contribute enterprises or to both pesos to
tionalism be to motivate all these seemingly irrational
actions, nationalism transcends of the present politics contest for the minds of in South-
east Asia will not be determined Decisions appraisal will be of the workings nationalisticaliy; of
that Southeast Asians will support the ideology appears to
offer the greater strength to their nationalist causes. This generaliza-
tion be applied with equal validity to of the nationally
scious overseas peoples of Chinese. study to the area, to attempts the Burmans, to to increase the understanding Indonesians, of to the the
nationalism of the populations of the world.
here with but of the peoples of that majority of mankind; re-
search in a relatively unexplored field be more than preliminary.
while the present investigation restricted to the Chinese of the
Indonesian islands in the early years of our century, the implications
and
dom. The non-Western na-
is Nkrumah's party Ghana:
"We danger
is
prone
Chinese of Southeast Asia workagainst
own It is
communism. The Indonesian-Chinese under-
. is
Manila hard-earned
Kuomintang Communist — even. Na-
can assumed
and and economics.
The outcome men
byacool
communism and democracy. made
is. which
can any con-
The follow new
non-Western The concern
is one
cannot
Yet, is
[5]
beyond those islands,
The Indonesian Environment
Netherlands India consisted of those parts of the Southeast Asian
archipelago under the northern tip of Sumatra
to the Dutch-Australian frontier in stretched along
the equator the Asian Australia for
a distance greater than that across the United States. This
colonial empire included Sumatra, most of Borneo, Java, Celebes, the
western half of countless smaller islands. total
land area in the of miles, the equal
of that of France, the Countries, Italy, Spain,
Portugal or twelve most populous times the island, size of relatively England. small, Java,
area of State. only population miles, of the about holdings the in 1900, as that of the year
the of the period to be investigated, roughly
with about per 2 Thus, while cent of this agricultural population concentrated has long famous as the
most densely populated island of the world, there regions
in, say, Borneo or inhabited only by scattered hunting
gathering peoples. Indonesian archipelago, crossed since
prehistory by a great of different ethnic groups, challenges
of fhe story to be told reach that people, and
that period of history.
Dutch sovereignty. From
New Guinea, it
between mainland and 3,100 miles,
somewhat
New Guinea, and The
was neighborhood 735,000 square
Low Germany, and
combined— New
overwhelmingly the is havingan
48,766 square same New York
The Dutch marking
opening was 35 million,
80 on Java and
Madura. Java been
were and are
New Guinea
and The
number
it is to refer to
The writer feels convenient the colony studied by the direct
translation of Dutch name, Nederlandsch-lndie or by the abbreviation N.I.
rather than by the more but clumsier the Dutch East Indies.
its,
common name,
[6]
anthropologists with a broad range of types cultures.
there sense in speaking of levels of civilization, be said
that the the primitive Papuans
of the cultivated as great as that to be
found peoples living within state. anthro-
pological Islam, mosaic left of in by successive penetration, migrations to the based has been cultural influences the raising subjected, with of tropical of India, export
products, including sugar, coffee, tobacco, spices, tea,
extraction of tin oil significant, though oil production in
Sumatra Borneo then in pioneer stages.
lands of the period, in the early phase of industrialization,
just beginning to consider the Indonesian colony as a potential market
for goods in the metropolitan country. Holland continued
to function primarily rather than as those of the industrialist. to reap Imports the profits into of the the colony
in valued at only million; exports totaled
million. Import items textiles, luxury foods, bever-
ages, metal products. the there the most
elementary sort of manufacturing Certain export items pre-
liminary consumption processing fabricated in the Islands, locally. 3 simple goods for Indies
This study with the years the cele-
brate the three hundredth anniversary of their arrival In Southeast Asia.
During three centuries, the Hollanders had gradually extended
their authority over the archipelago. last formal
acquisitions of Indonesian territory, in fact, only the
human and If
is any it can
distance— vertical, if you will— between
New Guinea and Javanese is
between any two one The
uneven degrees
the West, and China.
The economy 1900 was upon
and cinchona.
The and was
and was still its The Nether-
its own was
manufactured
an emporium and
merchant
1900 were f. 195 f. 259
The main were
and Within colony was only
. underwent
and some
were
Is concerned which saw Dutch
those
whole The Dutch
were made In
.
[7]
New Guinea.
twentieth century in the interiors of Borneo, Celebes, and
But most of had under effective Netherlands control since
the half of the eighteenth century. had
to the islands, like the earlier Portuguese, to trade, not to govern.
early merchants had found that possession of a trading
post offered over simply anchoring offshore to barter with
native suppliers. price of spices, the product at-
tracted the Westerners to Southeast Asia, very likely to be pushed
up by the arrival of a foreign ship. fixed trading establishment,
often called a factory, could, the other hand, spices at
time the price attractive not be subject to the hazard of
wild price fluctuations occasioned by irregular of
ships, as natives had to take their cargoes
of spices without lengthy delay. establishment of factories led
to the laying out of fortified towns, these in turn the
Control of their environs. The exercise of political authority over In-
donesia in the days to speak of before their "civilizing nineteenth mission" century colonialists forced on the East
India had founded as a
ture but pushed the sphere of colonial
ernment. 1800, after years of inefficient corrupt
the a colonial administration. governing functions taken over by
The term native has become very unfashionable recent years, but, as
much more convenient than the substitutes now frequently employed
place, the writer continues use Readers can be assured that references
the autochthonous peoples of the Indonesian archipelago as natives are not
tended carry any derogatory connotations. one can speak of natives of
France or England, there no sound reason avoid referring natives of Java
Sumatra
Java been
4
first The Dutch first come
The permanent
advantages
The which first
was
A
on buy any
seemed and
the coming Western
which, the knew well, on
The
and demanded
European
began was
Company. The company been commercial ven-
was evermore deeply Into gov-
In and management,
company collapsed and its were
in it
is so in its
to it. to
in-
to If
is to to
or
...
[8]
The N.I. government's administrative
direct indirect rule. policies, rulers though native shifting, lay officials
existed throughout the colonial period, but the the initia-
tors of basic policy of kept a close bureaucrats the operations of the to act with
considerable but, like junior officers with their
superiors, they of the earliest slightly to principles the rear of in step colonial with the
later expressed in the phrase: "Like over like *
This semi-official slogan originated from the of sepa-
rate officials different politico-legal systems for the various ethnic
groups within the colony. Thus, in theory within restricted limits
in practice, natives under their regents, Europeans lived
under the jurisdiction of civil servants, other
foreign Orientals to their or officers.
Final absolute authority must not be forgotten, in
the hands of a governor general in with
directives from the
Soortoversoort genade Furnivali, Netherlands India Cambridge
University Cambridge, 1944, 89, discusses principle further but
translates the Dutch sentence above: "Like over welcome." As genade
properly means either God's grace or human mercy, the word humane seems to be
more accurate than voor de Tropen welcome Amsterdam Miss Johanna reports Felhoen-Kraal that the of the slogan was Konlnklijk originally
introduced into the vocabulary of the Indies officialdom by the famous Dutch
authority on aphorism Islam, Professor Snouck Hurgronje, who translated from an Arabic
Dutch works on N.I. distinguish, as did Dutch law, between Europeans
(Europeonen), natives Inlanders), and foreign Orientals Vreemde Oosl-eriingen
sometimes known earlier as Oostersche Vreemdelingen Oriental^ foreigners)
The group was very largely Chinese but included some Arabs, Indians, and
other Asians necessary alien N.I. More discussion of classiflcatory be
between and Native and
Dutch were
and watch on
machinery government. Native appeared
autonomy, walking
were always and
Dutch. One Dutch government
was that is humane."
maintenance
and
and
were own
Dutch and Chinese and
were accountable headmen
and was, it always
Dutch who acted accordance
Hague.
"
i£." J. S.,
Press, p. this
like is
.
Instltuut in
It
( (,
,
last
to this system will
later

.

should be observed parenthetically that from early time the
military titles to those responsible for the
supervision of their compatriots. Thus there major, as-
sisted by subordinates, in large cities such as Batavia. Smaller
munities might rate the only a terms mojoor, captain or kapitein a lieutenant. For luitenant are used here
in referring to the Chinese held such ranks. of
these titles difficulty are sufficiently close to the English to preclude reader
This colonial administrative system appears to
in fact complicated. of complexity inevitable in the In-
donesian scene, but a share must be attributed to bureaucratic
zeal thoroughness. French observer just before the turn of the
century reported to spoken of as "le poradis des fonction-
naires ." 5 the critic, in writing of the administration of Java,
stated with he Gallic sufficiently directness: gracious to est trop that the gouvernee." excfes
d'intervention out of excfes de bienveillance
It
Dutch gave
convenience,
who
Much its
and A
is have
And same
charming
However, was
"grew an"
Chinese The Position
the society of Netherlands India the Chinese had
carved a niche for themselves Their position comfortable
at others highly precarious. nearly the entire Chinese
population of Batavia massacred In other, happier years
individuals, such as 18 million guilders the late nineteenth as century majoor of rich. There
in over lived 277,265, and half a million a nearly in equal the colony. 260,051
Within complex
.
and
was
who cleared
were 1900 well
and Madura
[9]
on
Chinese made
was a Chinese
com-
accuracy and
, and
The Dutch versions
any
have been and was
was
Dutch
Java
"Java
add Dutch
"
."
was at times
In 1740
. Chinese
Semarang,
an opium dealer, grew
Chinese On Java
number,, were
[10]
Outer Is,
in the so-called Possessions, that on the Islands other than
The Chinese of Java mostly Indies-born, while
those of the Possessions included a higher of
grants. the Chinese population of rose
by 128,000; but thatof the Outer Possessions climbed by about
thus statistically clear that immigration Into the Possessions
far greater than that Into must also be noted
that these statistics reveal the of immigration
into the Possessions. contract laborers for the mines
plantations of those regions returned to China; their numbers
ingly are not included in the net increase of Chinese residents during
the latter part of the nineteenth century. significant
statistical that Java's lived a settled provided
by figures that the sex ratio for the Chinese of Java in
85 to 100 Similar calculations for Sumatra, where
most of the Chinese of the Possessions found, a ratio
of only that the Chinese of the to 100 These figures graphically demonstrate
plantations the mines of Billlton, largely
q
grant laborers tied recently loosely to the society of the country.
Chinese of Indonesia, in their eyes in the eyes of
others, long divided into groups. Immigrant
Chinese are referred to as Singkehs or Sinkehs. The term derived
from the this designation, dialect guest. from the Indonesian word pronunciation Arrivals of from hsin-k'o also for genuine, called Totok, but
used. Chinese born In the archipelago are normally called Peranakans,
a term of local origin based the Indonesian for child,
Java and Madura. were
Outer percentage immi-
Between 1860 and 1900 Java
1 90,000.
It is Outer
was In volume Java. It
raw do not full magnitude
Outer Many and
accord-
Other and more
evidence Chinese life is
showing 1900
was women men.
Outer were show
16 women men.
Outer Possessions, particularly those of Sumatra's
and Bangka and were immi-
and
The own and
have been two principal
is
Amoy (^y ^)and thus
means new China can be
is less commonly
upon word anak.
.
[11]
also the root, for of beronok, to give birth.
or not be of Chinese-Indonesian ancestry
but he immigrants, nature Indonesian Singkehs, of their birth. likely to Indies-born be found in Chinese, rural areas Per-
anakans, tended be urbanized. population estimate re-
vealed that nearly fifth of Java's Chinese concentrated in
that island's three chief cities, Batavia, Surabaya, and
only fifth resided outside the other principal cities towns.
9
In Batavia they not yet possible for to state almost a quarter of the Chinese the population. to the
archipelago. firmly established there by the time the Euro-
peans but earlier, in the fifth century, the famous Chinese
Buddhist pilgrim. Hsien, had described having seen a fan but no
immigrants from his native land in or
considerable in techniques of shipbuilding
navigation, the of resultant to the growth of Indies. overseas Chinese, trade very no likely took doubt, were
represented in the forces unsuccessfully invaded in
the late thirteenth century. during early great Chinese
explorer collapse led his of the seven expeditions dynasty to Southeast the ensuing disturb- Asia
ances the South coast to stimulated the
gration to Southeast Asia of Fukien people. Southeast Asian
Chinese of Fukienese descent boast of ancestors
the the seventeenth
tury junks history are thus roughly analogous to the of our
which is example, A
Peranakan may may mixed
is always of
While were
because of the employment,
to The 1900
one were
Semarang; and
one and
accounted
It is when first came
They were
came, much
Fa
Java Malaya. The Sung dynasty
saw a advance Chinese and
and
new numbers Chinese Many
Mongol which Java
And Ming, the
Cheng Ho and
beyond. The Ming and
on China appear have emi-
Often
who emigrated when
Manchus came down from North. Nameless cen-
"Mayflower" own
[12]
One West on China
aspect of the impact of the in the second half
of the nineteenth century that, through the introduction of steam-
ships to Eastern greatly facilitated the travel of to
Southeast Asia to Further, the in the the mines years colonies of plantations a period that part of of the of extensive the world. Europeans, Labor a
fruitful source of This supply was phase of found in the the infamous coolie trade Southeast the primary
reason for the rapid growth of the population of Netherlands
India, particularly in the Possessions, during those years
later Chinese immigrants, while Fukienese represented, in-
cluded of birth. Thus the
Peranakans of largely of descent, while most
Singkehs had various groups from from of fresh immigrants usually had little in
but their poverty. sharply divided by differences in dialect,
in easily with turn, Singkeh speakers Peranakans of Chinese unable to converse
to differ the of men's origins. Peranakans likely to be
self-employed, principally as merchants; Singkehs, lacking capital or
credit, obliged to as Thus, at the begin-
ning of this century in the majority of
Peranakans of in at other nonagricultural nearly 10,000 were Chinese jobs, presumably as with occupations, manufacturers, and
taurant operators, the like. In the Possessions over half of
the they Chinese as hired hands in agriculture, plantations. Finally,
was
waters, it Chinese
. same were
economic development
was needed work and and
crowded villages of
China. was a and
Chinese
Outer. The
some were
many Hakka, Swatownese, and Cantonese
1900 were Fukienese
come Kwangtung.
The common
They were
and, were
Malay-speaking. Occupational rolesalso tended
on basis were
were work wage earners.
Java, where great Chinese were
,some 75,000 men 33,000
were engaged trade, 20,000
worked moneylenders, res-
and Outer
207,000 employed were engaged which
meant that worked on if.
[13]
as Is commonly stated in Java, two-thirds of the Peranakans were of
Indonesian ancestry, physical characteristics
set the residents apart from of the old. possible,
imprudent though for observer to say in
12
1900: "The Peranakans are not not to be so."
mixed Chinese and even
new many It was even
it now seems, an astute Dutch
Chinese and do want
Chinese Separateness
true thatSingkehs Peranakans far from forming
a unified in 1900, virtually all in the Indies
readily recognizable as distinct from the native Indonesian
lation. centuries of residence In Southeast Asia had caused the
Peranakans to lose of the features usually attributed to the Chinese,
but they had never fully assimilated into the native population
nor hod most side. to than superficial Westernization missionary from the observer:
while the Netherlands enriched by the Chinese, the
Chinese hove, through their contact with the Netherlands, gained
or nothing In religious or spiritual respects. 13 language,
dress, cuisine, architecture, of the religions, ancestral habits, had that the lost or corrupted cultural in
the Indonesian environment. Nevertheless, the continued to
consider themselves a separate be said to people so by others. off by
tive barriers" thereby to formed a distinct people within the
archipelago. In the case of the Singkehs, easy to see their
This phrase and of the concepts be used as analytical tools the
discussion of nationalism follow are taken from Karl W. Deutsch, Nationalism
and Social Communication, Technology of MIT, Cambridge, 1953. This
While It is and were
Chinese community Chinese
were popu-
The
many
been
undergone more
European Or, employ the words of a Dutch
"... have been
little
..." The
and is,
background, homeland been
Chinese
and were viewed
The Chinese can have been "marked communica-
and have
it is how
many to in
to
Press
[14]
ofan Indonesian was an communication
Ignorance language obstacle to
with the indigenous people. But, to rule out language as the principal
factor in the remaining apart of the Chinese, must be
that virtually ail Peranakans or the native tongues.
failure of the Chinese to that to be linked
to the Indonesians by of must be at-
tributed to other causes. Religion responsible for the isola-
tion of the Chinese, Chinese having Islam, the religion
of the majority of Indonesians Furthermore, in a colonial situation,
alien minority unable to political or social equality with
the equally alien rulers understandably likely to seek to separate
itself from the ruled natives. This indeed true of the Chinese in
Netherlands India, as will be demonstrated later, galled by
efforts to identify them with the native masses. Throughout their
history the people of have, perhaps to a unique degree, felt
themselves culturally superior to other peoples. term culturalism
has into limited use to describe the attitude of the Chinese in
it remembered
knew one more of
The become assimilated, is,
common channels communication,
was partly
few embraced
.
an achieve
is
was
who were,
Dutch
China
The
come
book, probably more than any has shaped the thinking of the present
writer on the problems of nationalism.
the great mass of literature on nationalism, several stand out
as examples of scholarship. Readers may wish the following
works: Carleton Hayes, Essays on Nationalism, Macmillan, York,
1926; Friedrlch O. Hertz, Nationality History and Study of the
Psychology and Sociology of National Sentiment and Character The Clarendon
Oxford, 1944; Hans Kohn, The Idea of Nationalism: Study of Ori -
gins and Background Macmillan, York, 1944, Nationalism: Meaning
and History, Nostrand, Princeton, 1955, Prophets and Peoples: Studies
Nineteenth Century Nationalism Macmillan, York, Royal
of International Affairs, Nationalism Oxford University London, 1939;
Boyd C.Shafer, Nationalism; Myth and Reality Harcourt, Brace, York,
1955; Louis Snyder, The Meaning of Nationalism, Rutgers University
Brunswick, 1954.

J. H. New
L. Press,

other,
In other titles
solid to consult
in Politics: A
,
Press, A Its
, New Its
Van In
, New 1946; Institute
, Press,
,New
New
[15]
their prenaflonalist relationships with foreigners. This attitude
tains a strong sense of cultural superiority together with
reluctance to to having innovations
from abroad. Chinese appear, no less than the people of
proper, to with culturalism; their
of the native populations of their countries the
disdainful not possible here to than offer the conjecture
that the Chinese belief in the of their civilization
sibly the chief barrier to social Indonesians.
Finally, of the most important reasons for the of a
separate system position of of that people. social Indonesians to be seen in the for the most
part peasants. lived in countless villages, ever sought
to break away from the by contrast the security— of trading people, their tending native to be
urbanized not yet financially successful, ordinarily strongly
attracted by the lure of profits. history also pro-
vides of role, the Jews; a trading the overseas Chinese in part of their
referred to as the Far East. barriers to
cation, established factors, initially naturally by linguistic, tended tobe religious, self-perpetuating. ethnocentric, and
Indies Chinese spoke only the of their country,
they failed to effectively with the native majority.
There no real basis for Chinese trader
In the city Indonesian peasant in the hinterland. both
could speak the or mutually intelligible dialects; but
their experiences, habits, aspirations were too dissimilar to permit
con-
an extreme
accept or acknowledge accepted
Overseas
China have been deeply imbued view
adopted was on whole
. It is do more
supremacy was pos-
communication with
one maintenance
Chinese communication is
economic The were
They and few
poverty— but also
homes. The Chinese were a
and, if
commercial Western
an example people isolated because
economic and
have very frequently
been Jews of the The communi-
economic Long after
many language adopted
still communicate
was communication between a
and an Often
same language
and
[16]
any significant exchange of ideas. But a Peranokan, who was probably
in commerce, and a Singkeh, who might merely be hopeful of attain-
ing that position, would be better able to communicate with each other
and, accordingly, more likely to do so. The Peranakan and the Singkeh
might experience difficulty in finding a common language, but shared
thoughts would make up for much of the linguistic deficiency. How-
ever, much greatercomplementarity of social communication, of course,
would have served two Peranakans, whose backgrounds, thoughts, and
language were even closer. The possession of common channels of
communication, then, Is in a sense like what is meant when two per-
sons are said to have something In common.
The Chinese as Minority
Underpressure, real or Imagined, a minority feel threatened
seek security by further Isolating Itself from those are outside
system of social religious minority seek
solace in a withdrawal from the comforts the hostile of world church. around racial a minority
feel only of survival In the hard lot for
fear of worse to Thus In times
freed physically from the ghetto, often ore loath to break In
spirit— for, as they say, faith In their religion the practice of the
of their ancients all that held together and prevented
their destruction during the long centuries of persecution re-
cently appreciable of our largest racial minority,
the society; trouble." but, to risk struggling today, for final are fearful into of
a
may
and who
Its communication. A may
It and growing
dependence upon Its A may
Its chance is acceptance of Its
come. Jews, who modern have been
still away
and
ways were them
. Only
have any number
Negroes, been willing acceptance
American even many Negroes still
"making
[17]
the of notional ism as a solution
to the problems of a minority. recent United Nations publication
neatly the customary demands of a minority "whose
equality with groups in the sense of nondiscrimination plus
recognition of certain special rights the rendering of certain posi-
tive services." Since the to be studied in this to
form such a minority, useful to read over the following United
Nations inventory of the "positive services" "special rights" nor-
mally included in a of minority nationalism:
(a) Provision of primary secondary education for
the minority in cultural traditions;
(b) Provision for of the culture of the minority
through tional the establishment of institutions; information, operation other of schools, cultural libraries,
(c) Provision of facilities to the minority for the use
of either orally or in writing, in the legislature,
before the courts, in administration the granting of
the right to use that in private intercourse;
(d) Provision for respect of the family law personal status
of the minority their religious practices interests;
(e) Provision of a such as intellectual certain the overseas resources of to must be able certain to turn to national-
ism. must, obviously, be in large to their
efforts meaningful. handful of separate not likely to be
taken seriously by themselves or by the majority population of their
country. as the history of the minorities of
Poland the world wars unhappily shows,
a special arise a minority native to a powerful
Here the concern is emergence
A
lists members desire
dominant
and
Chinese book came
it is
and
program
adequate and
its own language and its
maintenance
and
museums, media and and educa-
adequate
its language,
and and
language
and
and and and,
degree autonomy.
A people Chinese command eco-
nomic, social, and
They enough numbers make
A people is
adopted However, German
and Czechoslovakia between
situation can when is
.
[18]
aggressor state the borders of country of residence. Chinese
of Indonesia fifty their present years definitely future positions not could In such a conceivably situation.
the lem for Sudetenlanders discussion of here. as already the Orient, indicated, this not be appropriate better prepared prob- for
a nationalistic symbols and consciousness in possession of of the In the for case of
expatriate people long isolated from national such as
the Peranakans of Java, the acquisition of this
skillful to be required, considerable organization expenditures in of energy nationalism likely
out these resources, rather than a constructive social effort, a
born of desperation with negative goals be the result
of nationalistic stirrings, as in the terrible of Kenya's
on Its The
ago were
Although and make
them is an
A people will, much
campaign if it Is equipment its
task— the nationality. an
its homeland,
equipment may demand
and, since formal education is
and money. With-
move-
ment and may
example Mau
Mau
of the problems to be investigated here are suggested by the
following passage: formed a people, they acquired
characteristics of nationality, they
had this should to in
the midst of cultural strategy spiritual of values, in teaching they a in their in the pride kind fun- a or
teaching hunger for this kind of pride and confidence not
yet attained then a potential this center for of nationality patterns of individual
social behavior, and of political action. all this should
7in ages of social mobilization sharpening
social conflicts, a powerful nationalism pattern to organize easily turn into a political in the course of
their social conflicts, bidding to abate or defer of
Many
Once men once many objective
would become aware ofwhat
happened. If new awareness come them
and change, a change
damental them new and
new confidence what were and own —
them a
— new consciousness would
become new and
If hap-
pen widening and
would
weapon, men
them some
[19]
these conflicts in order to concentrate all their strength on
victories in others. these trends to nationalism
should by the deliberate actions of govern-
ments, moss public education systems, newspapers other hosts of other of
private or public stage a indeed, political nationalism force. might
ism has in fact as such a not
so in right but, like a whirlpool, the visible
pression of the meeting of other forces created it.'^
central problems to be studied, then, are why, by
with result the passive feeling of separateness of the Indies
Chinese transformed a half. into vigorous the nationalism of this century in the space the Chinese of a of
Netherlands India lacked cohesion politically inarticulate;
fifteen years later they controlled the most active political force within
the to be their wishes credited felt both primarily there to the organizational in This skill of
the leadership of the For this reason a large share of this
study will to investigation of the efforts of the leaders
of the overseas of Netherlands India to mobilize
their people for nationalism. Schools, associations,
the press all contributors to the success of the will
studied as sources of this of national nationalistic course consciousness. goals of the discussion prove useful of the as a these
efforts the writer hopes to a case study of overseas Chinese
nationalism. islands of Indonesia, particularly Java, the most
populous in the history of this nationalistic the most
important, will be the scene of the to follow.
winning And if
become reinforced
and media
communication, economic interest groups, and
agencies— then ap-
pearonthe as dominant.., National-
appeared dominant power, a power
much its own ex-
which
The how, whom,
and what
was
decade and At opening
and were
colony and made and China.
achievement is
movement.
be devoted an
Chinese community
pan-Chinese and
were movement and
be A
consequences awakening may
means of explaining the and movement. In
develop
The
and movement
account
  1. in
.
[20]
Notes to Chapter 1
These statistics are taken part from: Centraal Bureau voor de
Statistiek (Central Statistical Bureau), Jaarcijfers voor het Koninkrijk der
Nederianden, Koloni'^n, 1900 (Annual Figures for the of the
erlands, Colonies, 1900), Bel infante, the Hague, 1902 (hereafter
referred to as Jaarcijfers, plus year of edition), p. and J. Furnivall,
Netherlands India Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1944, p. 1,
which, along with Bernard H. M. Viekke, Nusantara: a History of the East
Indian Archipelago, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, 1943, an ex-
cellent general work English on N.I. of the remarks intro-
ductory chapter are expanded these two books.
2. Jaarcijfers, 1900 gives no population figures for islands other than
Java and which then had 28,746,638 inhabitants. However, the
1905 statistics Jaarcijfers, 1905, p. 3, show the total for N.I. at
the time to 1900 seems have been not unreasonable. 37,717,377. Thus a rough estimate of 35 million for
to be noted that the proximity of to Java caused the Dutch
to link the two islands for purposes of administration and the compilation
of statistics. Therefore, references to Java often imply the inclusion of
3. Jaarcijfers, 1900 pp. 49, 64-66, 69.
4. maps Viekke, op. cit pp. 153 and 304, are useful pre-
senting a concise picture of Dutch expansion.
5. H. de Graaf, Geschiedenis van Indonesia (History of Indonesia),
W. van Hoeve, the Hague, 1949, p. 428.
6. Joseph Chail ley-Bert, Java et Ses Habitants (Java and Inhabit-
ants), Colin et Cie., Paris, 1900, p. 323.
7. LiemThian Joe, Riwajat Semarang, 1416-1931 (History of Semarang,
1416-1 931), Drukkerij [1933?] p. 181 Misset, printers. publishers, Semarang,
8. Departement van Economische (Department of Economic Af-
Volksteillng 1930, Peel VII, Chineezen en -
lingen (1930 Census, Part VII, Chinese and Other
Foreign Orientals pp. 39-48. Netherlands India), Landsdrukkerij, Batavia, 1935,
9. Jaarcijfers, 1900, p van Sandick, Chineezen buiten
China, Beteekenis voor de Ontwikkeling van
ciaal van (Chinese outside China, Their Significance
the of Southeast Asia, Especially Netherlands India), M.
van der Beek's Hofboekhandel the 1909, p. 184.
10. Victor Purcell, The Chinese in Southeast Asia Oxford University
Press, Oxford, Borneo, eene Verhandeling over den Grondslag 1951, 11-39; de Groot, Het en den Aard Kongsiwezen der Chineesche van

J.
. 5; L.H.W.

Kingdom Neth-
Gebr.
1; S.
,
is
in Many in this
in
Madura,
in all
It is Madura
Madura
,
Two in., in
clear, this
Its
Armand
Ho Kim Yoe,
,.
Zaken
fairs), Andere VreemdeOoster
In Nederlandsch-lndlS
in
Hunne Zuld-Oost AziS, Spe-
Nederlandsch-lndi^
In Development
, Hague,
,
pp. J. J. M.
[21]
Politieke Vereenigingen In de Koloni'^n, meteene Chineesche Geschiedenis
van de Kongsi Lanpong (The Kongsi System of BorneO/ a Discourse on the
Foundations and the Nature of the Chinese Political Associations in the
Colonies, with a Chinese History of the Kongsi Lanpong), Martinus Nljhoff,
the Hague, 1885, 66; A. G. de Bruin, Chineezen ter Oostkust van
Sumatra (The Chinese on the East Coast of Sumatra), E.J. Brill, Leiden,
1918, p. 125. Jaarcijfers, 1900 pp 8-9.
12. Henri Borel, Chineezen In Nederlandsch-indl'^ (The Chinese
Netherlands India), Amsterdam, 1900, p. 37.
13. H. C. Millies, Nederiandsch Oost-lndl'^ en het
hristendom (The Chinese the Netherlands East Indies and Christianity),
Konlnklljke BIbllotheek, the Hague, 1850, p. 61
14. United Nations, Commission on Rights, Sub-Commlsslon on
Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities, Definition and
Classification of Minorities United Nations, Lake Success, York,
1950, pp. 2-3.
15. Karl Deutsch, Nationalism and Social Communication, Tech-
nology Press of Cambridge, 1953, p. 155.

p. De
c.. Human
W. MIT,

van de Kongsi Lanpong (The Kongsi System of BorneO/ a Discourse on the
1 1.,.
De
in L.J.Veen,
De Chineezen in
C in
, New
THE BACKGROUND OF THE NATIONALIST
AWAKENING
commun la fait
La souffrance en unit plus que joie. En des
souvenirs nationaux, deulls valent mieux que triomphes;
car imposent des devoirs; 'effort en
Renon
les les
lis lis commandent I commun.
The Need for Nationalism
We have noted that the Chinese of Netherlands India were
always quite distinct from the other inhabitants of that colony but that
until this century they were far from united as one community. The
achievement of unity demanded the awakening among all Chinese of
the archipelago of a feeling of membership in a greater Chinese nation.
The split between Peronakons and Singkehs required closing; the divi-
sions separating Cantonese, Hokkas, Swatownese, and Fukienese had
to be abolished. Loyalty to Thian Tee Hwee ( t'ien-ti hui, X. i^^f^)
and to other secret societies, long sources of hostility and even blood-
shed, could no longer be tolerated. These bodies, maintained to pro-
vide mutual help to the members, were clearly "one-sided and served
2
only to protect the interests of the membership." Finally, friction
between the various economic classes of the Chinese had to be lessened.
But why did 1900 and not some other year mark the beginning of intense
efforts to unify the Chinese? It has been said that they were subjected
to new pressures around the turn of the century. This is so, but pres-
sure and worse had been felt many times before without causing any
[221
[23]
significant change in the tactics by which the Chinese sought to safe-
guard their position.
To answer the question of why nationalism or, more correctly, ef-
forts to lay a foundation for nationalism emerged in 1900, it is necessary
to consider the events and circumstances of half a century ago in the
Indies and, briefly, in other parts of Southeast Asia, in China, and, if
it is not too daring, in the world as a whole.
I e
Dutch Ru
periods of the time Netherlands of the Indian East India history usually recognized the are: years
of confusion arising out of the wars; 181-1 81 6, the British
interregnum under Sir Stamford Raffles; the resto-
ration of authority and the search for a profitable, sound colonial
policy; the period of the culture system cultuurstelsel),
forced labor by the colonial government in the pro-
duction of export crops; the era of liberalism, the time
of the of large-scale private enterprises;
the years of the ethical ethische koers or, to use a chapter
title from a dealing with the subject, the period of
"efficiency, welfare, factors in the late nineteenth-century creation of a new official 3
morality calling for the protection elevation of the depressed
tives must be considered the rather notion that colonies
held as a trust the role of private business
interests in Netherlands crisis of India. 1885, bringing to a close a period of enormous in Indonesia
The
1600-1800, Company; 1800-1811,
Napoleonic1
Thomas 1816-1830,
Dutch
1830-1870,(
when was employed
1870-1900,
emergence and, 1900-1942,
program()
borrowed work
and autonomy."
Two
and na-
— vague were
and expanding European
... The
economic development, brought general bankruptcy.
[24]
The results of that crisis led to: intensive rationalization,
particularly in enterprises; plantation agriculture on
a scientific basis; the replacement of individual enterprise by
corporation enterprise; prudent finance; control by the
banks over borrowing enterprises; a policy;
the displacement of the center of from Java to
Hoi land; increase racial discrimination
Increased production ports, etc especially cost necessitated constituted since sums. the a considerable the construction cost had of rail- for the not
The capitalists the masters during this period over all
administration in Indonesia; a certain
from the mother country. up the outlying possessions a powerful
improving justice, the police, irrigation, education.
other words, the the undergoing extensive develop- to seek funds to finance
struction programs, efforts to administration,
wars. financial burden for all this had to be borne in no small
measure by the Chinese; the ethical program's efforts to improve
the position of the Indonesians in Chinese eyes, to call for
native betterment at Chinese expense.
European
more
common marketing
economic life
on m....
ways,., which
government, Achinese war been
ended and huge...
were
they demanded autonomy
... They wanted more
government capable of opening and of
and...
In Dutch colony was
ment and government was obliged its con-
its modernize the and its
The
and
seemed,
Chinese Revenue Farming
the time of the East India Chinese had held licenses
granted by the authorities to in certain profitable activities,
such as the selling of operation of establishments,
ferries, abattoirs, the gathering of birds' nests for
export to the gourmets of This system of bestowing
privileges Chinese the or, later, the
added
From Company,
engage
opium, the gambling
pawnshops, and and
China. monopoly
on who paid company government
•k
Italics.
[25]
itself an and
the required license fees had proved inexpensive simple
of raising official revenues. a established
as a license holder or monopolist, that as a farmer, the
had only to collect the sums annually due the authorities. There
no to appoint, officials supervise, to operate the monopolies, costly accordingly, or Euro- most
taken in by system Batavia represented of using Chinese net profit. farmers unde. at-
tack from philanthropic quarters farmers, near the of the deleterious nature nineteenth century. of the product
they distributed, peared to be the farming system as the arch native elevation. the villains, but all farmers the
opens the interior by to the into our with Chinese. India. less the than penetrate the Chinese,
in his contacts also argued with that, the loser. while farmers enjoyed, at the expense of
the "great prestige in the eyes of the natives," the
lition of the farming system immediately restore the Chinese to
their proper social, political positions. hostility
of private humanitarians, shared by the trans-
lated into measures to end revenue farming, brought forth the typical
indictment of Regardless contained of in the respect following official has for statement: the energy and
the great industriousness of the foreign Orientals, cannot be
denied that these qualities in large to the
injury of native society. the sincere
of the to further native industry, cannot shrink
from [the introduction of] regulations will end the present
privileged position of the foreign Orientals.
means Once Chinese was
is, revenue
Dutch
was need and pay European
peanized and,
money
The whole revenue came
end of the
The opium because
were viewed ap-
enemies of
The is key with which government
... The Chinese
evermore deeply Moreover, Javanese, en-
dowed Nature much cunning is
them"^
It was
Dutch,... abo-
would
economic, and The
Dutch government and
Chinese
... how much one
it
measure are employed
... Because it is now aim
government it
which
..
.
[26]
that the intended to act in
desire "to further native industry" by protect-
ing from these efforts the experiment, opium farms were replaced be revenue in seen in official farmers in East efforts the in 1896. to break Chinese victims success of of
the led to the in that
farming soon over licensed be abattoirs in all of Netherlands broken India. at about the Chinese time,
there soon the Chinese that all their other
olies likewise be to this, rumors soon heard
that the planned to establish banks for the extension of
agricultural credit to the peasantry ruin the position of rural
moneylenders. not possible 9 to calculate the of the profits denied the
Chinese by the abolition of revenue farming, partly
statistics not accurately reveal the prices farmers charged for the
goods services they dispensed partly because farmers able
to realize substantial indirect profits. Chinese monopolist
to be willing to on credit thereby gain the Interest short-
term loan. significant, farmers, ordinary Chinese under
the pass system, be discussed later, able to travel Into the
interior carry trade In addition to that licensed. pre-
vented a farmer say, from selling textiles as a side line;
the Chinese operator All of a these Indirect ferry service profits, might easily as well as the direct, a local
lost or threatened with loss by 1900.
Concrete evidence government
ance with its new-found
it Chinese can
economic power. Chinese were
As an bya
monopoly on Madura 1894 and Java
government monopoly announcement
would ended
monopoly was
and was talk among
would ended. Added
government
and thus
Chinese
It Is size
do
and and
A
sell and
More unlike
to were
and on
of opium,
and
moneylender.
accord-
first
government opium
The
1898 opium
The
same
monop-
were
I
because official
were
was likely
on a
Nothing
become
were
[27]
The wealthiest Chinese had invested heavily in opium farms, pawn-
shops, and other licensed enterprises; but around 1900, as a result of
the termination of revenue farming, "a great deal of [their] capital
was freed...." Or, from the Chinese viewpoint, many well-
established businesses were forced to close and Chinese financial losses
were heavy. Many hundreds of Chinese, the employees of the farmers,
were made jobless. On the political side, the Chinese farmers had
been divested of their semi-official status and came to be merely "sub-
12
jects without any legal or extralegal privileges."
Major Chinese Grievances
An estimate of the amount the Chinese of the colony paid in taxes
1900 is The available do
in presumably impossible to find. statistics
not reveal the distribution of the tax the
various population groups. There are record complaints to
the effect that their tax contributions to the unreason-
13
ably large. the other side, a for the N.I.
14
stated that the paid "extremely little" in taxes. truth
seems to be that the Chinese, like other people, disliked
taxes resented receiving a small reward for their
penditures. without does appear representation foreign Asians but that the Chinese suffered under a curious resentful, joined not Europeans the in taxation the per-
sonal property tax (personeele belasting), natives are not listed
as having paid, linked with natives in the business tax
(bedrijfsbelasting) sources took in approximately Europeans paid 2 million different from basis. the These
adequately burden among
on Chinese
government were
On spokesman government
Chinese The
any paying
and what seemed ex-
The Chinese were because was
because it was without compensation.
It Dutch scheme
whereby were with paying
which
and paying
, which on a
revenue f. Chinese
[28]
.5 million from the Europeans in 1900; but must be
bered that the Chinese population of then about seven
a half times the size of the Those Indies
Chinese had, through a process not worth lengthy treatment here,
acquired the legal status of Europeans reportedly taxed
ily than the mass position, of their the Chinese compatriots. must Because paid of their a sizable numbers share of the
customs duties the vehicle, excise, stamp taxes; but there
no of determining the sums involved. Here
important simply the grievances to note listed that unfair by the taxation against ordinarily the colonial included
ernment, 15 equality with taxpayers did not until
Several other grievances recounted by the Chinese early in
this century. the maintenance of separate residential areas for Chinese Foremost among these the pass system (passenstelsel), (wi jkenstelsel),
the natives placing (politierol). of Chinese under the jurisdiction of the courts for
There of the Chinese dislike for the pass
system no to present here the expressions of resentment
brought forth. system in operation in had
by a of 1863, which required that foreign Orientals
traveling in be with passes valid for
year. passes to be issued at the discretion of local officials
in "the interest of industry or other worthy endeavors"
but could be summarily revoked "in the interest of public
visa the to be affixed foreign Oriental by local officials for individual to be "of good trip, except

N.I. was and
1920.^

and f. 1 it remem-
European community. few
who
were less heav-
and
economic have
and and is
way even approximate it is
was
among Chinese gov-
and full European come
were
were
and
is abundant documentation
and need many
it The 1900 been authorized
government decree
Java and Madura equipped one
Such were
commerce and
peace." A
was each
when concerned was known name,"
.
[29]
such persons being exempt from the vise requirements. The system
seemed to imply that the great majority of Chinese, forced to arm them-
selves with visaed passes, were of bad name. It Is improbable that
the Dutch government deliberately sought to insult the Chinese under
its flag, yet the victims of the passenstelsel regarded the system as a
disparaging slur
The great latitude granted officials in the determination of the quali-
fications of applicants for passes was an invitation to bureaucratic arbi-
trariness and petty corruption, and, indeed, these evils did result.
Even if it is assumed, as In fairness it must be, that the majority of
pass applications received conscientious and honest treatment, obtain-
ing a pass was still both "troublesome and expensive." Applicants were
obliged to present themselves at a specified time outside a government
office, where long queues of Chinese often formed and where a day
might be lost In waiting. Tax stamps had to be placed on passes, and
thus the pass system was a source of government revenue gained exclu-
sively from foreign Asians.
The irritations of the pass system were sharply intensified with the
abolition of revenue farming at the close of the last century. When It
was necessary, under the revenue farming system, for the government
to permit large numbers of Chinese to travel in the Interior for the pur-
pose of operating their licensed concessions, passes were not difficult
to obtain. However, when revenue farming was ended, there was no
longer any officially endorsed legitimate reason for the travel of many
Chinese. Furthermore, the ethical program's concern with the pro-
tection of the natives made the restriction of Chinese travel appear
morally justified. In 1897 the government announced Its Intention to
supervise more closely Chinese travel, and. In the words of a highly
[30]
placed critic of this policy, "stricter supervision dif-
8
ficult to obtain passes." rigid the regulations in the late
nineties, necessary for Chinese to get visas for every
four days spent av/ay from pass required for short trips,
such as the from Batavia to Cornells, only hour's jour-
ney in 1900. he held no pass, be such unable to as illness, his destination a Chinese might, as quickly
as circumstances required. order to visit a cool resort or
a spa, thought a variety of complaints could be cured, a
Chinese forced to present, as part his application for a pass, a
physician's statement declaring the proposed trip necessary for reasons
of health. traveling pass was subject
to a fine of 25 or month's imprisonment at hard labor; those
use of falsified passes to prison sentences of up to five
years. no that heathen Chinese" expressed
selves ready for conversion to Christianity the condition that the
pass system be revised not possible to to calculate converts. the financial losses suffered by the
Chinese through the sharpened supervision of their travel
firms reluctant important, to merchants unable to long free travel on to trade business, In the in-
terior confined to the cities. early as 1897, the
official ethic only beginning to limit
the importers of Surabaya sought to persuade the to
ease restrictions farming on the entry into the interior. limitations on Chinese end of travel
threatened the importers with the loss of village markets, markets

f. one who

meant making it
1
When enforcement of 1863 began
it became new
home. A was
one Meester an
even In an emergency,
because reach
In mountain
where it was
was of
A Chinese apprehended withouta
made were liable
It is wonder "many them-
on
exempt
It Is
. European
became employ Chinese
and, more Chinese
were As when new
was Chinese commercial activity,
Dutch government
its Chinese The
revenue and accompanying
.
[31]
. Dutch
penetrated almost exclusively by Chinese import houses in Sura-
reported to lost in result of the
bankruptcies of their Chinese retail dealers; imports into that East
port a 10 per cent decline 1897.
years later the planters' association at also sought
to from the the right travel for those Chinese
served interests. businessmen, along with the Chinese, were
understandably threaten at the most Chinese stagnation confined of trade to urban centers; to also they
permitted to reside only within restricted areas. This discrimina-
tion in the of with the grievances In provisions in the wijkenstelsel of other regulations included 1900. These regulations the district system,
a term too to the real be proper, but
also very clumsy, to of separate speak of this residential institution areas as the system Chinese. for seems the that the
wijkenstelsel best be referred to here simply as the
a term zoning system up for of course lack of strength had by basis In the brevity. natural desire of
early Chinese settlers to In neighborhoods to seek
congeniality and convenience In the belief that the Chinese
of their colony could best be controlled found only a limited
ber of provisions places. read Chinese In part: of living under zoning system
baya were have f. 1,140,000 1896 as a
and
Java showed between 1895 and A
few Dutch Sukabumi
win government to who
its Dutch
alarmed which seemed
20
Not only were
were
was accordance
among list Chinese were
known collectively. Dutch, as,
weak convey meaning. It would
main-
tenance for It
can zoning system,
which makes Its its
The Its
congregate their own
and Dutch
If in num-
The 1900 were
which
Foreign Orientals, resident in Netherlands India, will, so far as
possible, be concentrated in separate districts, under the leader-
ship of their own chiefs.
:.
[32]
This regulation softened considerably by article of the
law on the stated system, the law operation in 1900,
the interests of agriculture industry or of farming
public works, local officials are to grant permis-
sion to foreign Orientals no districts to [for them] reside until are located. further notice in places
modification of the zoning system contained in the article just
cited possible that there in the early nineties than
[sic] villages reside as
of the revenue system farming system order to against violation of the
with the pass system, the end of farming brought rigid
enforcement of the regulations. the
proclaimed stringent enforcement of the
for soon similar proclamation concerning
the Possessions. Violators of the system liable to
fines of from 25 to to be neces-
sary, to Chinese districts. eagerness to help the natives
23
struck the Chinese a severe
Chinese of the period bitterly over the vigor of the
system. the early years of this century,
of the value of preventive in the tropics had filtered to
the Chinese, the districts seen by their residents to be unhealthy.
writer can, from his observations of quarters
in Java, testify that filthy, the areas brutally formerly set Tortuous aside for alleys reek the Chinese of generations are
of refuse. Walls to be with a patina of slime.

f. f. 100 and were removed, forcibly if

was an 1866
zoning still in which
In and revenue
and empowered
where
The
made it were "more
30,000 on Java where Chinese could employees
in guard
„22
..,
As revenue
zoning In 1900 Governor General
new and more 1866 zoning laws
Java and Madura and made a
Outer zoning were
Again Dutch
had blow.
complained new
zoning In
when some knowledge
medicine down
were
The own some Chinese
crowded, and hot.
appear covered moldy

i.e., the Chinese and other foreign Asians, were the defendants. Europeans were of course brought before "European courts." The Chinese long viewed the police courts as the keystone of their grievances. The evil of the system lay ultimately in the fact that the courts were not

[33]
In a tropical land of gleaming sunshine, Indonesia's old Chinese quar-
ters seem oddly dark and are enveloped in dankness. The former Euro-
pean neighborhoods are, when possible, on elevated ground and have
wide clean streets; the Chinese districts are down by the malarial harbor
or river. Once a Chinese district was established, it was difficult for
the Chinese to expand territorially, as their district was surrounded by
non-Chinese areas from which the native or European inhabitants could
not readily be expelled. As a result, the Chinese districts grew in-
creasingly unpleasantas the population increased. Forced residence in
a Chinese district often spelled financial loss or great inconvenience,
as in the example of a Chinese sugar mill owner who was obliged to
travel daily ten kilometers each way between his mill and the district
in which he was required to live. To compound this injury, the Chinese
in question was also forced to have a travel pass to make his twenty-
,
kilometer
.,.
journey. 24
The enforcement of the pass and zoning systems, as well as that of
the criminal code of Netherlands India, was under the jurisdiction of
the police courts, often referred to collectively and somewhat inaccu-
rately as the politierol or police docket. These courts tried the less
serious criminal cases in which natives or "those assimilated to them,"
25
instruments for dispensing justice but tools of the administrators.
... it was necessary to maintain an old Asian form of adminis-
tration, consisting of absolute power for the Governor General
and his lieutenants in the residencies, and on the opposite side.
[34]
populace, obedience
from the side of the blind to the authori-
ties. So that there be no danger of disobedience,
thought that in the trials of ordinary offenses, judgment
often effect on the of the people, the
administrative must not be exposed to the ever uncertain
directions the statements of judges take. the
contrary, the administration must be to reserve the
rights of investigation decision to officers, to the
clusion the cooperation of the courts. this there resulted the the chief of police, administers justice according to of the judge. thus police the civil court, officer assured of
his feelings, without the obligation to hear testimony, and,
he hears without the obligation to administer oaths. [There
was] no provision for not intended system of appeals to to be suspended justice higher by notorious courts the issuance sentences of pardons. of the fatal
bination of the administration the courts, as a matter
of course possible as system a courts, but at the part of goal, the the judicial system, were worst
the district courts, the serious felonies tried. These
courts by a official or might not
trained jurist. late as could only be officially claimed that
the typical district native court presided over by "a European,
often a judicial, official." Assisting the Hollander native
administrative officials, a native police officer, and,
tried, a Chinese adviser. the European of the
court trained In the law, he could conceivably be outvoted by his
native colleagues on the as not at all unlikely, the
native officials hostile to Chinese In general, the foreign Asian
defendant in extremely unenviable position. By 1900 there
the further danger to Chinese before the district that the
court president might be loyal to the

A... because com-

would it was
where
can have an obedience
power
which can On
empowered
and its ex-
Only was
From... where a govern-
ment officio I,
own
if it,
and...
were
and which
aim team same becomes
.
^"
Above the police same
where more were
were headed European who might be a
As 1916 it
was
were two
when Chinese
were Even when head
was
bench. If, is
were
was an was
bench European
new principle of native elevation
.
[35]
thus be unsympathetic to "outsiders." mildest observation on
the courts that their operation not in with the Indies
17
bureaucratic belief that "like over like
Unlike Europeans, natives others under the law applicable to
natives suspected of crimes, subject to arbitrary "preventive
detention," their houses could be searched almost at will by the
police. jails of Netherlands India in the early years of this
tury said to be overflowing with natives foreign Asians await-
ing held in "preventive detention," a of year being
28
not sentences imposed by the courts for natives considerably
harsher than those out to Europeans. felon might be
obliged to serve his sentence in a reformatory; his Asian colleague
crime find himself on a chain for similar
crimes might result a European's expulsion from the colony the
sentencing of convict's Asian to as as not five years only generally at hard less labor. severe;
also less degrading than exposure to public a road
less hazardous than being assigned as a coolie to a military
expedition. to considered foreign that Asians in the annually before before 1900, the police
courts about before the district courts, not surprising
that the very with the question of their
treatment before the law. After all, these statistics indicate that in
the of out of every fifteen in the Indies at
29
that time likely to this point to find the discussion himself in has front of a centered on what judge the year.
of did to the has neglected to did

N.I. Chinese and mention what it

and The
is was accordance
is humane."
and
were, when
and
The cen-
were and
trial and wait one
uncommon
The were
meted A Dutch
in
would gang. Conviction
in and
an much The
European punishment was it
was view on gang
and pack
When it is decade
24,000 30,000 appeared
and 5,000 it is
Chinese were much concerned
neighborhood one Chinese
was each
Up government
—
[36]
for them. considering the latter question, only be said that
constructively that the omissions of the government,
though less easily than commissions, keenly felt
by the Chinese Colonial Indonesia not a "welfare state"
in the to receive a range of services
provided by the authorities; state the services sup-
plied by the for the most part benefited only a limited
minority. minority, as be anticipated, almost
exclusively of the Europeanized elements of the
tion. of law order, the great contribution of
most imperial powers to their colonies, served Chinese enterprise; but,
since police to be with providing protection
from not for the foreign Asians, this blessing of colonialism
not properly appreciated by the Chinese. such elementary
service as the provision of facilities for the collection of mall the
Chinese district of lacking. in the postal
authorities finally persuaded to install three mail boxes In that quarter
to serve a bustling business residential neighborhood containing
about inhabitants. significant caused the But arrangements the greatest for the concern. refusal of education the of their to children
In it can
little was done and
publicized its were
. was of course
which populace expected wide
it was a where few
government
The can was composed
European and popula-
The maintenance and
the appeared concerned
and Dutch
was Even an
In
Batavia was Only 1902 were
and
20,000 It was the government
make any
30
which Chinese
Government Education for Chinese
The fairly common accusation that "nothing was done for the edu-
cation of Chinese children" Is too strong; but It Is not Inaccurate to
observe that woefully little was provided by the government In this re-
spect. No separate schools for Chinese were supported by officio I funds
in 1900. Direct government subsidization of private Chinese schools
[37]
not There provision in the regulations of the
semi-official by
for the free education of "the children of paupers"; but pre-
sumably few for this parents charity. or able to their children schools qualify
but Chinese; only 39 pupils attended in Batavia
1897. So far as education
nese in equally students unfavorable in the position. middle schools there of 19
most of these a to foreign sons of Asian the tiny native Indonesian pupils elite. in a
total primary school population of only in
all the private primary schools. There on the other
hand, in the private schools for foreign Asians, which, as
31
noted did laws of not benefit the colony schools; from did not such a formal arrangement specifically support. unnecessary. from
parents wished to their child attend a government
school but ordinarily not "close the friends of the of the Resident or Assistant school board, there Resident, no of
the child's being the local authorities sup-
ported a child's application for admission to a school, the principal
could often did claim "there no for him.
Despite these obstacles, there as the statistics reveal,
Chinese children in the their parents paid dearly for this
distinction. Tuition for higher than for others,
15 per being the usual fee in "free" government schools. Fur-
thermore, a child before admission to understand

f. month

was known. was Chinese
Councilor Road at Batavia,a body headed theMajoor,
Chinese
were willing have
Government-sponsored Malay-language all
excluded Chinese them
in Dutch-language
was concerned, the Chi-
were an In 1900 were
"non-European" government N. I.,
and appear have been
The same year saw mere 1,870 and
government 15,562 and 97
European were,
8,085 pupils
above, government
The exclude Chinese
Dutch-language was If
hove Dutch-language
were
who was head was hope
accepted." Even if Dutch
32
and was room"
were, some
Dutch schools;
Chinese was f. lOto
Chinese was required
[38]
to follow instruction. most cases this requirement
forced parents to to instruct private their tutor, child in the usually language at a salary etiquette of
of the Netherlands. The Chinese pupil apparently expected to
master not only but also such curious customs as the eating
33
of a slice of bread with a knife fork. Readers will probably not
be surprised to discover later that education of the primary
concerns of Netherlands of the leadership of the India. overseas Chinese nationalist

f. 100 per month, and

enough Dutch In
engage a Dutch
was
Dutch Dutch
and
was one
movement
The Chinese and the Officialdom
of the colonial for the most part
controlled by frankly unsympathetic or hostile to Chinese.
difficult to this statement, but there supporting
evidence; despite the risks, to discuss this bureau-
cratic of the Chinese, a formless thing to handle, in order to
appreciate helped completely spark the nationalist that effort. feeling of insecurity
The bureaucracy had no Chinese Chinese officers
not properly in the officialdom but merely servants of it— and
servants without at that. Natives, the other hand, could
did enter service. in 1911 that the
tions providing entry to Chinese into the candidates. held lower echelons exercised of the the governing bureaucracy in N.I.
appear, on the basis of scattered references, to immersed
in the racialism so prevalent colonial administrators in the late
nineteenth century golden of imperialism. has already
The machinery government was
men even
It is document is some
and, it is necessary
view
more Chinese which
members. The
were
pay on and
government It was only examina-
were
34
opened
The Dutchmen who and power
have been
among
age It been
[39]
suggested that there Increase of racial discrimination with the
period of the ethical program. building of the Suez
Canal the steam navigation had facili-
tated the travel of numbers of Hollanders to the East. The growth
of the colonial the amelioration of tropical living
ditions had attracted increased flow of the
population of the colony more than doubling 1900.
Included the arrivals appears, o larger proportion
of repeated that the Impor-
tation of white Into a colonial setting tends to diminish
for interracial harmony. significantly enlarged areas
of contact respect proved understanding. Introduction bureaucrats to be sources of of friction legislation businessmen rather the than bases reinforcement the Chinese of mutual of older
regulations to control formal expressions of the
hostility. Informally, acting his Initiative, the
official to demonstrate his attitude toward
siderable freedom. official put think of a
civil servant powerless to act against natives [and, of course,
those treated under the law as natives] by of his authority."
Chinese could be arbitrarily classified as "dangerous to the
interests of the native thereby the for
the refusal of travel officialdom passes or has residence permits. probably with reasonable
curacy, as "haughty" In relations with Unlike the
British in their colonies, the long sought to reserve their
language to themselves. addressed Hollanders in
was an
opening of the The
and development of speedy, safe
new
economy and con-
an Dutchmen, European
35
between 1880 and
among new were. It
Dutch women; and an often commonplace Is
women chances
In any event, the
between Dutch and and
community
and
The new and
Chinese activities were
new on own Dutch
was able Chinese with con-
As one It: "One cannot
who Is
means
economic
people," and
way was opened
36
The been described, ac-
its non-Europeans.
Dutch own
Non-Europeans who
[40]
Dutch were,
until familiar. about fifty The years ago, languages thought of the Indonesian to be disrespectful and archipelago,
particularly Javanese, are rich in terms, styles of speech, special
vocabularies designed to insure that a speaker expresses recog-
nition of his status thatofthe person addressed
of Europe not system. Accordingly, the Euro-
officialdom of reluctant to permit itself to be addressed
in with polite but not servile second person pronoun.
late as necessary for the colonial to reprimand
officials insisted that Asians address
in or Indonesian language.
Petty discrimination against the often of a shockingly
childish character. Officials unnecessarily but deliberately kept
nese waiting outside their offices for long periods.
crat able to cause Chinese delay; the
purchase of postage stamps at times a small ordeal
reported that a his shoes official before entering in the area required Hollander's that the office. Kapltein of-
ficials, obviously with to do, are said to
derived a feeling of from stopping Chinese the roads to in-
spect their travel passes, such activity being a sport rather than a duty.
Until the early years of this century, the Indies addressed
letters sent rather than "to "to the native" or Presumably "to the Chinese In effort to
humiliate conspicuous the Chinese, bureaucracy, until
after the 1911 revolution or cutoff in their queues. refused to permit a simple Chinese matter to to enforce
restrictions on the clothing halrdress of Chinese by, for
unacceptably
and
always
own and. The languages
do have any comparable
pean N.I. was
Dutch its As
1909 it was government
who educated, Dutch-speaking
37
them Javanese some other
Chinese was
Chi-
The lowliest bureau-
was Inconvenience and even
was made. It was
Dutch one
remove Young
little work have somehow
power on
government
Its non-Europeans John
Doe," Mr. John Doe." an
and make the
China, wear
Western dress It was
and example.
[41]
any Chinese who
withholding travel passes from might be queueless
38
clothed in the the bureaucrat fashion. in his office could unhappily often did
treat the shamefully, the police on occasion brutal
police largely recruited from the native population had
reason to like said to be fearful to understand of Europeans the Chinese. to avoid interfer-
ing with their activities. frustrations thus in part
eased through the harsh treatment of Chinese. orgy of police bru-
tality occurred in the arrest of all in Surabaya
in effort press of to stamp of Indonesia the bureaucracy. out Chinese half unrest a century little to counteract in that city presumably 39 a the anti- that, with
notable exception, all the newspapers had
the These journalistic efforts to up feeling against the
for
Thus losses suffered by the Chinese through legislative
ures to the ethical program, together with the old
grievances, were magnified by the feeling of insecurity by
the heightened following
statement a succinct summary of the general situation obtaining at the
time under study: Europeans are irritated to see the Chinese enriching them-
selves Java; translate this sentiment into noble terms:
they Indignant to see the exploit demoralize
the they they spontaneously measures to the to protect rescue the of the
from the Chinese. Thus, Europeans Chinese are on the
stage, the in the wings. 4'
and European
While and
Chinese were even.
The were and
little and noway Native
policemen were and
The developed were
An
1912 when Cantonese
was ordered an.
The Dutch ago,
molder of public and official opinion, did
Chinese attitudes In 1896 it was stated
one "begun a crusade against
Chinese." stir
40
Chinese continued many years.
the new meas-
adopted implement
engendered
tempo of the Dutch attack. In any event, the
is
...
on they
are Chinese and
Javanese; come
Javanese...; demand Javanese
and
Javanese are...
[42]
The Chinese and the Oufside World
it
While Chinese
could no doubt be argued that the of Netherlands
India in lived in in itself sufficiently hostile
secure to bring forth a reaction in the form of nationalism, also true
that overseas nationalism not a local There
forces in the world as a favoring the rise of nationalism.
To the Chinese of Indonesia, the outside world begins at Singapore.
Ties the Chinese in the archipelago Singapore
close ever since that port's establishment 1819. British city off
the tip of the Peninsula has existence to
function as entrepot; goods persons destined for or
the islands of Southeast Asia often pass through Singapore. Ideas, as
well as people freight, also filtered through the port.
Elements of overseas not extravagant Chinese to nationalism speak of are no Singapore exception as the capital to this rule. of the
overseas Chinese of Southeast Asia. tremendous
of research has yet to be Singapore's role as overseas
nese political intellectual center the following
chapters references to Singapore to of that col-
such as the Lin outstanding nationalist ^fs. leader, will Lim be
1 900 an atmosphere and in-
it is
Chinese was phenomenon.
were whole
between and have been
in The
Malay always owed its its
an and coming from
and have been
It is
communities A amount
done on an Chi-
commercial,, and. In
numerous and Chinese
ony, Boen Keng (Lim
Boon Keng, Wen-ch'ing,X J^) made. Here it is
Dr. Victor Puree!! has long been a student of these questions and has pub-
lished a number of works. An earlier and unique book on the Chinese of Singa-
pore is Song Ong Slang, One Hundred Years' History of the Chinese in Singapore,
John Murray, London, 1923.
The foremost Chinese writer on the role of the overseas Chinese In the 1911
revolution, states: "Singapore was the communications center for the British and
the Dutch Southeast Asian colonies and for Burma, India, Indochina, and Aus-
tralia." Feng Tzu-yu<^ (^ ^, Ko-ming i-shlh $'op'j^^ (Reminiscences
of the Revolution), The Commercial Press, Shanghai, 1946, Vol.4, p. 145.
[43]
necessary simply to note that events and circumstances in Singapore
contributed, as did the local grievances described above, to the na-
tionalistic awakening of the Indies Chinese.
Commercial relations between N.I. and Singapore began in the
days of Raffles. By the close of the nineteenth century it was not un-
common for Chinese merchants in one colony to have business interests
in the other. Businessmen traveling between Singapore and N.I, natu-
rally were carriers of information, much of it on contemporary world
42
developments, including the rise of nationalism.
Until the establishment of Chinese consular representation in Nether-
lands India in 1912, the Chinese Consul General at Singapore was in-
formally charged with the responsibility for observation of the Chinese
population in the Indonesian archipelago. Although the Singapore
Consulate General was unable to extend official protection to Chinese
living outside its consular district, the existence of an official of the
dynasty in the British colony was another reason to regard Singapore as
43
a communications center for the Chinese of Southeast Asia.
Singapore's politico-legal institutions came to play a role in the
nationalist awakening of the Indies Chinese by serving as the basis for
comparisons drawn between the positions of overseas Chinese under
the Dutch and under the British. Many Chinese in Netherlands areas
strongly felt that their lot would have been better under British rule.
It was often pointed out that a fundamental principle of British colo-
nialism, universal equality before the law, was conspicuously absent
in the Dutch system. Singapore Chinese were not burdened with hated
pass and zoning systems. The example of Singapore taught that dis-
crimination and insecurity were not the inevitable fate of overseas
Chinese.
[44]
Finally, it can be mentioned that the Chinese press of Singapore
was influential in Netherlands India, that the Singapore Chinese Cham-
ber of Commerce came to function as a clearing house for information
flowing south from China, that a number of teachers in the Chinese
schools of the Indies were recruited in Singapore, and, as will be
discussed in the opening part of the next chapter, that the rebirth of
Confucianism in Singapore in the late nineties was one direct cause
of the nationalist upsurge in the archipelago a few years later. An
interesting historical side light, in view of the recent miscarriage of
very similar plans, is that half a century ago there was talk of creat-
ing "a great Chinese university at Singapore." The university was
to be staffed by European, Chinese, and Japanese professors, to be
financed by both private contributions and Chinese government sub-
sidization, and to be "entirely Chinese In its architecture and fur-
45
nishings.
Because the Chinese of Indonesia were made aware, largely through
their Singapore window on the outside world, of events outside the
area known personally to them, it is possibly convenient here to con-
sider briefly certain late nineteenth century forces of nationalism and
imperialism.
In China some elements among the Taiping rebels of the middle of
the century may have been at least protonationa lists. Later, the offi-
cials, notably Li Hung-chang, responsible for the conduct of foreign
affairs had come to think in terms of nations and national interests, al-
though the application of the term nationalist may be inappropriate in
their case. True nationalists emerged only in the last years of the
Tiong Hwa Siang Boe Tjong Hwe, Chung-hua shang-wu tsung-hui,
^-f :^
[45]
Chinese and
century defend the nation, merely her Institutions
dynasty. included in of these nationalists-
Liang Ch'i-ch'ao, By Imperialist Sun Yat-sen scramble being the most widely had led to talk of "splitting
the Chinese that foreign reshaping their
policies In a shift from penetration to the parceling out
of the empire In semicolonial spheres of Influence. Japan's
victory over demonstrated to world the of the
Ch'ing response policy, rise to to the so the melon-splitting proposed a part of fever. our history, Because there the no
to the Imperialist onslaught In the late nineties.
For the of this study, the significance of this phase of Chinese
history in the fact that the threat to did not unnoticed in
the overseas of Southeast Asia imperialist
attack caused articulate to reflect
their country's their places In world.
soon reached the conclusion tied to the future that their of the ancestral as alien residents abroad strong,
independent might afford protection or at least prestige to her
expatriates; a colonized thus, internationally despised
could only position of overseas insecure. The
of a state, united, powerful, internationally re-
spected, to be that of all this will
underlie of the material to be presented to elevate here. herself There the states of
the world, but the vision of the great nation in the future
universally held.
to not
Famous names are the list
K'ang Yu-wel, and
known. 1 898 an
melon"; is, powers were China
commercial
Chinese
1895 China the weakness
empire and gave
Anglo-American dismemberment of China, the
open-door is much own Is
need dwell on on China
purposes
is China go
Chinese communities. The
on China Chinese everywhere on
and own the Overseas Chinese
fate
was somehow homeland. A
China
and, China
make the Chinese more
dream Chinese and
came Chinese emigrants; and theme
much was dis-
agreement over how China was among
Chinese as a
was
[46]
Since this investigation employs the Dutch colony of Southeast Asia
as its setting, it is not inappropriate to mention that even in tiny Hol-
land there were highly placed men eager to draw their country into the
grabbing of concessions in China. As something of a footnote to the his-
tory of international rivalry in China at the end of the last century, it
is interesting to consider that early in 1898 the Netherlands Minister in
Peking recommended to his government that a Dutch concession be ob-
46
tained "in the Amoyarea" when China was divided up by the powers.
The Netherlands Minister of Foreign Affairs replied negatively:
The Netherlands already have very extensive colonial ter-
ritories, for the preservation and protection of which we must
severely strain our powers. The expansion of those territories
in a part of Asia, where until now no Netherlands possessions
have been, appears inadvisable because the sacrifices to be
demanded would be beyond our means....'
The passage above is important because it demonstrates that Dutch
officials were not concerned with any moral considerations possibly in-
volved in the annexationof Chinese territory; they had been carried into
the new imperialist tide, a fact doubtless reflected in their treatment
of overseas Chinese. It is also interesting to consider that the Nether-
lands Minister of Foreign Affairs, in his refusal to commit his country
to a new adventure in Asia, did not so much as mention the possible
overseas Chinese reaction to a Dutch seizure of a concession in China.
Ten years later, no maker of high-level Dutch policy in Asia was able
to ignore the feelings of the Chinese population under Netherlands rule.
The Chinese minority had by then created, through nationalist mobili-
zation, effective means for the expression of Its wishes. The manner
in which this creation came about and the use made of the new power
of the Indies Chinese will be studied in subsequent chapters.
[47]
Before leaving these essenflally inlrocluctory sections, the pres-
entation of a hasty survey of the late nineteenth century climate of
imperialism proper Southeast Asia prove useful
by recalling to the reader the nationalist imperialist ferment of
the era. the talked of Englishmen "manifest spoke destiny"; the "white the Kaiser man's originated the
term "yellow peril" has he expressed often alarm uncharitably over die held gelbe up to ridicule.
President justification of the of the
Philippines too neatly expresses the patronizing humanitarianism of a
late nineteenth century imperialist to here.
that the writer will be forgiven didn't for presenting the Philippines the following:
to us as a gift from the gods, the did not floor of the to night after
night until midnight; that not to prayed gentle-
for light night but that late (1) that than this could don't not give that to
could not turn over to France or our commercial
rivals in the that be business discredit-
able; (3) that not leave them to themselves they were
unfit for they soon
misrule over there worse than Spain's was; (4) that there
nothing cate left the Filipinos, and upliftand for us to but to take civilize all, to
by grace for the Christ very best also died could by as our
these Africa finally divided. British
subduing the fanatics in the crushing the Boers in the Trans-
vaal; the French in the North; the ruthlessly
beyond China and may
and
In West, of burden";
Americans and
when Gefahr.
Although it and been
McKinley's American annexation
be overlooked It is hoped
once again
The truth is I want
and when they came
I know what do about
them.... I walked White House
and I am ashamed tell you,
men, I went down on my knees and Almighty God
and guidance more one night.
And one it came tome way— I know how
it was, it came: we them back
Spain— would be cowardly and dishonorable; (2) we
them Germany—
Orient— would bad and
we could —
self-government—and would have anarchy
and and
was do them and edu-
and Christianize them,
and God's do we them,
fellow-men whom....°
In same years was The were
Sudan and
were expanding Germans
[48]
and
punished native recalcitrance; the Italians blundered into Ethiopia.
pecially nationalist in Turkey stirrings Egypt. could be detected in East, es-
Asia, Russian empire builders pushing through
churia the up to them. India's
nationalism usually dated from the response of the Bengalis to
the partition of their but the Indian National Congress,
admittedly a conservative at the time, had functioned for twenty
years before ing, often that nationalism; painfully, date. other Asian peoples her alone in the on the world verge of had follow-
the years to be covered in this study, the forces, nationalism no
less than imperialism, leading to the had set
in motion. imperialism had reached spring tide to
foster destruction through Asian nationalism.
  1. Hooy Tjiong, "Hookiauw dan Perkoempoelon -perkoempoelannjo"
  2. Kwee Tek Hooy, "Atsoi Moehlahnja Timboel Pergerakan Tionghoa
  3. J. S. Furnival I, Netherlands India, Cambridge University Press, Cam-
  4. Alexandre von Arx, L' Evolution Politique en indon^sie de 1 900 d>
  5. Theodoor Thomas, Eenige Opmerkingen naar Aanleiding van het
The first the Near
and
In were down Man-
and Korea, while Japanese moved meet
is 1905
home province;
body
Japan non-Western
achieved were
example.
In
misnamed Great War been
Western and was
its own
Notes to Chapter 2
(Overseas Chinese and Their Associations), SPJN.
jang Modern di Indonesia" (The Origins of the Emergence of the Modern
Chinese Movement in Indonesia), Moestika Romans, February 1937, p. 58.
bridge, 1944, p. 225.
1942 (Political Evolution in Indonesia from 1900 to 1942), doctoral disser-
tation at I'Universite de Fribourg-Suisse, Artigianolli-Mouza, Fribourg-
Sulsse, 1949, pp. 70-72.
Pachtstelsel op Java (Some Observations with Reference to the Farming
  1. F. Fokkens, "Afschaffing van Pachtenop Java en Madoera en in Ver-
  2. "Pacht of Regie" (Farms or State Monopoly), Opium-Vioek Vol. 2
  3. Rapport van den Directeur vanOnderwijs, Eerediensten Nijverheid
  4. H.D. P. Huizer, "De Opium-Regie in Nederlandsch-lndiS " (The
    p. 360; F. Fokkens, Bescheiden Wenken voorde Verbetering van den Economischen Toestand der Inlandsche Bevolking op Java en Daarbuiten (Gentle Hints for the Improvement of the Economic Position of the Native Population of Java and Elsewhere), M.M.Couvee, the Hague, 1904, p. 29; Nio Joe Lan, Riwajot 40 Toon dari Tiong Hoa Hwe Koan-Batavia (History of Forty Years of THHK-Batavia), THHK Drukkerij, Batavia, 1940, p. 5;
    D. Fock, Beschouwingen en Voorstellen ter Verbetering van den Economischen Toestand der Inlandsche Bevolking van Java en Madoera (Observations and Proposals on the Improvement of the Economic Position of the Native Population of Java and Madura), Martinus Nljhoff, the Hague, 1904, p. 3.
  5. Fokkens, "Afschaffing," loc.cit., p. 3.
    n. Jhr. J.C.van Reigersberg Versluys, Fabrieksnijverheid in Neder-
  6. Kwee Tek Hoay, op. cit., April 1938, p. 143; J. F. Scheltema, De
    p. 53; "Chineezen op Java" (Chinese on Java), Algemeen Handelsblad (Amsterdam), Vol. 76, No. 23779 (July 23, 1903).
  7. Some examples of these complaints are found in the following:
,
[49]
System on Java), doctoral dissertation at Leiden University, E.J. Brill,
Leiden, 1893, p. 38.
band Daarmede Verscherping van het Toezichtopde Beweging der Vreemde
Oosterlingen" (Abolition of Revenue Farming on Java and Madura and in
That Connection the Sharpening of the Supervision of the Movement of
Foreign Orientals), Indisch Genootschap lecture, February 2, 1897, Indisch
Genootschap (the Hague), [1897?], p. 3.
(1893), p. 137.
Betreffende de Maatregelen in het Belong van de Inlandsche Nijverheid op
Java en Madoera (Report of the Director of Education, Religion, and In-
dustry Concerning Measures in the Interest of Native Industry on Java and
Madura), Landsdrukkerij, Batavia, 1904, p. 7.
State Opium Monopoly in Netherlands India), IG, Vol. 28 (1906), No. 1
landsch-lndiS (Manufacturing Industry in Netherlands India), Ruygrok en
Co., Batavia, 1917, p. 40.
Opiumpolitiekder Regeering en deVrijheid der Drukpers in Nederlandsch-
IndiS (The Opium Policy of the Government and the Freedom of the Press
In Netherlands India), W. P. van Stockumen Zoon, the Hague, 1903, p. 9;
Sim Ki Ay, De Chineesche Nederzetting in Nederlandsch-lndi'g (The Chi-
nese Community in Netherlands India), J.Clausen, Amsterdam, c. 1918,
Off. Chin. Aff., Semarang to Res., Semarang, January 21, 1907; President,
Chinese Chamber of Commerce, Surabaya to Res., Surabaya, September 22,
[50]
[H.Mouw?], DeChineesche
1911; Kwestle (The ChineseQuestion)^ Druk-
kerlj Papyrus, Batavia, 1913, p. 37; Hoay, op.cit.,
1937, p. 487.
14. Rapport van den Directeur, p. 5.
15. Jaarcijfers, 1900, 106-107; "Chineesche Japanners" (Chi-
nese Japanese), IG, Vol. 30 (1908), 1, p. 83; Liem Djie,
Distribueerende Tusschenhandel der op Java (The Distributive
Intermediary Trade of the Chinese on Java), Martinus Nijhoff, the Hague,
1952, p. 41
16. Res., Surabaya to 28, 1908; Chin. For.
Aff. to Peking, September 2, 1909; Chin. Aff., Batavia
to Dir. Jus., September 10, 1909; Chin. Aff Surabaya to Dir. Jus.,
August 28, 1910; van Sandick, buiten China,
Beteekenis voor deOntwikkeling vanZuid-Oost AziS, Speciaal van Neder -
landsch-lndiS (Chinese outside China, Their Significance the Develop-
ment of Southeast Asia, Especially Netherlands India), von der Beek's
Hofboekhandel the 1909, p. 148.
17. Dijkstra, in de Nederlandsch-lndische
naarswereld, oft Mr. als Regeerings-Commissaris (The Corruption
in the World of the Netherlands Indies Bureaucrats, Bouten, Rotterdam, or: Mr. 1906, p as a 38;
H. Fromberg, (The Chinese
on Java), Uitgeversmaatschappij Elsevier, 1911, p.
Joe Lan, Riwajat, op.cit., p. 136; letter from Phoa Hek, President,
Batavia, published Perniaga'an (Batavia), 1907, 59, quoted
by Hoay, op.cit.. 1938, p. 195.
18. "Pachtof Regie loc cTt., p. 137; "Het Passenstelsel voor Vreemde
Oosterlingen" (The Pass System for Foreign Orientals), Indisch Mercuur,
Vol 20, 1897); Fromberg, Beweging
op Java, op.cit., p. 34.
19. Chineezen en Ons (The Chinese and
Work), der 1905), Nederlandsche p. 167; Zendingsvereeniging, Hoay, op. cit., Vol. 45, 1937, p.
487; C. Verklaring van de Nederlandsch-lndische Strafwet-
(Explanation of the Netherlands Indian Criminal Codes), H.
Dorp en Co., loc cit Batavia, 1895, p. 309; Blinde, en Ons Werk,"
20. Joe Lan, Riwajat, op. cit., p. 134; "Het Passenstelsel voor
Chineezen" (The Pass System Chinese), Insulinde, Vol 2,
8, 1897), p. 178; Joarcijfers, 1900 p.
21 Article 73, Regeeringsreglement (Government Regulations), quoted
by C. W. Margadant, Het Regeeringsreglement van Nederlandsch-lndiS (The
Regulations of Netherlands India), G. Kolff en Batavia,
1894, Vol. 3, p. 79.

G.G., December Min.
L.H.W. Chineezen Hunne
M.
J. F. De Corruptie Ambte-
P. De Chineesche Beweging op Java Movement
J. H.Winde, "De Werk" Our
W. Margadant,

Kwee Tek December
~~
pp.3,
No. Twan De
Chineezen
.
Neth.Min., Off.
Off..,
in
, Hague,
Rhemrev
Rhemrev
Government Commissioner), Masereeuw en.
Amsterdam, 3; Nio
Keng
THHK, in No.
Kwee Tek May
".
. No. 52 (December 25, DeChineesche
Orgaan No. 11
(November Kwee Tek December
boeken M. van
"De Chineezen
..
Nio
for. No. 23 (June
,
46"^
.
Government Co.,
.
[51]
Wouter
22. Article 3, Staatsblad (Statute) 57, 1866, quoted by Brokx,
Het Recht en tot Reizen Nederlandsch-lndl'^ (The Resi-
dence and on Travel Netherlands India), doctoral dissertation at Leiden
University, C. N. Teulings, Bois-le-Duc, 1925, p. 86,
23. van Sandick, Ibid., p. op. 173; Article cit., p. 146. 6, Staatsblad (Statute) bl, 1866, quoted by
24. Res., Surabaya 28, 1908; Chin. For.
Aff. to Neth. September 2, 1909; Chin. Aff., Botavia
to Dir. Jus., September 10, 909; Off Chin Aff Surabaya to Dir.Jus.,
August 28, 1910; Boen Sin Po (Surabaya), January 19, 1911, article
in translation arch. Neth. Parts Realm; "Chineesche Japanners,"
loc.cit., p. 83; op. cit., June 1938, p.
25. Fromberg, Chineesche op Java op. cit., p. 16;
Henri Borel, "Dr. Lim Boen Chineesche Beweging" (Dr. Lim
Boen on the Chinese Vol. bb, 123 28,
tion inarch. Neth. Parts Realm; Tok Po (Batavia),
15, 91 2, article translation arch Parts Realm; Off.
Chin. Aff., Semarang to Res., Semarang, January 21, 1907; Chin.
For. Aff. to Neth. Peking, 30, 1909; Off. Chin. Aff.,
Batavia to August 26, 1910; Acting Chin. Aff., Batavia
to Dir. Civ. Serv., February 13, 1914.
26. Fromberg, Chineesche op Java, op. pp. 8-9.
27. Neth. to Neth. For. Aff., From-
berg, 28. Chineesche Ibid., pp. 10-12. Java, op. cit., p. 13.
29. Margadant, Verklaring, op. cit., pp. 80-81; Fromberg, Chi-
neesche Beweging op Java, op. cit., p. 15; Jaarcijfers, 1902, p. 47.
30. Lan, Riwajat, op. cit., pp. 46, 197.
31 Fromberg, Chineesche Java, op. pp. 1-2;
de Roo de Faille, Chineesche Road te Batavia en het door dit
College Beheerde Fonds" (The Chinese Council at Batavia the Funds
Administered by That Body), Bijdragen tot de Tool-, Land-en
van Nederlandsch-lndiS (Contributions on the Language, and
Ethnology of Netherlands India), Vol. 80, Martinus Nijhoff, the
1924, p. 304; L. Hazelhoff, "Het Onderwijs voor de te Ba-
tavia" (Education for the Chinese Batavia), Neerlandia 8
(August 1903), p. 100; Jaarcijfers, 1902 pp. 16, 20-21, 28.
32. 33. Hazelhoff, Hoay, op. cit., loc cit. 1936, p. 937.
34. H. Fromberg, Chineesche Beweging en het Koloniaal Tijd -
schrift (The Chinese and the Koloniaal Tijdschrift),
landsche Boek-en Handelsdrukkerij, the 1912, p. 18; Boen
Liang, met (Scales with China Vol

1906); Boen Sin Po (Surabaya), January 19, 1911, article transla-

1...,
F. la "De
P. De

totWonen in Law on
in
toG.G., December Min.
Min., Peking, Off.
Han
in Ov.
Kwee Tek Hoay, 247.
De Beweging,
Keng over de
Keng Movement), DL, No. (May
Han in
Min. Ov. Hoa October
1 in in. Neth. Min. Ov.
Min.
Min., December
Gen. Sec, Ad.
De Beweging cit.,
Min. Col. Min. M^ 871916;
De Beweging op
~~
De
Nio Joe
. De Beweging op crt.,
and
Volkenkunde
Geography,
Hague,
Chineezen
in, Vol. 7, No.
,
Kwee Tek December
.
Movement Zuid-Hol-
Hague, Ong
"Meten Twee Maten" Two Measures),,
[52]
No. 1 DeChineesche Beweging
11, (September 1, 1912), p. 24; Fromberg,
op Java, op. cit., p. 40.
35. Jaarcijfers, 1900, pp. 2-3.
36. Fromberg, Chineesche Java, op. cit., p. 8, and
Chlneesche 37. Fromberg, het Koloniaal Tijdschrift op. cit., op. cit., pp. 30, 61 p. 5.
Joe Lan, Riwajat, op. cit., p. 134.
38. H., Nederlandsch-lndiS" (Chinese Netherlands
India), Vol 5, 6, 1908), pp. 668-669; Liem Thian
Joe, Riwajat Semarang, (History of Semarang, 1416-1931),
Drukkerij Misset, printers. publishers, Semarang,
pp. 153, 155, 183, 197; Jongste Java" (The Most
Recent ber 12, Disorders on 1912). Java), Koloniaal Vol 12,
39. Res ., Surabaya to 13, 1912; Chin. Aff., Sura-
baya to 40. Dir. Jus., 22, 1912. (1896),
p. 768; Fromberg, Chineesche op Java op cit. pp. 2-3.
41 Joseph Chai ley-Bert, Java etSes Habitants (Java and Inhabit-
ants), Colin et Cie., Paris, 1900, p. 99.
42. Off. Chin. Aff., Semarang to Dir. Ed., Ind., 26,
1907; ibid ., 27, 1907; Eng Die, Nederlandsch-
IndiS, Sociografie vaneen Indonesische Bevolkingsgroep (Chinese
erlands India, a Sociological Study of an Indonesian Population Group),
doctoral dissertation at University, van en
1943, p. 214; Hoay, op. cit.. 1938, p. 194.
43. Sung Fa-hsiang Pa-ta~wei-ya tsung-ling-shih-
kuan chlh yen-ko" '^ lu
(History of the Consulate General at Batavia), G. G. to Neth.
Col September 12, 3, 1906; 1901; Chin. Min. Off. Chin. For. Aff. to Aff., Semarang Chin. Min., the to Dir. Ed., Relig., Ind.,
April 1907; te Batavia" (The at Batavia),
Insulinde, 82, 95. op Java, op. cit., p. 15, 1897); 33; Fromberg, Joe Lan, Chineesche Riwajat, op. Be-cit., pp.
44. Asst. Res., Buitenzorg to Res., Batavia, 18, 1907; Tio
Bing Tik, "Het Onderwijs der Chineezen op Java" (The Education of the
Chinese on Java), Wl, Vol.3, 24, 907), p. 957; Borel,
"Dr. Lim Boen en [oc.cit.,p. Beweging," 168. loc.cit.; Blinde,
45. Off Chin. Aff to Dir Ed Relig., Ind ., January 27,
1907; Off. Jus., Surabaya to Atty. Jap.
Chin. Aff., Batavia to Dir. Civ. Serv., July 3, 1914; Off. Chin. Aff.,
Semarang to Dir. Ed Relig., Ind ., April 9, 1907; Chin. Aff Pon-
tianak to Dir. Jus., 18, 1909; Off Chin. Aff Batavia to Dir. Jus.,

G.G., March Off.

De Beweging op
De Beweging en,
DeChineesche Beweging op Java,;
Nio
"Chineezen in in
Wl,. No. 33 (December
1416-1931
Ho Kim Yoe, [1933?],
"De Ongeregelheden op
Weekblad,. No. 50 (Decem-
March
"GeenRassenhaat" (No Racial Hatred), IG,Vol.l8 No.l,
De Beweging,.,
. I Its
Armand
Relig., May
May Ong Chineezen in
in Neth-
Amsterdam Gorcum Co., Assen,
Kwee Tek May
^ M^^^'
"Chu
^i p^^^i ^.i%^?|kt^
^
SPJN; Min.
.
, Hague,
October
11, "DeOpiumpacht Opium Farm
Vol.2, No. 24 (June De
weging Nio
~~~~
January
No. 44 (February 1
Keng over de Chineesche "De
Chineezen Ons Werk,"
.., Semarang..,
Gen., November 30, 1912; Ad.
., Off..,
May..,
[53]
19, 1910; Bandung to February 26, 1912; Off. Chin.
Aff., Surabaya to Peking, Dir. Jus., August 22, 2, 1912; Fromberg, 1912; Chin. Chine'^sche For. Aff. to
op Java, op. cit., p. 31; "Onderwijs Tionghoa di Indonesia" (Chinese
Education in Indonesia), Lan, Riwajat, op. cit., p. 16; L.
Tiemersma, het Huidige Streven
in Nederlandsch-lndiS the Present tot Herstel Efforts of van the Chinese het Confucianisme" in Netherlands India (Our Call to Restore to
Confucianism) Overzicht van de Elfde Zending-Conferentie, te
Buitenzorg en te van 22 tot 30 Augustus 1903 (Survey of the Elev-
enth Mission Conference, Held at Buitenzorg and at from the 22nd
through the 30th August 1903), Albrecht en Batavia, 1903, pp.
139-140, 148; Borel, "Dr. Lim Boen Chineesche Beweging,"
op. cit., Vol. 55, 124 30, 1906).
46. Neth. Peking to For. Aff., January 1898.
47. For. Aff. to 21 ,1898.
48. The Christian January 22, 1903, quoted by Paul Hib-
bert Clyde, The Far East, a History of the Impact of the West on Eastern
Asia, Prentice-Hall, York, 1948, p. 290.
October Res., G.G.,
March Min.
Neth. Min., De Beweging
SPJN; Nio Joe
"Onze Roeping Tegenover ^r Chineezen
Oppose
, Gehouden
Depok,
Depok,
of Co.,
Keng over de
DL, (May
Min., Neth. Min.
Neth. Min. Neth. Min., Peking, February
No.
7,
Advocate,
New
THE MOBILIZATION FOR NATIONALISM
Individualities form communities, alone
that can create a nation. Disraeli
may but it is Institutions
The Confucianist Revival
To dignify their nationalism with a cover of antiquity, to
conceal inspiration, put forv\/ard a respected
familiar symbol, the Chinese of Netherlands India, though not fully
conscious of their motivations, resurrected Confucius.
led the Confucianist revival of the early years of this century sought
not a national but a spiritual their initial efforts
religious rather than political in nature. This not to deny,
ever, that the Confucianist leaders soon able to ride large
measure guide the nationalist by their preaching
of the ancient morality Into the overseas Chinese of Reborn pond; the ripples generated stone spread
under be the force of breezes gales from every quarter, to
partial in support of the view that Singapore served the
Indies Chinese as an intellectual center, be noted that a small-
scale Confucianist revival, the starting of nationalism the
Chinese of the archipelago, in In Singapore. true
that earlier a of Confucius had in Batavia, but
the seems to stirred interestamong the Malay-speaking
[541
Its Western and to and
The men who
awakening; were
is how-
were and in
movement stimulated
China. Confucianism was a
dropped It
and, and grew
waves of great size and power.
As evidence
it can
gun among
began 1898 It is
one year life appeared
book have little
[55]
whom was directed. An
to earlier study of certain Chinese
2
customs, also prepared for consumption, of
significance. The publication doubtless helped of books the at for a Confucionist expatriate
rebirth, but real credit for a limited of or, rather, an in-
terest in traditional the morality must go to lead to their compatriots into launched they
considered the paths return to Confucianism, of term a inaccurately suggesting to a relation writersas
the syncretic but the Confucianist orthodox phase of overseas Chinese in nationalism, dynasty
led not by elderly scholars in long but by youthful Westernized
Chinese. establishment hui, in in Singapore or of a religious society,
the of Christian Chinese Lim (Lin
ch'ing, j<_ /?^ British-trained physician, and
Slang (Sung gj^ ), a of the
Singapore bar Both these by to contains a quite variety of thoroughly statements
photographs symptomatic of his
for especially proud of holding a reserve commission in u
Singapore unit of the British army. record establishes that Dr. Lim
The year 1898 has thatwas when of course K'angYu-wel special significance for and Liang Ch'i-ch'oo the student brief of Chinese imperial
support Confucianist reform program. Lim Boen Keng, unquestlonohly
a widely read man, must have been Inspired by the reformers' Interpretation of
Confucianism. Mention of K'ang Yu-wel's direct contacts with overseas Chinese
come study; Influence before from China
a matter Chinese be Investigated center. research on Singapore as the Southeast Asian
Chinese it
Peranakan was even less
random aimed an
Chinese audience pave way
acceptance
Chinese the men who
and organized campaign what
Confucianism.
The movement known Dutch
neo-Confucianisme, a between
Confucianism developed Sung
China and was
gowns
The 1898 Khong Kauw
Hwe (K'ung-chiao-^i^^^ W") / Confucian
was work two —Boen Keng Wen-
/^^),a SongOng
Wang-hsiang, 5^;;j:/5member
. men seem have been
Westernized. A book Mr. Song
and Anglomania. SongOngSiang was,
example,
The
history, for won
for their
will later in this his his 1898 flight is
yet to in
Intellectual
..
[56]
by far the of the in the Confucianist later
nationalist Lim to of the founders in
of the Singapore SunYat-sen's revolutionary hui
1899, year after the founding of the Singapore Confucianist
society, Tjai Christian from Java, went to the British city
to Lim has asserted by a missionary
writer that Tjai case, he Siang regarded both mentally as something less than an a faithful
of the Protestant flock. Following his Singapore visit with Lim,
Tjai publ ications Siang returned to to launch a series of Confucianist
1900, together with a colleague of little he
published a translation of certain texts under the
title Tiong (Ta-hsueh J\^ ^^
insight into the the two Confucianists be gained
from the fact that their translations based in part on books in the
language. hospitable public response to the translation of
parts of the soon his colleague
to found a Po (Li-pao, -^^^), published
in at dedicated to the presentation of the teach-
ings of Confucius of this periodical led to
the establishment Tjoa Tjoe in Ik Po (l-pao, '^%
published at Surakarta in both the Chinese Tjoa
Tjoe in had written the on Chinese customs to
was more active two men and
movements. was become one 1905
branchof T'ung-meng
In one
Yoe Siang,a
meet Boen Keng. It been Dutch
Yoe was ill and opium addict.
In any was member
Dutch
Yoe Java new
In whom is known,
Malay Confucian
Thay Hak Jong chung-yung,^ m)•
Some background of can
were
Dutch The
Confucian canon encouraged Yoe and
weekly newspaper, Li^^
Malay SukabumI and
•k
and Mencius. The example
by Koan 1905 off^,
and Malay languages.
Koan 1887 book which
can be noted in passing that the names of the Chinese sages are often hard
identify Indonesia's publications Confucius was ordinarily known as Khong
Hoe Tjoe (K'ung-fu-tzu, a^ or Khong Tjoe (K'ung-tzu, ^[^
with the BIng Tjoe NabI (Meng-tzu, (prophet) -^) occasionally employed. Mencius often called
It
to In.
^L^) as^)/
title Is
^.
[S7]
made. Two other weeklies
reference has already of Confucionist
orientation but seemingly little significance of Sura-
Po of
Desirous of this interest in
ism into constructive efforts, a group of Batavia Chinese established a
society the promotion of Confucionist thought conduct. The
society, Tiong
will figure prominently date in this selected study, as usually that of the abbreviated establishment as of
overseas nationalism 17, 1900, as the organized in Indonesia, initial planning
for seems to received the education served Lie as an assistant a teacher in
mission Lie the author of the
fucius Included Lie's principal colleagues in
the establishment of
cated by missionaries, the president of the association
5
served for in that capacity.
Directing a Confucionist revival proved to the leaders of to
be a difficult task initial efforts designed to
reform the Chinese, "to spread the study of doctrines
in order to erase superstitions harmful practices.
Confucionist reformers similar believed that "superstitious not useful races to laugh acts at funerals, or meaningful, [at the
nese]." later stated that establishment "for the purpose
of furthering correctness the in order
that might not remain ignorant or in inferior position." This
been
were Loen Boen
4
baya and Ho Buitenzorg.
channeling newly awakened Confucian-
for and
Hoa Hwe Koan (Chung-hua hui-kuan,
Y
"^
^l'^o)i
its name
THHK. If any can be
Chinese on movement
it is March day THHK was founded. The
THHK have been work of Kim Hok, Peronakan
who had his and
schools. was also 1897 biography of Con-
mentioned above. among
THHK was Phoa Keng Hek, also a Peronakan edu-
who became first
and many years
THHK
. Their were encourage
among Confucian
many and..." The
weddings, and ceremonies... were
wasted money, and caused people of other Chi-
THHK its was
knowledge and among Chinese
people an
[58]
for the position of the Chinese in the eyes of the other residents
of the especially the Europeans, in these statements
to of importance in the attempt to restore
fucianism. that their of actions this fact are scarce by the scorn of others. seldom
worth noting, that the Confucianist leaders
of that of Chinese most likely to be of ridicule.
during the of Liang Ch'i-
ch'ao in a of to be not
solely intrinsically but also because
offer the for the prestige of the Chinese nation
without demanding Westernization and enthnocentrism. of this forcing the Confucianist rebirth, than the superficialities for the most part business- of
of or noclassical Chinese education,
of the of life. Their backgrounds and the of
their enterprises the dedicated pursuit of
scholarship impossible. rewards to through
such effort in of Confucianist cliches the colony provided examinations. often spoke of no entry These other persons to the official- had picked as being up a
*
or unfilial but the extent of their of the
N.I. these terms were rendered hauw and poet hauw, hsiao
and pu-hsiao !^ The most popular cliche was: Ko poet tan kai,
derived from kuo wu tan kal ^i^ ?5l apparently quoted on
every possible occasion and used on the masthead of Po The quotation
from Lun-yu, Book Chapter VIM: "The Master said: the scholar be not
grave, he not any veneration, and learning not be
Hold faithfulness and principles. Have no friends not equal
concern
colony, is shown
have been paramount Con-
Documentation is because men
acknowledge prompted It
is however, were members
group aware European
As ascendancy of the ideas K'ang Yu-wei and
China, brand Confucianism was encouraged
because it was good it appeared to
means raising powerand
the acceptance of more
without abandonment of China's ancient
The leaders
men little hadnodeep knowledge
Confucian way demands
commercial made Confucian
No would have come them
any case, as
dom by way men
few Confucian and filial
; knowledge Confucian canon
In I.e.,
^ ^. tjet
tse
^'J^
^W /
LI. Is
I,'If
will call forth his will solid.
sincerity as first to
[59]
gauged THHK were
be by the fact that the early directors of obliged
to vote funds nese religion for the purchase of the work of a sinologist on
intellectually equipped to interpret to their fel low
overseas Chinese, and in a political environment
sure to frustrate a effort to create a Confucianist society, the
leaders of themselves, as their sage himself might
with the purification of the of their people rather
than with the reconstruction of their social order. at gently
scratched the surface of the overseas Chinese cultural by pro-
posing seemingly meaningless reforms in etiquette ceremonials.
true contribution of these efforts in causing the to
think In terms of their status as a minority people.
To In the Confucianism, soon after
establishment a reading publications, including the
periodicals already discussed, extensively Batavia's to the utilized public. this not facility;
but the record does school, reveal that in an event another attempt at failure. to be the Batavia handled at adult education association considerable length In
later, the teacher required under the terms of his contract to give
lectures on the the teachings session of Confucius. Invited, not a single public person at- took
of hospitality. further attempt to

p. 141.

can
Dutch Chi-
.
Not Confucianism
working and economic
genuine
THHK concerned hove
done, ceremonies
THHK first
complex
and
The was its Chinese
educate men ways of THHK its
opened room where
were available It is
now known how Chinese
Confucianism ended complete When
opened Its first
was
weekly Although
tendance at first was ad-
vantage THHK No was made conduct
yourself. When you have faults, do not fear to abandon them.' "J-
Br^ ^
James Legge, The Chinese Classics, The Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1 893, Vol. I,
[60]
Monthly where
public lectures. meetings, translations of clas-
sical texts presented the teacher, held for a time, but
only fruits of the closed meetings
did reach the public through the pages of newspapers,
Q
but seems to specific but of equally understood limited or value efforts to
persuade people funerals to rid themselves but seen of a to be of local origin. practiced To guide families at
planning published a setting forth in detail
the correct procedures, including to file a caution teeth. to prospective Chinese or, brides curiously. that
9
music parties but native music not.
Funerals of to be similarly requested reformed. the directors of the association to
furnish him with instructions for the burial of his father.
response to his inquiry, the son sent a of twenty-five
steps to be taken in arranging for his father's funeral Included
the twenty -five points warnings that the teachings of Confucius
did not prescribe that a person extremis be given a to
hold or that a pillow be placed on the roof of the deceased's house.
These branded corrupt customs. son in this case
carried out the suggestions Immediately denounced as
unfilial by of his neighbors. son to publish an
apologia for his actions; itself, presumably to defend
The Malay phrase used operation was gosok gigi, which modern
Indonesian ordinarily means the teeth Evidence indicates, however,
that the reformers were not hostile dental hygiene but a more severe treat-
ment. The admonition on gosok gigl was amplified by the statement: "This
custom derived from the natives. the teeth are good and not necessary
shorten them. better that they not be filed."
Malay
were by were
THHK members were welcomed. The
Malay-language
little have been accepted.
More were THHK
number of customs
weddings and
weddings, THHK pamphlet
it was not Confucian the Western
was permissible at wedding was
were In November 1 900 a Suka-
bumi member THHK
Confucian In
bereaved was list
. among
were
\n watermelon
were Peranakan The
of THHK and was
many The was prompted
and THHK its
*
for this in
to brush.
to to
THHK
Is If It is
to It Is
[61]
filial now ex-
position, put out a booklet on piety, unfortunately not
tant, entitled simply did not (hsiao revision of funeral ). marriage customs. In
the matter of funerals, only the daring son at seems to
willing to risk by the peculiar customs
of the Indies Chinese. for "only about half a
formed carried out under guidance; others
celebrated in the traditional later, as
civil ceremonies of the type. After three years,
up attempts to being did reform these at association victory significant ceremonies, meetings in "no after terms of mention 1903. the creation of the of
tionalist the symbols through the introduction Indonesians. of a This success
or less as gain, no concerted effort apparently
having in the colony to Until used operations, the term Tjina to
designate the land of followed this usage in
year or so, writing, for of sekola Tjina or
school fashioned." Soon, Proper Chinese terms, eventually largely for in by used Tjina for into general virtuallyall the words to use literate Tiong "old inhabi-
12
tants of the archipelago. the use of the term Tjina likely
to be considered insulting by Indonesian Chinese.
1928 the N.I. Governor General formally recognized the use of the new
terms purposes. Strangely enough, Malaya, where the percentage
of Chinese vastly greater, Tionghoa and Tiongkok are not generally used.
Hauw "^
THHK achieve and
Sukabumi have
been condemnation abandoning
As weddings, dozen" re-
ceremonies were THHK were
manner or, somewhat conducted
European THHK gave
its more
problem" made
THHK win a na-
number of new terms into
language of the Chinese and many came
more an unexpected
been made achieve it. THHK began its
everybody when speaking Malay
China. Even THHK its
first example, its Chinese
. however, because THHK
Hoa ( Chung-hua, W W') its name, came seem
Tionghoa Chinese and Tiongkok
(Chung-kuo, vi?@J)China, came among the
Chinese and were accepted
Today is
•k
many
*
In
for official in
is
.
[62]
the shift from Tjina to appears to
dividend of operations, there conscious efforts
to revise of the terms of address the system of dates used
by Chinese. in correspondence addressed
to replaced by the Siansing Hsien-sheng
Joedjin (Fu-jen, according from the to be used birth of the in addressing Confucius, while lunar married calendar. longer
Chinese to write, for 16 Januari 1901;
(Shih-I to be the form. The
clumsiness in the Indonesian setting of the revised dating system
the preference for not Chinese, styles of address
13
feated these efforts
Contributing to the partial collapse of attempts to an in-
terest in as the attacks of
conservative Peranakans, to the of as the
"old fashioned clique unduly puritanical
to of their compatriots. are told: strictly
forbidden to in public places as well as at halls.
parties a big difference those pro- those
evident. people at parties kept far from the
14
tables for guests must serious separated of than the themselves form than of from the the nuclei a puritanism others." of most prim. the parties, accusations a the
that the reformed ceremonial in funerals
"unfilial and, worse, "Christian." not without
parent reason, to the conservative group that a largely led
Although Tionghoa have been an
unearned THHK were
made some and
The Malay Toean was, THHK
men, Chinese(, ^ ^);
^AJ came women.
Years were counted
months and days
were reckoned to Chinese No
were example, 26 Tjap-it-goee
yueh,T"^A)2451 was acceptable
and
growing Dutch, de-
awaken
what was viewed Confucianism were some
known membership THHK
."THHK members appeared
many We"... members were
gamble, gambling At
between and anti-THHK was
The THHK away gambling
and... Among
people whom games chance
THHK have seemed more little
More charges were
THHK members who followed
were " It seemed, ap-
movement
[63]
by Chinese Christians and striving to take color out of ceremonies
joy out of life, must represent of the missionaries
to cloak their proselytism in the of the scholar
indeed the of early leaders that
Christianity might serve another. Tjai Siang, an early
leader not the of the Confucianist revival, said to
told a missionary that his goal was "to lead the Chinese, through
Confucius, to Christ." stated: "There missionaries no not in the friendly [Christian] to
munity for followers of Satan." [of Confucianism] hostility of the preachers does [sic] not, a
ever, seem to shielded from denunciation by their
15
conservative opponents. significant than the attacks the fact that the
early efforts at reform generated relatively little interest the
Chinese. seems that the Indies not disturbed by their
observance of corrupt life. ceremonials required or their solutions ignorance to their of the niceties problems, of
the chief ones being the unification of the various groups of
nese the provision shifted of educational attention from for unreality Chinese to children. practical
necessity, success. the gained eventually
some
and some an attempt
gown Confucian. It
was hope some THHK Confucianism
and one Yoe
if founder is have
Dutch
The were Yoe's
endeavor. They is place com-
"; "neo-Confucianism is
weapon The Dutch how-
have THHK members
More on THHK was
among
It Chinese were
Confucian They immediate
two Chi-
and facilities
When THHK its idealistic
movement momentum and achieved
Internal Divisions
The hostility and which Chinese
suspicion with various groups of
other half a century difficult to appreciate.
Peranakans Singkehs liable to
regarded each ago is now
Not only were and
come toblows; within
[64]
two were drawn
those major groups lines from to separate Ridiculous Fuklenese though from seems,
a of, say, Fukienese ancestry might be not simply as
a native ofthePasar
district of Batavia, area, distinguishable secret from a societies, of that the most influential city's
of the prenotionalist organizations, were divided into types: those
for Peranakans those forSingkehs. obvious course of action to
the fragmentation of the Chinese to establish
Chinese associations; the the of these.
the close of the last century, several perceptive Chinese of
Batavia rightly that animosity fighting people
of the race to [different] secret societies
not only injurious to security but also caused
overseas to be regarded as inferior by of other
races as a positive measure, they formed the
based on the principle of ending differences
seas Chinese. no no less
than "The Association effort of the to enlist support, in a letter addressed to
"all those of Chinese race," stated that 100 charter
included from both the Singkeh groups from
Fukienese, and backgrounds. Batavia seems
to served in this other respects as the for
organizations in other places. For example, the Bantam association tried
to enmity in area; in the local
o
sought to halt the bloody feuding of the Hakkas Fukienese
success of the efforts of the to unify
the various Chinese groups but not Friction
the groups not entirely abolished the fifteen years of
Cantonese and Hakkas Swatownese. it
Peranakan known
Hokklen-Peranakan butalso as an anak Senen or a
Senen native
main Chinese Gelodok. The
two
and The
end community was pan-
THHK was first
At
saw and between
same who belonged
was and peace
Chinese people
... THHK, which
was between over-
... The name THHK means more and
'
'^
Chinese."
In its initial wide
THHK its members
men Peranakan and and
Hakka, Cantonese's THHK
hove and many model THHK
end Cantonese-Fukienese its Bandung
1
THHK and.
The pan-Chinese associations
was marked complete.
among was in first
[65]
pan-Chinese it even
fhe operation of the associations; exists in foct
today. There has certain of backsliding into the old
pathsof provincialism from time to time. Batavia Chinese Chamber
of Siong Tjong tsung-hui, /^J
-^v^ fi~ ^'^^ ^^ discussed later at greater length, establish-
in specified In charter that of the 28 directors
19
tung, v^hile the remaining 8 directors must be Peranakans
91 a reporter from observed that the Peranakans Singkehs
despised other that the latter loved the ancestral land
than did the former. 1912, a year of excitement following the
Revolution in Fukienese in Jogjakarta scuffled
after altercation over the of queues; in the
a leader of Batavia's placed the for unrest
the the 20
Despite this rash of Internal suggestion hostility, of the Lultenantat the Chinese Bultenzorg
in that SIngkeh Immigration halted brought re-
action in the form of a boycott of thatofficer by SIngkeh
groups alike. appears from the record that observers
tended to the divisive forces at the
nese, an understandable sort of wishful thinking the port of harassed
colonial administrators. supports the notion
that of the bodies the establishment of of a fellow of
solidarity. After
matters of major importance, "questions of race or nationality,
21
there existed no Singkehs Peranakans."

N.I.."In

been a amount
The
Commerce, Hoa Hwe (Hua-shangj^
upon its
ment 1908 its Chamber's
"20 must always be Singkehs, 8 from Fukien, 8 Hakkas, and 4from Kwang-
1 1 China and
each and more
In
China, and Cantonese
an wearing and same year
"Peranakan THHK" blame
among Chinese on Hakkas and Cantonese.
continuation were
moving toward unity. The
1905 be an Immediate
and Peranakan
It many Dutch
overemphasize work among Chi-
on
The evidence, however,
one great accomplishments THHK and Its pan-
Chinese was new measure Chinese
a few years of effort by the pan-Chinese associations,
on on
difference between and The
[66]
desire for Chinese cohesiveness underlay many of the actions to be
analyzed in this chapter and must be viewed as one of the basic moti-
vations of the men and organizations discussed here.
The Movement for Reform in Education
Foremost the of the associations in the struggle for
the unification of the education. schools to serve
as forces for unity, a to education had to be tried
traditional Chinese schools were practically useless for purposes of either
nationalism or education. old schools saving by the
addition had to of a be scrapped there replaced. or the recruitment schools in Netherlands of extra teachers; they India,
of Java, including 28 in Batavia These traditional schools
served a total of indeed in a
of over half a million. 22 brief of the near of Euro-
or has already of the given. old schools educational into facilities for operated
as family affairs those maintained as business ventures by their
23
teachers. not type the
but safely teaching be the ability staffs of that of parents the traditional at to the schools either costs. primarily of very low
caliber. said that most teachers had received only limited
cations while they had texts,
able to carry out tasks the duties of interpretation generally recognized instruction. as those of the that
among weapons
Chinese was If were
new approach. The
The were beyond
few new courses
and
In 1900 were 439 Chinese 257
them on.
7,835 children, few Chinese community
A account absence
pean-Malay-language Chinese children
been
Most fell two categories— those
and
It is now known which was more common,
it can assumed attendance was
dependent upon pay
The were
It was edu-
and, memorized some classical were un-
now
teacher— the and It was said
.
[67]
because them-
the teachers did not explain the classics simply they
selves did not understand the texts they could parrot. this cruel
accusation justified, help to explain countless
tions of children forced to the classics by rote but
denied of their lessons. be imagined, only
the inferior scholars of unsuccessful in the usual
cratic or careers, willing to the trip to South-
east Asia. Unless a scattered idealists their the Indies
schools had to content themselves with the services of the dregs of
China's literate class.
with the offer of high salaries, to lure occasional able teacher to
tropical exile, but final that did observation nothing for the quality of the the traditional schools' as a
staffs, be noted that with of ambition
to ot had the teachers out of education of the old schools into the lucrative superb instructors, field
their efforts to failure. classical
tion of not suited to Indonesian conditions;
ingly, little than through the motions of
acquiring learning. the ability to call up classical
quotations a of wealth, elementary prerequisite of no measurable classical to official value. not related education career; Success to a mastery overseas in the of as preliminary that Indies, the classics. the to
further study in China, the traditional schools migh^ enjoyed
success; "few, children could
tinue their studies in the ought, therefore, to as
If
is it may why genera-
were know were
any elucidation As can well
China, men bureau-
academic were make
few came way,
Some very wealthy families may have been able,
an
Chinese community
whole. As a on
it may teachers any degree seem
have been drown and more
commerce
Even been
would have been doomed The educa-
China was simply accord-
overseas Chinese did more go
some In China
was an ac-
complishment was
accumulation was
Had an been viewed
have more
however, if any, [N.I.] Chinese con-
motherland." It come
[68]
no surprise that absenteeism in the traditional schools
that children from school before they had covered
the restricted courses offered. Girls ordinarily given no
formal education of kind. Their brothers, the other
hand, had over a characters but said to be unable
to read write a simple letter. 25
the beginning of the educational reform the great shortcomings
of the traditional schools to recognized by all inter-
ested Chinese, with the understandable exception of the teachers in
the old over type of school, old or
taught pupils contest effectively held the settled in pupils of a sensible the major old final school
those of the school in Batavia results of these
competitive examinations in the reading writing of Chinese
decisive. pupils of the school, although they had studied
for only a year, easily outdistanced their older opponents. tradi-
tional schools' struggle to survive in the years
26
following this victory significance of education. of the schools both in their
right as sources of national consciousness, necessary that
effort be their teachers, here at Batavia, to describe their curricula. as their organization, had with the recruitment success of in the
Confucianist revival, took the lead in educational reform served
as the for sister groups throughout 17, the archipelago. 1901 by in
exactly year after the organization's founding. This another
meaningful date in the history of N.I. overseas nationalism.
was chronic and
were often withdrawn
even were
any educated on
command few were
or Chinese
At
appear have been
schools. The debate which new,
its more was and
manner. A was between
and first modern. The
and were
The modern
The
was quietly abandoned
modernized
Because of the modern own
and it is an
made
and
The THHK it done mixed
and
model The first
modern school was opened on March THHK Batavia—
one is
Chinese
[69]
idea for the establishment of a school discussed by
leaders in Batavia less than three months after the establishment
of their reform organization. had apparently already publication realized of pamphlets that a
the discussion of virtues. objective in the minds
of the founders of school a Confucl-inlsr re-
vival to be furthered in the school "just as
Christianity inthe mission schools secondary motivation
in the establishment of the school lay in the of
bers that their in the field of education might spur the colo lial
to provide for opportunities education for found children. in the 28 schools
of latter country having pioneered in educational
reform in Asia. Like the primary schools of the Batavia
school to be divided into six classes. Pupils to be
from lower to higher classes the of stipulated courses
of study. Education the primary level not given real
29
sideration until a years later.
Primary emphasis in the schools put the teaching
of the language. traditional schools had also taught
nese but not the Northern dialectof that language.
had given instruction in the dialects of the families or groups support-
ing most
taught. great distinction of the schools lay in their teach-
ing of the Northern the national wisely saw or language. that dialect, school to receive significantly broad support as
serve a large of children, the of instruction
The was first
THHK
It been
movement demanded more than the and
Confucian The main
the first modern was still
. Confucianism was modern
is promoted."A
hope some THHK rr m-
endeavor
government more Chinese
The model the new was modern
China and Japan, the
new China,
was were promoted
upon completion
beyond was con-
few
modern was upon
Chinese The Chi-
The old institutions
them, Amoy, Canton, and Hakka dialects being the commonly
The new
Mandarin now known
Kuo-yu,
THHK if its was and
number language would
[70]
fo be nof likely to up old hostilities. school determined
to practically obliged to
dialect; in event, or
to most parents. dialects
the tongues of the Singkehs, but the selection of
automatically deprive of the of those Chinese attached
to the others. selected. for use of a neutral the selection Chinese of Kuo-y'O dialect not called all negative. for,
believed that this dialect could serve as "national to
unite a feeling abroad. with that intellectuals of the sacred language estab- There for all
Chinese: in our language, our innermost feelings be
expressed"; to enrich the soul of the study of Chinese thus the fundamental strongly advised of
subjects to the school curricula
sible, but Chinese given priority. Proof that the enthusiasm
for not limited to the leaders of seen in the re-
sponse of the general Chinese public to the of the
Further of the popularity of Chinese provided by a
missionary, that the pupils In his school
halved by the of a nearby
school that there to talk school supplement the to the the teaching missionaries challenge. of the of Chinese their language
with Instruction In Chinese customs, geography, and

." 31

have one stir A
instill Confucianism was
employ some Chinese
any Malay Dutch would have been unacceptable
SIngkeh Cantonese, Hakka, and Amoy were
dominant one would
THHK backing
The was
and Kuo-yu was
The reasons were It
was cement"
Chinese at home and Command Kuo-yu would
lish communications Chinese everywhere.
was even vague Kuo-yu was
"... own can
and, "...is...
The teaching Kuo-yu was concern THHK.
Other were added modern when pos-
was first
Kuo-yu was THHK is
opening new schools.
evidence was Dutch
who wrote
number of Chinese
was opening competing modern Chinese
and was among opening
32
own Chinese-language meet
THHK planned
"mathematics,
[71]
33
other useful subjects." 33 be that the "customs"
those thought to be Confucian. leaders no doubt that
not yet too late to save that, in the children. a school designed to Sinicize, the teach-
ing of English to be given a prominent place; but there really
nothing at all strange in this. English to be necessary for
those a education in for
student planning to study in Singapore in most Western schools.
English also firmly established as the language of the
East, a fact no doubt impressive to the businessmen founders of
Finally, English irritated the has attractive earlier by the stated fact that that until
fifty years not to speak to
Hollanders In the to
boycott as indication of dissatisfaction with the political
position of the Indies Chinese. organization later use of
the fact that not in the curriculum to negotiate with the
colonial for official subsidy for schools. After
years, the subsidization of English importance are reported to by attached to the Batavia in the to the study finally in schools. of English driven demonstrated to offer for the re- by
the fact that the Batavia an English-language school
within a months of the establishment of school.
English school, mysteriously as the Institute, under
the direction of Lee (Li jr
later the president of Fuhtan University In Shanghai Children
in the Institute, like those in the school,

T. H. Teng-hui, ^ H^),whoyears

It can assumed were
The THHK hoped
it was
It may seem odd
came is
was coming
who might seek modern China. It was essential
any and
was commercial
THHK.
may have been made more
its choice Dutch. It been
about ago non-Europeans were encouraged
European language. THHK may have decided
Dutch an Its
The made
Dutch was
government an its many
Dutch have been
government body exchange
34
placement Dutch THHK
The is
THHK opened
few its modern Chinese
The known Yale was
became.
Yale Chinese-language were
[72]
expected to be Indoctrinated in Confucianism. not
in the field of Confucianist instruction after Lee's departure
in from the Institute. that time English training
taken Episcopal over by Westerners, textbooks including Mission. used by workers of the schools represented another Methodist in-
novation. textbooks patterned after models,
being profusely illustrated unlike the classics used in the tradi-
tional schools, geared to the level of understanding of primary school
children. books the as those in use by overseas
Chinese children in imported from that country until
the Press at Shanghai to publish their equivalents.
not the shift from books of manufacture to
those from in took place; for in the Batavia later association the spent school
in using of origin. effort
to foster national consciousness in the texts by the use
of wall graphically showing China's great size in comparison with
other countries. pupil little imagination to discover that
his ancestral land tremendous while the of the colonial
regime Pictures of outstanding historical or semihistorical
figures also decorated classrooms. selection these heroes seems
to highly Bismarck, eclectic; Franklin, has been Confucius, Shakespeare that the reasons for this Lao-tzu, the Jesus, most presenta-
tion of a cosmopolitan lack array leaders picture of great of their could be successfully avoided lay in the fact that that the through overseas display of this
36

f. 300 Japan equipment, and two years modern Bandung was still books Japanese The made

It is known what
happened
1903 Yale At was
American
35
Malaysia
The the modern
The new were Western
and,
The new were same
Japan and were
Commercial began
It is known when Japanese
China 1903
was reinforced
maps
A needed
was homeland
was puny.
The of
have been Buddha,
Napoleon, and were com-
monly honored. It suggested
men
Chinese comparable own and
Queen Wilhelmina's
,.
[73]
modern "were permeated
But true that the schools with the
spirit of nationalism," the major credit for that innovation
must go to the teachers of those schools. recruitment of teachers
posed great difficulties. school there Batavia at not the time qualified the to teach of the
called for aid of their Singapore patron. Dr.
sent a originally to go of this slated to Batavia pioneer teacher's to teach to further educational reform in Singapore other but generously there. than that Little he
supposed to in Batavia trained for only three in years, educational after techniques. he transferred
to in impossible to say this import
something of a failure; only be noted that no references
found relating to his career after leaving Batavia. His successor
as teacher the school at Batavia
no less a personage than This second teacher
graduate of a scholars. importation school of teachers represented continued the at a rapid generation rate despite of the
cost the distance separating Netherlands India from the source of
supply. By Batavia In at about 5 the teachers, time, only of of
seven teachers not from boasted of three
born teachers in 1906, while, of all the schools, the at
Surabaya unique in being unable to offer instruction in
total to the those years
not safe to note, that the flow of per-
sonnel population. reached virtually all Indies centers of
if it is
Chinese
The
In of opening
first modern was one man Kuo-yU.
THHK the LimBoenKeng,
who man
allowed on
is known background was
have been modern He
worked which was
THHK Malang. It is whether was
it can have
been
head in THHK was recommended by
K'ang Yu-wei. was a
Yokohama and new
37
Chinese
The
and
1904 THHK employed 1 Chinese 11
them China-born. Semarang, same one
was China. Bandung China-
modern one
was Kuo-yu.
The number of new teachers brought colony in
is known. It is however, new
was steady and Chinese
[74]
new came way
of the teachers Chinese drinking by of Westernized learning. a large
majority of these teachers of origin, although
from the Shanghai region also recruited reasons for the
influx of Southern Chinese teachers are probably to be found in the
traditional willingness of from the South to emigrate the
fact that the pre-1911 revolutionary spirit had penetrated deeply in
that region. concrete reason simply that Cantonese
39
teachers not be noted as costly In passing as Northerners. that the early years of this century
a time of Intellectual ferment the Chinese student population
of from of the teachers obtained. Chinese
revolutionaries reformers hard at to enlist the support
of the [the seeking teachers brought learning from Japan] in Japan:
revolutionary hui ideas [derived [and] there were from] Dr. Sun those the
archists of Liang
Ch'i-ch'ao; but to be truly free theyall equally loved the Chinese their country to be improved. ^U
That of the teachers inclined toward a brand of nationalism
hostile to the continuation of the absolutism of the
substantiated In the repeated warnings sent by dynastic officials to
41
organizations.
Aside of their qualifications from the teachers' political reported that, despite theirnew educations, views, there question
the fresh teachers to handle classical texts as easily
as had their traditional predecessors. of that
era received extensive education In the
Many Japan, where
number of young were In The
were Cantonese some
men were. The
men and in
Another, more was
were
It can were
among
Japan whom many were
and were work
young men Westernized
... among were men with
Yat-sen and
T'ung-meng who were moderate mon-
and agreed with the thinking K'ang Yu-wei and
and wanted
China and people
many new
moribund Monchus
is
THHK
new was the
. It Is
were able Chinese
Even modernized Chinese
hod an Confucian canon.
[75]
language problems faced by the teachers formidable.
In the early days of the schools often necessary for a
teacher to rely or, the constant assistance of interpreter the teachers could
operate alone in their of that dialect likely
to be writer has told that of the overseas
nese schools turned themselves, out graduates no able brought up In that in dialect being only able
to understand imagine chaotic results by
a teacher leading a class of children of Fukienese descent
in a isappropriate, though perhaps slightly
unkind, to recall that Northern their horror fear only of the not fear not earth; fear a long variety of a
Finally, there inexperienced. that a Their "new" education of the imported had teachers in
cases early hastily acquired, of education them. efforts to replace of girls, Batavia so long neglected, the organization perseverance reported of to the initial
concerns of the decision offer schooling to girls
obviously not reached without that girls
be provided with separate but unequal facilities. curricu-
lum of the school for girls Include Apparently very little felt that girls language ought
to be literate only in a regarded as second rate. plan to
The new were
THHK it was
on an who knew
Malay less commonly, Amoy dialect. Even when
and Kuo-yU, command was
weak. The been many Chi-
to communicate Kuo-yU
among Chinese
them. One can the achieved
Cantonese
43
Malay-language area. It
Chinese have enjoyed little
poem expressing Cantonese Kuo-yu:
I heaven
I
I Cantonese
speaking Mandarin.
is evidence number
were immature and many
been and some men lacked and
skill demanded The THHK is
44
have made its younger teachers with older men.
The was one
THHK. Yet to was
argument. It was first decided
would The
would Chinese
and emphasize romanized Malay. It was
language The
[76]
separate
build a school was defeated by the lack of financial resources.
leadership of finally agreed that girls could be admitted to
school along with until their building put up, but the
sexes to be seated separately. Despite this lack of gallantry on the
part of 80 girls enrolled in Batavia school by 1904.
This great expansion in education cost a great deal of
in the ings, the Importation field of shone most organization of textbooks, and the that the or purchase talents of the of school Indies build-
required large sums. Batavia in 1901 contracted for
the purchase at 19,000 of buildings to house their schools. Teachers
brought from outside the to salaries high for
the time place. teachers at the school paid
per annum; the teacher or principal received Salaries
ordinarily considerably ing, food. For by allowances for travel, spent hous-
salaries for seven teachers in 1905. figures
that the cost per teacher to the association nearly 1,500
per year. teacher expensive. source Indicates Dr. T. that Teachers during the of his years languages at the cost of a Batavia
school paid a salary of his assistant received
,680. Lee's successor, apparently an or Briton fired with
missionary zeal of a bargain, his salary being only ,800.
Teachers' salaries For budget up the to major Item teachers. in the expenditures at spent of the about

f. colony were able demand
f. 1 American

The THHK
boys own was
were
45
THHK, were its
money, and
It Is economic
Chinese brilliantly. The leasing
employment of teachers from
abroad The THHK
and Ordinary were f. 600
head f. 1,500.
were augmented
and example, the Semarang THHK f. 11,125 on
and allowances The show
average was f.
Another average annual
Kuo-yU was f. 1,200. European were
even more H. Lee
was f. 2,400 per annum;
, was more f. 1
made
modern schools. example, the association Semarang
46
75 per cent of its pay its
.
[77]
required to finance the educational reform
indicated by the fact that by the end of roughly
pupils in throughout the archipelago. Batavia
originally planned to teacher for every 25 pupils, but
that ratio probably never maintained. perhaps not overly
daring to that there for every 100
pupils or in the teachers to serve the 12,000 pupils
in 1906. At schools at cost the time per teacher annually spent of ,200 year, salaries the
perhaps another buildings of the
most fascinating the raising sides of such of the great sums. story of the educational reform relates to
throughout in continue funds this discussion to serve of the as a schools, here to illustrate be the the Batavia
the association paid dues, the 6 per
originally that contribute in this
expectations had modest; by the Batavia association
receiving 6 year from over 5,000 similar story
repeated organizations of the estab-
lished. Tuition charges also contributed to the support of the
schools. Tuition rates reasonable; per Batavia pupils parents' paid re-
sources. paid nothing at all having scholarships, granted
on the basis of furnished books, clothing.
Semarang's school of about seems to 3 per higher tuition rates

f. 100,000 on and equipment. One
..r.47

The amount of money is
1906 there were 1 2,000
new schools The THHK
had have one
was It is
assume was an average of 3 teachers
neighborhood of 360
an average f. 1 each
modern f. 432,000 on and
As modern
THHK can model, manner
which were accumulated. As can expected, members of
amount being f. annum. It was
planned 700 members would way.
THHK been 1908
was f. each members. A
was wherever THHK type were
new
were most THHK
between f. 1 and f. 2.50 month, depending on their
Many, won
need, which tuition, and
have had somewhat —an
average f. month
[78]
new schools was
Official subsidization of the not important. So far
as be determined, the only subsidy received of per
paid to the Batavia association by the or council
in that city. subsidy granted following the victory of
pupils In the contest with the children of the traditional school, which
49
until that time had partly supported by the semiofficial Rood.
the time of establishment, the Batavia association floated a
loan for Eight thousand 5 bonds, bearing interest,
issued. loan soon subscribed, surely another of the
broad popular base of the association also sought to
solicit support through several be organized; the times afterwards holding of that the a lottery. a lottery required with prizes proposed in totaling licenses
for this similar associations projects gathered repeatedly funds in refused. other includ-
ing the presentation of theatrical performances and the organization of
bazaars. In a of the netted the Batavia association Batavia a profit paid fines of over imposed for
infractions of the association's regulations. sums gained from this
source small but significant as indication of the association's
to maintain discipline. Fines ranged from to 25 and could
be for seemingly levied trivial the vice president offenses, of as in the association the case of a fine of
a meeting carelessly dressed in a white rather than in the required
black jacket. miscellaneous sources of to realize a profit found. For through
the operation in launches to take "nearly all the Chinese of the
51
area" out to see Chinese naval vessels in the harbor.

f. 40,000. f. were The was example
f. 200,000 however, government
f. 12,000. Members
f. 2.50 on whoarrivedat

can was one f. 225
month Chinese Rood
The was THHK its
been
At its
new schools. The
It was
1902 and
50
and were
THHK numerous ways,
1904 bazaar THHK
The
were an
power f. 1 f.
demanded
Other income were
example, the Semarang association was able
1907 of
two anchored
[79]
were 1905
Gifts important in finances. the
association received nearly in "special gifts" or contribu-
tions other than those paid of the Batavia as association dues. contributed years later, a
promised to give a like contribution a fund raised from gifts
reached to a sizable this individual generous donation, the another
never reached.
Legacies to played a less significant role the fi-
nances of the that associations. the Chinese inheritance This not system traditionally makes no
provision for the type of charity so in our society.
semiofficial historian of the Batavia association mentions only
legacy in the early years of clause in the will of a Peranakan
director of the association provided for a gift of
ciation of this apparently unusual gift, a
portrait of the testator in place. 53
Regular subsidization of the schools by the colonial
authorities as already generous, noted, at least not carried in promises; out. but subsidies from
imperial they existed at all, never formed a significant
source of official of the dynasty supposed, accord-
ing to report of questionable reliability, in to given the
Batavia association for the operation of schools year
later another official stated that the Peking prepared
to give the Indies Chinese for the construction of a high
school annual subsidies of for Plans for
the high school, incidentally never reached fulfillment in the

f. 2,000 membership A few
f. 100,000. Although move prompted
f. 3,000. In appre-
f. 1,000 its. A
f. 28,000

THHK In Semarang
wealthy member f. 5,000 and
when
member make f. 100,000 goal
was
appear have in
THHK is unexpected when it is
remembered
posthumous common
The one
THHK. A
THHK hung commemorative
its meeting
modern Dutch
was, The Chinese gov-
ernment was more
China, if very
THHK income. An is
one 1907 have
government was
and f. 9,000 its maintenance.
which
.
[80]
under pledges government
period study, brought forth other of Chinese
aid. the imperial regime reported, probably without basis
in fact, to deposited taels in a Batavia for the es-
tablishment of a high school of taels, to be
taken from the customs receipts of Fukien, Kiangsu
provinces, were to be available to the school after opening.
1911 Revolution before Peking's sincerity could be put to the
test. the historical record for the period
posite, Batavia to Peking flow of funds. tottering dynasty, as
will be later, soliciting rather
than the distribution dramatic of illustration gifts. of the associations
in the of finance seen In their ability to tax certain business
transactions to raise to tax Indonesian revenue not only for the support Chinese consumers of their but far to operations also those justify speaking The of the of
the Chinese In the the position archipelago of as forming the Indies Chinese a state as within a the virtual state.
of trade association possible reported the levying to partially of these met taxes.
erating costs of of kerosene monthly every through picul the collection rice sold of in district. taxes on

f. 1,000

In 1910 was
have 20,000 bank
. Annual subsidies 6,000
Kwangtung, and
54
its The
came
Moreover, indicates an op-
a The
shown was ordinarily concerned with the
monetary
The most power of the THHK
realm is
.
THHK power
European and communities goes
It
was of course monopo-
lists retail which made
The Bandung was have Its op-
each can and of Its In
W. Gator, The Economic Positionof the Chinese in the Netherlands Indies
Blackweil, Oxford, 1936, probably the best account Engllshof the
Chinese economic role the islands. Some outstanding works on subject in
the Dutch language are: J. L. VIeming, ed Het Chineesche Zakenleven
Nederlandsch- India Batavia, 926; Liem Twan Djie, De Distribueerende Tusschenhandel der Chineezen (Chinese Business Netherlands Landsdrukkeri
op Java (The Distributive Intermediary Trade of the Chinese on Java), Martlnus
Nijhoff, the Hague, 1952; and a number of studies by Professor J. H. Boeke

J.,

Basil is in
In this
., in
Life in India),j,
1
[81]
World War commerce, THHK was
Bafavia, until the First disrupted
able to collect a levy of copra traded in the city.
record indicates that as as per
gained in this association also put a sales tax on kero-
sene, rice other cereals, several delicacies popular
the Indonesians. shipments by land sea, on included the sale taxes of cotton, tobacco,
hogs, mining operations. unfortunate for the purposes
of this study that, sensibly the associations did not publicize
their tax collecting roles. extent success of these operations
only be guessed at the basis of what of the
position of the Indies Chinese.
Before leaving the ordinarily drab subject of finance, ought to
be that the various associations supported a
of endeavors other than the direct operation of schools. the
Batavia established a fund to cover the expenses of education in
"Europe or elsewhere" of deserving graduates of schools. Similar
arrangements were later for students to for school-
ing. In early physician years the treated Batavia charity cases. operated Associations a clinic obliged
from time to time to appropriate considerable sums to entertain
portant visitors to their cities. visit to
Batavia, for cost the local association a thousand guilders.
Official guests from similarly expensive. direc-
tors not improvident in matters of
pilot sought from the Batavia to underwrite pro-
viding his compatriots with the unusual spectacle of a flying
operated by a quickly discouraged.
on each bag The
much f. 1,500 month may have been
way. The same
and and on among
Other sources of revenue on Chinese
commercial and
and and on It is
enough,
The and
can on is known commercial
55
it
mentioned THHK number
In 1905
body
its
made who went China
its THHK where a
Chinese were
im-
Chinese K'ang Yu-wei's 1903
example,
China were The THHK
were money, however. A Chinese
who f. 10,000 body
machine
Chinese was
[82]
Throughout this discussion, as must be apparent, the emphasis has
been on the THHK of Batavia. The reasons for this are four -fold: the
Batavia association was the pioneer; it was the largest; it documented
its work the most extensively; and it was the model after which most
other Chinese educational associations patterned themselves. The re-
lationship between Batavia and the THHK associations in the rest of
the archipelago is not always clear. Within a few years of the es-
tablishment of the Batavia body some 35 THHK associations had been
founded elsewhere. Often the ties between these groups were in-
formal, if not tenuous; yet there seems to have been a considerable
measure of unanimity among them. One is forced to the conclusion
that a much higher degree of uniformity and interdependence bound
the various THHK associations together than is apparent from the record.
The reasons for the paucity of documents to corroborate this assertion
are not hard to find. It is more than likely that the Chinese, on in-
secure ground politically, were interested in concealing their growing
cohesiveness. Dutch officialdom would quickly have sought to hamper
the movement toward educational reform had it appeared that Chinese
unification would result. Divide et impera was of necessity more than
a fancy cliche to the thinly scattered colonial administrators.
As the initiator of the modern school movement, the Batavia THHK
was copied on an informal basis by most, if not all, of the other school
associations, although many of them never properly acknowledged their
debt to Batavia. There were also several associations which frankly
recognized their tie to Batavia by calling themselves branches of the
pioneer body. Six other THHK associations had been established by
In THHK publications, branches were known by the Malay term tjabang-
tjabang or as hoen kiok,presumably the Amoy form of fen-chU ^y^M)•
..
[83]
under Batavla's influence; these at a
tavia suburb, Buitenzorg, Cherlbon,
"But not all subordinate to the of Batavia although
they ordinarily followed [its] policies. Batavia's
soon inspired the establisnment of similar bodies, fifteen of
in referred to themselves as branches of the Batavia
1903 were Tanah Abang, Ba-
Semarang, Malang, and Kedu
were THHK...
..." example
many
which 1914 still
SI
THHK.
connected still
Those school associations not formally with Batavia
cooperated with the in a variety of
visit to required that fairly extensive arrangements be
to receive the famous visitor in a cities. Batavia asso-
ciation responsibility for the arrangements secured the
cooperation of both branches the independent school associa-
tions in of the places to be visited by in 1906, the
school associations by the government to their views
the founding of schools for children, the
Batavia took the lead in soliciting interpreting the reactions
of the various associations. the groups of students
sent to for higher education, the Batavia association,
along with the independent groups at Surabaya,
responsible for the sending of boys a of
schools. success, the Batavia later sought to
inote control efforts to build a high school
casual cooperation of the school associations soon seen to
be inadequate; attempt to establish a of all these
groups. the representatives of 20 associations held
in in July the result being the establishment of Tiong
Tjong tsung-hui ),
parent body ways. K'ang Yu-wei's
1903 Java made
number of The
accepted and
its and
all K'ang. When,
were asked express
on Dutch-language Chinese
group and
When first Chinese
were Nanking
Semarang and was
selection and from number
With mixed THHK dom-
58
and Chinese
The was
an was made union
A meeting of was
Semarang 1906,
Hoa Hwee(Chung-hua, y ^^ ^^ ^
[84]
General The new body "may have
or Chinese Association. very easily
59
the primary aim union of of Tiong associations in the country." the
standardization of instruction The in the schools this operated called by for the in-
troduction system of school inspection for better selection
control of teachers. sending a request
to the governor of general English" for "a Peking to serve teacher as school with inspector. a thorough Should
the official to act this request, Dr. Lim of
Singapore, had "influential contacts in Peking," would be asked to
help. be in detail later, the did
respond to the difficulties request and sent in recruiting supervising inspector teachers to Indonesia. chronic
required solution. measures considered by Tiong Tjong
indicate that teachers that
had attempted to the overseas teacher shortage by encouraging
various school associations to in competitive bidding for their
services. To counteract the of the teachers to reap the benefits
of a sellers' market in their talents, the school associations planned to
unite to end labor piracy themselves. proposals to
the Tiong Tjong to this related
goals included suggestions that teachers be required to sign standard
contracts of that teachers discharged on grounds of
satisfactory service by one school be considered ineligible for
by another, that the of unsatisfactory teachers be published
in the press, that schools clear the hiring of all teachers
their terms of the union of school associations.
been first... Chinese
The Hoa Tjong Hwee was improvement and
modern its
member associations. achievement of aim
ofa and and
The Semarang meeting approved
Canton
command Kuo-yu and
Canton fail on Boen Keng
who
As will discussed Chinese government
new union s an
The and were
and The Hoa
Hwee some were incompetent and some
exploit
engage
efforts
among The made
first Hoa Hwee meeting achieve and
employment, un-
employ-
ment names
and new and
employment with
Hoa
At the second meeting of Tiong Tjong in 1907,
Tjong that the union's ought to tsung-hui be to y^A:^^^^^
-^), or Educational Association of Java. headquarters
of the union, in Batavia for a year, to the
time. then to shift the location of the union's
office at regular intervals, presumably so that no urban
center could objectives of the union but merely emphasized in the did not alter the
role. adoption school of the by increase a teacher does, in the without permission of the union. from to After the union
subject to a fine of 100; disagreements among
tions to be settled by the union's leadership;
tions could supported be expelled by a fixed for violation of the union's from rules. union
for teacher employed plan to establish scholarships fordeserv-
ing children put into operation, successfully unclear. For
a time the union served as the channel through the associations
in could with officials in China; of the
organizational sponsibility effort of the union. not long, involved in sending before harmonious pupils toward the re-
goals within the union to friction. the record
not clear whether the Batavia association the victim or the insti-
gator of these troubles, the Batavia that association sponsored a competitive certainly deeply involved in
for pupils from several schools, the union school inspector
decided name
Hwee(Chua-wa hsueh-wu
General
were
same It was planned
dominate it. The change
The new name
been accompanied on
1 907 any engaging
was f.
were
was monthly payment
each. A
was how
Java communicate
It was however,
mon gave way
is
body was
In 1909
West Java
[85]
Hwee, it was
changed Djawa Hok Boe
/yJV ff^'^
The
moved Semarang at
one Chinese
name
its primarily educational
however, appear have
power
member associa-
and member associa-
The
its member associations
is
which
and much
to China was
working com-
Although
was
them.
examination
[86]
examiner. examina-
serving as Because the union's permission for the
tion had not obtained by Batavia,
be sent to the union's quarreled headquarters. over the question months of the school later, Batavia inspector's quali-
fications; sent to Batavia dis-
agreed. inspector had source of friction earlier; at the time
of his arrival in Semarang's had protested that he stayed
too long in Batavia. By Batavia
Tjong felt "the union did nothing to help the
schools." following year a fruitless effort to Batavia
into the union the request of the association of the
second city, the sent a representative to Batavia
to apologize ask that Batavia re-enter the the
union boasted a total of 93 associations after Batavia's
withdrawal, the of the oldest, largest, most influential
school association seems ultimately to proven fatal to the union.
soon dured for collapsed only as effective longer. speculate organization, although the recorded the explanation for
Batavia's subsequent withdrawal decline than from has revealed. possible that that the resentments that the union's Batavia
group, quite a conservative body, felt might itself by asso-
ciation with potentially radical elements in the union. a tie
could cause Batavia to lose favor with the imperial regime in
to under greater suspicion with the authorities.
perhaps likely that the Batavia of prestige as
the founder of the educational unwilling to
been it was necessary that an apology
A few and
Semarang
Semarang wanted him back China and
The been a
1906 THHK
1910 withdrew from Djawa Hak Boe
Hwee because it Chinese
The entice back
was made. At
Semarang association
and union. Although
membership
absence and
have
It an name en-
some years
One can on whether
Djawa Hak Boe Tjong Hwee and
is adequate. It would seem
were deeper been It is
it endanger
Such
China
and come N.I. It is
more THHK, aware its
modern movement, was
..
[87]
surrender respected position to another group.
the basic difficulty. Batavia association relatively
rich pov/erful no doubt disinclined to give less fortunate sister
associations a voice in operations. event, the failure of the
attempt to bring the as a contributing in subsequent educational years. reform to a under unified slackening leadership of the nationalist must
Before leaving the of education as a force in the
bilization for nationalism of Indies Chinese, tv/o re-
quire further discussion. the overseas Both educational are the reveal the bodies assignment extent the officialdom of China of dynastic of the cooperation officials to posts
as school to schools inspectors in the ancestral in the archipelago school inspectors has already been the sending of Indies in pupils a
of places, but nothing specific These matters has are important reported they the Inspectors
the earliest direct link China's bureaucracy
the Indies Chinese. willingness of the overseas school asso-
ciations to request from outsiders noteworthy in
itself. that the from supporters
of the dynasty, the inspectors be seen to played a conserva-
tive role In the pre-Revolutionary nationalist activity of the overseas
Its Finally, money may
have been The was
and and
its In any
be counted factor
movement
key problem mo-
the developments
between and
The two developments
and
homeland.
Mention of the made number
been on who were
and what they did. because
were permanent between
and The
and accept advice is
When it is remembered advice came
can have
Chinese
few number
For a years a of school inspectors visited or resided
or less In the archipelago. Several of these
used their inspector's title to cloak their will be
discussed in in those later paragraphs dealing with official
more permanently men
main activities and
some detail
[88]
Only two seem have been
Chinese missions. inspectors to sincerely
consistently with the problems of overseas Chinese
cation, only motivation significant^for for the the purposes inspectors of this study. lay in the
desire of the school associations that the curricula be standardized and
the quality of instruction proposed improved. to the by the plan to Kediri school association inspector
in 1905. of the following year the viceroy at Canton sent an
official, Liu Shih-chi inspection tour of in Indonesia the schools. as Lau Soe This dignitary Kie), arrived, to to re-
splendent in the uniform of a Chinese admiral received by the
governor general before he other could high officials. his Liu tour unfortunately to return
to Before of leaving, usefulness Liu the offered operation the Batavia of school
stated that the school fifteenth ought days of the to close on Chinese Sundays, remain the
provide free housing for set up scholarship
funds. appears that Liu In general favorably Impressed with what
he In Batavia; official Chinese declared that
Liu Shih-chi had inspection tour in Netherlands India
found that "the study programs of the schools In
conformity with imperial Instruction." arrived regulations" the a most Important months after that "the school Liu Shih-chi teachers inspector, departure.
This man's name has been a variety of ways. As an
aid future students and as an example of how Chinese names can be corrupted
publications and documents relating N.I. Chinese, the forms of

N.I. and became ill complete and was obliged China. however, THHK some advice mixed on its. He

and concerned edu-
and one is
The employment of school
The engage an
was first BataviaTHHK
In March
(known Java
make an
, and was
open on
first and month, have more windows,
Its teachers, and adequate
It was
saw an announcement
completed an
and were complete
and employed
64
good methods of
The first permanent and Wang
Fung Cheang, few's
*
rendered in startling
to
in to all Wang
[89]
the Tlong Tjong at in the
of 1906, had to ask the general at to
send a school inspector to Indonesia. seal of office, an impor-
tant symbol imperial times, stated that he appointed "Inspector
of Education Teachers in of
This title upset the by failure to indicate that
Netherlands rather than a colony. His exact position in the
Chinese bureaucracy certainly held official rank
under the dynasty. official the Chinese of rank cannot, protested consequently, to the be Dutch: placed
the footing as the merchants." of the
school inspector not unlike that of of the intellec-
tuals of the last years of the Ch'ing dynasty.
graduated in from a medical school in he
ordinarily English." clothing twofold: he said to speak to "very advise the various unclear
school associations to correlate their activities, and he of
the principal links the overseas
subjects. In addition to the routine duties of traveling from school
to another to the quality uniformity of instruction,
played a large part in selecting boys to be sent to for higher
education. also supervised special examinations passed out
prizes to superior school inspector further
by the with the responsibility for distributing
At first Hoa Hwee meeting Semarang summer
it been decided governor Canton
Wang's
in was
."
and Javo and the Islands the Southern Seas
Dutch its Java was a
Chinese
is unknown, but Wong
As government
"Mr. Wang is an and
on same Chinese The background
was many younger
He was born about 1876
and 1903 Canton. In Java
wore Western and was
^^
Wang's duties were was expected
and was one
between Chinese government and its
one
check on and Wang
China
He and
students. The was charged
Chinese government any
Fung Cheang's name encountered ore here. They are:
Cheang, Siong,
siang, Feng-hsiang; Hong Siang, derived Fong from ^J. Cheang, Voong Siang,
so far listed Wang Fung
Wung Tong Cheang, Wang Tung Chiang, Wang Ong Ong Honh-
Ong Wong Wang and Wang
allJ^
^^.

N.I. He is

.
[90]
funds sent by Peking to for subsidizing education. reported
to of a high funds school in official representative to the that city of the dynasty, for the construction consid-
erable prestige the Indies Chinese. Originally his salary
expenses by Tiong Tjong but possibly in part in
an effort to Insure loyalty to Peking, the Chinese
took over this obligation in 1907. official, reported
cording to circumstances minister at to the the governor to general appropriate at offices to the in Peking.
His reports covered not only the state of Chinese primary education
but also included the occupations, Incomes of the leaders
of the school associations. interest of the In
the second category of Information gathered by will. has
not already this study so, itself understood In Indonesia In subsequent until the 1911 Revolution. sections of
exact date of his departure from the Islands not recorded. In
1911 offering of to asked the Batavia to furnish but a the for
him. be noted parenthetically that during his tenure
tinued to serve both the Batavia association Boe Tjong
successor drawal from to the general Tiong association. Tjong despite the former's with-
addition to there another
school Inspector operating In Netherlands India in the years before the
Chinese Revolution. Hoa), second had served as of the (also teachers as of the
have promised Semarang association
.
As on Wang enjoyed
among and
were met Hoa Hwee,
Wang's government
As an Wang ac-
Canton,
Chinese Hague, and
names, and
The Chinese authorities
Wang If It
done make
>..67
Wang Fung Cheang worked
The is
Wang was still advice THHK; new
Chinese government 1912 was replacement
It can Wang con-
and Djawa Hak
Hwee, Hoa Hwee,
In Wang Fung Cheang, was semipermanent
The man. Tan Hoa known Tan
Hwa and Ch'en one first
.
[91]
school at Kediri by origin had trained,
like so other inspector of education of his generation, issued by in the governor His appoint- general of
Fukien provinces. arrival. Early reached in 1907, Surabaya, where at about the time he of
to establish himself to himself, or probably less a desire to For reasons his prestige, presumably
peared dressed in the uniform of officer of the imperial
. He was a Cantonese and been
many Chinese Japan.
ment as was
and Chekiang
Wang Fung Cheang's Tan planned
more permanently.
known enhance Tan ap-
an Chinese
69
army
Ton Hoa was immediately a cause for disagreement among the school
associations. The record indicates that most of the member associa-
tions in Tiong Hoa Tjong Hwee refused to submit to Tan's inspection,
having already accepted Wang Fung Cheang as their inspector. The
controversy was finally settled by placing Tan in exclusive charge of
the inspection of schools in East Java and the outlying islands of east-
ern Indonesia. He made his headquarters, apparently in accordance
with his own wishes, at Surabaya. Tan, by being assigned to areas
of relative unimportance in the affairs of the Indies Chinese, never
was as significant a figure in the history of overseas Chinese national-
ism as his colleague, Wang Fung Cheang.
The role of the school inspectors as representatives of the Peking
government soon brought forth official Dutch expressions of resent-
ment over Chinese interference in the internal affairs of a Netherlands
colony. In January 1907 the colonial government stated that it hod
"no objection" to tours by education inspectors—although an officer of
the government, specializing in Chinese affairs, had declared: "The
residence in N.I. of Chinese inspectors of education appears to me
neither necessary nor desirable." The change in the initially tolerant
1
[92]
complete. 907 the
official attitude By February
Netherlands Minister of Foreign Affairs wrote the Chinese minister in
the stating: in the "In fact internal all interference affairs of the the Netherlands part of the colonies Chinese
be in opposition to the most elementary principles of international law
as a proposed will that school not be tolerated." inspectors be required to
language before being admitted to India. This measure
surely reduced to zero the officials able
to operate in the the provision archipelago. of 71 facilities to boys from the archipelago for
studying in the overseas Chinese the Chinese closely into the found another affairs of of the
land. plan for this by the leader of
a mission 21 students, by the to Netherlands left authorTties India for late in 1906. in February boys 1907. group, had up the
initial group, but possible. parental Actually, enthusiasm the fact not sufficient that 21 boys to assembled that
such short notice that other groups soon sent out indicates
that the reluctance of parents boys to studying their sons in leave in 1908; years
later the total reported to be 148. In all, about Indies stu-
dents are supposed to benefited from this plan before the 91
72
Revolution students sent to a school at designed to serve
the needs of overseas Chinese from all Southeast Asia, not only those
from Netherlands India. school in
Dutch was speedy and 1
Hague on
government would
and, consequence, Within a few years it
was even know the Dutch
Netherlands
would have
number of Chinese
...
Through
China, government means
drawing more home-
The program was first announced
Chinese The first
numbering China It been
expected Chinese that 30 would make
was make
number were on
and were
have home was soon
overcome. Over 100 were China two
was 200
have 1
ended it.
The were Nanking
The was called, Kuo-yu, Chi-nan
[93]
hsUeh-t'ang. patron of the school the viceroy,
seems to taken a special interest in his overseas charges The
viceroy supposed to often students for rides through the
city in his carriage; during his visits to the school he reportedly
asked the boys to criticize their teachers. 73
There 19 teachers at hsUeh-t'ang in giving
Instruction in languages, mathematics, geography,
history, military science, music. Students promised,
graduation, opportunity to go to or
Europe, to their learning or almost all of the funds re-
quired for the school students were
furnished by the authorities; students obliged to provide
only their clothes, that the Chinese government transportation. considered this There educational
burden too heavy. letter that from the be sent pupils to build to their a parents school, and in
in a request for overseas funds sent out by the school
thorities themselves. yet the school
operated until forced to close during apparently the Revolution. in the overseas pupils a
source of personnel to official posts, especially in the diplo-
matic consular services. After period of of up to six years
at further training elsewhere, the students to be
given a to participate in civil service examinations.
The was Nanking who
have.
is have taken
and
were Chi-nan Nanking
Kuo-yU, European
and "were upon
an abroad..., Japan, America
broaden."All,,
maintenance of the Nanking and its
Chinese were
own pocket money, and is
some evidence
A Nanking
1909 suggested money to China new
1910 was au-
No money was donated, Nanking
74
The Chinese government saw
occupy
and a study
Nanking and were
chance special
In N.1. this is
documents and publications name given as Ki Lam HakTong,
Kay Lam Hak Tong, or Kie Lam Hak Tong, from
the school was Shanqhal 1912, the name was changed Chi-nan
hsUeh-hsiao >^> ^x^ and the school was expanded
offer college training, Chi-nan ta-hsueh X.
^^ \^,^""^ When
mov^ to In to
^^ \^, later, when to
to ^^^>^ •
.
[94]
Chinese authorities probably intended to use of the language
qualifications foreign experience of these overseas graduates
under the conditions of the last of the dynasty, no
higher honor than promotion the ranks of the scholar-bureaucracy
could offered a student in the traditional Chinese scene
sincerity of the imperial regime in this respect never put
to the test of the Revolution. products of the
school returned as nationalist to their firebrands. of selection of they pupils to study in quickly earned reputations of signifi-
here. total boys sent to not large, but
these students from to places. nationalist every center hero at of school
in of represented. origin; the boys boys the student from Java; from East Java group but Sumatra as a primarily of poorer described Borneo as
definitely in "looking like the
than like their 'yellow brothers.' students 12
18 years of most had primary school in Netherlands
India. the best students sent, the selection being in
part basis of competitive examinations. For most of the years
of the program, local
associations, responsible these arrangements. cost of a
student's passage to of the Republic borne broke by his local this link school
overseas populations. to scattered 1912, students through from schools Southeast Asia univer-
sities. the early Republican period, students, at least

I. r.,, 75

The
and
changed
to
have been
The
because
homes, where
The process
cance The number of
were drawn many
Chinese population was able have its
China. Most were
were also The
Peranakan and
Peranakan appearance,
"The
age, and completed
Only were
on the
Djawa Hak BoeTjong
was for
China was often
The establishment
and its After
who went China were
In
make
. Even
decade
was
The Nanking
Nanking is
China was
Almost
own
and
were
whole is
more Javanese
were between and
made
Hwee, working with THHK
The
76
.
between China
many and
Chinese
[95]
those from Batovio, "only received [from the necessary school
certificates had to arrange other matters themselves." other
words, school scholarships associations from both no longer the existed. the Indies
  • Slang Hwee were sometimes in-
THHK]
and In
Chinese government and
Chambers of Commerce
The various Chinese chambers of commerce, usually known asSiang
Hwee, furthered, as did the pan-Chinese educational system, the na-
tionalist mobilization of the Indies Chinese. Whether the THHK or the
Siang Hwee movement was the more important in the rise of national-
ism is perhaps a matter of personal interpretation. The school associa-
tions, through the necessarily lengthy process of education, laid the
foundation for a continuing national awareness in successive genera-
tions. The Siang Hwee tended to be most active in times of stress.
THHK operated with its sights on long-range developments; Siang Hwee
met specific challenges.
Informal ties among the Chinese merchants of the Indies had of
course existed from an early time. Slang Hwee were established as a
means of making permanent and more effective arrangements for co-
operation. The inspiration for the founding of Slang Hwee reached
Netherlands India in the person of an official representative of the dy-
nasty, the same man who promoted the sending of students to Nanking.
Late in 1906 and early in 1907, Chinese merchants were advised to
band together in chambers of commerce modeled after those already
Shang-hui)^ ^,derived from hua-shang hui-kuan, :^)S] ^*'f S
or hua-shang tsung-hui ^S^ \^ ^P,
~~W~
accurately known as Siang Boe, shang-wu j|i^f^, which came from the name
of the general association of Slang Hwee, Slang BoeTjong Hwe, shang-wu tsung-
huijsi ^ 4l^,-^.
[96]
operating in Singapore, Shanghai. estab-
lished Ministry of Agriculture, JE^ i^ Industry, -^Tj Trade prepared In Peking to the draft
regulations of the has Siang suggested that this give fresh interest official Peking's endorse- part
in the affairs of Chinese merchants reflected the improved
socio-political position of the Chinese the late
Ch'ing period of reform. In case, the did at
the time begin to take of the activities of the Southeast
Asian Chinese traders, said to enjoy "the Imperial
ciation but unrealistic objective promotion of of Sino-indies Siang trade the
of this century, Indies exports to equaled
only about 6 per cent of total exports. Imports coast ports
totaled faced west insignificant rather 2 per north. cent. Netherlands India
discover the true significance of Siang necessary to
look the sphere into the political Siang
designed primarily to serve as agencies of the
In a sense they functioned as consulates until normal consu-
lar representation established in 1912. dynastic official
visited the islands to take the lead in the establishment of Siang
reported to his that the effectively
function as consulates. Further, this
necessary to Siang in troublesome diplomatic presented by the with the
with official seal directly necessary in with the signing Peking correspondence. right to the
Hong Kong, and The newly
and(Nung-
kung-shang^ W)was examine
new Hwee and them
ment. It been on
overseas
commercial class during
any Chinese government
cognizance
who were appre-
and sympathy." The was an
announced Hwee. In first dec-
ade China and Hong Kong
from China
an Commercially,
than
To Hwee, it is
beyond economic. Hwee were
Chinese government.
Chinese
was The who
Hwee
government new associations could
arrangement would make it un-
engage negotiations
Dutch. Each Hwee was Chinese government
an The
communicate bureaucracy accompanied
.
[97]
granting of these seals. officers of the various Siang held
official rank; the to purchase president a rank of an important equal association that of a district reportedly magistrate in
The Hwee
was
expected to
Crima
consular role of Siang seen in a their
actions. Stranded workers in at least instances had their
passages to paid by Siang Crimes against Indies
Chinese at reports to times investigated Peking. Siang by Siang considerable then prestige for-
to their position as semiofficial intermediaries with the local
authorities. the of the Consulate
at Batavia, functions. Siang the matter in of the other cities citizenship continued of to carry in the on consular colony
to be discussed by a Netherlands to Chinese, both Singkehs authorities, Siang Peranakans,
register as subjects of registration facilities are of course
ordinarily provided only by consulates. Indies to
responded in a negative to this opportunity to declare
themselves Chinese subjects. to
in enrol ling plans to given hold elections the responsibility in in Netherlands for the India. formulated, organization In all register. Siang of polling Siang 81
notified by the Chinese minister at the that elections
to be held to select "advisers franchise for the provincial to quite assemblies narrow; in Fukien voters
required to be or 25 years of "had
The Hwee can be number of
Chinese two
back China Hwee.
were Hwee, which
warded Hwee enjoyed
due Dutch
Even after opening Chinese General
Hwee
When Chinese came
and Chinese Hwee
waged campaign have and
China. Such
The Chinese seem
have manner
Only Siang Hwee Batavia appears have
succeeded an appreciable number of names on its
When China were first
Hwee were
among overseas Chinese 1910 Hwee
were Hague were
and Kwangtung." The was be were
men, Peranakan Singkeh, age who
[98]
served three years or longer as leaders in education or other fields,"
had finished high school in or elsewhere, had imperial
literary examination, capital had held of at least military or civil rank, or Needless possessed to say, the
last requirement 1910, the under Siang most easily auspices, by overseas enfranchised Chinese. Chinese In in
Surabaya participated primary elections. of Batavia
a for obscure reasons failed to vote.
final elections never held in the under Ch'ing dynasty
direction. sending elected representatives overseas stated to a country without a democratic that there no point in
stitution. This lack of confidence in effectiveness of their
overseas representatives increased by the fact that
the elected not obliged to leave the Indies totake their seats
82
in or interests of overseas constituency
not likely to at be served never by a representative speech cast a vote. because he re-
Elections after the 1911 Revolution significance to
overseas Chinese. 1912, Siang to organize
polling, this time to choose certain electoral college
to in Peking to select the Senate of the Republic.
Siang in Batavia, Surabaya, sent a delegate
to the electoral college; least in the case of the
delegate, the choice based on rather than on elec-
tion. appears, in fact, that the of
83
selection favored by the Peking authorities.
February auspices 1913, overseas of the Chinese Ministry of representatives Industry and Peking under the
China passed an
who
commercial 5,000 dollars.
was one met
December Hwee
in The Chinese
and number of other places And
were colony
Many Chinese was
con-
the own
may well have been
men were
Canton Foochow. The an
were who,
mained home, made a or
were of more
In Hwee were again asked
members of an
meet new Chinese
Hwee and Semarang each
however, at Semarang
was appointment
And it appointment was method
In met in
Commerce and selected
[99]
sit Two
6 Senators to in the upper house of the Republican legislature.
Indies elected along with 2 from from
the United States, and of origin. 6 overseas
tors to with 10 colleagues from province, 27
from 10 Tibet, 3 from Sinkiang, 8 selected by the
"Central Educational representation of overseas
Chinese in the Senate not proportional to population.
This failure of the to provide overseas Chinese
with their proper share of seats in the Republican Senate was, be-
cause of the political chaos of Shih-k'oi's presidency, not taken
seriously in the Indies. apparently soon realized
that sending representatives to Peking privilege
85
lack of interest in But, while Stang elections proposed electoral in functions realization
than practical importance in the effort to tie overseas Chinese to their
motherland, further various other frequently endeavors [To] protect in successful. with responsibility influence Specifically, for raising in the Siang funds to
land, a Slang must be willing to interference from
the authorities organizations [there]. Thus, compatriots
In the help of overseas there
a great flood or the threat of a severe famine, the
patriots there will that association usually appeal for feels obliged help to to a Slang this charitable
Chinese were men Malaya, 1
1 unannounced The Sena-
were sit each Chinese
Mongolia, from and
84
Conference." The
was certainly
Chinese government
first
Yuan
Overseas Chinese
was an empty. The
1 916 reflects that.
Hwee's were of symbolic rather
efforts were more
Hwee were charged
China.
"... its good name and mother-
Hwee accept
and if
China need Chinese... when is
... com-
make an Hwee
and do
work." 86
be concluded Hwee
must not from the passage that Slang
fund raising to contribute inspired by charity; to political sent to motives often Plans to
construct a railway in Fukien, ata time when domestic Chinese railroad
It above
was always
caused members money be China.
[100]
was means of checking
construction considered a foreign imperialism,
led to the reported sale of shares of stock by Siang in
Surabaya. 1909, organization sought with little
success to raise 5 million to be used for the purchase of a warship
for the Chinese navy. After the establishment of the Chinese Republic
the enthusiasm of Siang in these matters increased
Subscriptions post-Revolution national loan
obtained. Batavia Siang In at least case a local itself to official furnishover sought to get
his share of the so eagerly sent to in the early Republican
period. then the governor at
wrote Slang Batavia asking that a fund be raised to equip an
to against Siang to the reacted organize Russians, by observing anything as then that ambitious asa campaign against incursions up in to President
the Tsar's by 1912 internal conditions in so dis-
illusioned the Indies said to Shih-k'ai's 1916 Chinese be willing attempt that only to send the Singkeh to the the Imperial motherland. throne brought Siang
forth final Siang drive in the early Republican period to raise
funds for associations political collected ends. to finance the Chinese the leadership opposition consul to general at of the Surabaya Various Batavia, school theory
a servant of To disguise consumption, the operation, that the seems to originally destined supported for the this Chinese for Red
Cross; this soon rapid collapse of

f. Hwee was briefly.
f. 200,000. one Chinese

10,000 Hwee
In however, the same
too Chinese were rapidly
The Hwee alone pledged
money China
In November 1912 Hu Han-min, Canton,
Hwee
army march making Outer
Mongolia. Hwee it was
Yuan Shih-k'ai
army. And China had
members of
87
Hwee were money
Yuan toascend
one Hwee
Under body,
money was Yuan.
and other pan-Chinese organizations cooperated with Siang
Hwee Surabaya. Even in
Yuan's government, have move-
ment. it was announced,
Dutch money was
sham was abandoned. The Yuan's
[101]
Imperial immediately reflected in the halting of this fund-
raising effort. not ever reached
the groups in the of 1917,
reported that Indies had sent a large to be used by revo-
lutionaries at
Siang associations also with the most
diate general by actively supporting of the Indies the educational demonstrated that
the school inspectors arrived, they were given assistance, no doubt
including financial aid, by various Siang sent
to had their travel expenses by Siang associa-
tions. Financial aid to schools to be a regular obligation
of Siang nent fact, schools often later firms regularly enter-
89
ing debits in their of the most books for important "contributions Siang to the services school ." the provision
of a place, a club, for only speculate on
the political information social took place of the informal in the discussions Siang buildings.
In at least the Batavia Siang regulations specified that the
association serve as a daily to this point, maintain place." nothing for has "an said appropriate the to
formal organization of the Siang associations. following
chapter deals with the of leadership in the overseas
population of Netherlands India considers Siang heads in
further detail Before leaving the subject of Siang
preliminary remarks on these matters ought to be

I.. ^

dream was
It is known how much, if any, money
anti-Yuan China. In fall however, it was
Chinese sum
Canton. 88
Hwee were concerned imme-
problem Chinese and
concern THHK movement. When
first
Hwee. A number of boys
Nanking covered Hwee
THHK came
Hwee members. In became "perma-
appendages of Chinese business life," many
One Hwee was
meeting members. One can
and consequences and
exchange of which Hwee
Hwee, the
would its members room
90
meeting
Up been on membership and
Hwee The
problem Chinese
and Hwee
. Hwee, however,
some made.
[102]
Indications are that, while Peranakans formed a majority in the
of Siang Singkeh elements not surprising that the active
bers Singkehs. immigrants often had not yet
risen to rolls included the their of "the businesses, most solid Siang
merchants." also not unreasonable to that, of the
political nature of Siang activities, most
bers preferred to stay in the while their Singkeh colleagues
took the lead. has already noted that the regulations of the
Batavia gin. insisted the Batavia, that officers Surabaya, be predominantly of Singkeh ori-
only Singkehs to the senatorial electoral college at Peking. This
tion must in part of the necessity to select overseas
delegates Singkeh influence the Chinese language. be seen 91 in such the
effort of the Surabaya be association in to instead require of that all the most corre-
leader of the Siang as a Peranakan.
This Tiong 'X^ ), the of largest Chinese
trading in the archipelago, undoubtedly the richest
most powerful Chinese Indies. simultaneously
tertained the princes of as his house guests,
reportedly he in close touch with Japan's Ito.
prestige Siang greatly by the tie
with use of his position In Siang to further the
aims of business. For Siang in
membership Hwee, were more
members of the associations. It is Peranakan mem-
outnumbered The new
owning and managing own and Hwee
membership names and outstanding
It is assume because
many Hwee Peranakan mem-
background
It been
body its
In 1912 and Semarang organizations sent
ac-
have been born
who knew
While can developments as
1910 its
spondence conducted Chinese Malay, power-
ful Hwee movement whole was a
was Oei Ham, Majoor at Semarang and head Kian Gwan
(Chien-yuan kung-szu "^ A^^
company Oei was
and in the He once en-
crown Denmark and Greece
and was Marquis The
and power of Hwee were augmented
Oei, who made Hwee
his example, some Hwee members 1912
[103]
attempted to organize a boycott of Japanese goods to protest a Japa-
nese threat to Manchuria. Oei Tiong Ham, whose Kian Gwan traded
actively with Japan, opposed the boycott and none was carried out.
On the other hand, Siang Hwee at Semarang, Oei's headquarters, had
in 1908 been easily able to persuade reluctant sister associations to
join a boycott against a Dutch competitor of Kian Gwan. Oei pre-
ferred to pull strings from above the stage, though he did arrange to
have Kian Gwan officers in power in some local Siang Hwee, includ-
92
ing the Batavia organization.
Like the THHK associations, the various Siang Hwee normally func-
tioned with a marked degree of unanimity. The Surabaya body, al-
most from the beginning, functioned as the publicly recognized leader.
Possibly this was in part to compensate for the open leadership of Sem-
arang and Batavia in the educational movement. In 1909 the Surabaya
Siang Hwee was elected to head a general association of Siang Hwee,
known as Siang Boe Tjong Hwee (Shang-wu tsung-hui i^-^^iS^^
). The record reveals that most correspondence between China's
officialdom and Siang Hwee went through the Surabaya body. But,
presumably in an effort to conceal from the suspicious Dutch the extent
of cooperation among the various Siang Hwee, the formal unification
under Surabaya was allowed to dissolve. In a few years a careful ob-
server of events in the Chinese community could only state that the
93
Siang Hwee associations "seemed to work together closely."
Soe Po S i a
the types of up to this
point, primarily with education the other
most important for provision of those services considered
Of two pan-Chinese associations discussed
one was concerned and was
its usually
.
[104]
governmental. fhird group of associations, designed to function as
a political party, also existed; such associations were ordinarily
as Po Sia she "Tfi for these
bodies had, although found in the reading
of a Singapore Christian missionary establishment, where lectures
held books periodicals to the public.
Similar reading rooms or Soe Po Sia to be in the other
Chinese population centers of Southeast Asia in the of this
century; but, instead Po of Christian Sia in Netherlands doctrine, revolution India established in 1909.
with other matters regarding these associations, the exact
date was, presumably of the nature of
Po Sia, not publicized. all functioned association as fronts for Sun's given a charter revolutionary by
tivities. a there Soe Sia in the archi-
pelago. All Soe Po Sia reported to other;
but, unlike Siang they did not together in a
formal general association. Throughout Southeast Asia, Soe Po Sia
looked to the Singapore association as their
also in able, elsewhere. to with leaders
Ties other of cooperation times tenuous Po but Sia
absent. teachers with Soe Po Sia; the
political associations are said to contributed to the support of
the schools. Soe Po Sia frequently instituted adult education
programs instruction in offered in the evenings,
presumably by personnel Immediately after the 91 Revolution
A
known
Soe (Shu-pao "^
'^7<i^' ^^^
model
it may seem odd, been room
were
94
and where and were available
began opened
first decade
was preached.
The first Soe were
As many
because somewhat subversive
Soe Each was
Sun Yat-sen, and ac-
Within few years were 52 Po
were work closely with each
THHK and Hwee, band
communications center
They were however, communicate directly
95
China and
and communication between Soe and
pan-Chinese associations were at neverwholly
Most THHK were affiliated and
have
modern
where Kuo-yU was
THHK. 1 1
[105]
became even
cooperation Soe Po Sia closer, no
doubt the then rather conservative recognized the former leadership revolutionaries of the as educational legitimate
governmental agents.
Links Siong Po Sia are perhaps easier
to trace. Before the Revolution believed that animosity existed
the
with imperial blessings that while this evaluation Soe Po Sia based primarily on to revolution.
thinking. Soe Po Sia established in by a
revolutionary former teacher "and several other party
including officials of Siang [Surabaya]
Po Sia's president relative of Tiong a
high officer of Oei's trading firm, will be
that the Siang effort. Batavio, Siang
Soe Po Sia joined together through the efforts of Lui -
tenant Khoe Fan, officer of both associations a "firey
lican." Friction jealousy Siang Soe did
break out from time to time, as in Siang initially
given sole responsibility electoral for organizing college the in election the of overseas year,
Soe Po Sia's Impetuous by the elements argued faction In for anti Slang But boycott in a broad
sense be stated that Soe Po Sia Slang toward
the goals, assisted educational by their politically largely inspired less vocal led partner. by Perana -
kans; the of In by
Peranakans operated under joint -Singkeh leadership.
between THHK and
because
movement by
between Hwee and Soe even
some
between two types of associations because Siang Hwee were founded
were dedicated
It now appears was Dutch wish-
ful The Surabaya was 1909
THHK comrades,
... Hwee."The Semorong
Soe was a Majoor Oei Ham and
Kian Gwan. It remembered
Kian Gwan dominated Hwee In
Hwee and were
A an and Repub-
and between Hwee and PoSia
1912 when Hwee
were
members of the Chinese and, same when
an-Japanese
97
opposed Kian Gwan Hwee.
It can and Hwee worked
same THHK
The movement was and
chambers commerce were dominated membership
and Peranakan
[106]
were
Soe Po Sia organization and activities primarily designed to serve
Singkehs. Immigrants from almost to
active interest than the Indies-born in the political future of
the Peranakans also tended, of their greater in-
vestment their political position in the colony,
to be the conservative group in the
fore Singkehs formed the majority in Po Sia
the Singkeh a traditionally rebellious
people, as "lower class" "coolies."
Singkehs tended to concentrated in the cities in the plantation
mining areas, establishments confined for the most
part to major urban centers to regions imported
coolie labor extensively used. one-fifth of the Soe Po Sia
in Netherlands India the Deli district of Sumatra, of
great plantations strong by influence immigrant in Soe labor. Po Sia did not that other
Singkehs excluded; Peranakans also had a voice in the
affairs of these bodies. Luitenant of the Batavia organi-
zation a important
in sister associations. leadershipof Siang
supported Soe Po Sia Finally a special effort
to enlist press. the support of other Chinese through the Soe Po Sia
Soe Po Sia political activity primarily oriented toward
the Revolution. Before 1911 the major work of Soe
the collection of funds to support Sun Yat-sen's revolu-
tionary attempts; rlj for ), or Peoples use by the National Bin
China were bound have a more
Chinese
homeland. because
and anomalous Dutch
more Chinese community. There-
Soe membership. Most of
members were Hakkas, Chinese
who have been described and As
be and
and Soe PoSia were
and where Chinese
was Over
were in an area
worked
The Hakka mean
were and some
Khoe A Fan
was Cantonese Singkeh; many other Cantonese were
99
The KianGwan Hwee who
was Peranakan. was made
Peranakan
was China
and Chinese PoSia
was numerous
money was usually earmarked Kok
Koen (Kuo-min chun l?^ ^ Army.
[107]
welcome shown
efforts directed at spoiling the enthusiastic
by Indies to dynastic official visitors. Soe Po Sla leaders in
the lost days of the an action also suggests "ceremonies a relationship honoring the Soe
Po Sia groups the traditionally secret societies.
this regard, will be that of Sun Yat-sen's acts
after the the of a similar at the
Other were
Chinese
Manchus conducted
Ming emperors," which between
and pro-Ming In
it remembered one first
Revolution was performance ceremony
Ming tombs near Nanking.
After 1911, Soe Po Sia continued to support Sun Yat-sen, a stand
which inevitably created hostility toward Yuan Shih-k'ai. Until Yuan
revealed his dictatorial, later imperial, ambitions, under Sun's leader-
ship, Soe Po Sia supported the Peking government. In 191 3, Soe Po Sia
organizations were represented in the Republican legislature, a Sura-
baya member being elected to the Senate. Siang Hwee bodies were
given the main responsibility for the election of overseas delegates to
the Peking electoral college; but Batavia, Semarang,and Surabaya all
sent Soe Po Sia officers.
Once open conflict between Yuan and Sun broke out, Soe Po Sia
were quick to reaffirm their devotion to revolutionary principles. Money
was industriously collected to finance Yuan's overthrow. Beginning in
1914, Soe Po Sia propagandized their members with a view to getting
their purses open; and 1915 and 1916 saw a continuation of these ef-
102
forts. As in the case of the money sent to Sun Yat-sen before 1911,
It is not possible to estimate the size of these financial contributions.
Revolutionaries seldom publish balance sheets.
Yuan's death made it possible for Soe Po Sia again to plan an open
political role in the Chinese government. In 1917, Soe Po Sia repre-
sentatives were once more in Peking to help organize a new legislature.
.
[108]
in the attempt to establish parliamentary
Siang took the lead in organizing polling Indies Chinese
103
while Soe Po Sia supplied most of the candidates.
In addition to their political activity inordirectly related to
Po Sia involved to extent in the local struggles of the
Indies Chinese difficult to say Po Sia interest in the
political position of overseas Chinese in the colony out of
an opportunistic attempt to prestige as anti-Dutch or
out of the fact that revolutionary zeal, generated, spreads in all
directions. case, Soe Po Sia soon a reputation for sharp
criticism of the authorities of of their allied Chinese
officers. These activities had, no doubt, special appeal for Per-
anakans, likely to be with the
of overseas conditions of the chief than with the democratization by Soe Po of Sia for the
of their objectives the press. Four major Soe Po Sia
papers Batavia, in Po Netherlands Surabaya, India during these °^ years, Batavia founded
in to serve the interests of the revolutionaries,
faithful to Sun's cause both throughout in the period studied. for This consumption,
editions. original editor of the
Batavia Soe Po Sia
In Po jjV ^^^)
represented Soe Po Sia interests. published in Chinese from
until of the local a years later, of a public literate had lost in language of
As 1912-1913 government,
Hwee among
China,
Soe were some
. It is whether Soe
Dutch grew
win spokesmen
once
In any won
Dutch and many
104
who were more concerned improvement
China.
One media employed achieve-
ment was news-
appeared one each at
Semarang, and Medan.
Hoa Tok (Hua-to pao:^^^^
^f^)
was
1909 and it remained
newspaper
appeared weekly Chinese and, Peranakan
Malay Its was a Hakka and a director
Semarang, Djawa Kong (Chua-wa kung-pao ^jt, %
It was
1909 its demise few when it f. 10,000
because absence its
[109]
Kong was wealthy
publication. of Po a
officer of Semarang's Siang the close ties
the the political associations are illustrated.
Surabaya Soe Po Sia paper Sin Po
hsin-pao yM. ~X^ also established in like
Po, published both in editions. Like the
arang Soe Po Sia publication, Surabaya's Sin Po cooperated
closely with the local Siang early editor of this paper
a former teacher violent revolutionary ardor
that he ultimately deported by the Netherlands authorities.
has already that the Deli district of Sumatra
a fruitful source of Po Sia support. in the
major city of the area, furthered revolutionary efforts. paper,
Sumatra Po or So Lap Po f
i:? -^R. ^' established at about the time as
fellows for the purpose. enjoyed circulation the
heavily Singkeh region of issues reached
other parts of the Indies editor, like his Surabaya
colleague, extremism. expelled by the of his

. 108 Other Pan-Chinese Associations

The owner Djawa Peranakan
Hwee. Once more between
commercial and
The was Han Boen (Han-wen
^fjT ^^)/ 1909 and, Hoa
Tok Chinese and Malay Sem-
Han Boen
Hwee. The was
THHK who displayed such
was
It been mentioned was
Soe A newspaper Medon,
The
Mun Tap (Su-men-ta-la pao ^i\
^^^°^ same
its Java
and same It wide in
around Medan, and some its
and Malaya. Its first
was unceremoniously Dutch because
In addition to the schools of THHK, the chambers of commerce of
Siang the reading rooms publishing enterprises of
Po Sia, there several other associational efforts initiated during
the years of overseas nationalist mobilization in Netherlands
India. of the other organizations importance
to that of the three described at length
Hwee, and and Soe
were
Chinese
None was of comparable
some above; it is, however, of
.
[110]
mention some them
possible usefulness to of to indicate the various
interests of the principal types of organizations under study. antedated the nationalist awak-
ening of the Indies Chinese: the secret societies the burial asso-
ciations. Brief out of that the the former role of has the secret earlier societies lost in impor- this
tance as nationalist mobilization went forward.
continued to operate as apolitical during bodies. the years functioned under investigation essentially but are as insurance to be
groups. periodically too fund from which families
could funeral expenses at the time of a
help the sole objective of these bodies. Batavia's
provided the facilities no doubt of a burial served association to attract for
secret societies, losing their political to nationalist organiza-
tions, are said to degenerated into burial associations in fact
109
not
Chinese effort at labor organization also during this
period. the Chinese Employees Bond established In Batavia
with a primarily of clerks in offices
shops. maintained a business school,
could learn skills, Batavia to insure inspired Chinese
collar workers in other cities to establish similar associations,
110
with the alongside as that Batavia's or the Batavia Soe pioneer. Po Sia with
similar aims but less notoriety, called itself Tie or
Tie The group a revolutionary
people
Two
and
mention been made
volume, pointing its
The burial associations
viewed They
Members contributed
draw member's death. Mutual
among members was
THHK its members,
an arrangement which many supporters. The
power
have if
in name
A was made
In 1909 was
membership composed Peranakan
and The Bond where members
new and was designed members against un-
employment. The example of the Bond white-
many
. r I, r. n..
same name
Operating was an association
which Yok Hwee
Hoa Kiauw Yok Hwee. was movement
[Ill]
of the of Batavia Soe Po Sla, will be
by elements. ties
Tie the three major associations of Batavia
represented in the person of Say, a of Fukienese
origin, in Batavia simultaneously the of Kian
the vice president of the president of both Siang
Tie relationship the firm
Po Sia has already pointed out. Tan's link to the giant trading
empire a close with the revolution-
ary body. Like sister organization, Po Sia, Tie
active in arrangements for the elections to the Peking
electoral college. After a brief period, Tie
pears to ceased operations. cooperated with
tavia's in raising funds through levies copra sales, but after
that year only further reference to Tie appears in the
J 111 isolated references to at least a as-
sociations are to be found, 12 seems that these other bodies
small, local, or of brief existence. important organizations to
consider for the purposes of this study are Siang Po
Sia and, to less a degree, the just discussed.
Amoy people. it remembered,
was dominated Hakka and Cantonese The between
Yok Hwee and Chinese
were Tan Kim man
who was manager Gwan,
THHK,and Hwee and
Yok Hwee. The between Kian Gwan and Soe
been
undoubtedly gave him connection
its Soe Yok Hwee was
making 1912
however. Yok Hwee ap-
have its In 1913 it Ba-
THHK on
one Yok Hwee
documents.
Although dozen more Chinese
1
it were
The
THHK, Hwee, Soe
much few
Summary
The awakening is
history of the Indies Chinese nationalist largely
a matter of the establishment operation of organizations able to
unify the Chinese express their wishes. considerable
space has necessary to to a description preliminary analysis of this organizational of effort. of the data.
and
and A amount of
been devoted
It is now make a some
[112]
models the associations based
not Chinese; the revivalists had learned their tactics as
Christians; the nationalist schools patterned after
ing from Europe role, via copies of counterparts; in in their their
licized they served as consulates, institution wholly alien to
traditional rebellious Soe Po Sia
expressed, gratitude to missionaries for having set up proto-
types of their organizations. contribution to Asia. Nationalism operation usually of recognized these Indies as a
associations of associations the truth of this view. their success in part to the great
financial strength of the people they served. rapid growth of a
private school system demonstrates the
perhaps important as a cause of the flourishing of the associations
the pressure, policy was political a constant social reminder under to the mass the Chinese of Chinese lived. that there
no direction in to turn their energies inward. the
Chinese learned through their associations the of group effort,
their support of the associations maintained with steady enthusiasm
single association, overall others, formally consti-
tuted. Informally, so linked together
that within a interest of the reasonably years the associations safe most of Chinese public in to remark the Indies events in China that a kind not of devotion constant. to the record
does not establish that revolution republicanism ideals of
all the associations. Clearly the primary concern
The upon which were were Western,
Confucian
were examples com-
Japan. The chambers of commerce, an-
nounced were Western less pub-
work an
China. Even members owed, but never
Western
is
Western The Chinese
is evidence
The pan-Chinese owed
The
economic power of the Chinese;
more
was and, which
Dutch
was which but Once
power
was.
No supreme was
however, the various groups were
few was unified.
The was
While it is de-
mocracy permeated Chinese community,
and were the
was the improvement
.
ni3]
it
was And always
of the lot of the local Chinese, not possible to
identify the welfare of the overseas people with that of the Chinese
state. result emotional rather than a political
tie to an honored symbol, not the master, of the
nationalist innovation of the brought overseas to Chinese. the of Netherlands India
through their associations a pattern of allegiance. loy-
alties to family, clan, ancestral province, secret societies
to a significant extent replaced by obedience to
tions for the To borrow terms from so-
ciology, be stated that traditional particularism
for practical universalism— for nationalism. chief of
the associations, then, the nationalist mobilization of the Indies
  1. Kim G.
The was an attachment
China. China was
movement
The main Chinese
was new Old
and were
pan-Chinese associa-
working community as a whole.
it can wasabandoned
The achievement
was
Chinese
Notes to Chapter 3
Lie Hok, Hikajat Khonghoetjoe (The Story of Confucius),
Kolff en Batavia, 1897.
2. Tjoa Tjoe Koan, Hari Raja Tjina (The Holidays of the Chi-
nese), Albrecht en Batavia, 1887.
3. Tek Hoay, "Atsal Timboel Pergerakan Tionghoa
Jang di Indonesia" (The Origins of the Emergence of the
Chinese Indonesia), Moestika Romans September 1936, p.
835; L.Tiemersma, RoepingTegenover het Huldige Streven der Chi-
neezen Nederlandsch-indiS tot Herstel van het Confucianisme" (Our
Call to the Present Efforts of the Chinese Netherlands India to
Restore Confucianism), Overzicht van de ElfdeZending-Conferentie, -
houden te Buitenzorg e n te van 22 tot 30 Augustus 1903 (Survey of
the Eleventh Mission Conference, Held at Buitenzorg and at from
the 22nd through the 30th of August 903), Albrecht en Batavia, 903,
pp. 138-140, 151; Henri Borel, "Dr. Lim Boen Chlneesche
Beweging" (Dr. Lim Boen on the Chinese Vol. 55,

Co.,

Orang
Co.,
Kwee Moehlahnja
Modern Modern
Movement in,
"Onze
in
Oppose in
Ge
Depok,
Depok,
1 Co.,1
Keng over de
Keng Movement), DL,
.
[114]
123 28, 1906); Feng Tzu-yu '-^ i-shih '^^
(Reminiscences of the Revolution), Vol. 4, The Commercial Press,
Shanghai, 1946, p. 161; Song Siang, Hundred Years' History of
the Chinese Singapore, John Murray, London, 1923.
4. Tek Hoay, op. cit., 1936, pp. 912-913; Liem
Thian Joe, Riwajat Semarang, 1416-1931 (History of Semarang, 1416-1931),
Drukkerij Misset, printers. publishers, Semarang, [1933?],
p. 188; Tjoa Tjoe Koan, op. cit.
5. Joe Lan, Riwajat 40 Toon dari Tiong Koan-Batavia
(History of Forty Years of THHK-Batavia), Drukkerij, Batavia, 1940,
pp. 5-7} to Neth. Mln. Col 29, 1908; Tiemersma,
Roeping," loc cit., p. 141; Lie Hok, op. cit.
6. "OnderwijsTionghoadI Indonesia" (Chinese Education Tjiong, dan Perkoempoelan -perkoempoelannja" Indonesia)
(Overseas Chinese and Their Associations), ibid.; Joe Lan, Riwajat,
op cit., p 9.
~" [bid., p. 34.
8. Ibid., p. 28.
9. "Pikirannja Batavia, Ten-
tang Hal 'Merajaken Perkara Kawinan' (Thoughts of the Leaders of
Batavia, tained Concerning ibid.. the Matter of the Celebration of Marriages), con-
10. Tjoa Tjeng Jang, Boet Tan Kai (Do Fear Correcting
Faults), pp. 17-18. Soekaboemische Snelpersdrukkerij, Sukabumi, 1901 cited in ibid .,
11. 422. Ibid., pp. 29-30; Tek Hoay, op. cit., 1937, p.
12. Ibid 936, p 872; Lan, Riwajat, op cit p .7.
13. Etiquette" Etiquette), IG, Vol.
30 (1908), 1, p. 86; Tek Hoay, op. cit., July 1937, p. 269.
14. Ibid 91 cit., 12.
15. "Een Confucianistische Beweging"
Confucianist Vol. 68, 1923, p. 382;
Tiemersma, wel te [oc.cjt^. Vereenigen pp. 148-149; met het Christendom?" het
Confucianism Indeed to Be United with Christianity?), -
landsche Zendingsvereeniging, Vol. 46, 1906, p. 173.
16. loc crt.; "Chineesche GeheimeVereenigingen" (Chi-
nese Secret 17. Societies) loc cit 1, p. 78.
18. Joe Lan, Riwajat, op. cit., p. 10; Res., Bantam to
February 15, 1907; H. Blinde, Tiong te Bandoeng"
(The at Bandung), n der Nederlandsche Zendingsvereeniging
Vol. 46, (January 1906), p. 4.

G.G.., November "Onze. Kim
A.J.Bliek, Nieuwe (A New Movement), De Opwekker, October "Onze Roeping,",A. Vermeer, "Is
J. "De Hoa Hwe Koan

No. (May ^ ^, Ko-ming$
2^ ^
Ong One
in
Kwee November
Ho Kim Yoe,
Nio Hoa Hwe
THHK
in,
SPJN; Hoay "Hoakiauw
Nio
..
77
Kaoem-Pengoeroes Tiong Hoa Hwe Koan,
"THHK,
in Appendix C.
Ko Tjek Not
,
Kwee November
~~
.
, October 1. Nio Joe..,
"Nieuwe Chineesche (New Chinese
No. Kwee
., November 1936, p. 1; Nio Joe Lan, Riwajat, op. p.
Neo-Confucianisme (Is Neo-
Orgaan der Neder
November
Hoay Tjiong,.
TIgTVoI. 37(1915), No.
Hoay Tjiong,.
Nio G.G.,
THHK Orgaa,
No. 1
[115]
Pakoempoelan Hoa Siong Tjong Hwe-Batawl
19. tawi (Regulationsof the Association Hoc Siong Tjong Hwe-Batawi Peratoeran dari di Ba- Batavia)
Siong Kick, Batavia, 1908, article 13.
20. Dien (T'ien T'ung to Chin. For. Aff., 1911
copy arch. For. Aff.; Res., Jogjakarta to June 29,
1912; "Een Chinees over de Chineesche Beweging" (A Chinese on the Chi-
nese Koloniaal Tijdschrift, Vol. (1912), p. 667.
21 "Een (A Boycott), Bataviaasch Nieuwsblad
Vol. 20, 133 10, 1905); [H. Chineesche Kwestie
(The Chinese Question), Drukkerij Papyrus, Batavia, 1913, p. 56.
22. Jaarcijfers, 1902 p. 28.
23. Henri Borel, "Het Chineesche Onderwijs IndiS" (Chinese Edu-
cation Netherlands India), 2, 51 (April 15, 1906), p. 950;
"Onderwijs Tionghoa 1936, p. Indonesia," 871 loc cit.; Tek Hoay, op. cit.,
24. Borel, "Het Chineesche Onderwijs," loc. cit., p. 949; "Onderwijs
Tionghoa di Indonesia," loc.cit^.; Lan, Riwojot, o^.cit., p. 21;
Tek Hoay, op. cit., April 1938, p. 143.
25. H. Fromberg, Verspreide Geschriften (Miscellaneous Writings),
Leidsche Uitgeversmaatschappij, Leiden, 1926, pp. 494-495; "Onderwijs
Tionghoa di Indonesia," loc. cit.; Hoay, op cit. 936,
p. 871; ibid ., January 1937, p. 17; L. Hazelhoff, "Het Onderwijs voor
de te Batavia" (Education for the Chinese Batavia),
landia, Vol. 7, 8 (August 1903), p. 100.
26. "Onderwijs Tionghoa di Indonesia," joe. cit.;
jat, op. cit p 23; Hoay, op. cit. January 1937, p.
27. Lan, Riwajat, op. cit., p. 22.
28. Ibid p. 13; op cit. 1936, p. 912.
29. Joe Lan, Riwajat, op. cit., p 14; Sandick, Chi-
neezen buiten China, Beteekenis voor de Ontwikkeling van Zuld-
Gost Azi^, Speciaal van Nederlandsch-lndiS (Chinese outside China, Their
Significance the Southeast Asia, Especially Netherlands
India), Beek's Hofboekhandel, the 1909, p. 259.
30. Res., Bantam February 15, 1907; van Sandick, op. cit.,
p. 257; "Onderwijs Tionghoa di Indonesia," loc. cit.; Riwajat,
op. cit., pp 16, 22.
3r. Dir. Ed., Relig., Ind. to February 8, 1908;
op. cit., 1938, p. 938; "Onderwijs Tionghoa Indonesia," loc.
cit.; Thung Tjeng HIang, "Cultureele Vragen de Chineezen Indonesi'^"
(Cultural Questions among the Chinese Indonesia) Vol 5,
3 114, and "Een Stukje Indo-Chineesche
Cultuurgeschiedenis" (A of Indies Chinese Cultural History),
32. van het Inlandsch Onderwijs Nederlandsch-
IndiS, Loopende over het Jaar 1906 (General Report on Native Education

P.
M. van der Hague,
G.G., Kwee TekHoay,

in,
Hoa In
Doong \g^jij) Min.,
in Neth. Min G.G.,
Movement), 1
. Nieuwe Boycot" New,
No. (May Mouw?], De
,
in
in Wl, Vol. No.
di. Kwee
~
October.
NioJoe
Kwee
Kwee Tek., October 1
Chineezen in Neer-
No.
NioJoe Lan, Riwa-
.,. Kwee Tek, 1 7.
NioJoe
.
,Kwee Tek Hoay,., November
Nio. L. H. W. van
Hunne
in Development of
toG.G.,
NioJoe Lan,
.
~
December di
bij in
in, CHHTC,. No.
(December 1926 -January 1927), p.
Bit SPJN.
Algemeen Verslag in
.,.
[116]
Netherlands India, Covering the 1906), Landsdrukkerij, Batavia,
1908, p. pp. 6-7. 77) Blinde, Tiong te Bandoeng," joe. cit.,
33. Joe Lan, Riwajat, op. cit., p, 14.
34. Thung Djie Leh, "Het Chineesche Vereenigingslevenop Java" (The
Chinese Associational Life on Java),
Riwajat, op. cit., pp. 111-112, 153.
35. Ibid pp. 40-41; Joe Lan, Eigen Onderwijsvoorziening
der Chineezen" (The January Private 1939, p. 87; Provision of Education by the het Inlandsch KS,
wijs Nederlandsch-lndiS, Loopende over het Jaar 1910 (General Report
on Native Education Netherlands India, Covering the 1910), Ja-
vasche Boekhandel en Drukkerij, Batavia, 1911, p. 122.
36. vanSandick, op. cit., p. 257; Hoay, op. cit.,
ber 1936, p. 938; "Onderwijs Tionghoa di Indonesia," [oc. Joe
Lan, Riwajat, op. cit., p. 25; Blinde, Tiong te Ban-
doeng," loc cit ., p Bore "Het Chineesche Onderwijs," op cit.,
Vol. 3, Isb. 27, 1906), p. 97.
37. Beng, Beknopt Overzlcht der Chineesche Geschiedenis
(Brief Survey of Chinese History), Drukkerij Sin Po, Batavia, 1925, p. 176;
"Onderwijs Tionghoa di Indonesia," [oc. cTt.; Joe Lan, Eigen
Onderwijsvoorziening," 25-26. loc. cit., p. 73, and Riwajat, op. cit., pp. 17,
38. van Sandick, op. cit., p. 257; Borel, "Het Chineesche
wijs," loc. cit.; Blinde, Tiong te Bandoeng," loc.
cit p 6.
39. "Onderwijs Tionghoa di Indonesia," loc. cTt.;
van het Inlandsch Onderwijs 1906, p 77; Off. Chin. Aff Batavia to
DIr. Ed., Rellg., Ind., 22, 1908; Borel, "Het Chineesche Onderwijs,"
loc cit ., p 98.
40. Tjlong, [oc. cit
41 Off. Chin. AffT7Su7abaya to DIr. Ed., Rellg., Ind ., June 908.
42. "Onderwijs Tionghoa di Indonesia," cit
43. Borel, "Het Chineesche Onderwijs," [oc. crt., pp. 97-98.
44. van het Inlandsch Onderwijs 1906, p. 77
45. p. 256. Joe Lan, Riwajat, op. cit pp. 14-17; van Sandick^ op. cit
46. Joe Lan, Riwajat, op cit pp 14, 9, 40, 43; Borel "Het
Chineesche Onderwijs," [oc crt., p. 98; van het -
landsch Onderwijs 1906, p. 77
A7 Lan, Riwajat, op. c[t. p 14.
48. Ibid 136; Borel, "Het Chineesche Onderwijs," loc cit.
49. Joe Lan, Riwajat, op. cit p 24.

1933), p. 47; "Onderwijs Tionghoa Indonesia," loc.cit.; Lan,

.. 7; I,. Wl, MMay
. 1,1

In Year
"De Hoa Hwe Koan
Nio
CHHTC, Vol.11, No. 2 (April-June
di Nio Joe
.
,Nio "De
Chinese),
Vol.23, Algemeen Verslag van Onder-
in
in Year
Kwee Tek Decem-
cTt.; Nio
"De Hoa Hwe Koan
Kwee Kek
Nio "De
Onder-
"De Hoa Hwe Koan
.
,,
Algemeen Verslag
.....,
May
..
Hoay.
Ijoc..
Algemeen Verslag...
Nio.,~.
~
Nio..,. 1,
. Algemeen Verslag In
...
. Nio Joe,.
.
, pp.14,.
Nio.,.

. 1 op^. 1

,
[117]
Kwee Tek Hoay,
50. Ibid., pp 5-16, 111, cit. January 938,
p. 32; ibld7 1938, p. 194.
51 Lan, Riwojot, op. cit pp. 42, 66, 141 143;
Joe, Rlwajat Semarang, op. cif., p. 192.
52. Borel, "Het Chineesche Onderwijs," loc. cit.; Lan, Ri-
wajat, op. cit., p. Neth. 142. Col., 28, 1908; Joe Lan, Rl-
wajat, op. cit., p. 142.
54. "Voor de Chineesche Schooljeugd" (For the Chinese School Chil-
dren), Rotterdamsche Courant January 14, 1908; Res., Surabaya
to 28, 1908; Off. Chin. Aff., Botavia to Dir. Jus.,
11, 910; Joe Lan, Riwajat, op. cit. p. 108; "Een Chineesche
Middelbare p. 85. School" (A Chinese High School)7"lG, Vol. 34 (1912),
55. de Scholen Betalen" Chinese Fi-
nance Their Schools), IG, Vol. 34(1912), 1, p. 816; Joe Lan,
Riwajat op. cM^., pp. 128-130, 141; Peking to Neth.
For. 10, 1916.
56. Joe Lan, Riwajat op. cit., pp. 45, 64, 80, 92, 95, 101-
102, 126-127, 132.
57. Ibid., pp. 48-53, 77-78, 139.
58. Ibid., pp. 103, 109, 113, 134; Off. Chin. Aff., Semarang to Dir.
Ed., Relig., Ind., September 28, 1908.
59. Chineezen-Politiek" (The Chinese Policy), Koloniaal
blad Vol. 6, 48 29, 1906); Lan, Riwajat op.
cit., pp. 81-82.
60. Chineezen-Politiek," loc. cit.; Tek Hoay, op. cit.,
January 1938, p. 32; Lan, Riwajat, op. cit., p. 82; Chin.
For. Aff. to to Dir. Ed., Chargg, Peking, Relig., Ind., 31 1906. Chin. Aff
61 Joe Lan, Riwajat, op. cit., p. 79.
62. Ibid., pp. 83-84, 86, f03, 105; "Onderwijs Tionghoa di In-
donesia," loc. cit.; Liem Thian Joe, Riwajat Semarang, op. cit., pp. 198-
199; Hoay, op. cit., January 1938, p. 32.
63. Lan, "RTwajot, op. cit., pp. 82, 90-91, 109; Off. Chin.
Aff., to Dir. Ed., Relig., Ind., April 9, 1909; Joe Lan,
Eigen Onderwijsvoorziening der Chineezen," loc. c]t., p. 82; Liem
Thian Joe, Riwajat Semarang, op. cit., p. 198; Tjiong, loc. cit.
64. Lan, Riwajat, op. cit., pp. 79-80; Hoay, op.
cit., 1936, p. 937; Borel, "Dr. Lim Boen over de Chi-
neesche loc. cit.; Peking Gazette 20, 1906,
arch. Neth. For. Aff.
65. Off. Chin. Aff., Semarang to Dir. Ed Relig., Ind., 31
1906; Lan, Riwajat, op. cit., p. 82; Off. Chin. Aff.,

53.~G.G7to Min. October Nio Nieuwe,
G.G., December

~,
. May
. Nio Joe.,, Li em Thian
Nio Joe
March 1 Nio,
No.l,
"Hoe Chineezen Hun (How the
No. Nio
, Neth. Min., Min.
Aff.7~November
Nio,
~ ""
"De Week-
. No. (November Nio Joe,
"De Kwee
Nio Joe Min.
Neth. Novembe7~167l906; Off..
Semarang December,
. Nio
88",
Kwee Tek
Nio Joe
Semarang Nio
"De
Hoay
Nio Joe Kwee Tek
December Keng
Beweging,", December now
in Min.
., December,
Nio Joe Semarang
.
[118]
Chin.Min., the Hague Neth
to Dlr. Ed., Relig., Ind., April 11, 1907; to
For. Aff., 4, 1907; Res., Bantam to February 15, 1907.
66. op.cit., Joe Lan, Riwajat, 1936, p. 938. op.cit., pp. 96-97, 101; Tek Hoay,
67. Off Chin. Aff., to Dir. Ed Relig., Ind., February 6,
1907; Hoay, to Dir. Ed op.cit., Relig., Ind ., April 1936, p 1907; Res., Muntok, Off. Chin. Aff., Bangka
to 2, 1909; Joe Lan, Riwajat op. cit. p. 143.
68. Neth. Min., Peking to Neth. Min. ForfAffTT July 11, 1912;
Joe Lan, Riwajat, op.cit., pp. 90, 98.
69. Off. Chin Aff. to Dir Ed Relig., Ind 31
1906; Off. Chin. Aff Surabaya to Dir. Ed., Relig., Ind., 8, 1907;
Off. Chin. Aff to Dir. Ed., Relig., Ind., February 26, 1907;
Chin. For. Aff. to Neth. 16, 1906; Neth.
Peking to 21 1906.
70. Off. Chin. Aff., Semarang to Dir. Ed., Relig., Ind., April 11,
1907; op. cit., January 1938, p. 33.
Sec. "to Neth. Peking, January 14, 1907; Off.
Chin. Aff., Batavia to Dir. Ed., Relig., Ind., January 1, 1907;
For. Aff. to Chin. the February 15, 1907;
Chin. Aff. to Dir. Civ. Serv., February 13, 1914'.
72. Chin. Aff Semarang to Dir Ed Relig., Ind ., February 6,
1907; Joe Lan, Riwajat, op. cit., pp. 88, 95, 103; Off. Chin.
Aff., Semarang to Dir. Ed., Relig., Ind., February 1907; Neth.
Shanghai to Neth. Peking, July 7, 908;
van het Inlandsch Onderwijs donesia," oc cit 1910, p. 123; "OnderwijsTionghoa di In-
73. Liem Thian Joe, Riwajat Semarang, op. cit., pp. 193-194;
Joe Lan, loc cit. Riwajat, op. cit., p. Shanghai 104; to Indonesia," Peking, July 908;
Lan, Riwajat to Dir. Ed op. Relig. Ind., pp. 88, February 101 103-105; 6, 1907; Off. Chin. Asst Res. Aff., Cheribon
to Res., Cheribon, February 26, February 12, 1909. 1907; Asst. Res., Padang to G. Sumatra
7^. Asst. Res., Batavia to Res., Batavia, February 20, 1907; Asst.
Res., Padang to February 26, 1909; Off. Chin. Aff.,
Semarang to Dir. Ed., Relig., Ind., February 26, 1907; Joe Lan,
Riwajat, op. cit., p. 103; Res., Batavia to 6, 1912.
76. Chin. Aff to Dir Ed Relig Ind February 6,
1907; Asst. Res., Cheribon to Res., Cheribon, February 12, 1907; Asst.
Res., Batavia to Res., Batavia, February 20, 1907; Chin. Aff Ba-
tavia to Dir. Ed., Relig., Ind., September 28, 1908; Ibid 12,
1908; Off. Chin. Aff., Surabaya to Dir. Ed., Relig., Ind., 7,

G.G., May Nio,,
71. 1st Gov. Min.,
W. Cst.,
G.Sumatra W. Cst.,
G.G., March

Min. March G.G.,
NIo Kwee
December
. Semarang.,
Kwee Tek December. 938;
Semarang., 1 1,
Nio
., Semarang..,., December,
., March
., Semarang
Min. Min., Peking, November
Min., G.G., November,
Kwee Tek Hoay,
Neth.
Min. Min., Hague, Temp. Ad.
Off..,..,
Nio 101,
6, Con.
Gen., Min., 1 Algemeen Verslag
...
..
Nio
"OnderwijsTionghoa di
.
1A~. Neth. Con. Gen., Neth. Min., 7, 1
Nio Joe, cH.,,
Semarang.,,.,
Nio
Off.., Semarang..,.,.,
Off..,
.
, October
November
[119]
Algemeen..
1908; Verslag van het Inlandsch Onderwijs .1910, p. 123;
"Onderwijs Tionghoa di Indonesia/' [oc.clt.; Shanghai
to Neth. Peking, July 7, 1908; Res., Pekalongan to Feb-
ruary 14, 1907; Lan, Riwajat op.cit., pp. 89, 102-103.
77 wajat, op.cit., p. 107. Tionghoa di Indonesia," cit.; Lan, Ri-
78. Res. for Police, Surabaya to Res., Surabaya, January 20,
1907; Off. Chin. Aff., Semarang to Dir. Ed., Rellg., Ind., January 26,
1907; Henri Borel, "Chineesche en KolonlSn van Vereenigingen" der Beek, (Chinese the Hague), Associations), Vol 12 (1913),
pp. 13-15; Chin. Aff., Batavia 3, 1915; Chin.
For. Aff. to Neth. August 29, 1907; Peratoeran darl
Slong Tjong article Jaarcljfers, 1918,
79. kuan chih Fa-hsiang yen-ko".. i ;t pa-ta-wel-ya ^^1~% tsung-llna-shlh-
(History of the Consulate General at Batavia), Ch'Ing-chI wal-chlao
shih-llao (Historical Materials on Foreign
Relations the Latter Part of theCh'ing Dynasty) HsI-yin, Peiping,
1932, Vol. 204, pp. 21b-22; President, Slang Surabaya to Res.,
Surabaya, September 22, 1911; Off. Chin. Aff., Surabaya to Res., Sura-
baya, September 24, 1911; Off. Jus., Surabaya to Atty.
ber 30, 191 2; Chin Aff Batavia 3, 1915; Borel,
"Chineesche Vereenigingen," loc.cit., pp. 13-14, 17, 29.
80. Pao (Shanghai) 9, 0, 91 0, arch
For. Aff.; Chin. For. Aff. to Neth. Charge, Peking, July 27,
1909; Chin. For. Aff. to Peking, 30, 1909;
Tjlong, cit.; Off. Chin. Aff. Surabaya to Dir. Jus., August 28,
1908; Chin. Min., the to Neth. MIn. For. Aff January 28, 1913.
81. to Neth. Col., April 16, 1909; Jogjakarta to
August 27, 1909; Borel, "Chineesche Vereenigingen," [oc. cit.,
pp. 24-25; Chin. the to Slang SukabumI, June 9,
1909; Ibid., July 6, 1909. (These two letters were apparently intercepted
and translated by Off. Chin. Aff., Batavia; they are arch.
For. Aff.)
82. Chin. Aff., Batavia to Dir. Jus., January 26, 1910; Presi-
dent, Slang Surabaya to Res., Surabaya, September 22, 1911; Off.
Chin. Aff., Batavia to Dir. Jus., January 19, 1911; Off. Jus., Surabaya
to Atty. Jus., 1, 1910. 30, 1912; Off. Chin. Aff., Surabaya to Dir.
83. Chin. Aff., Batavia to Dir. Jus., 6, 1912; Off.
Chin. Aff., Surabaya to Off. Chin. Aff., Se-
marang to 21 1912; Borel, "Chineesche Vereenigingen,"
[oc cit., p. 25; Chin. MIn. For. Aff. to British Minister, Peking, 16,

G.G. Min. Res.,
G.G.,
G.G., October 31, 1912;
G.G., November,

Neth. Con. Gen.,
Min., G.G.,
Nio Joe,
. "Onderwijs 1^. Nio Joe
Asst.
Moederland (M..
Ad. toG.G., November
Min. MIn., Peking,
Pakoempoelan Hoa Hwe-Batawl, 2;
Sung||~;f+^ / "Chu
^a^'-^.t]! ^
^CW X Vh%
SPJN;
5^\ j^\^'i^ ^ rj
in, Wang
Hwee,
Gen., Novem-
Ad..., toG.G., November
MIn LI, November 1 1 now In. Neth.
Min. Min.
MIn. Neth. MIn., December
Hoay lloc.,
Hague.,
Min., Hague Hwee,
now In Neth.
MIn.
Off.
Hwee,
Gen., November
December
Ad. November
. May
,
[120]
...,
Neth Min., Peking Neth Min. For. Aff
1913, forwarded 1913. by to June 9,
84. to For. Aff February 19, 1913;
ibid ., August 19, 1912.
85. Ibid., 14, 1916.
86. Tjiong, [oc.cit.
87. Off. Chin. Aff., Surabaya to Dir. Ed., Relig., Ind., 8,
1907; Res., Surabaya to 20, 1909; Jap. Chin. Aff.,
Batavia to 30, 1912; 23, 1912; Asst.
Res., Semarang to Res. Semarang, 10, 1914.
88. Chin. Aff., Batavia to Dir. Civ. Serv., January 3, 1916;
ibid., February 17, 1916; Off. Chin. Aff., Surabaya to Res., Surabaya,
9, 1916; Asst. Res., Surabaya to Res., Surabaya, 24, 1916;
Off. Chin. Aff., Surabaya to Dir. Civ. Serv. 25, 1916; Res., Su-
rabaya to Dir Civ. Serv., 27, 1916; Chin. Aff Surabaya to
Res., Surabaya, 28, 1916; Chin. Aff Surabaya to Dir. Civ.
Serv., 1916; Res., Surabaya to Dir. Civ. Serv., April 1,1916;
Chin. to For. Aff., 5, 1917.
89. Lan, Riwojot, op. cit., pp. 95, 108; Off. Chin. Aff.,
Surabaya to Dir. Ed., Relig., 1908; Neth. Pe-
king to Neth. For. Aff., October 10, 1916; ed., Het
Chineesche in Nederiandsch-lndi'^ (Chinese Business Life in
Netherlands India), Landsdrukkerij, Batavia, 1926, p. 9.
90. ticle Peratoeran dari Siong Tjong ar-
91. Courant (the Hague) Vol 3, 21 2, 1913),
article arch. Neth. Min. For. Aff.; Tjiong, loc cit.; Henri Borel,
Chineesche Kwestie en de van Binnenlandsch Bestuur"
(The Chinese Question and the of the Civil Service), Kolonioal
Tijdschrift (January 1913), p. 49; Chin. Aff Batavia
to Dir. Jus., 6, 1912; Off Chin. Aff Surabaya to
tober 31 1912; Off. Chin. Aff., Semarang to 21 1912.
92. Off. Chin. Aff., Surabaya to Dir. Jus., August 26, 1910; Off.
Chin Aff Semarang to Dir Ed Relig., Ind January 26, 1907; ibid
June 12, 1907; Off Chin. Aff Semarang 10, T9r2;
"Links en Rechts" (Left and Right), Vol. bl 298 21,
93. Res., Surabaya to January 7, 1907; Off. Chin. Aff., Se-
marang to Res., Semarang, January 18, 1907; ibid., January 21, 1907;
Res., Semarang to January 22, 1907; Res., Pasuruan to
30, 1907; 1912. Res., Surabaya 27, 1909; to Off. Chin. Aff., Surabaya 20,1909; to Res., Jogjakarta Dir Jus., March to 22,
94. Fu-luan Hua-ch'iao yU

1908); Off. Chin. Aff., Batavia to Dir. Jus., 5, 1910.

G.G., March Ad.
G.G., October i^., November
1. De Nieuwe,. 1 No. 1 (May in Hoay.
G.G.,
G.G., G.G., May
G.G., March
G.G., August.

Neth.Min., Peking Neth. Min..,
December
Hoay
March
, November
Ad.
March March
, March
. March Off..,
March Ad..,
March 30,
Min.,the Hague Neth. MIn. October
Nio Joe
Ind., November 7, Min.,
Min. J. L Vieming,
Zakenleven
Pakoempoelan Hoa Hwe-Batawi,
"De Ambtenaren't
Officers
, Vol.2, No. 1 Ad..,
November.., G.G., Oc-
, G.G., November,
..,..,.,.
.., toG.G., November
DL,, No. (December
October
^^
Huang "^ W "^
^
,chung-kuo ko-ming
,,
[121]
'f (The Overseas Chinese and the Chinese Revo-
lution), The Asia Press, Kong, 1954, pp. 88-89.
95. to 3, 1915; Henri Borel,
Republiek (The Chinese Republic), Leiden, 913,
p. 44; Fu-luan, op. cit., pp 69, 78, 90-91 Jap. Chin. Aff.
Batavia to 1912; 19, 1912; Off.
Chin. Aff Batavia to Dir. Civ. Serv. 16, 914;
iging Soe PoSIa" (The Soe Po Sia Association), IG, Vol 35 (191 3),
p. 383; Ma oor, Batavia to Asst. Res., Batavia, February 14, 1912; Off.
Chin. Aff Surabaya to Dir. Jus. 22, 1912.
96. Fu-luan, op. cit., p. 90; Peking to
For. Aff ., 10, 1916; Borel Republiek, op.
cit., p. 45; Chin. Aff., Surabaya to Off. Jus., Surabaya, 2,
1912; arch. Neth. Rotterdamsche Courant For. Aff. September 25, 1912, article
97. Chineesche Kwestie op cit. p. 27; Off. Chin.
Aff Surabaya to Jus., August 19, 1910; Chin Aff
to 10, 1912; Majoor, Batavia to Asst. Res., Batavia,
February 14, 1912; Res., Batavia to February 27, 1912; Asst. Res.,
Batavia to Res., Batavia, February 26, 191 2; Jap. Chin. Aff. Batavia
to Dir. Jus., 19, 1912. 4, 1912; Jap. Chin. Aff., Batavia to
98. Sumatra Cst. January 19, 1915; Sim Ki
Chineesche Nederzetting Nederlandsch-lndig (The Chinese Community in
Netherlands India), Clausen, c 1918, p. 53;
Aff., Batavia to Dir. Jus., 12, 1912; [oc.cit., ibid., p 4, 668; 1912; "Een
Soe Po Sia," oc cit., p. 388; Batavia
ber 3, 1915; Borel, Chineesche Republiek, op. cit., p. 46; Fu-
luan, op. cit., pp. 90^^9nTengn^u^^yu Hua-ch'iao
k'gj-kuo shTh [^ (The Overseas Chinese, the
Revolution, and the Creation of the Republic: History), The Commercial
Press, Shanghai, 1947, pp. 92-93.
99. Res., Batavia to February 27, 1912; "Een
Chineesche Beweging," loc cit.
100. Off. Chin. to Neth. Min. For Aff., Surabaya to Dir. Aff Jus., 10, 18, 1912; 1912;
Chineesche Kwestie, op. cit., p. 26; Borel, Republiek, op.
crt., p. 49; Chir^AffT, Surabaya to Dir. Jus., April 27, 1911; 07f.
Chin. Aff., Batavia to Dir. Jus., 1911
101. Res., Batavia to 16, 1912;
to Neth. Min. For. Aff., 1913; February Res. Surabaya 25, 1913; April 18,1913; 31 191 2; ibid ., Jap.
Chin. Aff., Batavia to Dir. Jus., 6, 1912.

G.G., November30, i^., December
G.G., November
G.G., Ad.,
G. W. toG.G., Ay, De
J. Amsterdam,. Ad. Jap. Chin. March October
G.G., Chineesoverde.
G.G., December Neth. Min., Peking

'W^^ ^'^^^7"
Hong
Ad. Chin. Aff., Batavia G.G., November
De Chineesche E. J. Brill, 1
Huang.; Ad.
.,, December 1 "De Vereen-
. No. 1
.,, March
Huang Neth. Min., Neth.
Min. November, De Chineesche
Ad. March
Nieuwe, now in
Min.
[Mouw?], De,.,
., Dir. Off..., Semarang
October Ad. G.G.,
December
in
Chineesoverde Chineesche Beweging,". "De Vereeniging
. Ad. Chin. Aff., toG.G., Novem-
De Huang
<% (^ ^, ko-ming
^i^ ^ ^Jy-fJ\^
A
March Neth.
Min., Peking.., December [Mouw?], De
De Chineesche
Off.
May 11,.
i^.,
December 4,, toG.G., October, Ad.
November
.
[122]
102. Off. Chin. Aff., Surabaya to Dir. Civ. Serv., October 25, 1914;
Chief of Police, Semarang to Asst. Res., Semarang, 9, 1914;
Asst. Res., Semarang to Res. Semarang, 10, 1914; Off. Chin.
Aff., Batavia to Dir. Civ. Serv., 16, 1914; ibid., January 9,
1915; Ibid., February 17, 1916.
103. 1916; ibid., Neth. Peking 8, 1917. to For. Aff., 14,
104. Off. Chin. Aff., Surabaya to Dir. Civ. Serv., June 28, 1910;
Res., Surabaya to February 28, 1912; Asst. Res., Batavia to Res.,
Batavia, 7, 1912; "Een Chinees over de Chineesche Beweging,"
loc cit., p. 670; "Chineesche Officieren" (Chinese Officers) IG, Vol.
36'(1914), p. 885; Chineesche Kwestie op. cit.,
p. 23; Borel, Chineesche Republiek, op. cit., pp. 46-47.
105. Feng Tzu-yu, i-shih op cit.. Vol. 3, pp. 141-156;
Off. Chin. Aff., Batavia to Dir. Jus., June 8,T910; Ad. Jap. Chin. Aff.,
Batavia to Dir. Jus., 6, 1912; Jap Chin. Aff Batavia to Dir.
Civ. Serv., July 3, 1914; Res., Batavia to 14, 1914;
Chin. Aff Batavia 3, 91 5; Batavia
to Dir. Civ. Serv., February 17, 1916; "Een Chinees over de Chineesche
Beweging," [oc cit., p. 670; Asst. Res., Batavia to Res. Batavia, Feb-
ruary 26, 1912.
106. Off Chin Aff Semarang to Dir. Jus., January 5, 191 1; Liem
Thian Joe, Riwajat Semarang, op. cit., pp. 196-197; Off. Chin. Aff.,
Semarang to Dir. Jus June 5, 91
107. Off. Chin. Aff., Surabaya to Dir. Jus., August 19, 1910;
Chin. Aff., Surabaya to Dir. Jus., 1, 1912; "Chineesche en In-
landsche Bladen" (Chinese and Native Newspapers), IG, Vol. 32 (1910),
2, p 538; Chin Aff Surabaya to Dir Jus August 26, 91 0;
Off Chin. Aff Batavia to Dir. Jus., 5, 1910; Res. Surabaya
to 1, p. 159. 19, 1910; Feng Tzu-yu, I-shih, op. cit Vol
108. Jap. Chin. Aff., Batavia to Dir. Civ. Serv., July 3, 1914;
Protector of Chinese, Singapore to Neth. Con. Gen., Singapore,
1915; Jap. Chin. Aff Batavia to 3, 1914.
109. Thung Djle Leh, [oc .cit., pp. 47-48; Eng Die,
Nederlandsch-lndiS, Sociografie van een Indoneslsche Bevolkingsgroep
(Chinese Netherlands India, a Sociological Study of an Indonesian Popu-
lation Group), doctoral dissertation at University, van
en Riwajat, Assen, 1943, op. cit., pp. pp. 219, 35, 136. 255; Tjlong, loc. cit.; Joe Lan,
110. Joe Lan, "Chineesche Vakvereenigingen in Nederlandsch-
Indlg" (Chinese Trade Unions Netherlands India), KS, Vol. 24,
(January landsch-lndiS, 1940), pp. op. cit., 77-79, 84, p. 228. 91; Eng Die,

G.G.,
G.G., December Ad.
G.G., October Ko-ming., Ad.

November
, November
December
Min., Neth. Min. December
March
March
.,
No. 1,[Mouw?], De,
De
Ko-ming,.
March Ad...,
., toG.G., November 1 Ad. Chin. Aff.,
.,
...,
.
, 1 1.
Ad.
March
No.. 1 Off...,.., 1
..,November,
March 3,
Ad.., G.G., November
Ong Chlneezen
in
In
Amsterdam Gorcum
Co., Hoay Nio
Nio
in No. 1
Ong Chlneezen in Neder-
[123]
.. to March Ad.
111 Asst Res., Batavia Res., Batavia, 7, 1912; Jap.
Chin. Aff., Batavia to Dir. Jus., 12, 1912; 4, 1912;
Peratoeran dari Siong Tjong p. 11;
Joe Lan, Riwajat, op. cit., pp. 90, 29; Chin. Aff Batavia to Dir.
Jus., 1910; Off. Jus. Surabaya to
30, 91 2; Jap Chin Aff Batavia to Dir Jus 29, 191 2;
Res., Batavia to G. G., 16, 1912; Acting Chin. Aff., Ba-
tavia to Dir. Civ. Serv February 17, 1916.
112. Ibid.; Off. Chin. Aff., Batavia to Sec August 26, 1910.
March i^., October
Pakoempoelan Hoa Hwe-Botawi, Nio
1 Off..,
Novembers,, Atty.Gen., November
1 Ad....,.., October
December Ad.
.,
Gen..,
4
DEVELOPMENTS IN LEADERSHIP
Every Country hath its Machiavel.
Sir Thomas Browne
The Collapse of the Officer Institution
Leaders are significant both as the agents for nationalist
bilization as nationalist symbols. In their
the Indies Chinese the traditional leaders of their
nities followed a group of There no graphic
demonstration of than that the speed brought thoroughness out by an with of nationalism the total downfall of
the old, prenationalist Chinese leadership— the officer system as Chinese officers. old as rule itself.
Pieterzoon the founder of Batavia, felt
to appoint "the current of the to his council
military titles conferred on such Chinese, presumably to
easily into the pattern. institution codified in
successive enactments firmly established. officers
to be to maintain order in the Chinese dis-
tricts; to transmit the orders of the colonial to the persons
concerned; to the administration of events
the Chinese quarters; for their with the compatriots. right to to serve as advisers, not, guarantors, and then, officials officers
[1241
mo-
and pan-Chinese movement
abandoned commu-
and new men. is more
and which
conquered account
The was Dutch Jan
Coen, it convenient in 1620
head Chinese". Soon
were fit them
more European The was
and became The
came expected peace and
government
keep European informed in
and, finally,
spokesmen They were em-
powered make administrative decisions. The
.
[125]
entrusted merely with the obligation to function as the
cations link the Chinese. barely deserve
consideration as instruments of indirect rule.
Officers in cities had further duties, but general their role
the throughout the islands. In Batavia places
the officers the finances of cemeteries, temples, and
schools. registration of alien duty of the
officers. in theory than In practice, officers had a juridical
function. officer sat. In the sense of at trials of
Chinese. cities divorce cases judged by the
Chinese Council, by officer; but, for Batavia
2
Council handled recruitment only seven of the such cases officers In representative not based a desire year. to In-
true representatives of the Chinese or-
dinarily selected they to the respect
of their compatriots they thought likely, having a
personal stake in the colony, to be loyal to the
lands authorities believed, with justification in the prenatlonallst era,
that the richest of a city likely to be the most highly
respected In of law his order. observed certain earlier, to be a the rich staunch or-
dinarily Peranakans; accordingly few SIngkeh officers appointed.
". cities, for In Surabaya, the officer-
ship [had] hereditary or least [had] to be
3
sidered the prerogative of certain This latter, almost
feudal, must enabled the authorities to trust with
greater regime confidence In the loyalty of the servants of the
were communi-
between Dutch and the They
some in
was same and a few other
managed Chinese
The Chinese was another
More
An full the word,
In some Chinese were
headed an example, the
one
The was upon
stall community. Wealthy men
were because appeared command
and because were
Dutch. The Nether-
Chinese was
man community. He was
advocate and As were
were
And,..In some example
been made at come con-
families."
arrangement have
even Chinese
[126]
Wealthy and conservative though the officers were, the other quali-
fications of those dignitaries were generally not of the highest sort. The
Dutch thought of the officers as experts on Chinese institutions. The
truth was that the typical Majoor, Kapitein, or Luitenant knew little
of the culture of his ancestral home; current commodity prices and in-
terest rates, not the Chinese classics, were his concerns. Literacy in
4
the Chinese language was almost unknown among the officers.
For nearly three centuries the officer institution was all but un-
challenged. It made no real difference that the Chinese community
was led by men who, for reasons of self-interest, identified themselves
with the European rulers rather than with their own people. The Chi-
nese populations of those centuries were not organized for the deter-
mination and expression of their group will. Nationalist mobilization
was yet to come. When the national consciousness of the Chinese was
stirred, the officer system was soon seen to be anachronistic and an
obstacle to the realization of popular aspirations. Individual officers
of unusual perception were able to move with the nationalist tide. The
officer institution as a whole was submerged and destroyed.
The Dutch, no doubt unwittingly, began the destruction of the of-
ficer system when the measures to end Chinese revenue farming were
promulgated at the turn of the century. In the days of revenue farm-
ing most officers had held government licenses as opium farmers. The
establishment of the official opium monopoly deprived the officers of
5
that source of income and power. No longer economically closely
allied to the regime, many officers must have grown slack in the per-
formance of their official duties. More important, their prestige in
the eyes of their countrymen was diminished when they were seen to
be not partners but mere lackeys of the Dutch.
[127]
To check the decline of the officer Institution, the Dutch tried a
number of measures, some laughable and all, it appears, injudicious.
During their centuries of ascendancy the officers had received no sal-
aries; the accessory rewards of the office made direct remuneration
unnecessary. As it grew difficult to recruit men to serve as officers,
the government considered paying its Chinese servants. Opponents of
this plan pointed out that, while salaries would attract men, the right
men were not certain to respond. To make holding rank more attrac-
tive, the authorities were obliged to exempt officers from the provi-
sions of the hated pass and zoning systems. After prolonged discussion
of this step, the government in 1908 announced its decision to grant
special rights of travel and residence to Chinese officers. The colonial
government, again motivated by the desire to enhance the desirability
of these posts, granted the officers immunity to trial by the courts for
natives. The government proclaimed in 1908 that its Chinese agents
were to be tried "by the courts and judges for Europeans and those as-
similated to them." And it will be recalled that, almost unique among
the Chinese, the children of officers were normally permitted to attend
the European primary schools.
The Dutch had, in short, extended to the officers those privileges
demanded by the entire Chinese community. It was as if the regime
had taken the list of the major grievances of the Chinese, the dis-
abilities of the pass and zoning systems, the discriminatory adminis-
tration of justice, and the virtual barring of Chinese from government
schools, and employed it as a guide for the extension of special rights
to the officers. A more indiscreet plan is difficult to imagine. Ata
time when efforts ought to hove been made to demonstrate to the Chi-
nese that the officers could serve as the spokesmen of their people.
[128]
the Dutch authorities took steps further divorcing the officers from the
general Chinese population.
part of the incredibly misguided campaign to raise the prestige of
the officers, the hit rather foolish scheme. of-
ficial uniform for the officers. officers had taken
to their versions of the robes of the officialdom of China.
This habit naturally caused the to fear that the position of the
officers servants of the colonial regime might be obscured.
the the uniform of a consisted of "a black jacket
with a high collar, to be worn with white linen col or and cuffs,
with embroidery of leaves, with six large gold buttons
with W's; black linen trousers with gold piping; of
black linen also with up of another color a gold orange piping." that the letter of the Netherlands sometimes standing bore of course royal for
of these splendid outfits after the
uniforms of the impressed efforts rulers, by their tosave the officer institution were there officers' no radiance. that futile. the Chinese Attacks
from the to in early as
protest had raised by the the
of a Kapitein at Buitenzorg said to be "uncultivated short
time earlier had the Chinese of Buitenzorg to re-
their hats as a sign of respect past the house of
their Kapitein. In Buitenzorg the scene of the boycott of a
Luitenant "absurd" by earlier. Dr. Lim next year officers patron collectively of Indies
Chinese nationalism. Lim especially the officers' ignorance
As
Dutch upon another An
was authorized Many
wearing own
Dutch
as Under
new system, Majoor
I adorned
orange oak and
crowned and a cap
The cap an em-
blem made crowned W,
Wilhelmina. The is House
Orange. Although were modeled
European is evidence
were much new
The Dutch
Chinese community continued grow volume. As
1904 a been Chinese against appointment
who was."A
it been custom of the
move when they walked
1905 was
mentioned The saw
branded Boen Keng, the Singapore
condemned
[129]
of the Chinese language. lack of literacy Chinese to
o
the focus of the attacks against the officers.
1911 Revolution in caused the Indies Chinese to attack
their officers with determination. early a
poster ask: of not Chinese; on a nationality native the in Batavia's not native; in reality quarter [he to
of race! This bastard return to cannot
be of the Hereafter. days after " the Majoor's has no antecedents land to turn had the Land publicly
ligned, that officer a part in the planning of festivities to
celebrate the establishment of the Republic.
sidered too close to the colonial regime to be partici-
pant in a nationalist activity. persons reportedly
to as a suspects, that the Majoor's
ancestry less to his rejection than did his inability to
a nationalist role. In the eyes of Singkehs, of course, the
handicaps could the officers closely related, their property, causally. absent in Batavia,
occurred in other places. a group of tore
the flag from This act the house presumably illustrates of a Luitenant in the fact that officers trampled had
to considered puppets of the Europeans. In the greatest
outbreak against the officers took place during a wildly confused
the celebrations the the
downfall of the official report that hectic
time re-creates the tension lawlessness:
The in was be-
come
The China
growing In March 1912
appeared number of walls Chinese
... what Is Majoor? Answer: Chinese and
still and still is]
mixed cannot China and
named a European. He to— only
A few been ma-
was denied
Chinese He was con-
an acceptable
Some were opposed
him Peranakan. One however,
had do with fill
some two
have been even
Violence against and
In June 1912 "Cantonese"
Dutch Semarang and
on it. come
be Surabaya
week
when accompanying Chinese New Year and
Manchus coincided. An on
and
[130]
... [ was
in front of the Soe Po Sia] building a proclamation
posted in to go to the to
pel to hoist the Republican flag cut off his
Chinese chief with a passed by sought to
read the proclamation mistreated by a mob and forced to let
his be cutoff; he freed by several Soe Po
Sia protected in a of the building of that association.
[In the afternoon of February 19, 1912] a estimated
at stormed the house of the Kapitein
broke everything played attack in out in ten Kapitein's minutes. house stolen 12 no doubt explained the in
part by the fact that the arrived at his
address they were greeted by that officer, the grave mistake
of calling "stinking immigrants." house of the
spared a similar fate only the police perhaps fired at noteworthy the that all killing Surabaya
13
officers Peranakans against the uproar at the the of time. officers continued replaced in by verbal subsequent written years;
nunciations. in of a at Surabaya
brought forth criticism from that city's Soe Po Sia. the
time a in berated a Lultenant;
in Sumatra a nationalist dally ran a series of articles censuring all the
officers of the Dell district, a region rich both In Soe establish-
ments In nationalist enthusiasm. Finally, should be noted, the
hostility of a the Chinese the other officers to the at Batavia officer Institution to submit their caused resignations the in
During these years the officers had courses of action to
them: they could serve the Netherlands authorities, or they could
which men were advised Majoor com-
him and queue. A
zone queue who and
was
queue was members of
and room
... band
200 or 300 Cantonese and
it.... Nothing was... and
drama was
The on the can be
when "200 or 300 Cantonese"
who made
them The Majoor was
when crowd,
one and wounding several. It is
were
The campaign
however, 1912 was and de-
The appointment 1914 new Majoor
At about same
Malay-language newspaper Semarang
PoSia
and It
community
Majoor and
body.
two open
[131]
act in accordance with the wishes of the majority of their countrymen.
The choice lay between the traditional and the nationalist paths.
Those who were unable to accept nationalism merit attention, not
because they weathered the storm but because their activities reveal
some of the less publicized duties of the officers and because it is
probably useful to point out that the course of nationalism was not
unopposed in the Chinese community. The chief weapon of the anti-
nationalist officer was the confidential report to the Dutch. Such re-
ports were apparently thought by their authors to offer double benefits:
the disclosure to the regime of the nationalists' operations might bring
action against those opposed to the officer institution; and officers
believed that their loyalty to the Dutch could be reaffirmed through
their service as informers.
When dynastic officials began traveling to Netherlands India on
various missions, a number of officers feltobliged to warn the authori-
ties that the representatives of China did not always limit their work
to the comparatively innocent inspection of schools. It was frequently
reported by the officers that the dignitaries from China were primarily
motivated by the lure of overseas Chinese wealth and used theiroffi-
cial missions to stimulate the flow of money into imperial or personal
15
coffers. But, while some officers were hostile, not always unjusti-
fiably, to the dynastic officials, the growth of republicanism brought
forth their most energetic efforts to expose to the Dutch the work of
their enemies.
In 1910 the Batavia Soe Po Sia sought to identify itself more closely
with the Chinese community as a whole by sponsoring a petition against
the pass system and other grievances. The Majoor reacted obedi-
ently and supplied his Dutch superiors with certain secret Soe Po Sia
[132]
the of the instigators of the
documents and names movement. The
following year, at the time of the final military in
against the the at Batavia in a telegram
from the revolutionary governor of Fukien province to solicit the as-
sistance of the leaders of Batavia's Siang Soe Po
Sia in to raise funds for his allegiance the support to of the the Fukien immediately sent
the telegram to the assistant resident, stating: respectfully request
you. Sir, inform the contents of this telegram
be reported to the persons after the Ch'ing dynasty
had completely overthrown, the Batavia suspicious
of the Republicans; flag, he denied ordering a request his "officers for authorization chiefs to fly the to advise
the people that they might not display the Republican flag until the
Republic recognized by the honorable
Batavia did not with the times, his col-
league at Surabaya seems to of the ilk.
Those officers to support the over the Chinese
imperial and, subsequently, the dynasty over the revolu-
tionaries naturally to a later position Shih-k'ai
in opposition to appears, in fact, that the counter-
revolutionary sentiment of the officers crystallized by the prospect
of ceaseless plotting against the Shih-k'ai of seemingly a the then recognized like the officers
themselves, to the preservation of law order.
until death years later, Chinese officers vigorously
sought expose the of the followers of Sun Yat-sen.
at credited with preventing display of
campaign China
Manchus, Majoor was asked
THHK, Hwee, and
efforts army. The
Majoor, remembering Dutch,
"I
Honored to me whether
may named." Even
been Majoor at was
new Chinese and zone
was Dutch government." The
Majoor obviously march and
have been same
who had tended Dutch
government
came backing Yuan
Sun Yat-sen. It
was
head govern-
ment of China. Yuan was man,
devoted and From 1914
Yuan's two many
to work The Majoor
Medan is any open anti-Yuan
[133]
feelings in his districf Jogjakarta the Kapitein the Luitenant
furnished the resident with the local Chinese
to the support of endeavors. at the
time, the of the activities the Kapitein of certain equally Bin eager or to Inform the repre-
sentatives. these efforts the following
year, as did his colleague, the Luitenant In The Batavia
. In and
names of who contributed
Sun Yat-sen's In Semarang, same
Majoor and were
Dutch Kok Tong Kuomintang
The Semarang Majoor continued
Temanggung.
Majoor carried on similar operations, employing "spies" and "searching
houses" revolutionary activity suspected.
officers sought to obstruct the nationalist
others furthered to both. At the time of the founding officers of Batovla's attempted to
the not the officer just discussed, patron of the
organization but never seems to active in affairs. His
successor as as a patron not only Inactive but
tended, as already noted, to be hostile to the association. InSurakarta
the local at least in 1905, participated in activities
there by helping birthday. holding to organize 18 the rank festivities closely of Luitenant, occasion identified served with In of the Chinese successive
years as vice presidents in the Batavia association. unavoidably
jumps to a conclusion of sorts finding a subsequent official
reference to the second Luitenant-vice president In he called
a "former Luitenant." Unfortunately has not ascertained that
the man's official rank jeopardized by his holding office
there only for speculation the matter. a third Lui-
19
tenant serving as a vice president of Batavia. His later
where was
While some movement,
It. A few delicately balanced
appear do THHK,
Majoor, was made a
have been Its
Majoor and THHK was
Majoor, THHK
on the
emperor
.
s
...
Other officers were more THHK work. Two
men, each two
One
when Dutch
which is
it been
was in THHK;
Is room on In 1913
was THHK
[134]
is unknown, time was growing
fate but by that the school association
respectable in eyes. Soe Po Sia other revolutionary groups
had by to Siang bear the effort, as of official observed hostility. profited enormously
from the support of the at other officers also
parts in the Siang associations. group
in 91 2 by a Kapitein, an associate in both his official
business careers of the noteworthy Siang Batavia put
forward the of a Luitenant as a candidate in the 191 2 elections to
the electoral college at Peking, a sure indication of a close relation-
20
ship the association the officer.
There only reference in the records to an officer taking a
leading role in a Soe association. Luitenant of a small Su-
matra as a director of the local Po Sia took
part in the elections to the electoral college following the
death of Shih-k'ai. "the
felt necessary to 21 the question of his punishment into considera-
tion." there officers
Po understood they kept reasons. of officers this side fostered nationalism in of their lives to themselves for than through easily
direct and the unconventional participation in the associations. In highly
symbolic step of cutting off his in clothes.
His subordinates soon followed suit. that time the
against gradually spread
years later the Luitenant at Jogjakarta privately gave a visiting
jurist, a of liberal views, a lengthy statement
Dutch and
then come brunt
The Hwee earlier,
Majoor Semarang, and
had work of Hwee The Semarang
1 was headed and
Majoor. Hwee
name
between and
is one
PoSia The
community served Soe and
Peking
Yuan As a consequence, Governor General
it take
While may well have been more connected with
Soe Sia,
A number ways other
open pan-Chinese 1904
Semarang Majoor took the then shocking and
queue and dressing Western
"From movement
queues among younger groups...."A few
Dutch
man highrankand known
[135]
which
protesting against the legal disabilities under the Chinese then
22
lived. That officer hisgroup to
felt a genuine obligation to serve as the for his
Perhaps the officers rendered aid to the nationalist to a
greater than revealed in the impos-
sible to officers protected their nationalist compatriots
by failing to report fully to the on events in their districts.
least in the Chinese officers rebelled effectively against their
intelligence role. Kapitein the Luitenant of that Sumatra city
in simply ceased enlightening the officials nationalist
efforts. the latter officer finally forced to submit a report,
he "so frightened" that he sent in "typed unsigned."
the Kapitein had to be replaced after having "failed repeatedly to re-
port." For Netherlands India as a "officers gradually to
be put by the [pan-Chinese] associations in a very difficult position.
the side, their duty to inform the heads of the district
local administrations of the operations of these associations;
the other side, they feared the of those associations
23
indeed secretly in with
response of the officers to the efforts of Chinese in-
dividuals organizations to establish ties with the Indies another
indication of their reaction to the nationalist Their atti-
tudes toward the dynasty are of particular Interest. officers
to tended to think of themselves as overseas carriers of China's
bureaucratic tradition. to greet visiting was, therefore, dignitaries difficult in the for respectful to decide
expected of lower officials dealing with superiors or In the overtly
suspicious antagonistic that likely to be born of their
was one of the few of who seems have
spokesman community.
movement
much degree is documents. It is
know how many
Dutch At
Padang
The and
1909 Dutch on
When was
was it and And
whole, came
On one it was
and and
on vengeance and
were sympathy them."
The mainland
and Is
awakening.
The seem
have
It them
whether Chinese manner
and way was
[136]
The problem was
resentment of uninvited outside interference. never
fully resolved for group all officers. of Chinese dynastic officials guests of the
Luitenant at Buitenzorg, the But another distinguished visitor from China Kapitein at the Kapitein
a the following year. In Surakarta he
tertained by the officers of that city, at all of he reported to by be inclined the
to nationalism. Batavia, on the other this official "sought no
contact with the various officers; at the acting considered not
untrustworthy caution. this visitor, final important reportedly representative spoke to that of the officer dynasty with
in the colony in enjoyed polite treatment by the Kapitein at
Batavia, the officer to the extent of performing in a to last- honor
the guest from officers as a group
than a little puzzled over the presented the
of missions from growth of republican sentiment
the further confused the issue. visitors from abroad rep-
resented challenge to the authority security of the
nese officers demise. indeed hastened their collective political
In 1907 a were the
Pekalongan, and
atCheribon. was extended
more mixed welcome was en-
Majoor, and Padang was made welcome
Chinese whom were
In hand,
Chinese Majoor did
even meet him." The Majoor Surabaya was apparently
by who
marked A was
1909 and
Majoor at Surakarta, and the Majoor Medan. The
named even went kowtow
24
China. The were obviously more
problem by appearance
China. The among
Chinese The
one more and Chi-
and may have
Local Leaders
it is Chi-
By this point doubtless obvious that the leadership of the
nese, after the officer institution subjected to incessant
eventually successful attacks, by not discredited
had been and
was assumed men as
[137]
instruments of Netherlands rule. The new leaders were drawn from
two sources: from those members of the Chinese population who formed,
largely because of their acquisition of a number of techniques and
skills usually considered Western, a new elite capable of inspiring and
guiding a nationalist movement; and from those mainland Chinese who
come to be involved in the affairs of Indies Chinese.
In the preceding chapter some consideration has been given to the
leaders of the pan-Chinese associations; some fairly extended supple-
mentary remarks are required here. The most convenient and perhaps
the most satisfactory method for presenting these men is to record some
biographical facts concerning them. The men to be discussed seem ap-
propriately representative of their group. Because of the limits im-
posed by the available research sources, however, only upper-echelon
leaders can be investigated in any meaningful detail.
It was fortunate that in the leadership of the [Batavia THHK]
association there were a number of men who, although their
learning was not as great as that of present day Chinese intel-
lectuals, possessed the skills and ambition needed to enable
them to carry out difficult duties successfully. Among these men
must be mentioned: Phoa Keng Hek, who because of extensive
contact with Europeans was easily able to obtain the knowledge
necessary to a modern movement; Lie Hin Liam, who was con-
sidered liberal and known as industrious [and] was counted on
to expend his energy and also his money; Lie Kim Hok, a learned
man who drafted and clarified all [the association's] regula-
tions, pamphlets, circulars and public announcements in the
Malay language in a beautiful and concise style so that every-
body who read them was made interested; Khoe Siauw Eng,who,
knowing Chinese characters, was versed in the classics and
translated them into Malay [and] in his capacity as adviser as-
sumed responsibility for answering all sorts of questions and fur-
nishing information on matters related to Confucianism and Chi-
nese cultural institutions; Khoe A Fan, a Hakka Singkeh, who
was widely known in the modern movement; Tan Kim San, who
.
[138]
for those times was highly educated in English and Chinese and
held a strong ambition to improve the position of his people; Tan
Tjong Long, who, like Mr. Tan Kim San, was trained in English
and Chinese and who also was able to express himself well in
Malay; Tan Kim Bo, who in his position as First Secretary bore
an extremely heavy work load but handled all the correspond-
ence, minutes, archives, and the like with suchspeed and neat-
ness that people were amazed, especially when it was remem-
bered that the gentleman's regular work at K.P.M. [Koninklijke
Paketvaart Maatschappij, the Dutch steamship company serving
the archipelago] was very taxing. Mr. Tan Kim Bo had mas-
tered Dutch and could write correctly in Malay..,.^^
The above,
statement though tiresomely verbose, demonstrates ef-
fectively that the leaders of brought to the Batavia nationalism by a type to a great of experience extent
to of their All had considerable
sure to Westerners their values. likely that expansion on
parts of the paragraph quoted will be of value, brief biographies
of a leaders of certain of their colleagues
in nationalism follow.
Phoa for nearly the most forty years influential the president best of Batavia's leaders of
the nationalist 1857,
his fortune from extensive real estate holdings in the Batavia
area. Phoa's education not in the traditional Chinese
schools of his childhood with but a mastery under Christian of the missionary language and teachers, a
of institutions. His social position in the Chinese
indicated by the officer fact that incidentally he did father-in-law not share of Phoa's nationalist a Batavia
26
enthusiasm
THHK were
men who had been new
many countrymen. undergone expo-
and As it is
some
number of the mentioned and
Keng Hek,
THHK, was among and documented
movement. He was a Peranakan, born about who
made
was completed
who
equipped him Dutch knowledge
Western community
is was the
Majoor, an who
'.
i
Hek's great contribution to the nationalist
his talent for organization from his ability to operate
effectively in dealings both the with fellow Chinese.
inspiration for the Confucianist revival to other
than Phoa; his task lay in the needs of his
people. president. of the founders credited of with having Batovia originated the
idea of as the of instruction in the
school. ought to of be noted, in education that the use to enjoy of the increasing national favor in
schools in the There that
interested in the establishment of a Chinese school
system largely he that the authorities, fearing
the of private schools of supervision,
be forced to schools to children.
this the case, originally sought to elevate his people to the
level of the Europeans, not to isolate through nationalism.
has already observed that the Batovia on
matters, especially in large rather puritanical. port the This hostility result of Phoa's to in-
fluence. In 1904, houses in the for part of he proposed Batovia that he held the licenses most of of the his prop-
erty be in order that public order might restored
president of Botovia's by the
Chinese of Netherlands India involved in most of the
tionalist activities of his time. host to the leader of
perial mission in 1907; he directly with the
minister at the he in touch with the revolutionaries
Phoa Keng
came from and
with Dutch and
The first came
making Confucianism meet
In 1900 Phoa was one THHK
became its first He is
employing Kuo-yU language
It however,
language China had come
many Chinese world. is evidence
came modernized
because hoped Dutch
power independent government
would open government Chinese
was Phoa
them
It been
gambling,
gomes of chance may have been
example,
gambling where
canceled be
As THHK, Phoa was widely
and became
He was
communicated
Hague; and was
[139]
movement
men
and
THHK
Phoa be-
27
If
some
28
.
known
na-
on im-
Chinese
THHK was
[140]
In 1911 elected the president of Tjong
in held that post only briefly. supported the
Chinese Republic of 1912, sending a telegram to the governor
general to request permission for the of the Republican flag.
Possibly of his being a related by marriage to
the rejected as a candidate for the chairmanship of
a Batavia established in early to the cele-
bration of the overthrow of the culmination of Phoa's
career in 1937, when, on his eightieth birthday, he knighted
29
by the Netherlands San in the the organization master of lived founders throughout in worlds of the the period the association, the under study. end. In impor-
tant office ritual occasions. His for ceremonials seems to
kept loyal to the idea of a Confucianist revival he
characteristically proposed that the Council of
Batavia to marriage celebrations the anniversary of Confucius'
death. was, at least on occasion, in close contact with the
Christian missionaries. 1911 he by to a conference
of the Malaysia Mission to of the "ask for help Methodist Episcopal Church at Singapore in finding a teacher from for
the high school to build to invite Bishop
of the Mission to to to participate in the organi-
zation the high school journey to Singapore proved fruitless
according to the record. director of the schools
operated by the Batavia association.
third founder had Lie by missionaries. like Phoa of the
. He was first Djawa Hak Boe
Hwee 1907 but Phoa new
Dutch
display
because Peranakan and
Majoor, Phoa was
committee 1912 organize
Manchus. The
came was
crown. He two till
Tan Kim was another of the Batavia THHK and
was active
1905 Tan was ceremonies of an
on concern
have him. In 1914
THHK request Chinese
ban on
Tan one
In was sent THHK
.
He was ordered America
THHK planned and Oldham
Malaysia come Java
of."The
In 1915 Tan was made
A was Kim Hok, a Peranakan, who,
Keng Hek, been educated He was one
.
[141]
and 897 published
Indies journalists in a biography of
Confucius. His interest in Confucianism, almost certainly born of his
experience with participate fourth Batavia Christianity, the Batavia pioneer Lie to association. to be considered help establish 31 Lie for Hin Liam,
the only Singkeh in the founding group. Lie had originally
Fukien province but appears to financially suc-
cessful than most immigrants. important officer in
for years. of his most appreciated qualities in the associa-
tion must his willingness to loan there record
of his well over a thousand guilders in mission schools in but familiar early years. with
the of the missionaries. the originator in plan
to enlist the cooperation of Episcopal missionaries
in the establishment of a high school at Batavia. all the
founders of Batavia, Lie Hin led the most active public
career. he host the occasion of the
fugitive reformer's visit to Batavia. For a brief period he
Luitenant in Batavia. His rather falling out of
favor the result of his in nationalist circles.
In he leaders in the establishment of the Batavia
Siang served briefly as president of that organization.
1911 ary forces Lie Hin Singkeh in the in early leadership, but not in the revolution- founding
group, Fan, a his colleague. Lie Hin Liam,
served in Batavia as a Luitenant, holding that rank for at least
twelve years. His period of activity in affairs seems to
first Chinese 1
prompted and
., „...
many years in
The THHK is
come from
have been much more
He was an THHK
many One
have been money; is one
advancing THHK its
LieHinLIam was not educated was
work He was 1910 of the
American Methodist
Chinese Of
THHK Llam
In 1904 was K'ang Yu-wei's on
two-year
was a speedy Dutch
may have been prominence
1908 was one of the
Hwee and And
by Llam was communication with Chinese
f
32
Another
was Khoe A Hakka. Like
Khoe
THHK have
[142]
1 was
lasted only for the relatively short period up to 908, although he
vice president of the association for of that time. Perhaps his
disappearance, at least officially, from the leadership of the Batavia
association to be attributed to the fact that
sharply toward the revolutionary end of the Chinese political spectrum.
school association tended to conservative as prospered
could hardly afford to risk unnecessary Batavia'sSoe official Po Sia hostility. By
officer to participate in the organization of festivities
the establishment of the Chinese Republic to be as a
"fiery Republican" Republican flags at of his Batavia stirring up shop, disorder the by selling of those
banners to be seen final early in the city leader of flown. the Batavia 33 to be discussed here
Eng, a Fukienese long significant in the asso-
ciation. Literate in Chinese, he to accounts
of the practices observed at funerals. There
no indication that involved in the revolution-
ary movement he of the organizers of Tiong Hoa Keng
Kie or the of Batavia, from
to 1921 he also served for several years as a
secretary of the Majoor's last Batavia Chinese Council for consideration in Batavia. here Say,
probably a of Batavia; of the commissioners to be later he of Fukienese descent. of the president established of the Siang organiza-
tion 1911 Say participated in the of the
Batavia During the of excitement following the Chinese
much
is Khoe swung evermore
The grow more it
and 1912
Khoe A Fan was cooperating with and was the only
accompanying
. He came known
and was accused
Chinese where first
was
The THHK is
Khoe Siauw Peranakan,
was called upon compile
Chinese weddings and is
Khoe Siauw Eng became
. In 1 909 was one
Hwee, Chinese Employees Bond and 1915
was its chairman. He
34
Chinese
The is Tan Kim
Peranakan and known In 1908
Tan was made one newly
Hwee two years was
. In 1910 and Tan Kim work
THHK. period
(143]
communication and
Revolution he was in with the Republicans received
from request the giant for financial trading support. firm with As the a considerable voice of in the
affairs of the Siang influential force in the Soe Po Sia nationalist associations. must of the colonial
capital. president of Tie the revolutionary
association of Soe Sia in Batavia, in elected chair-
of a setup to organize the celebration of the establish-
of the Chinese to the powerful Republic but ordinarily backstage Tiong
of the outstanding nationalist leader in that city
probably Be loe. This man's nationalist career in 1903,
he the host of of the orig-
inal commissioners of the local His interest in education led
in 1909 to the facilities of his firm to textbooks for
use. following year he elected vice chairman of
Boe Tjong also took interest in the problem
of China's His firm
primarily for the purpose Be of distributing loe energetically [export] goods." the sale in
rang of shares in a corporation established to build a railway
in Fukien a leading of the Siang
His association with the Soe Po Sia effort revealed by the fact that
he of Central publisher of This provokes Po, thought the revolutionary
trasted with the display of loyalty to the dynasty Be loe
as late as 1909, he gracious host to the leader
bers of imperial Chinese mission.
them a Batavia manager
Kian Gwan,
Hwee and Tan have
been an movement
He was Yok Hwee, sister
Po and 1912 was
man committee
35
ment.
Next Majoor Oei
Ham Semarang, was
Kwat began
when was Semarang K'ang Yu-wei and one
THHK.
him employ print
THHK The was Djawa
Hak Hwee. He an active
economic development. Semarang was "established
Chinese In
1906 and 1907 Kwat promoted Sema-
Chinese
. He was member Semarang Hwee.
is
was the owner and Djawa Kong
newspaper Java. when it is con-
mode by Kwat
when was a and mem-
an
.
[144]
The lasf
in this series of biographies of Indies Chinese nationalist
leaders that of Lie Siong a Peranakan, who the president
of Siang at Surabaya from the time of establishment. his
presidency of the Surabaya association considered by the
nese imperial government to to that of a dis-
trict magistrate. the dynasty in by proposing to lead
a "to collect funds for the purchase of a warship to be sent
as a gift to the Chinese next year he in
organizing elections for the provincial assemblies to be as
the dynasty's desperate concession to Despite his
tion with the imperial regime. Lie also worked for revolution in
president of Siang thusa mandarin, he vice presi-
dent of the Soe Po Sia of thereby a revolutionary. By
Lie Siong a vigorous of Shih-k'ai
strove to raise the basis of to the data the revolutionaries contained of in these short South biographies of
admittedly selected but reasonably typical nationalists, possible
to construct a composite picture of a representative overseas Chinese
leader of the probably under investigation. in had attained a
considerable of financial success. Nationalism may have been
his tired businessman's hobby; in leadership time
financial resources. leader likely to be of
origin but could be a Singkeh. to be a well
long established in Southeast Asia. be noted here that of 128
Indies by the Imperial in for their
services "In education public worship," In other words In the lay-
38
ing of a foundation for nationalism, Peronakans
is Hwie, was
Hwee its In
Lie was Chi-
have a rank corresponding
He served 1909
campaign
government." The was active
convened
democracy. connec-
China.
While Hwee and was
Surabaya and
1916 Hwie was opponent Yuan and
37
money back China.
On
it is
movement
The man was engaged commerce and
measure
any case demanded
and The was Peranakan
He was certain man and
It can
Chinese decorated government 1908
and
104 were
.
[145]
rankasa Chineseofflcer bureaucratic struc-
Holding in the colonial
ture did not prevent a from In the But ought
to be pointed out of the that, with higher ranking the notable officers exception a of the nationalist leader.
This easily understood that the junior officers
likely superiors. to be tradition, leader but he daring the value than of education. their conservative in the had classical
stimulated to nationalism by his had
to think in terms of nations of the position of his in a
world structured nationalistic pattern. His awareness of
ments in the either from study under missionary teachers or
from his association most remarkable with talent businessmen. of this composite his ability
to cooperate, at least on the with of all political shades
could simultaneously to the emperor, be re-
spectful toward the for revolution. most signifi-
cant point brought out controlled by a study of by these leaders interlocking that directorate. the nationalist rare
for a to be active in only association.
narily a leadership role in or organizations possible for
these associations regardless outstanding by significant of the of elements In the the various Chinese aims of the leader
nities as a leader in a promising social
political progress minority nationalism.
man working movement. It
Semarang
Majoor, none was
is when it is remembered
were younger and more
The typical nationalist wasnota learned man
Chinese saw He been
knowledge of the West. He come
and own people
on a develop-
West came
European
The man was
surface, men
He pay homage Chinese
Dutch, and work The
is
movement was an It was
man one pan-Chinese Ordi-
two more was
men, divergence announced
concerned.
The and only essential qualification of the typical
was acceptance commu-
spokesman and movement and
through
[146]
Dynastic Officials
Aiding, abetting, occasion, exploiting the nationalist
leadership in Netherlands these India to various Asia emissaries for a multiplicity from of pur-
poses, all shared central they sought to arouse the
interest of overseas Chinese in revolutionaries the welfare in expatriate Chinese of the ancestral
widely less similar often efforts to the the fact support of overseas Chinese that the imperial
attitude of successive Chinese dynasties toward emigration had,
until the second half of the nineteenth century, characterized
either by a lack of interest or by frank hostility. To the majority of
the traditional Chinese inconceivable that but the unfilial
treacherous could their ancestral criminal
of the fortunes overseas: All officers period contained of a stern private against citizens, seeking,
clandestinely to sea to trade, or to
foreign inlands shall pur:;shed for the purpose according of inhabiting to the law against cultivating
cating by being btfeaded.39 with rebels enemies, consequently suffer death
great of Chinese established in Southeast Asia during
the long period that the this on emigration deterred on the only statute books the fainthearted
from migration southward. law nevertheless, injurious to
overseas Chinese interests. possible the extortion by local of-
ficials of the of returning emigrants. declaration
and, on
were China.
Although men went Southeast
one common goal—
homeland.
The work of Chinese communities
is known; remembered is
government made win.
The
been
it was any
and abandon homes. The
code Manchu warning
... government, soldiers, and
who proceed who remove
and
same, be communi-
and and
The numbers
when ominous clause was were
evidence ban
The was,
It made
wealth It was also a
.
[147]
of policy clear the fact that the
extension not to be of official Chinese protection to emigrant
swing from this official was, as so of the
innovations of the late Ch'ing period, born of pressure on the
dynasty. Article of the treaty stated:
soon as the ratifications His Imperial of the Majesty Treaty of the shall of
will, by the high authorities of every prov-
ince to proclaim throughout their jurisdictions, that
choosing to take service in British Colonies or other parts
the sea, are at perfect liberty to enter into
with British subjects for that purpose, to ship themselves
their families board British vessel
ports of .40
Article IX of the treaty France forced at the
provided for greater in the matter of emigration:
agreed the high contracting parties that,
ratifications of the Treaty of Tientsin
imperial edict will that the high officials of the
provinces of the Empire permit Chinese, to go
to countries the seas to establish himself or to seek his
fortune, to together with his family. 41
Eight years later the United States treaty guar-
anteeing, in phrases reminiscent of choice of our Declaration in the matter of emigration: of Inde-
United States of the cordially
recognize the inherent inalienable right of to
his allegiance, also the mutual of the
free migration emigration of their citizens subjects re-
spectively from the country to the other for purposes of
riosity, of trade, or as residents. 42
government which made abundantly
communities was
expected
The away ban were many
Western
V 1860 Anglo-Chinese
As 1858 have
been exchanged. Emperor China
Decree, command
Chinese
be-
yond engagements
and
and on any
atony of the open
China...
upon China sometime
even freedom
It is between when the
hove been exchanged, an
command all
each who wishes
beyond
embark...
China and made a
somewhat
pendence, individual freedom
The America and Emperor of China
and man change
home and and advantage
and and
one cu-
permanent
[148]
Western powers had to grant concessions to
emigrants so that the coolie trade could operate
sources of labor for railroads mines of America's West, as well
as for the enterprises of Southeast Asia, not to be allowed to dry
up. only to take years later, interest in that the overseas subjects.
So far as the Chinese of Netherlands India are their
direct contact with the officialdom of China appears to
in 1887, the governor general at assigned official to
Southeast Asia to investigate the of coolie emigration.
perhaps significant this representative under provin-
cial rather than imperial for the auspices. overseas people very within probably filtered the north from
the South lomatic dispatch supports districts this view: of the emigrants. Netherlands dip-
There at present in the official world a
current of opinion for linking the remote parts of the empire
closer to the motherland at the time strengthening the
emotional ties with the Chinese abroad. So
far as determine the notion of binding the Chinese of N.I.
closer to authorities. until 43 principally from the South
The compelled China
unimpeded. The
the and
were
It was some however, Manchu govern-
ment began an active its
concerned,
first have come
when Canton an
problem It is
that was sent out
The concern Chinese
government
China home A
is Chinese dominant
and same
communities...
I can
China has now come
China...
The 1887 mission have created stir Chi-
appears to little either in
nese bureaucratic circles or in the Chinese Indies.
be in passing, that this imperial delegation
received by the with considerably graclousness than
to be to subsequent visiting mandarins. In fact, this
group to Sumatra by the planters' association of the
island, a of entrepreneurs later notoriously
communities of the
It can observed however,
was Dutch more
was extended first
was invited tobacco
body Dutch who became
[149]
distinguished China. in 1887
inhospitable toward guests from But the
planters not certain that their supply of coolie labor secure,
nor had a half. court the crushing to to humiliations the of the official interested next close in the to the
grants. not surprising considered that had for
years dealt with foreigners than most
of his colleagues of outside his
1891 in conversations with the Netherlands minister at Peking
on the subject of coolie emigration, expressed the that he
"be pleased to see as possible brought into by
the emigrants." interest of the elderly statesman in the
overseas presumably, in their remittances continued for
the rest life. he questioned the
consul general at about the alleged mistreatment of
nese laborers in Sumatra. Later the year, in a formal speech to
the of the Netherlands his trip to the
a reference to the "protection" afforded by the
to the Chinese in the Indies. again discussed with the
consul general at the treatment of coolies
on plantations, indicating that he to send out an
investigating to study the situation. shortly before
that conversation, Chinese diplomatic and consular personnel had
ordered extend "as help support as possible" to overseas
Chinese. had to
of responsibility for the protection of subjects abroad. This
shift in official attitude another manifestation of China's gradual
were was
China undergone decade
44
and
Li Hung-chang seems have been first
Manchu imperial become permanently emi-
This is when it is Li
many and was thus more aware
events and circumstances own country.
In Li,
view would
as much money China
The Chinese
Chinese and,
of Li Hung-chang's In 1896 Dutch
Hong Kong Chi-
same
queen during famous West, Li
made pointed Dutch
In 1900 Li
Dutch Hong Kong Chinese
Sumatran planned
commission And
been
to much and
45
The Chinese government come around an accept-
ance its
was
[150]
Western It is
entry into an international order of design. quite pos-
sible that, in addition to developing an interest in the financial sup-
port to be from loyal emigrant sons, the Chinese
to the protection of the emigrants as a to
the foreign that sovereign After all,
Chinese officials to be thoroughly familiar with the sight of
foreign consuls serving as the guardians of the interests of foreign
tionals in could assert herself through the tech-
niques in countries official her Chinese subjects settled. act arising from this for the
emigrant Chinese of Netherlands India negative in nature.
imperial consul general colonies to at Singapore the Chinese there ordered against to go to the
his recently discredited of reformers. unclear
the consular officer ever carried out the mission to him.
he did, the impression he not great to cause
observer, earliest Chinese, official to record his to visit. a direct influence the
overseas nationalist reached In 1906. This visitor
Liu Shih-chI "dr), sent by the governor
general for the of Inspecting the schools. Liu at
the time held the district magistrate regularly assigned
to a hsien Possibly because this official of low rank
dressed as "admiral of the Chinese fleet" during his tour of
lands India, he received with considerable by the
including the governor general at Buitenzorg. Unlike his politi-
cally oriented successors, Liu limited his on the trip to the field
of education. helped launch the general educational association.
won government came
view means of demonstrating
powers China was and modern.
had come
na-
China. China same
where
The first new concern
was The
was In 1899
Dutch warn K'ang Yu-wei and
46
band It is whether
assigned If
made was enough any
Dutch or
The Chinese have on
awakening Java
was (.^'j-^^ Canton
purpose new THHK
rankof and was
in Kwangsl. was
an Nether-
was pomp Dutch,
more
work
He
[151]
Boe Tjong he offered to associations
on for improving the instruction offered; he promised to ar-
range to a educational inspector sent out from
Liu contributed his generously trip to confer to official the educational rank on program. overseas Liu
Shih-chi taken during the inspection tour forced to return
to before the of his mission. Dr. Lim
the vigorous Singapore nationalist Liu, appears
to year to finish only part of by distinguished the inspection. visitors to In-
donesia; four missions from of of major significance,
toured the Indies in that year. This the period of the
nasty's most active to assert itself as the leader of the
nese in the colonies. followed in later years,
but enjoyed the prestige success of those of 1907, the
novelty of receiving dignitaries to overseas Chinese
the revolutionaries of the 1907 in the Netherlands had visitors yet to Ch'ien Indies as Tsien solid Sun), a of 'fh the dip-
lomatic service his to the Netherlands to the duties of
counselor of the Chinese legation in that country. sought to impress
the overseas for their welfare, the fact that saying that the Peking reports on
the "tryannical treatment" inflicted by the
less to say, the Netherlands authorities hostile to Ch'ien, and he
did little to their unfavorable impression of him. said
to "carry himself clumsily, without the grace high mandarins are sup-
posed to he also did not respond in the customary to
Djawa Hak Hwee; advice THHK
means and
have permanent China.
was empowered on
Chinese who
was ill and
China completion Boen Keng,
who had accompanied
47
have been able
The 1907 was marked Chinese
China, two them
one was dy-
campaign Chi-
Dutch Other missions
none and when
still appealed and
when win widespread backing.
The first was Hsun(J^,
known member
on way assume
He
upon Chinese government was
concerned had reached China
upon them Dutch. Need-
were
overcome He was
have, and manner
.
[152]
certain ceremonies of the so-called'mandarin decorum'...."Ch'ien
refused to talk with the Dutch except through interpreters, but was re-
ported to be thoroughly familiar with English. In Semarang he shocked
the Dutch and delighted the Chinese by refusing to pay an official call
on the local resident. In Buitenzorg, inan effort to make polite conver-
sation, a Dutch official asked Ch'ien which city, Singapore or Batavia,
seemed more beautiful. The Chinese seized upon the occasion, saying
that Batavia was far prettier but that the Chinese in Singapore enjoyed
48
much greater freedom than their compatriots in the Indies capital.
Ch'ien busily toured through various parts of the archipelago, dem-
onstrating to his overseas countrymen that they were welcomed back
into the Chinese fold. He was accordingly received with great fes-
tivity along his route. This visitor furthered the sending of pupils to
Nanking, bestowed honors on the leaders of the educational move-
ment, and offered suggestions on the operation of the new Chinese
schools. He also took the lead in the organization of the Siang Hwee,
or chambers of commerce. Ch'ien urged that the Indies Chinese peti-
tion Peking for the establishment of consulates for their permanent
protection, advising them to work through the Siang Hwee to achieve
their goal. This diplomat was also quite willing to serve as a stock
promoter for a Kwangtung railroad project. He was obviously a man
of varied interests and great energy. His efforts must have been made
more significant in immigrant Chinese eyes by the fact that he was in
direct frequent contact, through coded telegrams, with the Chinese
49
government, Ch'ien Hsun's tour seta general pattern for those of
his successors
Ch'ien Hsun was considerably aided during his stay in the Dutch
colony by his son-in-law, a former teacher in the THHK schools at
[153]
and Cheribon The younger was man
Batavia a native of
trained at a university, held the scholarly rank of
jen. the time of the trip the former teacher being trans-
ferred from a Peking assignment In the field of education to a post in
the Chinese legation direct at the link the Batavia appears to subsequently late
as 191 4 his help requested by the school association sought
50
to find a teacher in
Close the heels of the Ch'ien Hsun mission that of
'^W M" referred to In his official introduction
simply as "an official of the Ministry of Public Instruction," but
tually a of the 1880's long experience had served high rank as educational In the officialdom commissioner of
for the province of Klangsi. After the 1911 Revolution he to
private finement tutor of the Forbidden had ostensibly of the sent to the to infant City Indies inspect by the governor general of the educational in the facilities splendid Fuklen of the
Fukienese residents in the colony. His real mission, appears,
the promotion of the sale of shares in a Fuklen railroad enterprise.
Since openly referred to himself as "Director of the
Fuklen he not embarrassed by the motivation
behind his journey. His sales with limited
success, only some [Straits?] dollars being gained. 51Ch'en's
stay in the Netherlands nationalist third visitor India from brief; in he really little official impression in
Lin Lu-ts'un /^/^-?^c" ), "a very extraordinarily
. Chekiang,
Japanese who chU-
At 1907 was
Hague. He have
become a between THHK and China. As
was when it
new China.
on came Ch'en
Pao-ch'en ($^)/
ac-
man and
China. In Ch'en
was be-
come deposed emperor con-
.
Ch'en been
and Chekiang
it was
Ch'en General
Railway," was economic
campaign, however, met
150,000
was made
on movement.
The China 1907 was an name only.
( 1^wealthy and
.
[154]
popular" native of had purchased official rank, to In-
donesia for the purpose of inspecting Chinese schools. Lin's
real mission in the interests of his business operations
said to be seeking capital for his glass china factory in
There evidence that Lin chose to travel the guise of official
for reasons of prestige This spared the
nuisance of carrying passes other Indies travel Lin,
presumably for the sake of appearances, called at schools but
far from thorough school so in his fleetingly Inspection. that the faculty "he surprised; visited the [he]
never, for the trouble to go upstairs to see the classrooms
there." he did take interest In the Slang
advising ot Chinese the end places of Bearing the of the title of existed to that year's Imperial establish official visitors Commissioner, from
ShIh-ch'I "Junior President of the Ministry
of Agriculture, Industry, Trade," arrived Netherlands India. To
to the visitor's prestige, the Chinese sent naval
vessles to transport escort with great
53
enthusiasm by the represented Chinese the with government's most by the Intense effort to
bring the Indies Chinese under control. to
inspect serving: advise Shih-ch'i the Siang associations hereby to to reward the to the
Islands of the to their the desire South Pacific to take care to inspect of the of Imperial solicitude Furthermore, associations for should
Amoy, who went
announced
was own. He
was and Amoy.
Is in an
and convenience. device him
and documents.
some
was In Semarang,
Chinese was and
example, took
Yet some Hwee movement,
in where none chambers
commerce
Toward 1907 last
China appeared. Yang
( %:^-^)^), Vice
and In
add government two
and Yang, who was welcomed
and open antagonism Dutch.
Yang Chinese
Its He was commissioned
and Hwee and de-
Yang... is commanded proceed
commercial
and tell members them
and them. any-
[155]
succeed in bringing together large sums of for the
purpose of starting of important trade in public benefactors the will be
given noble rank in reward for their services, the authori-
ties of all cities within the Imperial dominions, these
emigrants shall also reside, are their return interested to give to their in the educational every protection in toured
a specifically against the use of
teachers trained in had to real-
ize the to from the revolutionaries filling faculty
posts in Southeast Asia sought to strengthen the hand of the
Chinese expatriate subjects by urging to
bine their organization educational to operate associations under the in tutelage supreme of the Peking
regime. But, as noted in the previous chapter, no such super asso-
ciation ever
the official view, Shih-ch'I must
a measure of success during his tour. to be regarded as
thing of an Indies Chinese expert. imperial
considered sending him out a second time. Republican authorities
in again success in also of the thought difficult to a second to estimate. mission for clear
from the record, the Chinese before that the Chinese no later Revolution visitor as four more hospitably imperial re-
representatives on tour In Netherlands India.
of the Chinese diplomatic staff In the Ky, traveled
through the archipelago urging the Chinese to consolidate and to
tain their national separateness. visited all Slang
one money
commercial enterprises for en-
couragement China, such
and
in which
them and
countenance on homes China. 54
Yang was movement. He
number of schools and warned them
Japan. The Chinese government come
danger itself young
. Yang
government over its them com-
commercial and one
pan-Chinese
55
emerged.
In Chinese Yang have achieved
He came some-
The government in 1910
The
1913 and 1916 gave
56
Yang. The man Is It Is
however, was
ceived in community.
Thefouryears saw
In 1908 another member
Hague, Wang Kang
main-
Wang THHK and
[156]
establishments in Batavia, Surakarta, Surabaya,
appears to with Siang
operations than with the educational This under-
standable interest on the part of a diplomat use of the
consular activities he the of the guest of of the local Siang both presidents. Batavia
Surabaya Siang told to take the lead in the establishment
of a centralized association of merchants for all Indonesia.
like the great majority of the other emissaries from
sought to stimulate the flow of overseas capital into
enterprises. His special steam strove to ties with the interests navigation persuade the Chinese to put in plans of the East their faith to Indies in the emperor. domestic to
willingly with listened to the grievances of his
emigrant very pointedly did not associate with the
traditionalist Chinese officers; the Batavia never even him.
vigorously against the of Netherlands citi-
zenship, reportedly declaring: "There a clear relationship
nationality a person's personality. accepts another
tionality, as takes a foreign father." tried
to put teeth in his by stating that the property in of
58
emigrant a Netherlands subject be confiscated.
views purposes of this visitor are well presented in a passage
from a speech he must supposed not to delivered the in [sTc] Surabaya: religion
by so doing they will get a they will be regarded as
seeking to forget their Chinese origins. faith

I.J and
- ^'^

Hwee Semarang, and
Padang. He have been more concerned Hwee
movement. was an
who would make
chambers commerce. In and
Semarang was Hwee The
Hwee was
Chinese
Wang, China, also
mainland Chinese
were develop
I
banking
..
companies.
Wang renounce
any close Dutch and He
and seeming sympathy
countrymen. He
Majoor met
Wang warned acceptance
is between
and When one na-
it is if one Wang Kang Ky
warning China any
who became would
The and
is have
The Chinese accept Dutch because
bad name,
They can have
[157]
government them, that
that the Chinese will not forget labors
continuously in the interest of the welfare of all the Chinese of
59
Chinese warships reappeared in Indies waters in
that year's inspector from jt, 7" a
Fukienese chU-jen, nevertheless lacked the customary
polish of the had ordered by the Chinese
istry of Agriculture, Industry, to visit the Siang
establishments. his investigation of the as-
sociations with a Surabaya, tour of a Pontianak he schools. the guest Batavia, of the Siang
associations, but his public reception in all those cities, especially
in the last three By pointing to the steps then under
for the reform of the criminal at-
tempted to prove to the overseas people that the under-
going modernization. His appears to small;
only noteworthy resulted from a presumably
act to the Pontianak, the local sultan, "in of-
ficial with a large retinue," escorted a
of resident Chinese to the visiting warships on a
launch for the occasion. Netherlands official reporting
the incident stated: not say
sion this demonstration (and probably also on the
native) populations." hospitality to princes dignitaries, not to display their to visiting Chinese.
Plans to hold industrial fair in
another official visitor, This a
representative of the viceroy at then interested in
it
Java.
Two 1909 bringing
China, Wang Ta-chen( \j:),
who reportedly
mandarin. Wang been Min-
and Commerce Hwee
He combined commercial
number of THHK In Se-
marang, and was Hwee
named, was cool.
way Chinese code, Wang Ta-chen
homeland was
success have been Wang's
accomplishment unplanned
maddening Dutch. At
costume and Wang and number
Dutch government
borrowed The
"I do need to what an enormous impres-
made on the Chinese
Native were expected
pomp and European
an and commercial Nanking brought
1909 Chinese Wang Yl-wai. man was
Nanking, who was
[158]
fhe establishment in Southeast Asia of an association for the
tion of industrialization that in China. visit might cause The governor general feared
onstrations concern. expatriates. in Java only shared the visiting
a few Chinese enterprises in Batavia, no recorded success during Sura- his tour.
year 1911 brought the last of the Ch'ing dynasty agents to
Netherlands India. Chinese subsequently stated that:
the trip of of Agruculture, Industry, -^^ ), secretary has taken of the place
served specifically as an investigation of conditions.
This tour had no other that aims. in reality There sent to belief on the activities of
the revolutionaries in Southeast Asia. told the Indies
Chinese that he had to "comfort" that to assure
of imperial solicitude. This emissary, arrived a small naval
vessel robes, politely received by his Siang
hosts. nese press also bitterly to feel generally attacked by the revolutionary the Chinese
lie. circulated in Surabaya stated:
are informed that the slave of the the traitor to
the Chinese, will soon to Surabaya for
the purpose of "giving support comfort to the
Chinese colonists" but in reality to cheat to
their to trap for they will remain slaves
through the centuries. Let us, racial brothers, the
time not [of Chao's the laughing stockof the whole world display no flags in order that This a
ter involving the honor or the disgrace of our forefathers."^
promo-
Dutch
WangYi-wai's an outbreak of anti-Manchu dem-
among the Wang may well have
Dutchman's He remained two weeks,
Bandung, Semarang, and
baya. Wang Yi-wai achieved
The
The government
"... Chao Ts'ung-fan ('J'^ ^/J-
Department and Commerce,
and commercial
..."was a among many,
however, Chao was check
Chao Ts'ung-fan
come them, is, them
who on
and wore mandarin was
Hwee He was Chi-
and made unwelcome by pub-
A pamphlet
You Manchus,
Chao Ts'ung-fan, come
announced and
them and takeaway
money, seta
them so that
... when
visit] comes, we
become. is mat-
Han
.
[159]
Clearly the overseas public had lost its earlier enthusiasm for tour-
ing mandarins. Perhaps the people had grown blase' after seeing an
uninterrupted stream of distinguished visitors. Or possibly they had
become weary of guests who somehow always cost money but returned
little.
Some Nationalist Symbols
Before leaving the attempts of the imperial regime to assert leader-
ship over the Indies Chinese, perhaps sensible to consider of
the nationalist symbols, other than the emissaries themselves,
by the Ch'ing dynasty to the overseas under the
peror's Official rank for emigrant Chinese, the visits of Chinese
warships to Southeast Asia, the display of the Chinese flag
already in passing. Closer attention to these seems
appropriate here
In old official rank highly respected assiduously
sought. degrees sold by a short of funds brought a
measure of honor to their holders. ability to purchase a
least a sign of success in the world an Indication
of scholarly ambition, not attainment. imperial in
related to obtain for various activities to bring the
upper stratum of the Indies into the social frame-
of bestowing rank on certain deserving
These rewards of a surprisingly are significant the emigrants. here large as symbols of recipients of the reborn of link imperial
favor in under investigation, the
"an official of the second rank" in 1903. reportedly his
it Is some
employed
draw communities em-
wing.
and have
been mentioned
China was and
Even government
The degree
was at economic and
if The government,
moves money and
Chinese community
work traditional China, began
men.
between China and
The first number
the years Majoorat Medan, was made
He began
[160]
career as a coolie, yet had contributed large sums to the imperial
treasury during a visit to Peking. citation from the
viceroy authorized the distribution of medals to 128 leaders.
following year the viceroy ordered the Chinese consul general at
Singapore to arrange for the division the associations of
the following items: 25 to be displayed over the doors
of the schools, 25 for the caps inscribed of students, and tablets, 185 silver standards belts, to be displayed inscribed by
schools deserving special honor. Prestige being mass
Chinese particularly eager to reward sup-
porters In the business circles of Southeast Asia will be recalled
that the officers of the various Slang regarded as
of the Chinese officialdom. Slang leaders displayed great
generosity to the Chinese regime singled out for special honors.
scale of rewards based on the size of contributions to imperial causes
seems to For example, the president
at In "fourth grade mandarin." a touring Chinese emissary colleague half
that "an official of the fifth rank." at least
occasions, ceremonies reminiscent of the ancient Imperial investi-
ture of tributary sent princes decorations took from Peking. place the of Surakarta
the desperation born of fiscal difficulties, the
nasty recklessly the prestige of these honors
the position of the dignitaries sent on missions to the Islands.
of success suffered by his tour of the Indies
to be for in part by the fact that "he only of the fifth
rank and there Indies Chinese purchased the fifth
A 1906 Canton
THHK
The
among THHK
wooden plaques
185 250
emblems
64
was produced.
The government was its
. It
Hwee were members
Hwee who
were
A
have been developed. oftheSiang
Hwee Padang 1907gave f. 10,000 and
was made a A
who gave only
amount was designated On
two
when Susuhunan
65
was
In Its Manchu dy-
cheapened and weakened
The lack
WangTa-chen on 1909 was
accounted was
were many who had
.
[161]
the fourth ranks." Republic
able to offer the traditional honors of dynastic times; did,
distribute a medals to leaders.
Flags are perhaps the most universal of nationalist symbols. must
be noted, though, that national flags brought to the Orient from
the Traditional had no national flag. Banners used
by Chinese military units In the as our
various regimental colors; but those banners had no symbolic signifi-
to the Chinese of their with as a whole the Indies Chinese, a especially doubtless fond of
flags, to arrival of Ch'ien enthusiastic "dragon use of the flags" flag symbol. to blossom
out in the quarters of the colony. That this
innovation by the fact that in "the leaders
of the a days before arrival of the imperial envoy,
hastily ordered a art studio to flags."
the minister at the advised the Slang that they
to fly only the flag. next year the minister
of foreign affairs that the colonial authorities
insisted that the flag be flown higher than the Chinese.
flags to be seen in India on all holidays.
Flags also served to up trouble to express displeasure. al-
ready noted, the last and probably the least successful
of the imperial emissaries to the East Indies, greeted by an absence
of revolutionaries This in part a sign of the of the
By appears from the point of hindsight to have
a needless stupid blunder on the the
and even The Chinese
was of course un-
it however,
number of THHK
It
were
West. China were
much same way army employs Its
cance people. The
because contact Dutch, people
came make widespread and
The 1907 Hsun caused
Chinese Netherlands was
an Is evidenced Semarang
community, few the
Chinese make dragon In 1909
Chinese Hague Hwee
were Chinese The Chinese
complained Netherlands
Dutch Chinese
came Netherlands Chinese
stir and As
Chao Ts'ung-fan,
was
Chinese flags. was growing strength
what vantage been
and part of Dutch, blood was shed
.
[162]
rioting after the colonial administration refused to permit the display
91 2 of the flag of the Chinese Republic part as a reaction
to the on the Republican flag, Chinese publicly
stroyed a Netherlands flag. Surabaya, at about the time,
the quarter, contrary to former practice, flew no flags
on the occasion of a birthday in the Netherlands the custom royal of states family. to send fleets
to foreign ports order, as usual phrase put to the flag.
Such naval cruises to impress foreign
In the case of empires, to colonists that the mother country had
not forgotten Ch'ing dynasty, having seen the showing of
flags, this technique In a further effort to strengthen the
ties the overseas Chinese ships, then the pride the of the imperial Chinese both navy, called
at Indies ports during the tours of Shih-ch'i
public earl ler occasion response to those visits understandably greater on the
[In 1907] several days before the of the cruisers,
the news of their future arrival had spread to all parts of Central
Java; thus, on the of their arrival, a great
had felt necessary to to from places in
order felt proud .69 to see the warships. the nearly every
In Batavia the ships a similar
association closed schools for to give the children
opportunity to visit the vessels. Perhaps the excitement among the
The two vessels were the Hai-ch'i 'J^ y'J4,300 metric tons, built
Great Britain 1898, and the Hai-jung *-^ 2,950 metric tons,
of 1897 and Co., construction. London, 1917, Jane's p. 479^ Fighting Ships, Sampson, Low, Marston

.68

in
in 1 new. In
Dutch ban some de-
And in same
Chinese Dutch
Some decades ago it was many
In the it, show
were expected governments and.
show
them. The
many adopted
between and mainland. In 1907and
1909 two
Yang and Wang Ta-chen.
The was
coming two
day many Chinese
It come Semarang many
At time Chinese
were extended welcome. The THHK
Its two days an
,
in in-J^,
German
[163]
Indies Chinese the imperial warships called increased by a
general realization require that Chinese the use of sea protection in an
when was
government emer-
gency would power.
Diplomatic and Consular Leaders
The Republican government of China in its early years did not fol-
low the example set by the Manchus in the matter of commissioning
representatives to tour Netherlands India. This fact may possibly be
explained by the difficulties facing the new government; it seems more
likely, however, that the establishment in 1912 of the Chinese con-
sulate general at Batavia mode special missions less necessary.
Prior to the opening of the Batavia consulate general all diplo-
matic negotiations between the Netherlands and Chinese governments
were conducted at the ministerial level in the Hague or Peking. The
Chinese minister in the Netherlands, as the nationalist movement of
his compatriots in the Indies went forward, found himself evermore
deeply involved in the affairs of the overseas Chinese. In accordance
with standard practice, it was the duty of the Chinese diplomat to
transmit the introductions of officials sent by Peking to the Dutch col-
ony. It will be recalled that two of the emissaries to visit Indonesia
were members of the staff of the legation in the Hague. Also in keep-
ing with customary procedure, the Chinese minister was quick to pro-
test to the Netherlands government whenever it appeared that Chinese
citizens in Dutch areas had been unjustly treated.
Although the Chinese minister's legitimate functions are of no par-
ticular interest, his extralegal operations merit some attention. The
Siang Hwee, because of their quasi-consular role, were in close con-
tact with the minister. He was the channel through which the early
[164]
Siang official approval for their statutes.
minister to Chinese subjects in Netherlands India register
citizenship through facilities set up by the Siang
by Indies Chinese in the provincial elections carried
out through the Slang the minister's supervision. later
diplomat in the 91 7 elections 91 2 search by the
police of the Siang Soe Po Sia establishments at Sura-
revealed that the minister long In direct communication
with those bodies through messages. Ciphers had
to be used the imperial legation in the that
the Netherlands authorities regularly intercepted mail cables. In
fact, the had unsuccessfully protested against this breach of
diplomatic usage. In his to Indonesia the minister was
quick both to the Siang that he tirelessly for the re-
peal of credit for colonial progress. diplomatic laws discriminating representative against at the to also claim in-
terested in other matters. to learn the
of the leaders of presented the association
of students the study in the Netherlands of with vigorous to in his be used efforts to to
Indies the of nationality Finally,
acting the orders several occasions of his the the against minister the sinister at the
tivities the revolutionaries; the early as
Hwee obtained Chinese The
sought have
tVieir Hwee. Voting
1910 Chinese was
Hwee under A
was also active 1. A 1
Dutch Hwee and
baya had been
two means of coded
because Hague well knew
and
Chinese
communications
tell Hwee worked
the Chinese and
any
The Chinese Hague was
He sought names and incomes
THHK. The minister once
Chinese f. 2,000 en-
courage Kuo-yu. He was warn
Chinese against acceptance Dutch.
on government, Chinese
Hague on warned Dutch ac-
M first warning was made as
1906/^
The official link between the overseas Chinese and the Chinese
government was of course made more secure with the establishment of
f165]
. been
the consulate general at Batavia That event had preceded by
several years of negotiation the of arxJ
the Netherlands. the Chinese consul at Singapore reported to
Peking that consulates ought be maintained in the Indies to protect
Chinese interests. out by the consul that the establish-
ments probably returns on the Investment, presumably
by collecting contributions from emigrants Chinese of
in 1888, for had promised to remit funds to Peking for
naval construction in for consular protection. opposi-
tion to the of consulates to be fought by a Peking threat
to block the coolie traffic South Sumatra.
minister at the in 1891 in Netherlands India efforts to secure the right to
tried to obtain from the by again raising the
perennial curtly negative: of for coolie emigration the right of free Netherlands direct reaction was emigration of
coolies] to the important colonies, concession, the the Chinese of consular
establishments on Sumatra, a concession the
royal [Netherlands] not prepared to make.^'^
part of his to muster overseas allegiance to the
dynasty, Ch'ien during his mission spoke
frequently in favor of consulates in the Indies.
to fix the issue firmly in the public textbooks Informed
the children that the consular relations states
fundamental to normal international intercourse.
issue of the citizenship of overseas held up a settle-
of the consular question until 1911 not necessary to go
between governments China
In 1889
to
It was pointed
would pay double
wealthy. The
Manila example,
exchange Dutch
opening was
between China and The
Hague began open
74
Chinese consulates. The Chinese government in
1894 an agreement Dutch
problem. The
In exchange and [
Dutch government de-
mands an maintenance
Java and which
government is
As campaign Man-
chu Hsun 1907 widely and
opening Chinese And,
mind, THHK
maintenance o!^ among
was
The Chinese
ment. It Is
[166]
which
into the points of international law underlay the citizenship
problem; fundamental a generation difference of lawyers has written on the Netherlands subject.
that the former insisted jus sanguinis the latter on jus soli in
the determination of the citizenship of overseas Chinese.
mise finally reached the governments: Chinese born
in the Indies to be considered Netherlands subjects except during
periods of residence or travel in they to be
as citizens of other words, the juris-
diction over the populatlonof their colony but unwill-
ing to involved in the task of extending consular protection to
Indies Chinese to
Ultimately, the right of the to establish consulates in the
Netherlands the following Indies statements: consuls grudgingly the Netherlands general, granted that consuls, by the signed vice consuls in 1911 contained consular treaty
agents of will be considered as agents, pro-
tectors districts. of the consuls of general, their nationals consuls, within vice consuls their consular consular
agents accredited are not through the to the immediately S^|invested with be intercession Chinese ^°^ served diplomatic addressed of the .7° broke both consul general in the character. to the Netherlands [Chinese] the spirit at Batavia, capacity the letter of Su at Singapore. this
In 191 after the signing of the consular convention, he
ordered to Batavia. outbreak of the Revolution obliged Su,
Dutch
The between China and the was
upon and
A compro-
was between two
were
China, when were viewed
China. In Dutch claimed full
Peranakan were
become
who went China.
Chinese
was Dutch. The
between China and was
The and
China commercial
commerce
...
The and
any
Demands can only govern-
ment diplomatic agent
Hague...
The Chinese and
agreement. The first Jui-chao
(^^-^/f ^fsame
1, Sioo-Dutch
was The
[167]
obviously a to principles, to submit his resig-
nation. delay resulting from that traditional gesture caused Su's
arrival in Batavia to be postponed until 1912. But on
the job, tivities Su demonstrated to the protection the that of he no intention acts of limiting investigation his of a
report that a had died of unnatural causes during interrogation
by police. year Su by his to
take the lead in organizing voting by Indies Chinese in the planned
senatorial elections; in procedure repeated.
consul general soon responsible by Peking for the
eral supervision of education in Netherlands India. also
applied himself to a sales persuading overseas Chi-
80
nese to invest in the bonds of the Republic. In short,
then, he to perform the great range of duties previously
carried out by the consul general's series of efforts visiting officials from to little appreciated
by the local press acidly that
"his door closed to visitors he kept himself fully
female house guests." likely that of this irritation with the
consular arose from hostility to Shih-k'al his
agents. Batavia to consul revolutionaries. general by later given the with unenviable the
chore of convincing the overseas Chinese that their
triots longed for a restoration of the in the
nection, he to inform Peking of the loyal
81
to Shih-k'ai fears that the consul general to
their detriment, exercise strong leadership over the Chinese community
man devoted Confucian
The
79
August once
had ac-
Chinese commerce.
Among new consul general's first was an
Chinese
Dutch The same was ordered government
1917 roughly the same was
The was made gen-
Chinese He
campaign aimed at
new Chinese
was expected
China.
The seem have been
Chinese community. The complained
was and occupied with
It is some
head growing Yuan and
The 1914 was working
Dutch expose He was
mainland compa-
monarchy and, same con-
was ordered
names of those
Yuan. Dutch would,
[168]
Overseas
had proven groundless. Chinese perhaps
suspicious dynasty of his servants than they had of the
were even more
Yuan and
been Manchu
.
Reformer and Revolutionary
addition to the nationalist leaders from Indies Chinese
groups to those officials from there
land reformers revolutionaries involved in the under in-
vestigation. has long a matter of course for students of the
Chinese Revolution to mention that overseas Chinese support sig-
nificant. present writer does not dispute that but believes
that the revolutionaries far less than the local of-
ficial leaders in the creation of overseas Chinese nationalism. Perhaps
they merely exploited rather than furthered the under study.
also felt by of the Chinese the writer that the outside the subject scope of of the this effort. political
cern here with the birth of a particular brand of nationalism.
political struggles of China's revolutionary period
of national consciousness, not the sources of that consciousness.
nevertheless of limited usefulness to look briefly at the
nections the of Netherlands India
figures of the early twentieth century Chinese political scene,
Sun slight significant to Southeast influence of brief than Asia the duration; Sun's in the during but, initial nationalist his years of nationalist early political date, exile; his
reputation as a scholar and reformer had him. 1903
In
and coming as
and
It been
The
were
It is
awakening is
is
is some
between Chinese
Yu-wei and Yat-sen.
K'ang Yu-wei's on
ment was and
was more
K'ang went
drawn
China were main-
movement
was
view
important and
movement
immense
The con-
The
were an outgrowth
It
con-
and two dominant
K'ang
Indies Chinese move-
coming at an it
awakening.
preceded In K'ang,
.
[169]
then resident in the Straits Settlements, visited Java. One report states
that he was urged to make that journey by Batavia's THHK. Another
and probably more credible source maintains that K'ang took the ini-
tiative in arranging to visit the Indies. In either case, K'ang was
hospitably received by the Batavia association, which made orrange-
82
ments for a Java tour of about two months' duration.
K'ang really achieved little in the Dutch colony. In Semarang he
addressed the leading Chinese of that city and is supposed to have in-
spired them to establish a THHK school. It must be remembered, how-
ever, that educational reform was firmly on its feet by the time K'ang
reached Java. Of course a number of teachers in the modern schools
were disciples of K'ang Yu-wei. On at least one occasion a Batavia
teacher was hired on K'ang's recommendation. It is recorded that,
although K'ang's visit was "the first contact THHK had with the intel-
lectual circle of China..., there is no evidence that he expressed
any kind of opinion [in Batavia]."Another report maintains, how-
ever, that K'ang did suggest to THHK Batavia that It place an altar to
go
Confucius in its building. This is the only advice he is definitely
known to have offered
Perhaps K'ang Yu-wei's most lasting contribution to the nationalist
movement lay in the fact that he became in official Dutch eyes a
mysterious figure on the Southeast Asian scene. Much political mis-
chief was blamed on K'ang, who thus unwittingly led the Netherlands
authorities off the trail of the genuine nationalist leaders. He was
credited with organizing the 1902 boycott of a great Dutch firm by
Surabaya's Chinese merchants. The authorship of a widely circulated
1909 pamphlet telling the Chinese to reject Netherlands citizenship
was supposedly his. And K'ang was eventually thought by some Dutch
.
[170]
in
officials to be influential the secret societies. There appears to be
no basis in fact for fears. seems to little
than live politically the Southeast impotent. 84 the Asian Indies scene Chinese, late intellectually only re- from a
distance. stated in earlier chapter, the Soe Po Sia organiza-
tions established to serve Sun; a of teachers
his followers. Sun's support primarily from transient
or Singkeh groups, not from the settled overseas nationalists
der investigation here. Those Sun sought goals in China;
the Indies Chinese nationalists for security in
their local environment. Sun Yat-sen's direct contribution to the rise
of nationalism, a distinct from republicanism, small
indeed interested in the Putsch not in the slow construction
of a nationalist base. Sun not a with the pains-
taking of educational reform moral revival, the original
major objectives of the nationalist leadership in Netherlands
India mention of Sun in the archives of the
lonial in a from the Chinese minis-
ter at the stating that Sun's agents trying to bonds to
finance military adventures against the Theofficlal reaction
to that demonstrates the revolutionary leader little had never Sun in Indonesia, the time the
governor general ordered, among other things,
[Sun's] residence permit Batavia chapter of
hui established, but undercover attracted
public or police attention. following year Sun attempted to visit

I.. 11.

these Dutch K'ang have done
more among
mote and¹
Sun Yat-sen appeared on and
As an
were and number THHK
were was derived
newer un-
who followed
worked and advance
development was
. He was,
was man concerned
work and and
Chinese
.
The first Yat-sen Dutch co-
government appears 1906 warning
Hague were sell
Manchus.
warning how known was cit
Although been
Dutch was "towithdraw
."In 1 907 a T'ung-meng-
was Its work was and little
The
[171]
which went
the In he about characteristic Sun
called the Netherlands for consul be arranged general with the in Singapore governor general to request that
to the intrigues" but fearful of
incorporating his in a letter. permission to
enter the colony refused by the governor general,
not warnings against "agents of a friendly nation."
Sun never visited sometimes circulated that he did travel
there under his overthrow the overseas alias. of the Chinese, Dr. naturally but he to Sun's a symbolic prestige rather
than role in the nationalist Chinese asso-
ciations, including all Soe Po Sia, pictures of Sun in their
ing places; yet by reported that the public response to the
appeals of Sun's agents for funds indeed. To the Indies
Chinese, Sun a remote figure; he never offered
solutions to local problems. the
attempted to better than that. In these years Sun nearly a
either in exile or the periphery of not in a position
to extend the help and protection by the overseas Chinese.
Java; way it was.
on
an audience him. He wished
warn Dutchman against "Japanese was
warning The audience and
were Sun who could
accept Although
Java, reports
85
Japanese Takano Ch5ei.
The Manchus enhanced
among came fill
an active movement. Many
hung meet-
1914 it was
86
was meager
Yat-sen was always
them their own Even Manchu dynasty
do was I ways
on power. He was
demanded
Recapitulation
The was a The Chinese
officer institution casualty of nationalism.
officers lost their leadership position in a sense, they never
really held installed Officers as leaders had served of the not Chinese, interests. by decree of
the Netherlands authorities, not by the will of their
rise of nationalism leadership for both functional
because,
it. Dutch,
They were Chinese community
countrymen. The
demanded genuine
[172]
and were answer
symbolic purposes. Individual officers able to the
nationalist dated the call; but 1911 Revolution. the officer institution collapsed. ante-
local leaders into by
the nationalist are the keys to this study.
possible to see the origins, the sources of the goals of
the overseas Chinese These formed a elite, able
to use in this case a for Western, techniques. Sig-
nificantly this elite free of the taint caused the
nese officers to be discredited. local leaders tended to be
the products of experiences in education, formal or informal,
to be had considerable success in the
cial world of the Indies Chinese or not they were Peranakans,
they identified themselves with the Chinese Netherlands
India; as they prepared to in long-term
efforts to elevate their people. Education soon wisely recognized
as the chief for the attainment of theirobjective Because their
basic goal so broad, they simultaneously to support
direct a variety of politi-
cal shades. their final actions. objective, not narrow partisan loyalties, deter-
various emissaries from imperial visited the Indies
of course acting in the interests of the Peking government. Either
for frankly acknowledged financial reasons or of a for
China's in the world, they sought to tie the overseas people
to the Indies Chinese able exploit these
nastic efforts flag, by using ships as symbols, the emperor's largely of person, representatives, rewards,
Its decay
The who sparked and were pushed prominence
awakening Through them it
is power, and
movement. men new
modern, synonym
was Dutch which Chi-
The new
European
and men who achieved commer-
. Whether
community of
a consequence were engage
was
means.
was were able and
even number of nationalist associations of a
The
mined
The China who
were
because concern
prestige
homeland. The were to dy-
and Western inspiration, around which
[173]
nationalist mobilization could be carried forward. also not
without value that Peking's interest in the emigrants implied a
ise of protection against the the revolutionaries enlisted
greater support, especially Singkehs, and the imperial agents
lost their initial glamour, preoccupation with local problems cost the
Ch'ing dynasty most of in the archipelago.
Diplomatic consular representatives of acted in
the imperial emissaries; the difference lay in the dura-
tion of the action. desire for a share of the wealth of the overseas
Chinese for international prestige seems to stimulated the
Peking in efforts to this channel to reach
the emigrants. consul general at Batavia, of personal
limitations of the overseas with local
problems, no position of leadership. he arrived ten
years earlier, the reformers situation revolutionaries might played a far quite differently. less significant role
in the nationalist than the writer once supposed.
fucianist revival in Southeast Asia obviously to be credited in port
to the inspiration provided by in the nineties; but
must also be viewed he in as a reaction the area, to the appears to missionaries. little but In-
nocently activate rumors of plots for revolution.
Sun figured not at all in the early nationalist of
the Indies Chinese, his later contribution largely symbolic in
nature. Unlike the local leaders or, to a limited degree, the dynastic
officials. Sun could not give the overseas Chinese support in the
solution of their problems. In the years studied never in a
sition of immigrants productive leadership
It was
prom-
Dutch. As
among as
its backing
and China much
same way as
A
and have
government its work through
The because
and because Chinese concern
achieved Had
have developed
The and
awakening The Con-
is
K'ang Yu-wei it
work of Christian
When was K'ang have done
European Chinese
Yat-sen movement
and was
any
he was po-
power. The demanded and
,
[174]
seem have been
to for them. quick Sun to recognize rewarded that for a political his value outcast as a nationalist could
symbol; he not widely as a leader.
There was, then, quality held in by all those
filled leadership roles in the of the Indies Chinese. All
leaders, heads of the associations as well as certain
nastic officials, to for the of the entire
Chinese All nationalists.
do little was
was accepted
one common who
movement
pan-Chinese dy-
appeared work common good
community. were
Notes to Chapter 4
de Roo de Faille, Road te Batavio en het door
dit College Beheerde Fonds" (The Chinese Council at Batavia and the Funds
Administered by That Body), Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land-en Volkenkunde
van Nederlandsch-lndiS (Contributions on the Language, and
Ethnology of Netherlands India), Vol. 80, Martinus Nijhoff, the Hague,
924, pp Beteekenis 305-306; voorde Ontwikkeling van Zuid-Oost AziS, H. Sandick, buiten China,
landsch-lndi'^ (Chinese outside China, Their Significance the
ment of Southeast Especially Netherlands India), Beek's
Hofboekhandel, the Hague, 1909, pp. 144-145; Het
Regeeringsreglement van Nederlandsch-indi*^ (The Government Regulations
of Netherlands India), G. Kolff en 894, Vol 3, pp 79-80;
J.T.Moll, Nederlandsch-lndiS" (The Chinese Nether-
lands India), China Vol. 4, 7 (July 1929), p. 68.
2. Henri Borel, Nederlandsch-indi'g (The Chinese
Netherlands India), eener Regeling vanden Privaatrechteliiken Toestand der Chineezen Amsterdam, 1900, p. 39; W. C. Cordes,
In Nederlandsch-lndiS (Draft of a Revision of the Private Position of
the Chinese Netherlands India), VIsser en Batavia, 1914, p.
3. Borel, Chineezen Nederlandsch-lndr(5, op.clt., p. 35, and
"Het Chineesche Onderwljs IndlS" (Chinese Education Netherlands
India), (April 15, 1906), p. 948;
Batavia to DIr. Jus. February 23, 191 2; Off. Chin. Aff., Surabaya to Dir.
Jus., 22, 1912; "Chineesche Offlcleren" (Chinese Officers), IG,
Vol. 36 (1914), 1, pp. 885-886.
4. Borel, "Het Chineesche Onderwljs, loc cit., 948; "Chineesche
Officieren," IG, loc cit p 886; Borel, Nederlandsch-
  1. F. la "De Chineesche
  2. L. W. van Chineezen Hunne
    C. W. Margadant,
    L.J.Veen, J.
Geography,
Speclaal van Neder-
in Develop-
Asia, M. van der
Co., Batavia, 1..
"De Chineezen in in
, No.
De Chineezen in in
Ontwerp
Law
in Co., 11.
De In
In in
Wl, Vol.2, No. 51 Ad. Jap. Chin. Aff.
,
March
No.
". p.
..,. De Chineezen In
[175]
Nio Joe Hoa Hwe
jndiS, op.clt., p. 93; Lan, Riwajat 40 Taon darl Tiong
KoQn-Batav?a Batavia, 5. "Chineesche Officieren en Wijkmeesters" (Chinese Officers and Zone (History 1940, p. 138. of Forty Years of Batovla), Drukkerlj,
Chiefs), IG, Vol. 2, p. 1373; "Chineesche Officieren,"
IG, loc cit p 885; J de Chineesche and
Around the Chinese Quarter), Landsdrukkerij, Batavia, 1929, p. 49;
Tek Hoay, "Atsal Moehiahnja Timboel Pergerakan Tionghoa jang di
Indonesia" (The Origins of the Emergence of
in Indonesia), Moestika Romans June 1936, p. 249.
6. "Chineesche Officieren en Wijkmeesters," loc cit H. Fromberg,
Beweging en het Koloniaal Tijdschrift (The Chinese
ment and the Koloniaal Tijdschrift), Zuid-Hollandsche Handels-
drukkerij, the Hague, 1912, p. 12; Joe Lan, Riwajat, op. cit., p.
138; "Chineesche Officieren" (Chinese Officers), Courant (the
Hague), Vol. 7, 120 1, 1907); Boen Liang, met
(Scales with Vol (Septem-
ber 91 2) p 22; van Sandick, op cit pp 50, 459; H. Fromberg,
Beweging op Java (The Chinese Java), Uit-
geversmaatschappij Elsevier, Amsterdam, 1911, pp. 16, 35, 38; Loe Ping
Kian, "Enkeie Psychologische Beschouwingen over den Chineesche Student
Aanraking met het Westen" (A Psychological Considerations on the
Chinese Student Contact with the West), Vol 8, 2
tober 1930), p. 35; Tek op. cit., 1936, p. 912;
ibid ., 1936, p. 937; ibid ., 1937, 487.
7. "Chineesche Officieren," Courant cit A. G. de
Bruin, Chineezen ter Oostkust van Sumatra (The Chinese on the East
Coast of Sumatra), E.J. Brill, Leiden, 1918, pp. 111-112; Fromberg,
Chineesche Beweging en het Koloniaal Tijdschrift op.cTt., pp. 12-13.
8. "Een Boycot" (A Boycott), Bataviaasch Nieuwsblad
Vol. 20, 133 10, 1905); Tek Hoay, op. cit., June 1938,
p. 249; Henri Borel, "Dr. Lim Boen de Chineesche Beweging"
(Dr. Lim Boen on the Chinese DL, 55, 123
28, 1906); Joe Lan, Riwajat op. cit., p. 138.
9. Poster, 91 2, arch Parts Realm.
10. Asst Res., Batavia to Res Batavia, 7,
Res. Semarang to June 26,
12. Res Surabaya February 28, 1912.
13. Off. Chin. Aff., Surabaya to Dir. Jus., 22, 1912; Res., Su-
rabaya Jus., February February 23, 1912. 28, 91 2; Jap Chin Aff Batavia to Dir.
14. "Chineesche Officieren," IG, cit., p. 885; Maleische
Pers" (The Press), IG, Vol. 2, pp. 1267-1268;
Chin. Aff., Batavia to 3, 1915; van
van het Bestuur over het Batavia the Transfer of

G.G., November Memorie Overgave Gewest (Memorandum on

THHK-THHK
35(1913), No.
..,.. Moerman, In enOm Kamp (In
Kwee
Modern
the Modern Chinese Movement
,
..; P.
De Chineesche Move-
Boek-en
Nio
De Nieuwe
No. (May Ong "Meten
Twee Maten" Two Measures), China,. 11, No. 1
1, 1,...,. 1 P.
De Chineesche Movement on
in Few
in CHHTC,. No. (Oc-
Kwee Hoay, November
December "December p.
De Nieuwe, loc..;
De
De
,
Nieuwe New,
No. (May Kwee
Keng over
Keng Movement), Vol. No.
(May Nio,
March 1, 1 now in. Neth. Min. Ov.
.., March 1912.
1 1., G.G., 191 2.
., toG.G.,
March
toG.G., 1 Ad....,
1^. "De
Malay 37(1915), No. Ad.
,,
[176]
the Administration of the Batavia District), prepared by the Resident for his
successor, February 12, 1922, p. 8.
5. Res to January 907; Res. Semarang to
January 22, 1907; Off. Chin. Aff., Surabaya to DIr. Ed., Relig., Ind.,
February 16, 1907; Res., Surabaya to 20, 1909; Res., Jog-
jakarta to August 21, 1909. 27, 1909; Off. Chin. Aff., Surabaya to Dir. Jus.,
16. Off. Chin. Aff., Batavia to August 26, 191 0; Majoor,
Batavia to Asst. Res., Batavia, 28, 1911; ibid February 14,
1912; Asst. Res. for Police, Surabaya to Surabaya, June 19, 1911
17. de Bruin, op. cit., p. 109; Kapltein and Luitenant, Jogjakarta
to Asst. Res., 1914; Semarang to Asst. Res.,
Semarang, 30, 91 5; 5, 1914; Asst Res. Asst. Res., Semarang to Res., Semarang,
1915; Majoor, Batavia to Asst. Res., Batavia, January 21, 1916.
18. (The Chinese), Joe Lan, Riwajat, Vol. 54, op. cit., pp. 10, 143; 12, 1905).
19. Joe Lan, Riwajat, op. cit., 94, 129, 133, 143;
Rotterdamsche Courant 20. Chin. Aff., Batavia Off. Chin. Aff., January to Dir. Jus., 4, 908, to 29, 1912. For Aff.
21 Neth. Min. Col. to Neth. Min. For. Aff., 19, 1917.
22. Liem Thian Joe, Riwajat Semarang, (History of
rang, 1416-1931), Drukkerij Misset, printers. publishers,
Semarang, [1933?], pp. 182-183; P. H. Fromberg, Indo-Chineesche
Familie en de (The Indies Chinese Family and the Enactment of
Law), Drukkerij van Grdfe, Delft, [1916?] pp. 17-18.
23. G. Sumatra to February 27, 1909; Chin. Aff
Batavia to Dir. Jus., 16, 1910; Henri Borel, "Chineesche
eenigingen" (Chinese Associations), en Koloni'^n van der
Beek, the Hague), Vol. 12(1913), p. 27.
24. Asst. Res Buitenzorg to Res January 18, 1907; Res.,
Pekalongan to February 18, 1907; Asst. Res., Cheribon to Res.,
Cheribon, February 12, 1907; Res., Surakarta to 18,
1908; Asst. Res., Padang to February 16, 1909; ibid.,
February 26, 1909; to February 27, 1909; ibid.,
13, 1909; Res., Batavia to 23, 1908; Res., Sura-
baya to 1908; Asst. Batavia to Res., Batavia,
April 22, 1909; Res Surakarta to April 29, 1909; Jap. Chin.
Aff., Batavia to June 6, 1909.
25. Hoay, op. cit., August 1937, p. 316.
26. to Neth. Col., 29, 1908; Tek Hoay,
op. cit., August 1937, p. 316; "Een ten Gunste van Chineezen"
Woi^d Favor of the Chinese), IG, Vol. 26 (1904), 1, p. 908; L.
Tiemersma, Roeping Tegenover het Huidige Streven der

1., Madiun G.G., 1 0,1, G.G.
G.G., March
G.G.,
F.,
W.Cst. G.G., Off.. December Ver-
G.G.,
G.G., November
G.Sumatra W.Cst.,
G. Sumatra W. Cst. G.G.,
G.G., December 28, Res.,
G.G.,
G.G. Min. November Kwee

October
Gen. Sec.,
November.,
Res.,.
Mataram, November Majoor,
November to
December 1., Temanggung Res.,Kedu, December 23,
Nio "De Chineezen"
DL, No.T87lAugust
Nio pp.Nieuwe
,1 1 now inarch. Neth. Min..
Semarang G.G., November 25, 1912; Ad. Jap.
October
. October
1416-1931 Sema-
Ho Kim Yoe,
De
Wetgeving
Moederland (M.
.,., Batavia,
March G.G., November
., G.G., Ad.
Kwee Tek
Woord
("A in No.
"Onze Chineezen
.,
[177]
in Nederlandsch-lndiS tot Herstel van het Confucianlsme" (Our Call to
the Present Efforts of the Chinese Netherlands India to Restore
Confucianism), Overzicht van de Elfde Zending-Conferentie, te
Buitenzorg en te van 22 tot 30 Augustus 1903 (Survey of the Elev-
enth Mission Conference, Held at Buitenzorg and at from the 22nd
through the 30th of August 1903), Albrecht en Batavia, 1903, pp.
141, 144; Asst. Res., Batavia to Res. Batavia, 1912.
27. Joe Lan, Riwajat, op. cit., pp. 5, 6, 16; Tek
op.cit., 1936, p. 872; 1936, pp. 937-939.
28. "Een ten Gunste van Chineezen," oc c
29. Joe Lan, Riwajat, op.cit., pp. 83, 95, 143; Majoor, Bata-
via to Asst Res., Batavia, 191 Phoa Hek, President,
Batavia February 24, 1912; Asst. Res., Batavia to Res.,
Batavia, 7, 1912; Hoay, op. cit., August 1937, p. 316.
30. Lan, Riwajat, op. cit., pp. 5-6, 13, 16, 32, 41-42, 80-
82, 87-88, 96, 98, 124, 127, 153; Tek Hoay, op.
1936, p. 872; ibid ., August 1937, p. 316; Baba, "Een Chineesche Inspec-
teur voor Onderwijs" (April 27, 1906), (A Chinese p. 6. Inspector of Education), 3,
31. to Neth. Min. Col 29, 1908; Tiemersma,
Roeping," crt.; Tek o£. 1936, p. 872;
ibid., 1936, pp. 911-912; ibid., August 1937, pp. 316-317;
Lie Hok, Hikajat Khonghoetjoe (The Story of Confucius), Kolff en
Batavia, 1897; Lan, Riwajat, op.cit., pp. 5-6,
19, 28-29, 62, 81, 113, 124-125, 1^3^
32. tawi (Regulationsof the Association Hoa SiongTjong Hwe-Batawi in Batavia), Peratoeran dari Ba-
Siong Kiok, Batavia, 1908, p. 11; Lan, Riwajat, op.cit.,
pp. 5-6, 9, 13, 41-42, Hoay, op. 64, 80, cit., 93, 101, 1936, 108, 123, p. 872; 126, 130, ibid., February 133, T43; 1937,
p. 58; ibid ., August 1937, p. 316; Lan, Eigen Onderwijsvoor-
zieningder Chineezen" (The Private Provision of Education by the Chinese),
KS, January 28, 1911 1939, p. 82; Majoor, Batavia to Asst. Res Batavia,
33. Hoay, op. cit., 1936, p. 872; ibid., August
1937, p. 316; Res., Batavia to"G.G., 31 1908; AsltT Res., Ba-
tavia to Res., Batavia, 7, 1912; Joe Lan, Riwajat, op. cit.
pp. 8, 13, 16, 25, 40, 43, 46, 65, 80, 92, 127; Batavlalo Asst.
Res., Batavia, February 14, 1912; Asst. Res., Batavia to Res., Batavia,
February 26, 1912; Res., Batavia to February 27, 1912.
34. to Neth. Col., 29, 1908; Jap. Chin.
Aff., Batavia to Dir. Jus., 29, 1912; Joe Lan, Riwajat op.
cit., pp. 13, 16-19, 28, 62, 125; op. crt.. 1937,
p. 192; ibid., August 1937, p. 316; Joe Lan, "Chineesche
eenigingen in Nederlandsch-lndi"^" (Chinese Trade Unions in Netherlands

G.G.., November "Onze [oc^. Kwee Hoay, ci_t., October
G.G.,
G.G. Min. November Ad.

Oppose In
Gehouden
Depok,
Depok,
Co.,
, March 7,
Nio Kwee Hoay,
October TbidTTDecember
Woord I. i t
Nio
. November 28,1; Keng
THHK toG.G.,
March Kwee Tek
Nio Joe
Kwee cit^., October
Wl, Vol. No.
1
November
Kim G.
Co., Nio Joe 9, 13,18-
Pakoempoelan Hoa SiongTjong Hwe-Batawi di
Hoa In Nio Joe
Kwee Tek October
Nio Joe "De
Vol.23,.,
November.
Kwee Tek October
October,
March Nio
Majoor,
October Nio,
Kwee Tek Hoay, May
Nio Vakver-
,
[178]
India), KS, Vol. 24, January 1940, p. 78; Res., Batavia to Feb-
ruary 27, 1912.
35. Peratoerandarl Pakoempoelan Hoa SiongTjong Hwe-Batawi, p. 11;
Off. Chin. Aff., Batavia rabaya to Atty. to Dir.Jus., 191 5, 91 0; Jus. Su-
pp. 90, 141 Majoor, Batavia to Asst. Res. Batavia, 28, 1911;
Res., Batavia to February 27, 1912; Asst. Res., Batavia to Res.,
Batavia, 7, 1912.
36. Lan, Riwajat, op. cit., p. 174; Liem Thian Joe, Riv^ajat
Semarang, op. cit., pp 74, 196, 199; Chin. Aff Semarang to Dir.
Ed., Relig.TlndT, 31, 1906; ibid., January 26, 1907; Ibid .,
January 27, 1907; ibid., February 6, 1907; Off. Chin. Aff., Semarang to
Dir. Jus., ibid., April 5, 28, 1909. 1911; April 21, 1909; ibid., April 23, 1909;
37. Off. Jus Surabaya to Atty. 91 Res., Su-
rabaya to 20, 909; Asst Res Surabaya to Res Surabaya
24, 1916; Chin. Aff Surabaya to Dir. Civ. Serv. 25,
1916; Lie Siong Hwie, President, Slang to Res., Surabaya,
September 22, 191 Off Chin. Aff Surabaya to Dir Jus.
1910; ibid., Surabaya January to Res., Surabaya, 21, 1911; ibid., 9, 1916. 22, 1911; Off. Chin. Aff.,
38. to Neth. Col., 29, 1908.
39. Sir Staunton, To Tsing Leu Lee, Cadell and
Davies, London, 1810, section pp. 543-544.
40. Godfrey Hertslet, Hertslet's China Treaties Vol. 1,
Stationery 41 42. Office, Ibid., p. Ibid., p. London, 1908, 290. 556. p. 50.
43. 30, 1906. Neth. Charge, Peking to Neth. April
44. [Chinese language trainee?] to Pe-
king, August 1896; H.J.Bool, Chineesche Immigratie naar Deli (Chi-
nese immigration to Deli), Landsdrukkerij, Kwestie (The Chinese Question) Batavia, Drukkerij p. 13; [H. Papy-
rus, Batavia, 1913, pp. 36-37; H. van der Valk, "Indonesia en China"
(Indonesia and China), Schakels, 60, 1, 1952, p. H.J.
Bool, de Residentie Oostkust van Sumatra (Labor
Legislation the East Coast of Sumatra Residency), L.E.Bosch en
Utrecht, 1904, p "Een Chineesch Rapport over de Behandeling, weike
de op Java, Australia en Elders (A Chinese
Report on the Treatment Found by the Chinese on Java, Australia, and
Elsev/here), IG, Vol. 10 (1888), 1, pp. 766-770; de
Koelie's Deli Behandeld?" the Coolies Deli Treated?), IG,
Vol. 9 (1887), 1, pp. 595-597; "Chineesche Consuls" (Chinese
suls), Deli Courant, Vol. 3, 96 (November 30, 1887).

G.G.,
G.G.,
. 1 Off..,
G.G., March 1..,.,
G.G. Min. November George Thomas T. W.
E. P., H.M.
W. J. Oudendijk Neth. Min.,
M. No. November 9;
. 1 2;

November 1 Off.,
Gen., November 30,1; Nio Joe Lan, Riwajat, op. cit.,
;, November
March
Nio Joe
December
May 1^.,
.
, Gen., November 30, 1 1;
March Off..,, March
Hwee, Surabaya
1
;..,., December 1,
March
March
CCXXV,
.
Con. Gen., Hong Kong,
De
[ 1903?],
Mouw?], De Chineesche,
De Arbeidswetgeving in
in Zoon,
Chineezen in Ondervinden"
in
No. "Hoe Worden
in (How Are in
No. Con-
No.
45 Peking to Planters Committee Planters-Comite
dan, April 25, 1891; Neth. For. Aff.to Neth. Col., 15,
1896; to Palace, July 6, 1896;
Neth. Con. Gen., van Sandick, op.cit., p. 20. to Neth. Min. For. Aff February 27, 1900;
46. Col., September 12, 1901
47. Neth. Peking to 14, 1907; op.
cit., p. 37; Hoay, op. cit., 1936, p. 938; Joe
Lan, Riwajat, op cit pp 80-81 Baba, loc cit p 6; Chin Aff.
Batavia to Dir. Jus., 16, 1910; Borel, "Dr. Lim Boen over
de Chineesche Beweging, loc cit.
48. Res., Surabaya to January 1907; Asst. Res., Billiton to
January 15, 1907; Off. Chin. Aff., Semarang to Res., Semarang,
January 18, 1907; ibid January 21, 1907; Off. Chin. Aff., Semarang to
Dir. Ed., Relig., Ind., January 26, 1907.
49. Asst. Res. for Police, Surabaya to Res., Surabaya, January 20,
1907; Off. Chin. Aff., Semarang to Dir. Ed., Relig., Ind., February 6,
1907; Asst. Res., Cheribon to Res., Cheribon, February 12, 1907; Res.,
Pekalongan to February 14, 1907; Res., Surakarta to
9, 1907; Lan, Riwajat, op. cit., p. 95; Off. Chin. Aff.,
rang to Dir. Ed., Relig., Ind,, January 1907; Lie Siong Hwie, Presi-
dent, Siang to Res., Surabaya, September 22, 1911; Off.
Chin. Aff., Semarang to Res., Semarang, January 18, 1907; Tek
Hoay, op. cit., January 1938, p. 33; Ch'ing-chi wai-chiao shih-liao ly^
Jil^X. "F^ (Historical Materials on Foreign Relations the Lat-
ter Part of pp. 19-24b. the Ch'ing Dynasty), Hsi-yin, Peiping, 1932, Vol. 204,
50. Chin Aff Semarang to Res Semarang, January 18, 1907;
Off. Chin. Aff Semarang to Dir. Ed., Relig., Ind., January 26, 1907;
Joe Lan, Riwajat, op. cit., pp. 88, 100, 102; Asst. Res. for Po-
lice, Surabaya to Res., Surabaya, January 20, 1907; Neth. Pe-
king February 11, 1907; Tokyo to
ber 25, 24, 1907. 1907; Sec. to Dir. Fin. and Res., Batavia,
51. Chin. the to Neth. For. Aff., January 22,
907; Arthur ed Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period,
Printing Office, Washington, 1943, Vol. 1, p. 305;
Chin Aff Semarang to Dir. to Ed Relig., Dir Ed Relig. Ind January Ind 3, 1907; Acting 1906; Dir. Ed
Relig Ind to January 6, 907; Chin. Aff Semarang to Dir.
Ed., Relig., Ind., January 27, 907; Asst Res Buitenzorg to Res., Ba-
tavia, February 26, 907; Chin Aff Semarang to Dir. Ed., Relig.,
Ind., February 26, 1907; Off. Chin. Aff Surabaya to Dir. Ed., Relig.,
Ind., 8, 1907; Res. Pekalongan February 8, 1907;
Chin. Aff., Semarang to Dir. Ed Relig., Ind., April 1907.

G.G.To"Neth. Min. Min., G.G., January Kwee Tek December ..,.;..,
G.G., 7,
G.G.,
G.G., March
G.G.,
1..,
G.G., Septem-October
U.S.

. Neth. Min., (
Min.
Li Hung-chang Queen Emma, Soestidijk
Hong Kong
December
".
,
.
Nio Joe
Sema-
26,
Hwee, Surabaya
Kwee
^ijs-
Wang
Off...,.,
.,
Nio
toG.G., Neth. Min.,
1st Gov.
Min., Hague Min.
1 W. Hummel,.,
Government D.C.,
Off...,..,,.,
1st Gov. Sec..,.,
.,. G.G., 1 Off.
1 Off...,
.,
March, toG.G.,
.
,
,,.
1179]
)
, Me-
Min. May
.,
.
[Mouw?],
Nio
. Off..
Keng
in
Min.,
December 31,
.
.,
1 Off
1 1,
  1. Ibid., April 9, 1907; ibid., April 11, 1907; Off. Chin. Aff., Su-
,
[180]
rabaya to Dir. Ed., Relig., Ind., May 16, 1907; Off. Chin. Aff., Sema-
rabaya to Dir. Ed., Relig., Ind., 16, 1907; Off. Chin. Aff.,
rang to Dir. 17, 1907. Ed., Relig., Ind., 14, 1907; Res., Surakarta to
53. Liem Thian Joe, Riwajat Semarang, op. cit., p. 191; Ch'ing-chi
wai-chiao shih-liao Vol .210, p 10; Chin For. Aff. to
Peking, August 29, 1907; Neth. Peking to Neth. For. Aff.,
10, 1907; Off. Chin. Aff., Semarang to Dir. Ed., Relig., Ind.,
April 23, 1909; Off. Chin. Aff., Surabaya to Dir. Ed., Relig., Ind.,
24, 1909; Off. Jus. Surabaya to Atty 1912;
"Chineesch Vol. 30 (1908), Bezoek aan IndiS" 1, p. 384. Visit to Netherlands India), IG,
54. Chin. For. Aff. to Neth. Peking, August 29, 1907.
55. Courant (For January 14, the Chinese 1908; School Youth), Chin Aff Sura-
baya to Dir. Ed Relig. Ind June 1908; Off. Chin. Aff. Semarang
to Dir. Ed., Relig., Ind., 1908.
56. Off. Chin. Aff., Batavia to Dir. Jus., June 8, 1910; Neth. Min.,
Peking to Neth. For. Aff., 4, 1913; Neth. Peking
to pp. 10-14. February 4, 1916; Ch'ing- wai-chiao shih-liao. Vol. 210,
57. Chin. the to Siang Sukabumi, June 9, 1909
(letter apparently intercepted and translated by the N.I. authorities,
in arch. Neth. Min. For. Aff Res., Batavia to 1908;
Res., Surakarta to 28, 908; Chin Aff 18, 1908; Semarang Res., to Res Surabaya Semarang, to Janu-
ary 27, 909; Asst Res Padang G. Sumatra W. Cst February 6, 909;
Res., Batavia to 28, 1908; Res., Surabaya to
20, 1909.
58. Ibid., 28, 1908; Asst. Res., Padang to G. Sumatra
Cst., February 16, 1909; Res., Batavia to cir-
cular [late Neth. 1908?] supposedly For. Aff. drafted by Ky, arch.
59. Res., Surabaya to 20, 1909.
60. Aff., Batavia to Dir. Jus., April 22, 1909; Neth. Charge,
Peking to 13, 1909; Chin. Aff Pontianak to Dir. Jus.,
18, 1909; op. cit., p. 42; Off. Chin. Aff., Batavia to
Asst. Res., Batavia, April 21, 1909; Asst. Res., Batavia to Res Batavia,
April 22, 1909; Res., 1909; Surakarta Off. Chin. April Aff., Semarang 29, 1909; to Res.,Kediri Dir, Jus., to April
1909; ibid., April 23, 1909; Off. Chin. Aff., Pontianak to Dir. Jus.,
18, 1909; Off. Chin. Aff., Surabaya to Dir. Jus., 24, 1909.
61 Chin. Singapore For. Aff. to to 1909; Res., Batavia Neth. Peking, to January 909; 3, 1910; to 24, 1909.

G.G.,
G.G., November G.G.,
1.., to., 1 1
G.G., November G.G.,
G.G., November 23, 1908;
G.G., March
G.G., March Off..,
G.G., May 11,21,

May G.G.,
May
... Min. Neth. Min.
Min., Min.
October
May,. Gen., November 30,
(Chinese
No.
Min. Min.,
"Voorde Chineesche School jeugd"
Nieuwe Rotterdamsche, Off...,
.
,,., 1,,
May 26,
Min. March Min.,
Min., Hague Hwee,
now
.); G.G., October 31,
December 1 Off...,.,
March
December W.
, Wang Kang now in
Min.
Ad. Jap.
May [Mouw?],
.,
toG.G.,
May
May
. Min. Min.,
Neth. Con. Gen., G.G., November 29, 1 G.G. Neth.
Min. Col., December 6, G.G., December
,
[181]
Min. Neth Min.,
62. Chin. For. Aff. fo Peking, 30, 1911;
Asst. Res. for Police, Surabaya to Res., Surabaya, June 19, 1911; Off.
Chin. Aff., Surabaya to Dir. Jus., April 27, 1911; July 14, 1911;
"Een Chineesch Regeeringscommissaris" (A Chinese
sioner), IG, Vol. 33 (1911), 1, p. 89; Off. Chin. Aff., Batavia to
Dir. Jus., 11, 1911
63. Off. Chin. Aff., Surabaya to Dir. Jus., April 27, 91
64. Neth. Min., Peking to 19, 1903; to Neth.
Col., 29, 1908; Off. Chin. Aff., Semarang to Dir. Ed.,
Relig., Ind., April 1907; Off. Chin. Aff., Batavia to Asst. Res., Ba-
tovia, April 21, 1909.
65. Chin. For. Aff. to Neth. Peking, August 29, 1907;
Off. Chin .Aff. Batavia to Dir Jus. 16, 91 0;
Riwajat Semarang og.cit., pp. 192-194.
66. Off. Chin. AffT, Surabaya to Dir. Jus., 24, 1909;
Lon, Riwajat, op.cit., p. 144.
67. Off. Chin. Aff., Batavia to Dir. Ed., Relig., Ind., January
1907; Off. Chin. Aff., Semarang to Res., Semarang, January 18, 1907;
Asst. Res. for Police, Surabaya to Res., Surabaya, January 20, 1907; Liem
Thian Joe, Riwajat Semarang op cit p 92; Chin the to
Siang Sukabumi, July 6, 1909 (letter apparently intercepted and
translated by the N.I. authorities, in arch. Neth. For. Aff.);
Chin. For. Aff. to Neth. Peking, 20, 1910; Res.,
Semarang to July 4, 1910; Fromberg, Chineesche Beweging op
Java, op.cit., p. 32; Off. Chin. Aff., Batavia to Dir. Jus., 11,
1911; Aff., Surabaya to Dir. Jus., February 19, 1912; Asst.
Res. Batavia to Res. Batavia, February 26, 191 2; Res. Batavia to
February 27, 1912; Chin. Aff te Batavia" (The Chinese Surabaya to Dir. Jus. Disturbances at Batavia),
Vol. 8, 46 (March 3, 1912), pp. 1084-1085; "Officieel Relaas^
van de Chineesche Opstootjes te Batavia en Soerabaja" (Official
of the Chinese Disturbances at Batavia and Surabaya), Koloniaal Tijdschrift,
Vol. (1912), p. 601; "Beroering onder de Nederlandsch-
IndiS" the Chinese Netherlands India), IG, Vol 34
nese Disturbances at Surabaya), ibid., p. 658; Res., Semarang to
June 26, 1912; Fromberg, Chineesche B eweging en het Koloniaal Tijd -
schrift, op.cit., p. 14.
68. "NetFT. to to Dir. Neth. Min. For. Aff Jus., April 22, 1909; Chin 0, 1907; Aff Se-
marang to Dir. Jus., April 23, 1909.
69. Liem Thian Joe, Riwajat Semarang, op.cit., p. 192.
70. Lan, Riwajat, op.cit., p. 127.
71 Chin. the to Neth. For. Aff., January 22,
1907; ibid., February 10, 1907; ibid., 4, 1907; Off. Chin. Aff.,

(1912), p. 523; te Soerabaja" (The Chi-

G.G., December G.G.
G.G., De
G.G.,

. March
[bid.,
Government Commis-
No.
May.
1 1.
Min. November
'
1 1,
Min. Min.,
,., December 1 Li em Thian Joe,
,
May Nio Joe
1,
,..,. 1. Min., Hague
Hwee,
now Min.
Min. Min., December
May
Off ."Chin.
,,, G.G.
Off..,, March 22, 1912;
"De Chineezen-Relletjes
Wl, No.
Account
1 Chineezen in
(Commotion among in.
No.l, "DeChineezen-Opstootjes
De
Min., Peking., October 1
Ad. Jap. Aff., Batavia Off...,
Nio Joe
. Min., Hague Min.
March

1., Hague Neth

,,,.
[182]
Batavia to Dir.Jus., September 9, 909; Chin. Min the to
8, 1910; the to For.
Aff., 4, 91 2; Chin the to Aff
January 28, 1913; Chin. Charge to Neth. For. Aff., February 28,
1913; Chin. Min., the Hague to For Aff September 19, 1913.
72. Chin. Aff Semarang to Dir Ed Relig Ind February 6,
1907; G. Sumatra to 3, 1909; Chin. Min the
to Siang June 9, 1909 (letter apparently intercepted and
translated by N.I. authorities, arch For Aff.); ibid
July 6, 1909; Asst Res., Buitenzorg to Res., Batavia, August 20, 1909;
Res., Jogjakarta to August 27, 1909; Chin. the to
Slang Sukabumi, 9, 1909 (letter apparently intercepted
and translated by N.I. authorities, arch. Neth. For. Aff.);
Off. Chin. Aff. Surabaya to Dir. Jus. 910;
Peking to For Aff February 28, 91 7; Chin Aff Su-
rabaya to Dir Jus 22, 91 2; Ch'i ng Hsuan-t'ung ch'ao wai-chiao
shih-liao :-f-yl -I? ^i^ (Historical Materials on
Foreign Relations the Hsuan-t'ung Reign of the Ch'ing Dynasty),
Hsi-yin, Peiping, 1933, Vol. 5, Boen Sin Po (Surabaya),
January 19, 1911, arch. Neth. For. Aff.; Lie Siong Hwie,
President, Borel, "Chineesche Vereenigingen, Siang to Res., loc. Surabaya, p. 23. September 22, 1911;
73. Joe Lan, Riwajat, op.-cit p. 143;
Hui, Herdenking van de Verjaardag" (Chung Hui,
ration of the 7th Anniversary), Vol. 2, Nos. 1-2 (October 1918),
p. 56; to Neth. For. Aff., April 16, 1909; Chin. the
to For Aff. 1906; Chin Charge, the
to Neth. Neth. For. For. Aff., Aff., January 20, 1914; 5, 1917. Chin. the to
74. [Chinese language trainee?] to Neth Pe-
king, August 1896; Sung, "A Brief Historical Sketch of the Chinese
Consulate General at Batavia, Java,"
75. Acting Netherlands Consul, to Neth. Peking, Janu-
ary 18, 1894.
76. Ch'ing-chI wai-chiao shih-liao, Vol 53, pp 26-27; ibid Vol
166, pp. l-9b; Asst. Res., Billiton to 15, 1907; Off. Chin.
Aff., Semarang to Res., Semarang, January 18, 1907; Fromberg, Chi-
neesche Beweging op Java, op.cit., p. 43.
77. Valk, 78 Ibid., pp. cTt., p. Consular convention between the Netherlands and China concerning 40-60; van 14. Sandick, op. cit., 235-238; van der
the Netherlands possessions and colonies, signed at Peking, 8,
articles pp. 9b-io. 2 and Ch'ing Hsuan-t'ung ch'ao wai-chiao shih-liao, Vol 10,
79. Sung Fa-hsiang tsung-ling-shih-

W. Cst. G.G., March 1., Hague
G.G., Min., Hague
G.G. Min. Min.,
W. J. Oudendijk. Min.,
F. T.
. 1..,.
G.G., January

Min. For. Aff., July Chin. Charge, Hague Neth.Min.
November 1. Min., Hague Neth. Min. For..
Min.
Neth. Min...,
Off..,..,.,.,
Hwee, Sukabumi,
now in. Neth. Min...
.
Hwee, December
now in Min.
,, December 1, 1 Neth. Min.
Neth. Min..., 1 Off...,
.., March 1
X ^ ^ ^^
in Wang
pp.30b-31; Han
now in Min.
Hwee, Surabaya
" cjt^.,
Nio.,HanTiauwTjong, "Chung
Hwa 7e Hwa Commemo-
CHHTC,
Hague Neth. Min.., October 5,. Hague
Min. Min., Hague
Min. November
SPJN.
Amoy Min.,
De
pp.
[oc^.
.
May 1 1,
6;.
7~~
;^
^-^'^-P-^ i"Chu Pa-ta-wei-ya
,,
(183)
'^ M ^ ^i fl -
kuon chlh yen-ko'' ^^1 >t"
(History of the Consulate General at Batavia), Sung, loc.clt.;
Joe Lan, Riwajat, op.clt., p. 129.
80. Chin. Charge, the to For. Aff., 13,
1913; Neth. Peking to Neth. For. Aff., 19, 1912;
ibid ., February 28, 191 7; Jap. Chin Aff. Batavia to Dir Civ Serv.
February 4, 1914; to Neth. For. Aff., April 8,
1915; ibid 10, 1916; "Chineezen en Jappeners te Semorang"
(Chinese and Japanese at Semarang), IG, Vol 37 5), 2, p 68
81 Jap Chin Aff Batavia to Dir Civ Serv July 3,
Chin. Batavia to February 4, 1916; Sec., ibid February 16, 23, 1914; Neth. 1916.
82. "Onderwijs Tionghoa Indonesia" (Chinese Education in Indo-
nesia), Joe Lan, Riwajat op.cit., pp. 5, 64-65.
83. Liem Thian Joe, Riwajat Semarang, op. cit., p. 174;
Lan, Riv^ajat, op.cit., pp. 25-26, 65,135; Tjlong, iauv^
Perkoempoelan-perkoempoelannja" (Overseas Chinese and Their Associa-
tions), Kv\/ee Tek op.cit., February 1937, p. 58.
84. Off. Jap. Aff., Batavia" t Jus., 1909; Off. Chin.
Aff Semarang to Dir Jus. 6, 909; Chin Aff Semarang
to Res., Semarang, January 27, 1909.
85 Chin the to For Aff 5, 906;
Col^. to Neth. For. Aff., October 11, 1^06; Fu-
luan ^"^-^^ Hua-ch'iao yu
1^-$ '^^ {The Overseas Chinese and the Chinese Revolution), The Asia
Press, 1954, p. 72; Neth. Singapore to
21, 1908; Sec. to Neth. Singapore, April 4,
1908; Off. Chin. Aff., Semarang to Dir. Jus., 1910; Marius
Jansen, bridge, The Japanese and 1954, p. 19. Sun Yat-sen, Harvard University Press,
86. Off. Chin. Aff., Surabaya to Dir. Jus.,
Aff., Batavia to Dir. Civ. Serv., January 3, 1916; Kapitein and Luitenant
Jogjakarta to Asst. Res. 1914.

. (1 91 No.. 1 1.
B. Cam-

.t-t Hf
SPJN; F. T.
Nio
Hague Neth. Min. March
Min., Min. December
Ad..,..
Neth. Min., Peking Min.
., November
. Ad....,..., 1 91 4;
Con. Gen., 1st Gov. December
Min., Peking toG.G.,.,
di
SPJN; Nio,
Nio Joe
Hoay " Hook dan
SPJN; Hoay,
March
.,., March 1 1 Off...,
.. Min., Hague Neth. Min..., October 1
Neth. Min. Min. Huang
"W, Chung-kuo ko-ming^ \\af-^ V
Hong Kong, Con. Gen., G.G.
March 1st Gov. Con. Gen.,
November 11,
March 22, 1912; Ad. Chin.
,
, Matorcm, November
AN EVALUATION
how good and how pleasant \f is
Behold for brethren to dwell
together Psalms,
in unity.
CXXXIII, 1
The Accomplishments of Indies Chinese
Nationalism
After this prolonged discussion of the nationalist
Indies Chinese, appropriate to consider of the
of the to certain general conclusions from the
terial presented. record reveals that the nationalist
by large a success. prime goals of the early nationalists
realized: pride born of instilled in the
people; a of unity to bind the together; a
universal for the welfare of the entire generated a
spirit of the of other peoples These
attainments through carefully efforts in
education from the organization of associations.
the narrative sections of this the broad outline of this victory has
already presented. Before to a inter-
pretation of the studied, advisable to look briefly at
a later or, in a sense, peripheral of the nationalist
awakening of the
it is some achievements
movement and draw ma-
The movement
was and The
were national consciousness was
new degree came Chinese
concern community
democracy; and respect was won.
came planned and executed
and pan-Chinese In
book
been moving on summation and
developments it is
few consequences
awakening.
desire to provide their people with the facilities for practical
had guided the planning of the nationalist leaders from
[1841
A
education an
[185]
early time, and in the field of education that the Chinese gained
of their greatest triumphs. by the Chinese themselves; the authorities
obliged to schools children. the
lands authorities this direction In part
by philanthropy, they definitely pushed into taking relatively
speedy action by the that the independent schools of the
Chinese, outside of close scrutiny, producing a
eration of nationalists potentially hostile to rule. This threat
to interests soon apparent to the Indies colonial
istration. 1908, a bare seven years after the establishment of the
pioneer school, the correctly schools for Chinese this official
cession as a conquest gained by their nationalism.
In the colonial regime had solicited the opinion of Batavla's
on the matter of education for Chinese children.
Three plans to be considered: existing schools
their doors to Chinese on a basis of equality with
official subsidies be granted private schools to enable
to offer Instruction in the certain other sub-
jects; or the establish, exclusively for the Chinese,
schools equal to those for Europeans. After lengthy debate, the
bers of Batavia sister associations informed the
that the to be the plan, free most satisfactory; entry of official to subsidization of schools, private
schools, though not preferred, also be acceptable.
Netherlands authorities discarded this opinion put the third plan
into effect; separate schools of the quality as those
it was
one Not only was a school system established
which was operated Dutch
were open for Chinese While Nether-
may well have been prompted in
were
knowledge
government were gen-
Dutch
European was admin-
In
THHK first government were
opened. The Chinese community viewed con-
new
1906
THHK government
were European would
open Dutch children;
would Chinese
them Dutch language and
government would
mem-
THHK and its govern-
ment first Chinese European
appeared
Chinese would The
and
government same
[186]
were were
of the Europeans established for Chinese. These the so-
called scholen), which
taught Chinese pupils in the language; they not, as the
suggests, schools Indies for both must be given Chinese credit children. for having 2 provided the
pupils of schools, which the offered seven schools years of elementary training, with excellent educations. These
by Europeans fully as as the primary schools for
children. By there schools in the colony;
their 165 girls. 3 teachers serving Chinese pupils, 1,318 of
Batcvla's of had perhaps the plan initially for the establishment motivated of to withhold
schools by the that schools suffer from
petition schools, true children that, after the from the of the institutions.
threat to Chinese nationalist indoctrination seen by at least
imperial emissary visited the schools.
order that they might both eat their cake, Chinese
perennially in both "unthinkable" suggested by that the the Batavia This schools offer regularly instruction as
addition to up to Chinese the children in 1908, schools, other facilities the ordered
that Chinese be to European schools on the basis as
natives, a of being the chief requirement. Further-
more, any Chinese parents after 1908, to send their chil-
dren to the schools for natives free
Dutch-Chinese schools (Hollandsch-Chineesche
Dutch were
name Dutch and
The government
Dutch-Chinese
were staffed
and were good Dutch
1915 were 27 Dutch-Chinese
were 4,096 them
.,
THHK been
its endorsement Dutch-Chinese
knowledge its own would com-
. It is opening new government
some were withdrawn THHK A
was one
who some of Dutch-Chinese In
have and some
Dutch-Chinese
Dutch and Kuo-yu. scheme was condemned
4
government.
In Dutch-Chinese were
opened when government
admitted same
knowledge Dutch
who wished,
government Malay-language were
.
[187]
5
to do so. Wifhin seven years of the start of the campaign to educate
their children, the Chinese had achieved tremendous success. A pri-
vate schools/stem was in operation to provide Chinese language train-
ing; new government schools were being established to meet the needs
of the Chinese for European education; and the discriminatory restric-
tions on the admission of Chinese to the older governmant Dutch- and
Malay-language schools were removed.
The other demands of the Chinese were met more slowly by the
government. But the pass and zoning systems, trials before the courts
for natives, and unfair taxation were all abolished in the years fol low-
ing the period studied. When the Netherlands Indian government later
convened its popular assembly (Volksraad), the Chinese were given
representation. The Chinese did not achieve full social and political
equality with the Dutch, which would have been more than a little re-
markable In a colonial environment; but they came to enjoy far greater
security and consideration than any 1900 observer would have thought
possible
The victories of Indonesian nationalism in the past few years make
it appropriate to add here, as something of an historical footnote, that
the Chinese example contributed to the national awakening of the in-
digenous peoples of the Indies. Every writer on modern Indonesia at-
tributes the 1912 establishment of the first powerful native nationalist
organization, Serikat Islam ^ in part to the competitive pressure of the
Chinese on certain Javanese entrepreneurs. There were. In addition
to this familiar negative role of the Chinese in the Indonesian na-
tionalist effort, several positive Chinese contributions to the move-
ment. As early as 1904 an Indonesian noble, Roden Moehamad Oemar,
who was "a member of the Religious Council in Kendal," wrote THHK
[188]
its In 1910 another mem-
Batavia to ask for information on activities.
ber of the local nobility, Radja Sabaroedin, at the time president of
the protonationalist Boedi a of the native official-
asked to be to attend a meeting of the Batavia in
order to observe the organizational techniques of the Chinese
1911 Revolution in interpreted to the Indonesians by the
nese in their midst, reported to stimulated great interest in
native nationalist circles. Finally, a part of the financing of the
Indonesian nationalist press in the early years the Chinese
capitalists 7
Oetomo and member
dom, allowed THHK
. The
China, Chi-
is have
good
was work of
...
.
the
The Weapons of Chinese
Nationalism all too often gives rise to violence; thiswas ordinarily
not the case In the overseas Chinese under Investigation.
chief of the Indies Chinese in their struggle for social
political elevation simply their ability to present the with
the unified strength of their associations.
lands authorities quickly and correctly came to the realization that the
Chinese under their control no longer fragmented
Inarticulate. Because the threat of force implicit In the
growth of the associations, the colonial regime wisely
concessions force to prevent usually not employed Chinese by the Chinese, might. there were
a occasions vigorous group action by that minority used
to certain Such group ends thought endeavors unobtainable through took the form of boycotts. peaceful
great trading firm, Handelsvereeniging singled
out by the Chinese of Surabaya for special attack. The
movement
The weapon and
was Dutch
pan-Chinese The Nether-
communities were
and seemed
pan-Chinese
made an open display of
Although was
few when was
achieve more
means. commonly A
Dutch Amsterdam, was
background
[189]
was commercial.
of the boycotts against this firm rather than political
policy for the extension of credit by the to
nese retail dealers against this the chief source from of friction. to another in
1908. earlier the bitter, especially as Handelsvereenig-
ing obliged to contribute to the Surabaya
to bring the boycott to end. no that
o
trading houses boycotts to be afraid less to fight spectacular. boycotts. of Siang
associations throughout the Indies, the threat of
boycotts feared than ever by the only other boycotts
to be considered here the action against the Luitenant at
Buitenzorg as already proposed a on
immigration, anti efforts. In various Soe Po
Sia urged that Japanese penetration goods in be boycotted as a protest against Russo- Siang
associations did not support this with enthusiasm,
complished little, although the Japanese consul at Batavia
to lodge a formal products complaint. in In as that a a by her aggressive successful of the neighbor. boycott notorious of
most striking aspect of the boycott that twenty years earlier
Japan's military defeat of passed almost unnoticed in the
9
Indies occasion the resorted to form of the
boycott, a cessation of all trade, in the Indies as pa
shih ip )/ or marketing This technique had long
used in as a protest against the In
The Dutch concern Chi-
was Two boycotts were
waged company, one 1902 1904 and
The was more
Amsterdam was f. 25,000
THHK an It is wonder European
came Chinese
Other were The establishment
Hwee however, made
more Dutch. The
were 1905
who, mentioned, ban Chinese
and two-Japanese 1912
Japanese Manchuria and Mongolia. As the Hwee
campaign any it ac-
was obliged
1915 more
Japanese was conducted consequence
demands made on China year The
1915 is
China had
Chinese communities.
On one Chinese an extreme
known tsh'i (po-
^^strike.
been China means of government.
[190]
Netherlands India it was employed following the Surabaya riots of 191 2.
In that year, after the Dutch authorities had prohibited the display of
the Chinese Republican flag during the celebration of the establish-
of the serious rioting broke out in
Surabaya. Batavia had a similar, though smaller, outburst Casualties
light, but the police than zealous in the
of their duties. To indicate their disapproval of the measures used to
restore order, the shopkeepers of Surabaya closed their doors.
virtually hazardous stagnation from of the official followed. point of situation as the
nese the retail trade in food supplies. to pro-
cure food, the native alarming population to the colonial to restless; administrators. nothing could shop
closure peacefully brought to end by negotiations the
Netherlands the colonial authorities by the the outbreak leaders in this of violence of Surabaya's instance at Chinese. Surabaya, impressed
essary to the surprisingly other occasions disorders took
place. the time of all the other recorded cases of
group violence. that turbulent year, at Surabaya, Cheribon,
Bangil, hostility Chinese residents flared up in riot-
ing; tin miners on staged a strike led to bloodshed;
there brawls Chinese natives in Balik-
in Borneo. considered that a time of
great excitement for Chinese the record of the Indies
Chinese not as black as might simply
not of the of organized Chinese nationalism in the Indies.
ment new mainland government,
.
were were more performance
Chinese
A complete commerce The
was particularly view Chi-
monopolized Unable
began grow
have been more The
was an between
and the The
power demonstrated Chinese deeply
government.
Having mentioned it is nec-
list few when
The year 1912 was
In and
between and Arab
some Bangka which
and were some between and
papan When it is 1912 was
everywhere,
is it have been. Violence was
one weapons
.
[191]
explosions
Isolated occurred; carefully planned demonst-ratlonsof brute
strength not a part of the the nationalist
campaign of leadership.
were
Conclusions on the Indies
General
Chinese Movement
point the reader will quite properly ask for conclusions on
the Indies Chinese nationalist as a expect an at-
tempt to relate the story told here to the general of minority
nationalism. for presentation There are a of the motivations generalizations the suitable
reveals of the circumstances favorable to the rise of minority
nationalism. Indies in had long established
overseas; they not a migratory people in search of temporary
vantages. Chinese the Netherlands colony. legitimate Nationalism interest a large of invest- protect-
ing that interest through the attainment of greater social political,
psychological security. residents of the
Indies no longer willing to inferior status, regardless
of that status imposed by the regime or out of an
inner sense of intellectual cultural homelessness
fact that the initiators of nationalist action those mostly
Peranakans, through contact with ideas methods,
most likely to the importance turn to nationalism of emotional to emotional in the turn to an
awareness of nationality. socio-political pressures on the
Chinese which resulted at the turn of the century from the inauguration
of the ethical doubtless the for nationalism
At this
An examination
some
The
were
The
ment in
and
were
whether
who,
were
evidence of
Dutch
awakening whole and
problem
number of tentative
behind movement studied
Chinese 1900 been
ad-
had a and
was a means
,
The Chinese permanent
accept an
was grew
inadequacy and. The
were men,
Western and
meet an need is
demands
The new
program made need
[192]
more seem immediate. The
rise of nationalism Chinese outside
of the Netherlands area suggests, that, as a stimulus to
tional consciousness, internal emotional pressure must be given at least
equal with attempt to external revive forces. born of experience with
Christianity. Confuclanist effort to serve as a positive re-
action to the of the missionaries; psychological factors are
seen to be of prime significance. Exposure to Christianity led
Chinese to look to the ancient cultural heritage of their for
reassurance that morality not a Innovation in Asia. To
Chinese, after all the of Christianity Implies a rec-
ognition of cultural superiority. In addition to fostering a
reaction against themselves, the missionaries furthered the Chinese
nationalist cause in other especially by their introduction of
certain techniques in education by their formation of associations
for the world climate of group of nationalism goals. half a century ago so obvious a
factor behind the of the Indies Chinese onto the nationalist
stage that likely that In another to be overlooked. seems did not think not unreasonable In terms to of
tions, no nationalist occurred in the Indies.
several prenatlonalist centuries, in fact, no such take
place. often discussed impact on Asia, bringing with
highly aggressive nationalism, must be as the basic cause of
the nationalist ferment In the twentieth-century East.
Finally, they lived, of Netherlands appropriate a course India. to ask, other than Since that the circumstances nationalism people had under to the
among
however, na-
weight
The Confucianism was
The was
work again
some
homeland
was European
many, acceptance
Western
ways,
and
achievement
The is
emergence
It is It
assume age, when men na-
awakening would have Fo""
awakening did
The Western it
viewed
it Is given
which if was open
Chinese been unwilling
[193]
acceptance an and
to continue in the of Inferior Insecure position,
there only four paths from to choose: return to
assimilation to the by the native
tion, or nationalism. Emigration to
suicide for most Indies Chinese realities of in a colonial set-
ting impossible the of equality with the
ruling stratum of colonial society, circumstances aristocratic obliged group the Chinese jealous of to fear absorption position.
by the Indonesians, a people then Insecure despised than
themselves. only chance for the social political psychologi-
cal of the entire Chinese Icy In nationalism.
Resourceful individuals, such as Chinese officers, able to
attain a measure of security the security by clinging of oblivion to the fringes of theoretically the available
to those course Peranakans success of able the Indies to disappear to the into native nationalist society. mobilization reveals
that certain resources to that obviously
the size to struggle promising.
also formed a distinct population group; separateness the
Indies the foundation of the nationalist Chinese
had, of role, their feeling their peculiar of superiority cultural institutions, over the remained natives, their apart
during the centuries in Southeast Asia. their separateness as
a base launched to build This nationalism, fact no so self-evident as to be in could
of being Ignored. The Chinese the beginning of the
century split by internal divisions arising from provincialism
were which China,
Dutch community, absorption popula-
China would have been economic
. The life
made achievement full Dutch
an Its
The same
more and
The,, and
emancipation community
some were
European
community. And was
Only one
was open, however, whole Chinese people— nationalism.
The Chinese
were available people. Most
community was of sufficient make its It
Chinese in
was movement. The
because
economic and
Without
on which Chinese movement
have been. is danger
community at
was and
[194]
loyalties to secret societies or other particularistic attachments. The
relative speed and completeness of the disappearance of the old, pre-
nationalist hostilities seems to indicate that therewas a greaterdegree
of cohesiveness in the Chinese community than the surface antagonisms
suggested. Pan-Chinese efforts could never have achieved rapid suc-
cess had the divisive forces been based on deep-seated resentments.
The financial resources of the Indies Chinese, especially of the
Peranakan element, were a great source of strength in the nationalist
movement. Educational reform is a particularly expensive means of
stimulating national consciousness, yet the THHK did not hesitate to
institute an ambitious school program. A section of the Chinese press
in the early years very probably was operated at a loss, public service
rather than profits being the goal of the publishers. Clearly the col-
lection of funds to be used for the benefit of China depended upon the
wealth and generosity of the Indies Chinese. The seemingly incessant
travel of various nationalist leaders must have entailed not inconsid-
erable expenditures. The power of the Indies Chinese to raise, even
through forms of taxation, the great sums demanded by their movement
is to be counted as one of their chief resources.
Skillful organization by the nationalist leadership was another of
the sources of strength behind the Indies Chinese movement. A new
elite, largely of Peranakan origin, was in possession of the organiza-
tional skills required for nationalist mobilization. The leadership had
mastered these skills as students or observers of Western, especially
missionary, activity in Asia. Associations designed to serve a whole
community, not merely a select portion of it, appear to have been
another innovation from the West. Universal education, for example,
was an ideal alien to traditional China. The nationalist leadership
[195]
further helped toward success by the fact that
generally able to operate with clear consciences within associations
of varied political orientations. final goal, rather than narrow
loyalties, guided the leaders. Perhaps believed that the pres-
sure on the Chinese sufficiently to require
partisan support of any nationalist effort Selflessness, not opportunism,
indeed Circumstances seems to motivated the possiblea connection leaders. with China
ficial to the rise of overseas Chinese nationalism in Netherlands India
Dynastic officials on tour in Southeast Asia sometimes able to fur-
nish their in the organizationof community endeavors incidentally, emigrant of Western inspiration; scholarships with of the These not part of techniques contributions of the traditional necessary scene.
symbols attached to the official emissaries from China were of both
Asian origins. national flag the naval
vessels to definitely inspired by
personal interest of the in his overseas subjects,
ized by the tours tradition of dynastic of imperial officials, solicitude for the with both with the
ern notions calling for the protection of expatriates ranks
rewards on overseas Chinese completely into the
traditional Chinese pattern. demonstration by Peking of
cern for the welfare of the overseas useful tool to the
Indies nationalists in their struggle with the To the local pres-
sure brought to bear upon the colonial government the inter-
nationally recognized technique of diplomatic negotiation Probably
the most significant contribution to the Indies by the
was Its members were
The
it was
community was heavy non-
.
have
making were bene-
.
were
countrymen some
. were,
chambers commerce, consulates,
and government were
The
and Western The and cruising
"show" it were Occidental example.
The emperor symbol-
was in keeping
Chinese people and West-
. The and
bestowed fit more
The its con-
Chinese was a
Dutch.
was added
.
made movement
[196]
grew
visiting Chinese officials from the fact that their presence in
Southeast Asia substantial the Chinese proof cultural that overseas family. people shift in the
regime's attitude toward the emigrants, from unfriendliness to
thetic interest, useful to the overseas nationalists helped shape
the course of their does not appear, that the
Ch'ing dynasty to be credited Indies Chinese with a leading role in launched the nationalist well before
Peking, to meaningful extent, leadership turned attention did southward. not include violence.
Isolated outbursts of not planned by the leading group
threat of force implied by the unification of the Chinese prob-
ably recognized as a valuable bargaining tool to use in dealing with
the although to crude to mention
this resource fear, whether justified or not, was ally of
nese nationalism. But must also be recognized that the Netherlands
authorities very likely to their tolerant of the Chinese
in part rule last of the of their sources serving the but of strength Chinese. to to be for consideration Their humanitarian by principles. idealism. the system position of had
required the of information activity within had, in of habits the other words, facilities Indies furthered encouraging abroad. the the Prenationalist social mobili-
zation of the Indies Chinese. difficult to imagine the
Chinese effort could the early realization of goals
without the pre-existence of this network. was,
significantly, supported the led the nationalist largely in origin,
was were wel-
comed back into The Manchu
sympa-
was and
movement. It however,
is
awakening. The movement was
any its
The weapons of the nationalist
mob action were.
The was
Dutch, few seem have been enough
. Dutch an Chi-
it
came more view
because own commitment
Dutch was despotic, it came tempered
The is
communications commercial
development and ex-
change and
economic
It is how pan-
have achieved its
communications It
commercial class, Peranakan which
and movement.
.
[197]
Symbols are the Indispensable tools of nationalism. Those things,
language, territory, history, religion, so on, often
merated as "the building blocks of nationalism, serve a dual func-
tion in the creation of national consciousness. indicated the
introductory section of this study, a people in possession of certain of
these assets likely to be linked together by of so-
cial These resources also serve as symbols the
process must be of nationalist fashioned the mobilization. of their they do not the Indies already exist, Chinese they not
particularly rich the required symbols; their in
education to this deficiency. fact of their
seporateness the practice of their had symbolic value
in the nationalist nationalism. Little culture available historical to tradition the of
in the form of reborn Confucianism, introduced into the Indies.
language useful seems to primarily as a symbol was regarded taught as having in the mystical value;
practical difficult usefulness to see local leadership to the of great majority the of those served studied their cause not only
through their direct efforts; they regarded as having also func-
tioned as symbols of Chinese modernity success. visiting
nastic officials shared this symbolic role had the appeal of
representing other symbols, the the of Chinese
culture. reformers revolutionaries with the Indies
nese in contact, through personal experience or hearsay, like the
local leaders, symbolized the firm standing for as symbols progress; of success. they did not,
common and enu-
"
As in
is common channels
communication. can in
If
.
At opening movement, were
in extensive program
was needed overcome The
and own customs
awakening. else was meet
demands of The and China
were,
A new schools.
Kuo-yu have been some
its who it is
The movement
can be
and The dy-
and added
emperor and homeland
The and whom Chi-
came
hope Chinese
however, achieve K'angYu-wei,
[198]
in addition to his contribution as a symbol, furthered the nationalist
stimulating early intellectual activity. Sun Yat-sen
of almost rather than exclusively aid Indies Chinese nationalist mobilization symbolic usefulness, seeking, in fact, to exploit 91
lution brought for a short period chaos than a stirring security. symbol, but soon seen to
This discussion of symbols highlights, to this writer at least, the
importance of education as the foundation driving force of over-
seas Chinese of nationalism the symbols of the Netherlands India. schools provided
history, and the schools a respect addition offered for Chinese cultural to these contributions pupils practical training. institutions to the sense of national all encour- pride,
English taught to needs arising from activ-
ity. Thus the reformed benefits. schools willingness sought of to provide the Batavia both emotional to cooperate
with the colonial authorities the planning of the
schools be token as of the fact that practicality ranked
alongside nationalism the educational provision of
schooling for girls by the schools seems to the sig-
nificance of the on the schools built.
Furthermore, leaders obviously recognized the fact that their
cause be well served both the mothers fathers of future
generations children. educational effort clearly to national consciousness to Indoctrinate the their children
for nationalism. Parents also likely to be
closely into the nationalist by the schools. requires
movement by was
. The 1 1 Revo-
was it was
have more
and
in The
many movement; Kuo-yU,a knowledge of China's
were
aged. In
Mathematics, geography,
and were meet commercial
and
economic The THHK
in Dutch-Chinese
can evidence
In movement. The
new emphasize
Western example which were
THHK
would If and
were equipped instill In
The worked
ongoing were drawn more
camp It little
.
[199]
Chinese glowed
imagination to see that Indies parents must with
pride their children able to recite passages in
present writer can, from personal exhausting experience, testify
that the school play important part of Chinese education
in Indonesia that parental attendance at such performances
have
when were Kuo-yU. The
and
is still an
and is
heavy
The THHK movement taught the Indies Chinese to cooperate effec-
tively in community endeavors. Establishing the financial base of the
new school system required extensive planning and public generosity.
Habits of working together to achieve ends in education later could
serve to unite the group for other nationalist efforts. The link with
China, particularly through the school inspectors, teachers, and Im-
ported books, was made more solid by the activities of the THHK asso-
ciations. Finally, the successful operation of an independent Chinese
system of education compelled the Netherlands colonial regime to meet
the demands of the Chinese for admission to government schools. The
granting of educational facilities to the Chinese by the government
opened the way for an abolition of the discriminatory laws which had
given rise to the familiar list of Chinese grievances. Education, then,
was the chief means for the nationalist mobilization and the social,
political, economic, and psychological elevation of the Indies Chinese.
Certain broader comments on the movement studied can also be
presented. The Indies Chinese were definitely not seeking to establish
themselves on a national territorial base. According to the record, no
statement was ever put forward to suggest setting up a separate nation-
state in Netherlands India or elsewhere as a haven for the overseas
Chinese. On the contrary, the commercial interests of the Chinese
minority in the colony demanded that free residence throughout the
[200]
be won. was
archipelago Cultural, not geographic, separateness the
basis of the Indies Chinese claim these for national free identity. of territorial ambitions in
Southeast Asia; the ancestral great majority land could serve no interest as a spiritual in emigration to but, with
the exception of contract coolies a other migrants, most
of from the Possessions, seems to given
thought as a to reside in physically. Indies
tionalism not subjects of a sort of Far this investigation Eastern of Zionism. course thought to using
for the attainment of concrete goals as well as for symbolic pur-
poses. vaguely by Indies Chinese that protection
could be received from the Peking threat of outside
interference in the affairs of the possessions did indeed to
be taken into careful consideration by the colonial authorities.
diplomatic pressure to bring the
of Peking's interest in the emigrants. Indies
ing to the for services in this respect.
But the willingness to contribute financial support to official Chinese
enterprises seems to fluctuated in direct relation to China's
parent to results. the
of political place in the world or of serving the interests of
the Indies Chinese, overseas support of Peking fairly generous.
the Chinese internationally despised
ineffectual, as at the very of the dynasty or after the collapse of
cooperation Shih-k'ai the dedicated Republicans,
the flow of emigrant remittances to Similarly,
financial support for Sun seems to offered most
Not only were Chinese any
showed
China. The home,
some and few
them Outer nobody have China
much home Chinese na-
was
The gave
China
It was hoped some
government. This
Dutch come
The
China managed on Dutch was evidence
The Chinese were will-
pay homeland government its
have ap-
power achieve When homeland seemed capable
winning a
was
When government appeared and
end
between Yuan and
China was diminished.
Yat-sen have been
.
[201]
liberally when the process of revolution was thought likely to make
China strong and respected. In other words, in the matter of the rela-
tions between political groups in China and the Indies Chinese, noth-
ing succeeded like success. A natural desire to obtain solutions to
their own problems, not a purely idealistic Interest in China's future,
appears to have been the motivating power behind many of the ac-
tions of the Indies Chinese. While loyalty to China as a symbol and
OS a potential ally developed, the realistic goals of the Indies Chinese
were never forgotten
Application to the Problem of Minority
National Ism
minority people desirous of transforming itself Into a national
minority tional mobilization. must possess certain sufficient resources to be used in the process of the
nationalist symbols, financial intellectual resources
to as essential ingredients of minority nationalism. also
appears thata transient minority, with no in country
of residence, will be unwilling to the required Investment for a
long-term nationalist effort. despite having a
of assimilation to the majority, the minority must consider it-
self a separate distinct people wish to remain so. a
so to be denied a of the resources just
discussed will be incapable of achieving rapid nationalist mobili-
zation, a discrimination minority against doubtless turned to nationalism by to the majority a measure of
lessly reach or thoroughly distasteful, nationalism must
to the only for the betterment of the minority. Finally,
A
na-
A number of participants in move-
ment, and and
come mind It
permanent stake its
make
Obviously, undergone
degree
and and Although
people downtrodden as minimum
any
is
it. Because assimilation Is hope-
beyond appear
be avenue if
[202]
minority nafional ism to flourish, the majority population or the ruling
elements of a society cannot be willing able to measures
of extreme harshness, including to destroy the
slaughter or the exodus of refugees, not constructive nationalism,
follow under those history demonstrates, brutal conditions. the necessary conditions for the rise of
minority nationalism existed to exist in
tries. Nationalism for or evil subdivision, purposes. minority nationalism, Chinese nationalism be
in Netherlands India in early years brought great benefits to
followers. with the of colonialism in Indonesia, there a
feeling leaders of the country that progress
stability will the unification of all
Chinese nationalism obstacle to the realization goal
in electric with nationalism, the Chinese
to forget the techniques so effectively in early years of
their nationalist feel themselves rejected
as full independent Indonesian nation-state. Their
minority nationalism has provided security promise for too long to
be in a time of
is
and employ
genocide, movement.
Mass
As
have and continue many coun-
and its can
employed good Overseas
its its
Now, end is
among many inhabitants and
and depend upon population groups.
is an of this. Yet,
an atmosphere cannot afford
mastered the
awakening. The Chinese now
members of the own
and
abandoned change and fear.
Notes to Chapter 5
Neth Min., Nio
]. Peking to January 14, 1907; Joe Lan,
Riwajat 40 Taon dari Tiong (History of Forty Years
of THHK-Botavia), Drukkerij, Batovio, 1940, p Res Batovio
to G.G., Res., Surabaya to 28, 1908;
Off. Chin. Aff., Semarong to Res., Semarang, January 1909;
wijs Tionghoa Indonesia" (Chinese Education Indonesia),
. G.G.,
Hoc Hwe Koan-Batovia
THHK. 1 1 2;.,
November 23, 1908; G.G., December
27, "Onder-
di in SPJN.
,.
[203]
NIo Joe.,.
2. Lan, Rlwajot, og cit.pp 112-116.
3. Brugmans, Geschiedenis van het Onderwijs Nederlandsch-
(History of Education Netherlands India), Wolters, Batavia,
1938, p. 331; van het Inlandsch Onderwijs
andsch-lndig/ Loopende over het Jaar 1910 (General Report on Native
Education Netherlands India, Covering the Year 1910), Javasche Boek-
handel en Drukkerij, Batavia, 1911, p. 122; Verslag van het
Onderv/ijs Nederlandsch-lndiS over 1915 (General Report on Education
Netherlands Vol. 1, India pp. 55-58. for 191 5), Drukkerij Batavia, 1916,
4. Tong's" (The Chinese Schools), IG, Vol. 32 (1910),
1, p. 505; Res., Surabaya to 28, 1908; Tjoen,
"Uit Opstellen-Schrift" (From Editorial Writings), Vol.
Report of HuI, 1916-1917), Vol. (1917), p. 84;
Dlr. Ed., Rellg., Ind. to February 8, 1908.
5. "Onderwijs aan Chineezen" (Education for Chinese), IG, Vol. 31
Peril?), Stem van India Vol. 12, 3 (January 16, 1916), pp. 21-23;
H. Fromberg, Java (The Chinese
on Java), Ultgeversmaatschapplj Elsevier, Amsterdam, 1911, p. 36.
6. Liem DistrlbueerendeTusschenhandel der Chineezen
op Java (The Distributive Intermediary Trade of the Chinese on Java), Mar-
tlnus Nljhoff, the 1952, p 41 Victor Purcell, The Chinese In
Southeast Asia Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1951, pp. 520-521; Lea
E. Williams, "Chinese Entrepreneurs Indonesia," Explorations Entre-
preneurial History Vol. 5, (October 15, 1952), pp. 56-57.
7. Jan Lan, Riwajot, op. cit.,pp. 140, 198, 199;
"Atsal Moehlahnjo Timboel Pergerakan Tionghoa jang
(The Origins of the Emergence of the Chinese Indo-
nesia), Moestika Romans, January 1939, p. 23; to Neth. Min. Col
22, 1912; S.S.J. Ratu-Langle, Serikat Islam Hollandia Drukkerij,
Baarn, 1913, p. 10; Llem Thian Joe, Riwajot Semarang, 1416-1931 (His-
tory of Semorang, 1416-1931), Drukkerij MIsset, printers.
publishers, Semarang, [1933?], p. 216.
8. Dlr. Jus. to April 1912; 16, 1912; van Houten, Off. Jus., Surabaya to Atty te
Soerabajo tegende Hondelsvereenlglng Amsterdam" (The Chinese
at Surabaya against the Hondelsvereenlglng Amsterdam), Wl, Vol
29, 1904), pp. 4-7; Boycot der Chineesche Handelaren contra
de Hondelsvereenlglng (The Boycott of the Chinese
Merchants against the Hondelsvereenlglng Amsterdam Raised), Rot -
terdomsche Courant Vol. 62, 28, 1905); "Links en Rechts"
(Left and Right), Vol. 51 297 (December 19, 1908); ibid.. Vol.

(1917), p. 20; "Jaarverslag van Hui, 1916-1917" (Annual
(1909), 1, p. 381; "Het (The

I. J. in
G.G., December Yap Hong
G.G.,
P. De Chineesche Beweging op Movement
G.G..
G.G.,
. 1, No.5

Indi'^ in J. B.
Algemeen Verslag in Neder-
l
in
Algemeen
in
in De Verwachting,
"De Hak No.
Ons Our CHHTC,
1 Chung Hwa
Chung Hwa CHHTC, 1
No. J.Mulder, Gele Gevaar?" Yellow
, No.
Twan Djie, De
Hague,.;
,
in in
, No. 1
NIo Kwee Tek Hooy,
Moderndl Indonesia"
Modern Movement in
May,
Ho Kim Yoe,
Gen., November 30, J. B. "De Chlneezen-Beweging
Movement
(May "De
Amsterdam Opgeheven"
NIeuwe
, No. 179 (June
DL,, No.
,
[204]
Nieuwe Boycot" (A New
^7, 1908); "Een Boycott),
Bataviaasch Nieuwsblad
Chineesche Boycot-Geschiedenis op Java" (Story of a Chinese Boycott
on Java), IG, Vol 27 (1905), 2, p. 1225; Fromberg,
Beweging op Java, op. cit., p. J L. Vieming, ed Het Chineesche
Zakenleven Nederlandsch-lndlS (Chinese Business Life Netherlands
India), Landsdrukkerlj, Batavia, 1926, pp. 8-9.
9. Henri Borel, en Kolonl'^n "Chineesche Vereenlgingen" Beek, (Chinese the Hague), Associations), Vol. 12 (1913),
p. 24; Off. Chin. Aff., Surabaya to Res., Surabaya, October 21, 1912;
Japanese Consul, Batavia to 29, 1912; Chin.
Jap. Aff., Batavia to DIr. Jus., 6, 1912; Chin. Aff Su-
rabaya to 15, 1912; Off Chin. Aff Batavia to Dir. Civ.
Serv., January 9, 1915; Protector of Chinese, Singapore to
8,1915; Batavia to 31 1915; "Chineezeh
en Japanners te Semarang" 2, (Chinese p. 1168. and Japanese at Semarang), IG, Vol.
10. Off. Chin. Aff., Surabaya te Batavia" (The Chinese to DIr. Jus., Disturbances at 1, 1912; [D.V.] Batavia),
Vol. 8, 46 (March 3, 1912), pp. 1084-1085; Off. Chin. Aff.,
Surabaya to DIr. Jus., February 21, 1912; Res., Surabaya to Feb-
ruary 28, 1912; Off. Chin. Aff., Surabaya to Dir. 22,1912;
Indes N^erlandalses" the Netherlands Indies), La Revue Jaune
(Brussels), 365. Vol. 2, Nos. 8-9 (August 15 -September 15, 1912), pp. 363-
11. Neth. Col. to Neth. For. Aff., 1912;
Chin. Charg^, the to Neth. For. Aff., 1912;
ibid., January 28, 1913; ibid ., February 28, 1913; of Local
istration Hoofd van Plaatselijk Bestuur), Pangkalpinang, Bangka to
July 18, 1912; A. G. de Bruin, terOostkust van Sumatra (The
Chinese on the East Coast of Sumatra), E.J. Brill, 1918, p. 108;
to Neth. Col., April 6, 1912; ibid., April 11, 1912;
wondheid van de Chineezen IndiS en Elders" (Excitement of the Chinese
in Netherlands India and Elsewhere), 2, p. 928.

G.G., November..,
G.G., March
G.G.,
G.G. Min. "Opge-

No. 298 (December 21,
, Vol.20, No. 133 (May 10, 1905); "Eene Nieuwe
New
. No. De Chineesche
7;..,
In In
Moederland (M. van der
1st Gov. Sec., October Ad.
November Off..,
Ad. Chin. Aff., G.G., October,
37(1915), No.
March,
"De Chineezen-Relletjes
Wl, No.
Jus., March
"Aux (In
Min. Min. November 1,
Hague Min. November 4,
Head Admin-
(G.G.
DeChineezen
Leiden,
in
IG,Vol. 34(1912), No.
...
GLOSSARY
Bat-avia The former name of Jakarta, capital of Indonesia.
Bultenzorg The former name of Bogor In West Java.
Cultuurstelsel Culture system, an arrangement under which Indonesian
peasants produced quotas of export crops set by the
Dutch colonial government in the middle decades of
the nineteenth century.
Ethische koers Ethical program, the progressive policy of the colonial
regime in the late nineteenth and in the twentieth cen-
turies. It called for increased Indonesian living stand-
ards, native education, and public health measures.
Kapltein Captain, one of the ranks of the Chinese officers who
served the colonial administration.
Luitenant Lieutenant, the lowest of the ranks of the Chinese of-
ficers.
Maloor Major, the highest of the Chinese officer ranks. Only
the largest centers of Chinese settlement were served
by men of this rank.
Outer Possessions All the islands of Netherlands India other than Java
and Madura, known in Dutch as Bultenbezittingen
Passenstelsel Pass system
Peronakan A Chinese, possibly of mixed ancestry, born in the
Indies
Politierol Literally, the police court docket, popularly a name
for the court for natives.
Raad Council, more specifically the Chinese Council at»Ba-
tavia, a semiofficial body advising the Mojoor of that
city.
[2051
.
[206]
Singkeh, Sinkeh A Chinese immigrant born in China.
Totok Same as Singkeh.
Wijkenstelsel Zoning system, the arrangement which obliged Chinese
to live in segregated areas of certain cities in Nether-
lands India

i.

SOME NETHERLANDS INDIES EQUIVALENTS OF
KUO-YU SURNAMES
Kuo-yu N.I. Equivalents Chinese Characl-ers
Chang Tchang, Thio, Tio, Tjo
Chan Tjian
Chao Chau, Tio, Jouw, Chow
Ch'ao Gan
Ch'en Tan, Tarn, Tjiauw
Ch'eng The
Chou Tjioe
Chuong Tseng
Fu Pouw
Han Han
Ho Ho
HsU Tschi, Tsi, Djie, Tjhie
[207]
[208]
Kuo-yu N.I. Equivalents Chinese Characters
HsU Khouw
it
Huang Oei, Ng
Jung Yong
K'ang Kong, Kheng, Khang
Kuo Kwee
^
Lao Lau, Lauw
Li Lie
i
Lian Liau, Liauw
Lin Lim, Liem
Liu Liu
Lou Louw
Ma Be, Bee, Beh
Pal Pe, Peh
Sun Soen
Sung Siong
1^
T'ang Tong J\:2
T'ien Dien^
[209]
Kuo-yU N. I. Equivalents Chinese Characters
Ts'ai Tjoa
^
Wang Ong, Wung, Honh i ii
Wei Goei
Ngo1i
Wu
Wu Gouw^
Yang Njo, Yong, Jo, Yo, Yoe Ice, Jang
Yuan Oan, Hoant
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Zaken"
.
[221]
Adviser for Chinese Affairs), IG, Vol. 35 (1913), 1, pp. 382-
383.
Bliek, A. "lets over de Chineezen" (Something on the Chinese), Orgaan
der Nederlandsche Zendingsvereeniging, Vol. 52, 5 1912),
"Een Confucianistische Beweging" (A Confucianist 1923), pp. 380-
390; Vol. 68, 1923), pp. 414-425.
Blinde, H. en (The Chinese and
45,
vember 1905), p. 165.
Tiong te Bandoeng" (The at Bandung),
ibid.. Vol. 46, (January 1906), p. 4.
Borel, Henri. Chineesche Kwestie en de van Binnen-
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"Het Chineesche Onderwijs IndiS" (Chinese Education
erlands India), Vol. 2, 51 (April 15, 1906), pp. 948-951;
Vol. 3, 5 27, 1906), pp. 97-99.
"Chineesche Vereenigingen" (Chinese Associations),
en KoloniSn (M. van der Beek, the Hague), Vol 12 (1913)
"Dr. Lim Boen Chineesche Beweging" (Dr. Lim Boen
on the Chinese Vol. 55, 123 28,
"Een Werkkring IndiS" (A Sphere of Activity Netherlands
India), Pro en Contra. Hollandia Drukkerij, Baarn, 1913.
Boycot der Chineesche Handelaren contra de Handelsvereeniging
sterdam Opgeheven" Handelsvereeniging Amsterdam Raised), (The Boycott of the Chinese Merchants against the
Vol. 62, 179 (June 28, 1905).
"Een Chinees over de Chineesche Beweging" (A Chinese on the Chinese
Koloniaal Tijdschrift Vol 912), p 667.
"Chineesch Bezoek aan IndlS" to Netherlands India), IG,
Vol. 30 (1908), 1, pp. 384-385.
"Chineesch 2, Bezoek op pp. 1097-1098. Java" (Chinese Visit to Java), IG,
"Een Chineesch Rapport de Chineezen op Java,
AustraliS en Elders Report on the Treatment

1906); Vol. 55, 124 30, 1906).

J.
J. "De Chineezen Ons Werk" Our Work),

No.
No. (May
. Nieuwe New
Movement), DeOpwekker, Vol.68, No. 10 (October
No. 11 (November
Orgaan der Nederlandsche Zendingsvereeniging, Vol. No. 1 1 (No-
. "De Hoa Hwe Koan THHK
No. 1
"De Ambtenaren't
No.
. in in Neth-
Wl, No.
No. (May
. Moederland
.
. Keng over de
Keng Movement), DL, No. (May
No. (May
. in in
"De Am-
Nieuwe Rotterdamsche Courant,
No.
Movement),,. 1 (1.
(Chinese Visit
No.
Vol.34 (1912),
No.
overde Behandeling, weike
in Ondervinden" (A Chinese
..
[222]
In
Found by the Chinese on Java, Australia, and Elsewhere), IG, Vol
10 (1888), 1, p. 766.
"Een Chineesch Regeeringscommissaris" (A Chinese
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"Een Chineesche 1372. Bank" (A Chinese Bank), IG, Vol. 2, p.
"Chineesche (June Christenen" 15, 1897). (Chinese Christians), Insulinde Vol. 2, 24
"Chineesche Consuls" 1887). (Chinese Consuls), Deli Courant Vol. 3, 96
"Chineesche Vol. 57, Genootschappen" 1908). (Chinese Secret Societies),
"Chineesche Geheime Vereenigingen" 37 (1915), 1, p. 17. (Chinese Secret Societies), IG, Vol.
Chineesche en het Voorstel-De Vogel" (The Chinese Graves
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"Chineesche en Inlandsche Bladen" (Chinese and Native Newspapers), IG,
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"Chineesche pp. 83-84. Japanners" (Chinese Japanese), IG, Vol. 30 (1908), 1,
Chineesche 2, Kwestie" p. 1286. (The Chinese Question), IG, Vol. 37 (1915),
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Chlneezen" (The Chinese), DL, Vol. 54, 187 (August 12, 1905);
Vol 54, 93 (August
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1, p. 107.
"Chineezen 34 (1912), Botsing op Java" 2, pp. 1656-1657. (Chinese Conflict on Java), IG, Vol.
No.
Government Commis-
No.
34(1912), No.
, No.
, No.
(November 30,
Geheime DL,
No. 305 (December 30,
No.
"De Graven
De Vogel No.
No.
No.
"De
No.
No.
No.
No. (May
No.
"De No.
. No. 1 19,1 905)
No.
in in
No.
(2231
"DeChineezen In in. No.l,
Deli" (TheChinese Deli), IG, Vol 35 (1913),
pp. 107-108.
Chineezen IndlS" (The Chinese Netherlands India), IG, Vol 33
IndiS" Vol. 12, (The Chinese 50 (December Netherlands 12, 1912). India), Koloniaol
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Nederlandsch-lndi*6" (The Chinese Netherlands India),
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Chineezen-Opstootjes te Soerabaja" (The Chinese Disturbances at Su-
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Chineezen-Politiek" (The Chinese Policy), Koloniaol Vol
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Chineezen te Soekaboemi" (The Chinese at Sukabumi), IG, Vol. 29
Hui Hioh Pan" (Chung Hui Study Fund), Vol.
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kunde Nederlandsch-lndi'^ (Contributions on the Language, Geog-
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D. V. te Batavia" (The Chinese Disturbances at
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Another on the Chinese Netherlands India), 64,
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"Faillissementen van Chineesche en Arabische Handelaren" (Bankruptcies
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(1907), 2, pp. 1604-1605.
(1917).

J. J. M. naarOnze Rechtvan

"De in in.
No..
"De Chineezen in in
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No.
Algemeen
~
Vol. No. 1.
"De Chineezen in in
No.
"De
I G, No.
"De Weekblad,.
No. (November
"De
No.
"Chung Hwa Hwa CHHTC, 1
Our Colonies
Genootschap.
la F. "De
van
. Vol.80.
Hague,
"De Chineezen-Relletjes
Wl, No.
Chineezen in (One
in DeOpwekker, Vol.
Mercuur, No.
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"Geen (No No.
In
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"De Hak No. 1,
Han TiauwTjong. "Chung Hwa
Hwa Commemoration CHHTC,
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Chung Hwa Chung
Hwa CHHTC, 1
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Minister over de Nederlandsch-lndi*^" (The
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Moll, Nederlandsch-lndiS" (The Chinese
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Mulder, "Het Gele Gevaar?" (The Peril?), Stem van Vol
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Nederburg, A. "Afschaffing van de Wettelijke Onderscheiding der Be-
volking van Nederlandsch-lndiS naar Rassen en Klassen" (Abolition of
the Legal Differentiaticnof the Population of Netherlands India
ing to Races and Classes), en KoloniSn (M. van der Beek,
the Hague), Vol. 17 (1918), 3.
"Het Indisch der Toekomst" (The Indies Chinese
of the Future), Vol 2 In IndiS In 898?]
van den Stoat en de Belangen der Inheemsche Bevolking" (Our Chinese
Policy in Netherlands India Relation to the Dignity of the State and
the Interests pp. 145-157. of the Native Population), IG, Vol. 34 (1912), 1,

(1908), 1, pp. 400-401

J. J.
J. T. "De Chineezen in in Neth-
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I. No..
1.

CHHTC, Vol. 5, No. 2 (October-November 1926).
Kwee Hooy. Moehlahnja
Modern Emergence Modern
Movement in Romans,1936-
. No. 69 21,
297-299 (December
.
in Few
in CHHTC,.
No.
"De Malay No.
in
"De Chineezen-Woelingen in
in
No.
,
Accord-
Moederland
No.
. Chineezen-Recht
Law Wet en Adat,. [1.
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Nieuwe New
"Een Boycot" (A Boycott), Botaviaasch Nieuwsblad Vol 20,
133 10, 1905).
"Bene Boycot-Geschiedenls op Java" (Story of a
Chinese 1225. Boycott on Java), Vol. 27 (1905), 2, pp. 1222-
Chineesche Etiquette" Chinese Etiquette), IG, Vol. 30
Lan. "Chineesche Vakvereenigingen in Nederlandsch-lndiS" (Chi-
nese Trade Unions Netherlands India), KS, Vol 24 (1940),
Eigen Onderwijsvoorziening der Chineezen" (The Private Pro-
vision of Education by the Chinese), KS, Vol. 23 (1939),
Tiong (The IG,
Vol. 56 (1934),
"Officieel Relaas van de Chineesche Opstootjes te Batavia en Soerabaja"
(Official Batavia and Surabaya),
Koloniaal Tijdschrift Vol 91 2) p 601
"Onderwijs aan Chineezen" (Education for Chinese), IG, Vol. 31 (1909),
1, p. 381
"Onderwijs Tionghoadi Indonesia" (Chinese Education Indonesia),
Boen Liang. met (Scales with Measures),
China Vol. 11, van (September de 1, 1912), in p. 21 en Elders" (Excitement of the
Chinese Netherlands India and Elsewhere), IG, Vol 34 91 2),
2, pp. 928-929. te Batavia" Farm at Batavia), Insulinde, Vol
2, 24 (June en Regie" 15, 1897). and State Monopoly), Tijdschrift
voor Nederlandsch-lndiS Vol. 5 (1901), p. 176.
"Pacht of Regie" pp. 136-137. (Farms or State Vol 2 (1893),
Passen der Chineezen" (The of the Chinese), Insulinde Vol 2,
24 (June 15, 1897), p. 186.
"Het Passenstelsel voor Chineezen" (The Pass System for Chinese), Insulinde
Vol. 2, 23 (June 8, 1897).
"Het Passenstelsel voor Oosterlingen" (The Pass System for For-
eign Orientals), Indisch Mercuur, Vol. 20, 52 (December 25,

(1908), 1, p. 86.
1897).

,.
No. (May
Nieuwe Chineesche New
IG, No.
"Nieuwe (New
No.
Nio Joe
in. No. 1.
. "De
No. 1.
. "De Hoa Hwe Koan-Beweging" THHK Movement),
No. 1.
Account of the Chinese Disturbances at
,. 1 (1,..
No..
in SPJN.
Ong "Meten Twee Maten" Two
, No. 1.
"Opgewondheid Chineezen Indi'd
in. (1 No.
"De Opiumpacht (TheOpium.
No.
"Opiumpacht (Opium Farming
,
Monopoly), Opium-Vloek,.
"De Passes,.
No.
,
No.
Vreemde
No.
..
[227]
"Pen-pao erh-shlh-wu nien" '^^ -i -^ (This Newspaper's
Twenty -Five Years),
"Periodieken voor Chineezen en Inlanders" (Periodicals for Chinese and
Natives), IG, Vol. 31 (1909), 1, p. 96.
Pont, A. G. Maclaine "Het Fiasco van den Burgerlijken Stand voor Chi-
neezen" Vol. (The Fiasco 8 (1924), of the 2. Vital Statistics Register for Chinese),
"Raadoverzicht" (Survey of the Council), DL, 220 (Septem-
ber 906)
"Het Request der Chineezen" 122 25, 1905). (The Request of the DL, Vol. 54,
S. "Chineesche Dobbelspelen" (Chinese Gambling) Tijd A.
Fortuijn, Amsterdam), Vol. 8 (1903), 9.
Schaank, H. Kongsi's van (The of Montrado),
Tijdschrift voor Indische Tool-, Land-en Volkenkunde,
Siem BIng Hoot. "Het Chineesch Kapltaal lndonesi'6" (Chinese Capital
Indonesia), Vol. 8, (June 1930).
Sim Ki "Chinese Racial and National Consciousness the Dutch East
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Stelnmetz, Rassenkwestie" (The Racial Question), Gids N.
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Sung, at Batavia, "A Brief Java," Historical Sketch of the Chinese Consulate General
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chih yen-ko" .J! /^l
(History of the Consulate General at Batavia),
Tan Ping le. "Kweekschool voor Chineesche Onderwijzers" (Normal School
for Chinese Teachers), Vol. (1917).
Tan Tjoen Hay. "Ter Inleiding" (By of Introduction), Vol.
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Associational Life on Java), Vol 2 (April-June 1933)
Thung Tjeng Hiang. "Cultureele de Indonesia"
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Chinese Cultural History),

(1917).

J..
S. "De Montrado" Kongsis
S. R. "De De (P.
F. T.

/^—I
SPJN.
No.
KS,
No.
Vol.55, No.
21, 1
Chinese),
No. (May
, De Nieuwe (J.
No.
Vol.35 (1893).
in
in CHHTC, No. 1
Ay. in
CHHTC, 3-4 December
Kampen Zoon, No.
SPJN.
^ 3^-^"f• "Chu tsung-ling-shih-kuan
^t jt M S i^-|l^ :& t
f
SPJN.
CHHTC, 1
Way CHHTC, 1
.
CHHTC,. 11, No.
Vragen bij Chineezen in
among in CHHTC, Vol.5,
No. (December
.
SPJN.
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[228]
Tiemersma, "Eenige Vragen omtrent de onder
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Chinese on Java), Overzicht van de Elfde Zending-Confer -
entie, te Bultenzorg en te van 22 30 Augustus
903 (Survey of the Eleventh Mission Conference, Held at Buitenzorg
and at en Batavia, the 22nd 1903. through the 30th of August 903) Albrecht
Roeping Tegenover het Huidige Streven der Chineezen
Nederlandsch-lndiS the Present tot Herstel Efforts of van het the Chinese Confucianisme" Netherlands (Our India Call to to Re-
store Confucianism), ibid
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the Chinese 956-958 on Java), 44 (February 24, 1907), pp.
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Vereeniging Soe Po Sia" (The Soe Po Sia Association), IG, Vol 34
Vermeer, A. het Indeed te Vereenigen to Be United met het with Christian- Chris-
ity?), 1906), Nederlandsche p. 171 Zendingsvereeniging Vo! 46,
"Het Verslag der Javasche Bank over de Chineezen-Beweging" (The Report
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"Een ten Gunste van Chineezen" (A Favor of the Chinese),
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(1912), 1, p. 91; Vol. 35 (1913), 1, p. 383.

L. deChineezen opJavaGe-
J. B. "De Chineezen-Beweging deHandels-Amsterdam" (The Chinese Movementat Surabaya against

among the
Gehouden Depok, tot
1
Depok, from 1.
Co.,
. "Onze in
Oppose in
.
Wl, Vol.3, No.
,,
No. November
Wl, No. (May
"De.
No. No.
"Is Neo-Confucianisme wel
tendom?" (Is Neo-Confucianism
Orgaan der,. No.
11 (November.
Java Movement), Vol. (1 91 No.
Nieuwe
,
, Nieuwe Rotterdamsche
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,1
Lea E. in in
,No. 1,.
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No.
[229]
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Vol. (1917). ten van Genootsc happen
of Broedersc happen onder de de Straits-Settlements en
Nederlandsch-jndi"^" (Laws with Regard to the Secret Societies or
Brotherhoods of the Chinese the Straits Settlements and Netherlands
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1890).

Yap Hong Tjoen.
CHHTC, 1
Young, I. W. "De Wetgeving Aanzien Geheime
Chineezen in
in
in in
No. 1
NDEX
Bangka, 10, 190 Consular operations, Chinese, 43,
Banking, 26, 156 96-97, 100, 112, 150, 152, 156,
Be loe, 143 160, 163-168, 173, 195
Billlton, 10 Courts of law, see Justice, admin-
Boycotts, 65, 103, 105, 128, 169, istration of
188-190 Culturalism, 14-15, 58
Burial associations, of 110 see Siong Culture system Cultuurstelsel (cultuurstelsel), see Culture system 23
Siang Decorations and honors, Chinese,
158, 161 144, 151, 154-155, 159-161,
Ch'en Pao-ch'en, 153 195; see a so Officialdom, Chi-
Ch'ien Hsun, 151-153, 161, 165 nese imperial
Chi-nan hsUeh-t'ang, see Diplomacy, Chinese, 90, 92, 96-
study 97, 139, 147, 149-151, 153,
Chinese Association, see 155-156, 161, 163-166, 170,
Chinese Council (Batavia), 37, 78, 173, 195, 200; see also Consu-
125, 140, 142 operations, Chinese;
Chinese Employees Kie Bond (Tiong ernment, Chinese, practices policies and
Chinese officer system, 31 37-38, Diplomacy, Netherlands, 46, 92, 97,
124-136, 138,141, 163, 165-166
145, 156, 159, Boe Tjong 85-87,
Christian missionaries, 76, 104, 112, 63, 138, Dutch-Chinese 140, 143, schools, 150-151 see Educa-
140-141, 145, 173, 192, 194 tion
Christianity, 30, 47, 56, 62-63, 2,
156, 192 Economic conditions, 6, 12, 15-16,
Citizenship, 97, 156, 164-166, 169 23-24, 39, 80-81, 112, 190-
Confucianism, 44, 191, 193-194, 196, 199
74, 112, 137, 139-141, 167, Education, 17-18; seealso Nanking,
169, 173, 192, 197 study
231
Kwat
,
Chambers Commerce,
Hwee; BoeTjong Hwee
Chao Ts'ung-fan,
I
Nanking,
in
THHK
lar Gov-
Hoa
Keng Hwee), 110, 142
9,,
40,65, 108,
171-172,193 Djawa Hak Hwee,
56-57, 90,94,
69-70,72,
1 1
54-63, 69-72,
in
,
232
Education (continued) see also Officialdom, Chinese
Chinese government support of, 79- imperial; Missions to N.I., of-
80, ficial Chinese
Chinese traditional, 37, 66-68, 74, policies and
78 practices, 7-9, 24, 33-36, 82,
Dutch-Chinese schools, 83, 185- 108-109, 112, 124-
186, 198-199 128, 131, 133-135, 141, 169-
English-language, 71-72, 76, 93 171, 185, 187-188, 190-191,
female, 68, 75-76, 198 196, 200
inspectors of, 101, 150-
154, 199 History of N.I., 6-7, 11-12, 23,
37, 186- 124
187 Chinese teachers, 44, Tie see Tie
59-60, 73-77, 84-85, 88, 104- Siong Tjong see Siang
105, 109, 155, 169-170, 199 Batavia
N. government support of, 36-38, 127,185-187, 199 Hollandsch-Chineesche see Education, scholen Dutch-Chinese
private European, 37 schools
reform of, 68-78, 88-89, 101, 112,
139, 143, 145, 155, Immigration and emigration, 10-12,
184-187, 194, 197- 106, 146-149, 165, 189, 193,
199 200
Elections, Chinese, 97-99, 102,105, Imperialism, 6-7, 44-48, 100, 150,
107-108, 111, 134, 144, 164, 189, 192
167 Import-export trade, 6-7, 30-31, 42-
Emigration, see Immigrationand emi- 43, 143
gration Indonesian nationalism, 187-188
Emperor, Chinese, 96, 133, 145, Inspectors, educational see Educa-
172, 195, 197 tion, inspectors of
English-language education, see
Education Justice, administration of, 28, 30,
Ethical program (ethische koers 23- 32-36, 109, 125, 127, 187
27, 29-30, 32, 34, 3971T, 191
195 K'ang Yu-wei, 45, 55, 58,
81, 83, 141, 143, 150, 168-
Flags, 129-130, 132, 140, 142, 158, 170, 173, 197-198
195 Fan, 105-106, 137, 141-
Chinese, policies and 142 Siauw Eng, 137, 142
practices, 80, 86-87, 143; see also
95-96, 107, 144, 146-150, 156- Kuomintang, 133; see also
160, 167, 195-196; sen

I., 69,71,78,

89-90,92-93,95, 195
Government, N.I.,
86,91-92,
84-92,
Malay-language schools,
Hoa Kiauw Yok Hwee,
"modern" Yok Hwee
Hoa Hwee,
Hwee,
150-152,
169-170,
81,96,
,
),
73-74,
161-162,172,190, Khoe A
Geography, 5 Khoe
Government, KianGwan, 102-103, 105-106,111,
89-93, Oei Tiong Ham
SunYot-
172-173,
233
Kuo-yU,
69-70, 73, 75, 84, 93, 104, 195; see also Government, Chi-
39, 64, 86-1 87, 97-1 99; see nese, policies and practices;
also Language Missions to N.I., official Chi-
nese
Language, 12-13, 15-17, 38-40, 54, Officials, Dutch, 28-29, 33-34, 37-
61-62, 69-70, lb, 92-94, 102, 41, 46
108-109, 126, 129, 137-138, Officials, Indonesian, 8,34, 38, 188
185-186; cation, see also English-language Edu- 24-27, 126
Lee, H. Teng-hui), 71-72, 76 Pass system (passenstelsel), 26, 28-
44, 149 31, 33, 39-41, 127, 131, 154,
Liang Ch'i-ch'ao, 45, 5b, 58, 74 187
Lie Hin Liam, 137, 141 Passenstelsel see Pass system
Lie Hok, 57, 137, 140-141 Peranakan identity, 10-14, 16, 18,
Lie Siong Hwie, 144 60-65, 94, 102, 105-106, 108,
Lim Boen 42, 55-56, 73, 84, 125, 129-130, 144, 166, 170,
128, 151 191, 193-194, 196
Lin Lu-ts'un, 153-154 Phoa Hek, 57, 137-140
Liu Shih-chi, 88, 150-151 Police, 35, 41, Politierol 164, see Justice, 167, 170, administra- 190
Merchants, rural Chinese, 26, 30- tion of
31 Population figures, 5, 9-12, 28, 36,
Missions to N.I., official Chinese, 39
81, 92, 131, 135-136, Press
143, 148-161, 163, 172-173, Chinese language, 44, 56, 59, 06,
186, 195-1 97; see also Official- Chinese imperial; 194 130, 143, 158, 167,
ernment, Chinese, policies and Dutch language, 41
practices language, 56, 59-61, 106,
130, 141, 143, 158,
in, 83, 85, 89,92- 167, 188, 194
94, 101, 152, 195 Princes and sultans, Indonesian, 8,
Nationalism, Indonesian, 187-188 157, 160, 188
100, 144, 154, Provincialism, 63-65, 69-70, 111,
157-158, 195 162-163, 165, 172, 130, 194
40, 65, 130, 134
Tiong
143, 145 Road Chinese (Batavia), see Chinese
Officers, Chinese, see Chinese of- Council (Batavia)
ficer system Racialism, 16, 24, 38-41, 47, 58,
Officialdom, Chinese imperial, 85, 64, 129, 158, 193
87, 89, 93-94, 96-97, 103, 28, Reform, educational, see Education,
135, 149, 152, 172, reform of

T. (Li

1 1 1 1
Kuo-yU; Opium,
Li Hung-chang,
,
Kim
Keng,
Keng
,
87-88,
1
108-109,
dom, Gov-
Malay
108-109,
Nanking, study
Navy, Chinese, 78,
Queues,
Oei Ham, 102-103, 105, 134,
,
1
159-161,
,
234
Religion, 13-14, 16, 60-61;see also Semarang,
Christianity; Confucianism Surabaya, 105, 107, 109, 130, 144,
Remittances to China, 80, 93, 99- 164
101, 106-107, 131, 143-144, Song Siang, 42, 55
149, 164- Study China, see Nanking, study
165, 201 167, 194, 200- Su Jui-chao, 166-168
Republic, Chinese, 90, 94, 98-100, 45, 56, 74, 100-101,
105, 107-108, 129-130, 132, 104, 144,
140, 142-143, 155, 161-163, 168, 197-
167, 190 198, 200
Revenue 126 farming, 24-27, 29, 31 Tan Hoa, 90-91
Revolution, 1911 Chinese, 40, 65, Tan Bo, 138
74, 90, 92-94, 104-107, 129- Tan San, 137-138, 140
130, 132, 153, 158, Tan Say, 111, 142-143
164, 198 166, 168, 188, Tan Tjong Taxation, Long, 138 24-25, 27-29, 80-81 ,111,
Rioting, see Violence, acts of 187, Teachers, 194 "modern" Chinese, see
Schools, see Education Education
Secret societies, 22, 64, 107, 110, 90, 94-95, 105, 150-152,
170, 194 155-157, 160-161, 165, 167,
Siang Boe Tjong 103 184-187, 198-199
Siang 95-99, 101-103, 105- Bandung, 80
108, 112, 134, 152, Batavia, 85-86, 88,
160, 163-164, 189, 195 133-134, 137-142, 153, 163,
Batavia, 65, 97-98, 100-103, 105, 169, 185-188, 198
111, 132, 141-142, 156 as center of pan-Chinese
finances of, ment, 82-83, 86-88
Semarang, 98, 102-1 03, 109, 134, establishment of, 57, 64, 133,
143, 156 139-141, 172
Surabaya, 98, 100, 102-103, 109, finances of, 132,
144, 156, 164 141
Singapore, 73, 84, Cheribon, 153
96, 104, 140, 150, 152, 160, finances of, 77-81, 85, 95, 100-
165, 171 101, 104, 194, 199
Singkeh identity, 10-14, 16, 63-65, Kediri, 88, 91
Too, 102, 105-106, 125, 129- Semarang, 76-79, 83, 86, 90, 143,
130, 144, 170, 173 154, 169
Soe Po Sia, 103-109, 112, 130, 134, Surabaya, 83, 189
170-171, 189 Surakarta, 133
Batavia, 105-108, 110-111, 131- Tie 110-111, 143
132, 142 Tiong see
105,107-109,143
Ong
152-156, 158-160, in
170-172, in
SunYat-sen,
106-108, 132-133,
170-171, 173-174,
Kim
Kim
140-144, Kim
170-173,
THHK,
Hwee,
Hwee,
154-158, 90,110-111,
move-
99-100
76-81,88,95,
42-44, 54-56,
Yok Hwee,
Hoa Hwe Koan, THHK
235
Tiong Hoa Keng Kie Hwee, see Chi-Wang Kang Ky, 155-157
nese Employees Bond Wang Ta-chen, 157, 160, 162
nese Employees Bond 157, 160, 162
Tiong Tjong 83-85, 89- 157-158
91; see also Boe Wijkenstelsel, see Zoning system
Tjong
Tjoa TJoe 56 hui, 56, 7A, 170 Shih-ch'i, Tjai Siang, 154-155, 56, 63 162
Shih-k'ai, 99-101,107, 132-
Violence, actsof, 41, 129-130, 158, 134, 144, 167-168, 200
161-162, 188, 190-191, 196 Zoning system (wijkenstelsel), 28,
88-91 39, 127, 187
Hoa Hwee, Wang Yl-wai,
Djawa Hak
Hwee
Koan, Yang
T'ung-meng Yoe
Yuan
Wang Fung Cheang, 31-33,
COLLEGE LIBRARY
1
Date Due
Due Returned Due Returned
Overseas Chinese nationalism, main
325 251W724oC2
3 laba D3Efl7 MTlfl
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