Lea E. lams
^tmrn^mmmmrmmmmm
Overseas Chinese Nationalism
THE GENESIS 0^ THE PANCHINESE MbVEMENT
IN INDONESIA, 1900-1916
MASJACBUSiiTTS iNSTlTUTB OF TEC^NiOtOGT
UNIVERSITY
OF FLORIDA
LIBRARIES
COLLEGE LIBRARY
Digitized by the Internet Archive
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Overseas Chinese Nationalism
W. W. Rostow, Alfred Levin, and Others, Nor- ton, 1953; Mentor Books, 1954
W. W. Rostow and Others, Technology Press and Wiley, 1954
W. W. Rostow and Richard W. Hatch, Technology Press and Wiley, 1955
M. F. Millikan and W.W. Rostow, Harper, 1957
A. Bauer and and Communications Ithiel de Sola Pool, eds.
C. K. Yang, Technology Press, 1959
C. K.Yang, Technology Press, 1959
W. W. Rostow, Harper, 1960
6
BOOKS FROM THE CENTER
PUBLISHED BY
HANDBOOK FOR INDUSTRY STUDIES
Everett E. Hagen
CHANGING IMAGES OF AMERICA: A Study
of Indian Students' Perceptions
George V. Coelho
THE JAPANESE FACTORY: Aspects of Its So-
cial Organization
James C. Abegglen
INDUSTRIAL CHANGE IN INDIA: Industrial
Growth, Capital Requirements, and
Technological Change, 1937-1955
George Rosen
THE PASSING OF TRADITIONAL SOCIETY: Mod-
ernizing the Middle East
Daniel Lerner, with Lucille W. Pevsner
THE RELIGION IN JAVA ("Modjokuto" Series)
Clifford Geertz
OTHER BOOKS FROM THE CENTER
THE DYNAMICS OF SOVSET SOCIETY
THE PROSPECTS FOR COMMUNIST CHINA
NINE SOVIET PORTRAITS
Raymond A. Bauer and Edward Wasioiek, Tech-
nology Press and Wiley, 1955
AN AMERICAN POLICY IN ASIA
MOSCOW AND THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF
INDIA
John H. Koutsky, Technology Press and Wiley,
1956
A PROPOSAL: Key to an Effective Foreign
Policy
FRANCE DEFEATS EDC
Daniel Lerner and Raymond Aron, eds., Praeger,
1957 (published as LA QUERELLE DE LA C.E.D.,
Armand Colin, 1956)
THE ECONOMICS OF COMMUNIST EASTERN
EUROPE
Nicolas Spulber, Technology Press and Wiley, 1957
SOVIET EDUCATION FOR SCIENCE AND TECH-
NOLOGY
Alexander Korol, Technology Press and Wiley,
1957
INDONESIA'S ECONOMIC STABILIZATION AND
DEVELOPMENT
Benjamin Higgins, Institute of Pacific Relations,
FORGING A NEW SWORD: A Study of the
Department of Defense
William R. Kintner, with Joseph I. Coffey and
Raymond J. Albright, Harper, 1958
FOR INTERNATIONAL STUDIES
THE FREE PRESS
CHINA'S GROSS NATIONAL PRODUCT AND SO-
CIAL ACCOUNTS: 1950-1957
William W. Hollister
INDUSTRIAL GROWTH IN SOUTH INDIA: Case
Studies in Economic Development
George B. Baldwin
AMERICAN BUSINESSMEN AND INTERNATIONAL
TRADE: Code Book and Data from a Study
on
Raymond
Attitudes
OVERSEAS CHINESE NATIONALISM: The Gen-
esis of the Pan-Chinese Movement in
Indonesia
Lea E. Williams
, 1 900-1 91
FINANCING ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: The
Indonesian
Douglas S.
Case
Paauw
FOR INTERNATIONAL STUDIES
SCRATCHES ON OUR MINDS: American Im-
ages of China and India
Harold R. Isaacs, John Day, 1958
THE INFLATIONARY SPIRAL: The Experience
in China, 1939-1950
Chang Kia-Ngou, Technology Press and Wiley,
1958
THE AMERICAN STYLE: Essays in Value and
Performance
Elting E. Morison, ed., Harper, 1958
ALLOCATION IN SPACE: Production, Trans-
port and Industrial Location
Louis Lefeber, North-Holland, 1958
JAPANESE POPULAR CULTURE: Studies in Mass
Communication and Cultural Change
Hidetoshi Koto, ed. and trans., Tuttle, 1959
THE HUMAN MEANING OF THE SOCIAL
SCIENCES
Daniel Lerner, ed., Meridian Books, 1959
A CHINESE VILLAGE IN EARLY COMMUNIST
TRANSITION
THE CHINESE FAMILY IN THE COMMUNIST REV-
OLUTION
BLOC POLITICS IN THE UNITED NATIONS
Thomas Hovet, Jr., Harvard, 1 9S0
THE STRUCTURE OF THE EAST GERMAN ECONOMY
Wolfgang F. Stolper, Harvard, 1960
POSTWAR
STATES
ECONOMIC TRENDS IN THE UNITED
Ralph E. Freeman, ed.. Harper, 1960
THE UNITED STATES IN THE WORLD ARENA
THE QUESTION OF GOVERNMENT SPENDING:
Public Needs and Private Wonts
Francis M. Bator, Harper, 1960
The Center for International Studies
MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY
Overseas Chinese Nationalism
THE GENESIS OF THE PAN-CHINESE MOVEMENT
IN INDONESIA, 1900-1916
hy Lea E. Williams
The Free Press, Glencoe, Illinois
| 1960 by |
The Massachusetts |
|
Institute |
of Technology |
| Printed |
the United |
States |
of America |
|
| Designed of Congress |
by Catalog |
Sidney Card |
Solomon |
|
Copyright ©
in
Library Number: 60-9582
To my mother
who from earliest memory taught me of
faraway peoples, places, and times.
CONTENTS
PREFACE ix
ABBREVIATIONS xiii
CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 3
The Problem 3
Indonesian
| The |
|
Environment |
5 |
|
Position Separateness |
Minority |
9 13 16 |
|
|
|
20 |
| 2. |
|
|
|
|
for Nationalism |
|
22 22 |
| Rule |
|
|
23 |
The Chinese Position 9
Chinese
The Chinese as a
Notes
CHAPTER THE BACKGROUND OF THE NATIONALIST
AWAKENING
The Need
Dutch
Chinese Revenue Farming 24
| Grievances |
|
27 |
| Education |
for |
36 |
| the |
|
38 |
| the |
|
42 |
Major Chinese
Government Chinese
The Chinese and Officialdom
The Chinese and Outside World
Notes 48
CHAPTER 3. THE MOBILIZATION FOR NATIONALISM 54
The
| Confucianlst |
|
Revival |
|
| Internal |
Divisions |
for Reform |
in Education |
The Movement
11
of
| Chambers |
Commerce |
95 |
| Soe Po |
|
03 |
| Other Pan-Chinese |
|
109 |
Sic
Associations
Summary
Notes
CHAPTER 4. DEVELOPMENTS IN LEADERSHIP
The
|
Collapse |
of the Officer |
Institution |
24 |
| Local |
Leaders |
|
|
36 |
| Dynastic |
Officials Nationalist |
|
|
|
| Diplomatic |
|
Consular |
Leaders |
|
| Reformer and |
|
Revolutionary |
|
|
| Recapitulation |
|
|
|
71 |
Some Symbols
and
Notes
CHAPTER 5. AN EVALUATION
| of the |
|
88 |
| Conclusions |
the Indies Chinese |
|
|
|
191 |
|
|
201 |
| The Accomplishments of Indies Chinese Nationalism |
|
| The Weapons |
Chinese |
| General |
on |
ment
Notes
GLOSSARY
SOME NETHERLANDS INDIES
SURNAMES
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Primary Sources
Secondary Works: Books
Secondary Works: Articles
INDEX
1
1 1
113
124
1
1
146
159
163
168
1
1 74
184
1 84
1
Move-
202
205
207
211
21
213
220
231
Application to the Problem of Minority Nationalism
EQUIVALENTS OF KUO-YU
PREFACE
|
bulk |
of the research |
for this |
|
|
in In- |
| donesia |
the Netherlands |
from 1952 |
|
to 1954. In |
Jakarta the |
facili- |
| ties of |
the Bataviaasch |
|
|
(Batavian |
Society) |
the |
| University |
of Indonesia, |
particularly |
|
Sinological |
|
|
| of great |
usefulness. of |
individuals |
|
in that city, (Ministry |
including of the |
Interior), |
| Mr. Hsu |
|
of |
the Tiong |
|
high |
school, |
| Mr. |
Inio |
editor |
of |
Po, furnished |
invaluable ad- |
|
| vice |
|
writer |
especially |
fortunate |
in benefiting |
|
| from the |
unlimited |
|
of the late |
Mr. |
P'in-san, |
|
| perial |
holder |
under the |
last |
dynasty and |
for |
|
| the outstanding |
representative |
|
of |
scholarship |
in |
|
| Historical |
reasons |
led to the |
removal |
to |
|
|
| cial |
pertaining |
to the |
subject |
under investigation. |
|
|
| therefore, |
necessary of |
for the writer in |
to spend the Netherlands |
the |
portion to return |
of his briefly to |
| that country |
in 1957. |
|
|
a long tradition |
of |
scholarly |
| interest |
in the Far |
despite |
their |
altered |
political position |
in |
| Southeast |
Asia, the |
interest continues. |
|
Miss |
|
|
| of the Koninklijk |
Instituut |
voor de |
|
(Royal |
Institute) |
in |
|
|
|
[ix] |
|
|
|
The book was conducted
and
both Genootschap and
its Department, were
Many Raden
Mas Utoyo Kementerian Dalam Negeri
Eng-hua, principal Hoa Hwe Koan
and Beng Goat, Keng
and guidance. The was
graciousness Chin an im-
degree Chinese many years
Confucian Java.
Europe of most of the offi-
documents It was,
major
first two years research and
The Dutch have
East and,
Johanna Felhoen-Kraal
Tropen Tropical
[x]
Amsterdam was more than generous and helpful in introducing the writer
to scholars and officials with special connections with Indonesian studies
| in |
arranging |
for the use |
of libraries. |
Also at |
the Koninklijk |
|
Insti- |
| tuut voor |
de Tropen, |
Professors |
Bertling |
all displayed |
sympathetic |
Messrs. interest |
|
| in the |
writer's project, |
as |
did Professor |
|
|
University |
of |
|
The rich |
libraries sources of |
of the universities material |
at late |
Leiden Professor |
at |
|
| Professor |
|
|
Mr. |
D. van der |
of |
Leiden |
|
| versity |
supplied |
|
|
assistance. |
|
Reverend |
|
| A. of the |
formerly |
a missionary in Indonesia, |
|
(Netherlands |
Dr. Missionary Col- |
K. |
|
| lege) |
at Oegstgeest, |
|
|
material |
from their |
files |
|
| libraries, |
|
most helpful. in |
Mr. |
Alderse-Baes rendered |
of the assistance. |
Indonesian |
|
| author's |
adjustment by |
to the friends, libraries |
life in the |
language the |
of the Netherlands was Th |
Schoofs Bibliotheek |
of |
| (Royal |
Library) |
that of |
the Koninklijk Instituut voor Tool-, |
|
|
|
|
|
(Royal inestimable of the |
Institute for value. research Therefore, special |
for this study |
gratitude |
on the archives of the Mr. |
Ethnology), H. |
|
| his |
staff at |
the |
Rijksarchief |
(General |
State |
Archives), |
|
| Baron |
S. J. |
Tuyll |
Serooskerken |
|
Dr. Woltering |
of |
the |
| Ministerie |
van |
Buitenlandse |
|
(Ministry of |
Foreign |
Affairs), |
|
| Mr. |
Nienhuis and |
hisstaff at the Ministerie van |
|
|
|
Rijksdelen |
|
| (Ministry of |
|
Parts |
of the |
|
|
Ministry), |
|
W. Brink, and J. Brouwer Nederlandse Zendings-Hogeschool
P. Overzeese Overseas Realm, the former Colonial
and
and Coolhaas and A.
van Marie and Willem van Milaan
Wertheim of the
Amsterdam. and Amster-
dam were. The Duyvendak,
van der Valk, and J. Meulen Uni-
much encouragement and The
who made available and
were E.
Chamber of Commerce Amsterdam much The
and
promoted two good Mr. and Mrs. M. J..
Amsterdam. Two Hague, Koninklijke
and Land-en
Volkenkunde Language, Geography and
were of
Much was based
Dutch government. is due Brouwer
and Algemeen
van van and
Zaken and
Ixi]
| all In the |
|
Baron |
|
van HoSvell |
tot Westerflier |
|
| of the |
Hulpdepot, |
|
Rijksarchief |
|
|
State |
| Archives) at Schaarsbergen |
|
|
These expressions |
of thanks have mentioned |
|
|
| the the writer |
of only in Indonesia |
a of |
the in Holland. |
kind helpful |
persons |
met by |
| England |
Dr. Victor Purcell Chinese, |
|
generously |
G., the leading of his time |
British advice. |
authority this |
| country |
there are these are |
to the officers |
the writer of the Center |
for International |
Studies |
Foremost of |
| the Massachusetts Institute |
|
of Technology, |
|
|
the |
research; |
| Professors |
|
Fairbank, |
Rupert Emerson, |
|
L. |
Oliver |
| of Harvard special |
University; |
Dr. research support |
Schleiffer, |
bibliography; |
stint. |
her |
| people |
contributed |
to the writing |
of this |
study, but |
errors |
mis- |
| interpretations |
are spelling of |
solely those proper |
of the In this |
presents |
special |
problems |
| growing |
out of such |
factors |
as recent |
political |
In Indonesia |
|
| in |
the case |
of |
differences |
in |
|
systems |
| of romanlzation |
|
currently |
|
English |
of |
purely |
| Indonesian |
place |
|
be followed. |
Thus there |
|
|
| to Jogjakarta, |
Surabaya, such |
as Batavia, |
|
so on; but |
formerly |
with will be |
| referred |
to in that |
|
as those are |
the appropriate |
|
for the |
| period |
under study. |
|
sensible, |
|
will be |
|
| Ized according |
to |
the modified |
|
|
by the |
Journal |
| of Asian |
Studies |
in the case |
of less easily |
Identified |
|
use of |
| the |
or |
spellings |
derived |
from South |
dialects |
will |
Hague, and J. G. F. M. G.
Aigemeen (Subdepot, General
.
names few many and
and
In, CM.
on overseas gave and In
many whom is much indebted.
among
who underwrote
John K. and Douglas
Hedwig who made available
knowledge of methods and and my wife,
whose encouragement and
were as always without Many
Its and
writer.
The names work
changes
and, Chinese names, dialect and
. The accepted spellings
names will
may be references
Bandung, and places
Dutch names, Weltevreden, and Buitenzorg,
manner, names
Whenever Chinese names roman-
Wade-Giles system used
; names, the
Dutch Malay China
IxiiJ
| be unavoidable. |
|
incomplete |
|
of Chinese |
surnames |
|
in |
| the East |
Indies |
to be found |
at the |
of this |
book. |
|
based |
| scattered |
references |
|
from a |
|
|
give the |
|
| nese characters |
for |
the |
of various |
individuals. |
|
will be |
seen, |
| the |
gives the |
|
romanizations, |
|
then the |
or |
|
| forms a |
takes characters. |
in the all |
area studied, cases, |
|
finally, the feasible |
appropriate likely |
to |
| clarify |
the |
or bring |
out the |
significance |
of the |
proper |
|
| terms |
used in |
the text, |
alternate |
forms or |
translations |
will be |
in- |
| dicated. |
Chinese |
characters |
for |
will, |
they |
are |
|
| be given |
as aid |
in identifying |
persons, |
organizations, |
|
various |
|
| terms. |
Reference |
notes are |
at the |
of |
chapter; |
certain |
titles |
| will be |
abbreviated. |
|
of these |
other |
abbreviations |
appears |
|
| on pp. |
xiii-xiv. |
In notes |
|
than |
source |
cited, refer- |
|
| ences are |
given in |
order |
corresponding |
to |
that in |
data |
from |
| the sources |
are University |
|
|
|
Lea |
Williams |
|
| Providence, |
|
Island |
|
|
|
|
|
E.
An
is
upon
names
list Wade-Giles
name
Chinese In
meaning
and
an
A list
where
an
employed.
Brown
Rhode
June 1959
list common
end The list is
number of works which Chi-
As
one more
and,
where it is and
names
names when known,
and
end each
and
more one is
which
'
ABBREVIATIONS
Ad. Chin. Chinese Affairs
|
Aff. |
|
Adviser |
for |
|
|
| Jap. |
Aff. |
|
Adviser |
for |
|
|
| Jap. |
|
Aff. |
Adviser Affairs |
for |
|
Chinese |
| arch. |
|
For. Aff. |
archives try of Foreign |
of the Affairs |
Netherlands |
|
| arch. |
|
v. Parts |
archives try of |
of the |
Netherlands Parts of |
the |
| Asst. Res. |
|
|
Assistant |
Resident |
|
|
| Atty. |
|
|
|
bjj^het Hui Consul |
Tsa d'Affaires |
Procureur- (Leiden) |
| Chin. |
|
|
|
Minister |
|
|
| Chin. |
For. |
Aff. |
|
Minister |
of Foreign Affairs |
|
| Dir. Civ. |
Serv. |
|
Director (Binnenlandsch |
of |
the Civil Bestuur) |
Service |
| Dir. Ed., |
Relig., |
Ind. |
Director gion, |
of Industry |
Education, |
Reli- |
| Dir. Fin. |
|
|
Director |
of |
Finance |
|
| Dir. Jus. |
|
|
Director |
of |
Justice |
|
N.I.
N.I. and
N.I.
N.I.
Ad. Japanese Affairs
Ad. Chin. Japanese and
Neth. Min. Minis-
Neth. Min. O Minis-
Realm Overseas Realm
Gen. N.I. Attorney General(
Generaal Hoog-Gerechtshof)
CHHTC Chung Hwa Chih
Chin. Charg6 Chinese Charge
Chin. Con. Gen. Chinese General
Min. Chinese
Min. Chinese
.,...
[xlv]
DL
| Locomotief |
(Se |
rang) |
| First |
|
Secretary |
| ste |
Secretary Secretaris) |
Secretaris) |
G.G.
Isf G<3v. Sec
Gen Sec.
|
of Sumatra's |
|
Coast |
| Indische |
(Amsterdam) |
|
|
| Koloniale Netherlands |
StudiSn |
(Batavia) |
|
| Netherlands |
Consul |
|
|
| Netherlands |
Minister |
|
|
| Netherlands |
Ministry |
of |
Colonies |
| Netherlands Affairs |
Ministry |
of |
Foreign |
| Netherlands Nederlandsch-lndi'6 |
India |
|
|
| Officer |
for |
Affairs |
|
| Officer |
for |
Affairs |
|
| Officer Resident Sin Po |
for Justice |
|
|
| (Drukkerij Tiong |
Sin Po, |
Batavia, |
|
G. Sumatra W. Cst. IG KS
| Neth. |
Charge |
| Neth. |
Con |
| Neth. |
Min |
| Neth. |
Min. |
| Neth. |
Min |
N.I. Off. Chin. Aff. Off. Jap. Aff. Off. Jus. Res. SPJN THHK Temp. Ad. Chin. Aff. Wl
N.I. Government (1 Gouvernements
N.I. General (Algemeene
N.I. Governor General Governor West Gids
935)
Gen.
Col.
For. Aff
De ma
Charge d 'Affaires
General
()
Chinese
Japanese
Jubileum-Nummer
1
Hoa Hwe Koan
Temporary Adviser to the N.1.Gov-
ernment on Chinese Affairs
Weekblad voor Indi'^ (Batavia)
Overseas Chinese Nationalism
.
INTRODUCTION
| the nursery |
of nationality. |
|
|
Lord |
Acton |
Exile is
The Problem
Perhaps twelve million Chinese today live and, in many cases,
prosper in Southeast Asia. Estimates on the division of their loyalties
seem almost as numerous as the immigrants themselves. Officials, jour-
nalists, and travelers in the area commonly state that the overseas
Chinese population can be classified as 10 per cent vociferously pro-
Communist, 10 percent rather forlornly pro-Kuomintang, and 80 per
cent cautiously "waiting." Clearly there is no way to evaluate this
guess. Only two observations on the problem seem universally accept-
able: the political attachments of most overseas Chinese are either
concealed or unsettled; and virtually all these people look ultimately
to China as their symbol of national prestige and security. Relatively
few Chinese in Southeast Asia seem inflexibly committed to a cold war
camp; but without significant exception every immigrant is a national-
istic Chinese, a man somehow prepared to give final allegiance to
China
Nationalism is not necessarily rational in economic or political terms.
Countless examples can be put forward to demonstrate this fundamental
point. The people of one newly independent nation may have been bet-
ter off economically under colonialism; perhaps the citizens of another
[3]
[4]
| state enjoyed |
a larger |
measure |
of political |
stability |
personal |
free- |
| in |
the days of |
imperial |
rule |
philosophy |
of |
|
| tionalism |
lucidly |
set forth |
in a slogan |
of |
|
in |
| prefer |
self-government |
|
in |
to servitude |
in tranquility." |
|
| Vigorous |
nationalism, |
like |
love, often |
blind. |
|
|
| Outside |
observers, |
including sometimes |
the author, are permit |
nationalism |
to feel to |
that the |
| their tycoon |
best interests. to endorse |
|
simply |
illogical for |
a Singapore student |
rubber |
| going indoctrination |
|
in Peking |
appears misguided |
|
There no practical |
|
| reason |
for a causes |
shopkeeper or |
to contribute enterprises |
or |
to both |
pesos to |
| tionalism |
be |
to |
motivate |
all these |
seemingly |
irrational |
| actions, |
nationalism |
transcends of the present |
politics contest |
for the minds |
of |
in South- |
| east Asia |
will not |
be determined |
Decisions |
appraisal will be |
of the workings nationalisticaliy; |
of |
| that |
Southeast |
Asians will |
support |
the ideology |
|
appears to |
| offer the |
greater |
strength to |
their nationalist |
causes. |
This generaliza- |
|
| tion |
be applied |
with equal |
validity |
to of |
the nationally |
|
| scious overseas |
peoples of Chinese. study to |
the area, to attempts |
the Burmans, to to increase |
the understanding |
Indonesians, of |
to the the |
| nationalism |
of the |
populations |
of the |
|
world. |
|
| here |
with but |
of the |
peoples |
of that majority of |
mankind; |
re- |
| search |
in a relatively unexplored |
|
field |
be more than |
preliminary. |
|
| while |
the present |
investigation |
|
restricted |
to the Chinese |
of the |
| Indonesian |
islands |
in the early |
years of our |
century, |
the implications |
|
and
dom. The non-Western na-
is Nkrumah's party Ghana:
"We danger
is
prone
Chinese of Southeast Asia workagainst
own It is
communism. The Indonesian-Chinese under-
. is
Manila hard-earned
Kuomintang Communist — even. Na-
can assumed
and and economics.
The outcome men
byacool
communism and democracy. made
is. which
can any con-
The follow new
non-Western The concern
is one
cannot
Yet, is
[5]
beyond those islands,
|
The |
Indonesian |
Environment |
|
|
|
| Netherlands |
India |
consisted |
of those |
parts of |
the Southeast |
Asian |
| archipelago |
under |
|
|
the northern |
tip |
of Sumatra |
| to the |
Dutch-Australian |
frontier |
in |
|
stretched |
along |
| the equator |
|
the Asian |
|
Australia for |
|
|
| a distance |
|
greater |
than that |
across the |
United States. |
This |
| colonial |
empire included |
Sumatra, |
most |
of Borneo, Java, Celebes, |
|
the |
| western |
half of |
|
countless |
smaller |
islands. |
total |
| land area |
in the |
|
of |
|
miles, |
the equal |
| of that |
of France, |
the |
Countries, |
|
Italy, |
Spain, |
| Portugal |
|
or twelve most populous |
times the island, |
size of relatively |
England. small, |
Java, |
| area of State. |
only population |
miles, of the |
about holdings |
the in 1900, |
as that of the year |
|
| the |
of the |
period to |
be investigated, |
|
roughly |
|
| with about |
per 2 Thus, while |
cent of this agricultural |
population |
concentrated has long |
famous |
as the |
| most densely |
populated |
island |
of the world, |
there |
|
regions |
| in, say, |
Borneo or |
|
inhabited |
only |
by scattered |
hunting |
| gathering |
peoples. |
|
Indonesian |
archipelago, |
crossed |
since |
| prehistory |
by a great |
|
of different |
ethnic |
groups, |
challenges |
| of fhe story |
to be |
told reach |
that people, |
and |
| that period |
of history. |
|
|
|
Dutch sovereignty. From
New Guinea, it
between mainland and 3,100 miles,
somewhat
New Guinea, and The
was neighborhood 735,000 square
Low Germany, and
combined— New
overwhelmingly the is havingan
48,766 square same New York
The Dutch marking
opening was 35 million,
80 on Java and
Madura. Java been
were and are
New Guinea
and The
number
it is to refer to
| The writer |
feels |
convenient |
|
the colony |
studied |
by the |
direct |
| translation |
of Dutch |
name, Nederlandsch-lndie |
|
or by |
the abbreviation |
|
N.I. |
| rather than |
by the more |
|
but clumsier |
the Dutch |
East |
Indies. |
|
its,
common name,
[6]
| anthropologists |
with |
a broad |
range of |
types |
cultures. |
|
| there |
sense in |
speaking |
of levels |
of civilization, |
|
be said |
| that the |
|
|
|
the |
primitive |
Papuans |
| of |
|
the cultivated |
|
as |
great as |
that to be |
| found |
|
peoples |
living |
within |
state. |
anthro- |
| pological Islam, |
mosaic left of in |
by successive penetration, |
migrations to the based |
has been cultural influences the raising |
subjected, with of tropical |
of India, export |
| products, |
including |
sugar, coffee, |
tobacco, spices, tea, |
|
|
|
| extraction |
of tin |
oil |
significant, |
though |
oil production |
in |
| Sumatra |
Borneo |
then |
in |
pioneer stages. |
|
|
| lands of the |
period, |
in the early |
phase of |
industrialization, |
|
|
| just beginning |
to consider |
the |
Indonesian |
colony as |
a potential |
market |
| for goods |
|
in the |
metropolitan |
country. |
Holland continued |
|
| to function |
primarily rather than |
as those of the |
industrialist. |
to reap Imports |
the profits into |
of the the colony |
| in |
valued |
at only |
million; |
exports |
totaled |
|
| million. |
|
Import items |
|
textiles, luxury |
foods, |
bever- |
| ages, |
metal products. |
|
the |
there |
|
the most |
| elementary |
sort of manufacturing |
|
Certain |
export items |
|
pre- |
| liminary consumption |
processing fabricated |
in the Islands, |
locally. 3 |
simple |
goods |
for Indies |
| This |
study |
with |
the years |
|
the |
cele- |
| brate the |
three hundredth |
anniversary of |
|
their arrival |
In Southeast |
Asia. |
| During |
three |
centuries, |
the Hollanders |
had |
gradually |
extended |
| their authority |
over |
the |
archipelago. |
|
last formal |
|
| acquisitions |
of Indonesian |
territory, |
in |
fact, |
only |
the |
human and If
is any it can
distance— vertical, if you will— between
New Guinea and Javanese is
between any two one The
uneven degrees
the West, and China.
The economy 1900 was upon
and cinchona.
The and was
and was still its The Nether-
its own was
manufactured
an emporium and
merchant
1900 were f. 195 f. 259
The main were
and Within colony was only
. underwent
and some
were
Is concerned which saw Dutch
those
whole The Dutch
were made In
.
[7]
New Guinea.
| twentieth |
century |
in the interiors of |
Borneo, |
Celebes, and |
|
|
| But most |
of |
had |
under effective |
Netherlands |
control |
since |
| the |
half of |
the eighteenth |
century. |
|
had |
|
| to the |
islands, like |
the earlier |
Portuguese, |
to trade, |
not to |
govern. |
| early |
merchants |
had found |
that possession |
of a |
|
trading |
| post offered |
|
over |
simply anchoring |
offshore |
to barter |
with |
| native |
suppliers. |
price |
of spices, |
the product |
|
at- |
| tracted |
the Westerners |
to Southeast |
Asia, |
very |
likely to be |
pushed |
| up by the |
arrival |
of a foreign |
ship. |
fixed trading |
establishment, |
|
| often called |
a factory, |
could, |
the |
other hand, |
spices |
at |
| time the |
price |
attractive |
not |
be subject |
to the |
hazard of |
| wild price |
fluctuations |
occasioned |
by |
irregular |
of |
|
| ships, |
as |
natives |
|
had to take |
their |
cargoes |
| of spices |
without |
lengthy delay. |
|
establishment |
of factories |
led |
| to the |
laying out |
of fortified |
towns, |
these in |
turn |
the |
| Control |
of their environs. |
The |
exercise |
of political |
authority |
over In- |
| donesia |
in the days to speak of |
before their "civilizing |
nineteenth mission" |
century |
colonialists forced on |
the East |
| India |
|
|
had |
founded as |
a |
|
| ture but |
pushed |
|
|
the sphere |
of colonial |
|
| ernment. |
1800, |
after years |
of inefficient |
corrupt |
|
|
| the a colonial |
administration. |
|
governing |
functions |
taken |
over by |
| The |
term native |
has become |
very unfashionable |
recent |
years, |
but, as |
| much |
more convenient |
than |
the substitutes |
now frequently |
employed |
|
| place, the |
writer continues |
use |
Readers |
can be assured |
that references |
|
| the autochthonous |
peoples |
of the |
Indonesian |
archipelago |
as natives are |
not |
| tended |
carry any |
derogatory |
connotations. |
one can |
speak of |
natives of |
| France or |
England, |
there no sound |
reason |
avoid referring |
natives |
of Java |
| Sumatra |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Java been
4
first The Dutch first come
The permanent
advantages
The which first
was
A
on buy any
seemed and
the coming Western
which, the knew well, on
The
and demanded
European
began was
Company. The company been commercial ven-
was evermore deeply Into gov-
In and management,
company collapsed and its were
in it
is so in its
to it. to
in-
to If
is to to
or
...
[8]
| The |
N.I. government's administrative |
|
|
|
|
|
|
direct |
indirect |
rule. |
policies, rulers |
though native |
shifting, lay officials |
| existed |
throughout |
the colonial |
period, |
but the |
|
the initia- |
| tors of |
basic policy of |
kept |
a close bureaucrats |
|
the operations |
of the to act with |
| considerable |
|
but, |
like junior |
officers |
|
with their |
| superiors, |
they of the |
earliest |
slightly to principles |
the rear of |
in step colonial |
with the |
|
later expressed |
in the |
phrase: |
"Like over |
like |
* |
| This |
semi-official |
slogan |
originated |
from the |
|
of sepa- |
| rate officials |
|
different politico-legal |
|
systems |
for the various |
ethnic |
| groups |
within the |
colony. Thus, |
in theory |
|
within restricted |
limits |
| in practice, |
natives |
under |
their |
regents, |
Europeans |
lived |
| under |
the jurisdiction |
of |
civil |
servants, |
|
other |
| foreign |
Orientals |
|
|
to their |
|
or officers. |
| Final |
absolute |
authority |
|
must not be |
forgotten, |
in |
| the hands |
of a |
governor |
general |
|
in |
with |
| directives |
from the |
|
|
|
|
|
| Soortoversoort |
|
genade |
Furnivali, |
Netherlands |
India |
Cambridge |
| University |
Cambridge, |
1944, |
89, |
discusses |
principle |
further but |
| translates |
the Dutch |
sentence above: |
"Like |
over |
welcome." |
As genade |
| properly means |
either |
God's grace |
or human |
mercy, the |
word humane seems |
to be |
| more accurate |
than voor de Tropen |
welcome Amsterdam |
Miss Johanna reports |
Felhoen-Kraal that the |
of the slogan was |
Konlnklijk originally |
| introduced |
into the |
vocabulary |
of the Indies |
officialdom |
by the |
famous Dutch |
| authority on aphorism |
Islam, Professor |
Snouck |
Hurgronje, who |
translated |
from |
an Arabic |
| Dutch |
works on |
N.I. distinguish, |
as |
did Dutch |
law, between |
Europeans |
| (Europeonen), |
natives |
Inlanders), and |
foreign |
Orientals |
Vreemde Oosl-eriingen |
|
| sometimes |
known earlier |
as Oostersche |
Vreemdelingen |
|
Oriental^ foreigners) |
|
| The |
group was very |
largely |
Chinese but |
included |
some Arabs, |
Indians, and |
| other Asians necessary |
alien |
N.I. More |
discussion |
of classiflcatory |
|
be |
between and Native and
Dutch were
and watch on
machinery government. Native appeared
autonomy, walking
were always and
Dutch. One Dutch government
was that is humane."
maintenance
and
and
were own
Dutch and Chinese and
were accountable headmen
and was, it always
Dutch who acted accordance
Hague.
"
i£." J. S.,
Press, p. this
like is
.
Instltuut in
It
( (,
,
last
to this system will
later
.
|
should be |
observed |
parenthetically |
that |
from |
early time |
the |
|
military |
titles |
to those |
|
responsible |
for |
the |
| supervision |
of their |
compatriots. |
Thus |
there |
|
major, |
as- |
| sisted |
by subordinates, |
in |
large cities |
such as |
Batavia. |
Smaller |
|
| munities |
might rate the |
only a terms mojoor, |
captain or kapitein |
a lieutenant. |
For luitenant |
are used |
here |
| in referring |
to the |
Chinese |
held |
such ranks. |
|
|
of |
| these titles difficulty |
are sufficiently |
|
close to |
the English |
to preclude |
|
reader |
| This |
colonial |
administrative |
system |
appears |
to |
|
|
| in fact |
complicated. |
|
of complexity |
|
inevitable |
in the |
In- |
| donesian |
scene, |
but a share |
must be |
attributed |
to |
bureaucratic |
|
| zeal |
thoroughness. |
|
French observer |
just |
before |
the turn |
of the |
| century |
reported |
to |
spoken of |
as |
"le poradis |
des fonction- |
|
| naires ." |
5 the |
critic, |
in writing |
of the |
administration |
of Java, |
|
| stated |
with he |
Gallic sufficiently |
directness: gracious |
to |
est trop that the |
gouvernee." |
excfes |
| d'intervention |
|
out of |
excfes |
de bienveillance |
|
|
|
It
Dutch gave
convenience,
who
Much its
and A
is have
And same
charming
However, was
"grew an"
|
|
Chinese The |
|
Position |
|
|
|
|
the |
society |
of Netherlands |
|
India the |
Chinese |
had |
| carved a |
niche for themselves |
|
Their position |
|
|
comfortable |
|
| at others |
highly |
precarious. |
|
nearly |
the entire |
Chinese |
|
| population |
of Batavia |
massacred |
|
In other, |
happier years |
|
|
| individuals, |
such as 18 million guilders |
the late |
nineteenth as |
century |
majoor |
of rich. |
There |
| in |
over lived 277,265, and |
half a |
million a nearly |
in equal |
the colony. 260,051 |
|
|
Within complex
.
and
was
who cleared
were 1900 well
and Madura
[9]
on
Chinese made
was a Chinese
com-
accuracy and
, and
The Dutch versions
any
have been and was
was
Dutch
Java
"Java
add Dutch
"
."
was at times
In 1740
. Chinese
Semarang,
an opium dealer, grew
Chinese On Java
number,, were
[10]
Outer Is,
| in the so-called |
|
Possessions, |
that |
on the |
Islands |
other than |
|
|
The Chinese |
of Java |
mostly |
Indies-born, |
while |
| those of |
the |
Possessions |
included |
a higher |
|
of |
| grants. |
|
|
the Chinese |
population |
of |
rose |
| by 128,000; |
but thatof the Outer Possessions |
|
|
climbed |
by about |
|
| thus |
statistically |
clear that |
immigration |
Into the |
Possessions |
|
| far |
greater |
than |
that Into |
|
must also |
be noted |
| that these |
statistics |
|
reveal the |
|
of immigration |
|
| into the |
Possessions. |
|
contract |
laborers |
for the |
mines |
| plantations |
of those |
regions |
returned to |
China; their |
numbers |
|
| ingly are |
not included |
in the |
net increase |
of Chinese |
residents |
during |
| the latter |
part of the |
nineteenth |
century. |
|
significant |
|
| statistical |
|
that Java's |
|
lived a settled |
|
provided |
| by figures |
|
that the |
sex ratio for |
the Chinese |
of Java |
in |
| 85 |
to |
100 |
Similar calculations |
|
for Sumatra, where |
|
| most of |
the Chinese |
of the |
Possessions |
|
found, |
a ratio |
| of only that the Chinese |
of the |
to 100 |
These |
figures graphically |
demonstrate |
|
| plantations |
the |
mines of |
|
Billlton, |
largely |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
q |
| grant laborers |
tied |
recently |
loosely |
to the society |
of the |
country. |
|
Chinese of |
Indonesia, |
in their |
eyes |
in the |
eyes of |
| others, |
long |
divided |
into |
|
groups. |
Immigrant |
| Chinese |
are referred |
to as |
Singkehs or |
Sinkehs. |
The term |
derived |
| from the this designation, |
dialect guest. from the Indonesian word |
pronunciation Arrivals |
of from |
hsin-k'o also for genuine, |
called Totok, |
but |
| used. Chinese |
born |
In the archipelago are |
|
normally called |
Peranakans, |
|
| a term of |
local origin |
based |
the Indonesian |
|
for child, |
|
Java and Madura. were
Outer percentage immi-
Between 1860 and 1900 Java
1 90,000.
It is Outer
was In volume Java. It
raw do not full magnitude
Outer Many and
accord-
Other and more
evidence Chinese life is
showing 1900
was women men.
Outer were show
16 women men.
Outer Possessions, particularly those of Sumatra's
and Bangka and were immi-
and
The own and
have been two principal
is
Amoy (^y ^)and thus
means new China can be
is less commonly
upon word anak.
.
[11]
|
also the |
root, for |
|
of beronok, |
to give |
birth. |
|
|
or |
not be |
of |
Chinese-Indonesian |
|
ancestry |
|
| but he |
immigrants, nature |
Indonesian Singkehs, of their |
birth. |
likely to Indies-born |
be found in Chinese, |
rural areas |
Per- |
| anakans, |
tended |
be urbanized. |
|
population |
|
estimate |
re- |
| vealed |
that nearly |
fifth |
of Java's |
Chinese |
concentrated |
|
in |
| that island's |
three |
chief cities, |
Batavia, |
Surabaya, and |
|
|
|
| only |
fifth resided |
outside |
the other |
principal |
cities |
towns. |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
9 |
|
| In Batavia |
they not yet possible |
for to state |
almost a |
quarter of the Chinese |
the population. |
to |
the |
| archipelago. |
|
firmly established |
|
there |
by the time |
the Euro- |
|
| peans |
but |
earlier, |
in the |
fifth century, |
the famous Chinese |
|
|
| Buddhist |
pilgrim. |
Hsien, |
had described |
having |
seen a |
fan but |
no |
| immigrants |
from his |
native land |
in |
or |
|
|
|
| considerable |
|
in |
|
techniques |
of shipbuilding |
|
|
| navigation, |
the of |
resultant to the |
growth of Indies. |
overseas Chinese, |
trade very no |
likely took doubt, were |
|
| represented |
in the |
forces |
|
unsuccessfully invaded |
|
|
in |
| the late |
thirteenth |
century. |
during |
early |
great |
Chinese |
|
| explorer |
collapse |
led his of the |
seven expeditions dynasty |
|
to Southeast the ensuing disturb- |
Asia |
|
| ances |
the South |
coast |
|
to |
stimulated |
the |
|
| gration |
to Southeast |
Asia of |
Fukien |
people. |
Southeast |
Asian |
|
| Chinese |
of Fukienese |
descent |
boast of |
ancestors |
|
|
|
| the |
|
|
the |
|
seventeenth |
|
|
| tury junks history |
are thus |
roughly analogous |
|
to the |
|
of our |
|
which is example, A
Peranakan may may mixed
is always of
While were
because of the employment,
to The 1900
one were
Semarang; and
one and
accounted
It is when first came
They were
came, much
Fa
Java Malaya. The Sung dynasty
saw a advance Chinese and
and
new numbers Chinese Many
Mongol which Java
And Ming, the
Cheng Ho and
beyond. The Ming and
on China appear have emi-
Often
who emigrated when
Manchus came down from North. Nameless cen-
"Mayflower" own
[12]
One West on China
|
aspect of |
the impact |
of the |
|
in the second |
half |
| of the |
nineteenth |
century |
that, through |
the introduction |
of |
steam- |
| ships to |
Eastern |
greatly |
facilitated |
the travel |
of |
to |
| Southeast |
Asia to |
Further, the in the the mines |
years colonies of plantations |
a period that part of of the |
of extensive the world. Europeans, |
Labor a |
| fruitful |
source of This |
supply was phase of |
found in the the infamous |
coolie trade |
Southeast the |
primary |
| reason |
for the rapid |
growth of |
the |
population |
of Netherlands |
|
| India, |
particularly |
in the |
Possessions, |
during |
those years |
|
| later Chinese |
immigrants, |
while |
Fukienese |
|
represented, |
in- |
| cluded |
of |
|
|
|
birth. |
Thus the |
| Peranakans |
of |
largely |
of |
descent, |
while |
most |
| Singkehs |
had various groups |
from from of fresh |
immigrants |
usually had |
little in |
|
| but their |
poverty. |
|
sharply divided |
by differences in |
|
dialect, |
| in easily with |
turn, Singkeh |
speakers Peranakans |
of Chinese |
unable |
to converse |
|
| to differ |
the |
of men's |
origins. |
Peranakans |
likely |
to be |
| self-employed, |
principally |
as |
merchants; |
Singkehs, |
lacking capital |
or |
| credit, |
obliged |
to |
as |
Thus, |
at the |
begin- |
| ning of |
this century |
in |
the |
majority |
of |
|
| Peranakans |
of in at other nonagricultural |
nearly 10,000 were |
Chinese jobs, presumably as |
with occupations, manufacturers, and |
|
|
| taurant |
operators, |
the like. |
In the |
Possessions |
over |
half of |
| the |
they |
Chinese as hired |
hands |
in agriculture, plantations. |
Finally, |
|
was
waters, it Chinese
. same were
economic development
was needed work and and
crowded villages of
China. was a and
Chinese
Outer. The
some were
many Hakka, Swatownese, and Cantonese
1900 were Fukienese
come Kwangtung.
The common
They were
and, were
Malay-speaking. Occupational rolesalso tended
on basis were
were work wage earners.
Java, where great Chinese were
,some 75,000 men 33,000
were engaged trade, 20,000
worked moneylenders, res-
and Outer
207,000 employed were engaged which
meant that worked on if.
[13]
as Is commonly stated in Java, two-thirds of the Peranakans were of
|
|
Indonesian |
ancestry, |
|
physical |
characteristics |
|
| set the |
residents |
apart |
from |
of the old. |
|
possible, |
|
| imprudent |
though |
|
for |
|
observer |
to say |
in |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
12 |
| 1900: |
"The Peranakans are |
|
not |
|
not |
to be so." |
|
mixed Chinese and even
new many It was even
it now seems, an astute Dutch
Chinese and do want
Chinese Separateness
|
true |
thatSingkehs |
Peranakans |
|
far from |
forming |
| a unified |
|
|
in 1900, virtually all |
|
in the |
Indies |
| readily recognizable |
|
as distinct |
from |
the native |
Indonesian |
|
| lation. |
centuries |
of residence |
In |
Southeast |
Asia had |
caused the |
| Peranakans |
to lose |
of the features |
usually attributed to the Chinese, |
|
|
|
| but they |
had never |
fully |
assimilated |
into the |
native |
population |
| nor hod |
most side. |
to |
than superficial |
Westernization |
missionary |
from the observer: |
| while |
the Netherlands |
|
|
enriched |
by the Chinese, |
the |
| Chinese |
hove, through their contact |
|
with |
the Netherlands, |
gained |
|
| or nothing |
In religious |
or spiritual |
respects. |
|
13 |
language, |
| dress, cuisine, architecture, |
of the |
religions, ancestral |
|
habits, had |
that the lost or corrupted |
cultural in |
| the Indonesian |
environment. |
|
Nevertheless, |
the |
continued |
to |
| consider |
themselves a |
separate be said to |
people |
so |
by others. off by |
|
| tive barriers" |
|
thereby to |
formed |
a distinct |
people |
within the |
| archipelago. |
In the |
case of |
the Singkehs, |
|
easy to see |
their |
| This |
phrase and |
of the |
concepts |
be used as |
analytical |
tools the |
| discussion |
of nationalism |
follow |
are taken |
from Karl W. |
Deutsch, |
Nationalism |
| and Social |
Communication, |
Technology |
|
of MIT, |
Cambridge, |
1953. This |
While It is and were
Chinese community Chinese
were popu-
The
many
been
undergone more
European Or, employ the words of a Dutch
"... have been
little
..." The
and is,
background, homeland been
Chinese
and were viewed
The Chinese can have been "marked communica-
and have
it is how
many to in
to
Press
[14]
ofan Indonesian was an communication
| Ignorance |
|
|
language |
obstacle |
to |
|
|
| with the |
indigenous |
people. |
But, to |
rule out language |
as |
the principal |
|
| factor in |
the remaining |
|
apart of the |
Chinese, |
must be |
|
|
| that virtually |
ail |
Peranakans |
|
or |
the native |
tongues. |
|
| failure |
of the |
Chinese |
to |
|
that |
to be linked |
|
| to the Indonesians |
|
by |
|
of |
|
must be |
at- |
| tributed |
to other |
causes. |
Religion |
responsible |
|
for the |
isola- |
| tion of the |
Chinese, |
|
Chinese having |
|
Islam, |
the religion |
|
| of the majority |
of |
Indonesians |
Furthermore, |
in |
a colonial |
situation, |
|
| alien |
minority |
unable |
to |
political |
or social |
equality |
with |
| the equally |
alien |
rulers |
understandably |
likely |
to seek |
to separate |
|
| itself from |
the ruled |
natives. |
This |
indeed |
true of the |
Chinese |
in |
| Netherlands |
India, |
|
as will |
be demonstrated |
later, |
galled |
by |
| efforts |
to |
identify them |
with the |
native masses. |
Throughout |
|
their |
| history |
the people |
of |
have, |
perhaps to |
a unique |
degree, |
felt |
| themselves |
culturally |
superior |
to other |
peoples. |
term |
culturalism |
|
| has |
into limited |
use |
to describe |
the attitude |
of the |
Chinese |
in |
it remembered
knew one more of
The become assimilated, is,
common channels communication,
was partly
few embraced
.
an achieve
is
was
who were,
Dutch
China
The
come
| book, probably |
more |
than any |
has shaped |
the thinking |
of the |
present |
| writer on |
the problems |
of nationalism. |
|
|
|
|
| the |
great mass |
of literature |
on nationalism, |
several |
|
stand out |
| as examples |
of |
scholarship. |
Readers may |
wish |
the |
following |
| works: Carleton |
|
Hayes, Essays |
on Nationalism, |
Macmillan, |
|
York, |
| 1926; Friedrlch |
O. Hertz, |
Nationality |
History |
and |
Study |
of the |
| Psychology |
and Sociology |
of National |
Sentiment |
and Character |
The Clarendon |
|
| Oxford, |
1944; |
Hans Kohn, |
The Idea of |
Nationalism: |
Study of |
Ori - |
| gins and Background |
|
Macmillan, |
York, |
1944, Nationalism: |
|
Meaning |
| and History, |
Nostrand, |
Princeton, |
1955, |
Prophets and |
Peoples: |
Studies |
| Nineteenth Century |
Nationalism |
|
Macmillan, |
York, |
Royal |
|
| of International |
Affairs, |
Nationalism |
Oxford |
University |
London, |
1939; |
| Boyd C.Shafer, |
Nationalism; |
Myth and |
Reality |
Harcourt, |
Brace, |
York, |
| 1955; Louis |
Snyder, |
The Meaning |
of Nationalism, |
Rutgers |
University |
|
| Brunswick, |
1954. |
|
|
|
|
|
J. H. New
L. Press,
other,
In other titles
solid to consult
in Politics: A
,
Press, A Its
, New Its
Van In
, New 1946; Institute
, Press,
,New
New
[15]
| their prenaflonalist |
|
relationships |
with |
foreigners. |
This attitude |
|
| tains a |
strong sense |
of cultural |
superiority |
together |
with |
|
| reluctance |
to |
to |
|
having |
|
innovations |
| from abroad. |
|
Chinese |
appear, |
no less |
than the |
people of |
| proper, to |
|
|
|
with culturalism; |
|
their |
| of the native |
populations |
of |
their |
countries |
|
the |
| disdainful |
not |
possible |
here to |
than |
offer the |
conjecture |
| that the |
Chinese belief |
in the |
|
of their |
civilization |
|
| sibly the |
chief barrier |
to social |
|
|
Indonesians. |
|
| Finally, |
of |
the most |
important |
reasons for |
the |
of a |
| separate |
system position |
of of that people. |
social |
Indonesians |
to be |
seen in the for the most |
| part peasants. |
|
lived in |
countless |
villages, |
|
ever sought |
| to break away |
from |
the by contrast |
|
the security— of trading people, |
their tending |
native to be |
| urbanized |
|
not yet |
financially |
successful, |
ordinarily |
strongly |
| attracted |
by the lure |
of |
profits. |
|
history |
also pro- |
| vides |
of role, the Jews; |
a trading |
the overseas Chinese |
in |
part |
of their |
| referred |
to as |
the |
Far |
East. |
barriers to |
|
| cation, |
established factors, |
initially naturally |
by linguistic, tended tobe |
religious, self-perpetuating. |
ethnocentric, and |
|
| Indies |
Chinese |
spoke only |
the |
of |
their |
country, |
| they |
failed to |
|
effectively |
with |
the native |
majority. |
| There |
no real |
basis for |
|
|
Chinese |
trader |
| In the city |
|
Indonesian |
peasant |
in the hinterland. |
|
both |
| could speak |
the |
|
or mutually |
intelligible |
dialects; |
but |
| their experiences, |
|
habits, |
aspirations were |
too |
dissimilar |
to permit |
con-
an extreme
accept or acknowledge accepted
Overseas
China have been deeply imbued view
adopted was on whole
. It is do more
supremacy was pos-
communication with
one maintenance
Chinese communication is
economic The were
They and few
poverty— but also
homes. The Chinese were a
and, if
commercial Western
an example people isolated because
economic and
have very frequently
been Jews of the The communi-
economic Long after
many language adopted
still communicate
was communication between a
and an Often
same language
and
[16]
any significant exchange of ideas. But a Peranokan, who was probably
in commerce, and a Singkeh, who might merely be hopeful of attain-
ing that position, would be better able to communicate with each other
and, accordingly, more likely to do so. The Peranakan and the Singkeh
might experience difficulty in finding a common language, but shared
thoughts would make up for much of the linguistic deficiency. How-
ever, much greatercomplementarity of social communication, of course,
would have served two Peranakans, whose backgrounds, thoughts, and
language were even closer. The possession of common channels of
communication, then, Is in a sense like what is meant when two per-
sons are said to have something In common.
|
|
The Chinese |
as |
Minority |
|
|
|
| Underpressure, |
|
real or |
Imagined, |
a minority |
feel |
threatened |
|
| seek |
security |
by further |
Isolating |
Itself from |
those |
are outside |
|
| system |
of social |
|
|
religious |
minority |
|
seek |
| solace in |
a withdrawal |
from the comforts |
the hostile of |
world church. |
around racial |
a minority |
|
| feel |
only |
of survival |
In |
the |
|
hard |
lot for |
| fear of |
worse to |
Thus |
|
In |
times |
|
|
| freed physically |
from |
the ghetto, |
|
often ore |
loath to |
break |
In |
| spirit— for, |
as they |
say, faith |
In their |
religion |
the practice |
|
of the |
| of |
their ancients |
|
all that |
held |
together and |
prevented |
|
| their destruction |
|
during the |
long centuries |
of |
persecution |
|
re- |
| cently |
|
appreciable |
|
of our |
largest racial |
minority, |
|
| the |
society; trouble." |
but, |
to risk struggling today, |
for |
final are |
fearful |
into of |
a
may
and who
Its communication. A may
It and growing
dependence upon Its A may
Its chance is acceptance of Its
come. Jews, who modern have been
still away
and
ways were them
. Only
have any number
Negroes, been willing acceptance
American even many Negroes still
"making
[17]
|
|
the |
of |
notional ism |
as a |
solution |
| to the problems |
of a |
minority. |
recent |
United Nations |
publication |
|
| neatly |
the customary demands |
|
of a minority "whose |
|
|
|
| equality with |
|
groups |
in the sense |
of nondiscrimination |
|
plus |
| recognition |
of certain |
special rights |
the |
rendering |
of certain |
posi- |
| tive services." |
Since |
the |
to be |
studied in |
this |
to |
| form such |
a minority, |
useful |
to read |
over the |
following |
United |
| Nations inventory |
of |
the "positive |
services" |
"special |
rights" |
nor- |
| mally included |
in a |
of minority |
nationalism: |
|
|
|
| (a) Provision |
of |
primary |
|
secondary |
education |
for |
| the minority |
in |
|
|
cultural |
traditions; |
|
| (b) Provision |
for |
|
of the |
culture of |
the minority |
|
| through tional |
the establishment of institutions; |
information, |
operation other |
of schools, cultural |
libraries, |
|
| (c) Provision |
of |
facilities |
to |
the minority |
for the |
use |
| of |
either |
orally |
or in writing, |
in the |
legislature, |
|
| before |
the courts, |
in administration |
|
the |
granting |
of |
| the right |
to use that |
|
in private |
intercourse; |
|
|
| (d) Provision |
for |
respect of |
the family |
law |
personal |
status |
| of the |
minority |
their religious |
practices |
|
interests; |
|
| (e) Provision |
of a such as intellectual |
certain the overseas resources |
of to |
must be able |
certain to turn to |
national- |
| ism. |
must, obviously, |
be |
in large |
|
to |
their |
| efforts meaningful. |
|
handful |
of separate |
|
not likely |
to be |
| taken seriously |
by themselves |
or |
by the majority |
population |
|
of their |
| country. |
|
as the |
history |
of the |
minorities |
of |
| Poland |
|
|
the |
world wars |
unhappily |
shows, |
| a special |
|
arise |
a minority |
native |
to a |
powerful |
Here the concern is emergence
A
lists members desire
dominant
and
Chinese book came
it is
and
program
adequate and
its own language and its
maintenance
and
museums, media and and educa-
adequate
its language,
and and
language
and
and and and,
degree autonomy.
A people Chinese command eco-
nomic, social, and
They enough numbers make
A people is
adopted However, German
and Czechoslovakia between
situation can when is
.
[18]
| aggressor |
state |
the borders |
of country |
of residence. |
|
Chinese |
| of Indonesia |
fifty their present |
years |
definitely future positions |
not could |
In such a conceivably |
situation. |
| the lem for |
Sudetenlanders discussion |
of here. as already |
the Orient, indicated, |
this not be |
appropriate better prepared |
prob- for |
| a nationalistic |
symbols and |
consciousness |
in possession of |
of the |
In the |
for case of |
| expatriate |
people |
long isolated |
from |
national |
|
such as |
| the Peranakans |
of |
Java, the |
acquisition |
of this |
|
|
| skillful to be required, considerable |
organization |
|
expenditures |
in of energy |
nationalism |
likely |
| out these |
resources, |
rather |
than a constructive |
social |
effort, |
a |
| born |
of desperation |
|
with negative |
goals |
be |
the result |
| of nationalistic |
stirrings, |
as |
in the terrible |
|
of Kenya's |
|
on Its The
ago were
Although and make
them is an
A people will, much
campaign if it Is equipment its
task— the nationality. an
its homeland,
equipment may demand
and, since formal education is
and money. With-
move-
ment and may
example Mau
Mau
|
of the problems |
to be |
investigated |
here are |
suggested |
by the |
| following |
passage: formed |
a people, |
they |
acquired |
|
|
| characteristics |
of |
nationality, |
they |
|
|
|
| had |
|
this |
|
should |
to |
in |
| the midst |
of cultural strategy |
spiritual of values, in |
teaching they |
a in their |
in the pride kind |
fun- a or |
| teaching |
|
hunger for |
this kind |
of pride and confidence |
|
not |
| yet attained |
then a potential |
this center |
for |
of nationality patterns of |
individual |
|
| social |
behavior, and |
of political |
action. |
all |
this should |
|
| 7in |
ages of |
|
social mobilization |
|
sharpening |
|
| social |
conflicts, a powerful |
nationalism pattern |
to organize |
easily turn |
into a political in the course |
of |
| their social |
conflicts, |
bidding |
|
to abate or |
defer |
of |
Many
Once men once many objective
would become aware ofwhat
happened. If new awareness come them
and change, a change
damental them new and
new confidence what were and own —
them a
— new consciousness would
become new and
If hap-
pen widening and
would
weapon, men
them some
[19]
| these |
conflicts in |
order to |
concentrate |
all their |
strength |
on |
|
victories |
in others. |
these |
trends |
to nationalism |
|
| should |
|
by |
the deliberate |
actions |
of govern- |
|
| ments, moss |
public education |
systems, |
newspapers |
|
other hosts of other |
of |
| private |
or public stage |
a |
indeed, political |
nationalism force. |
might |
|
| ism has |
in fact |
as such |
a |
|
|
not |
| so |
in |
right but, |
like a whirlpool, |
|
the visible |
|
| pression |
of the meeting |
of other |
forces |
created |
it.'^ |
|
| central |
problems |
to be studied, |
then, |
are |
why, |
by |
| with |
result |
the passive |
feeling |
of separateness |
of the |
Indies |
| Chinese |
transformed a half. |
into vigorous the |
nationalism of |
this century |
in the space the Chinese |
of a of |
| Netherlands |
India lacked |
cohesion |
|
politically |
inarticulate; |
|
| fifteen years later |
they controlled |
|
the most |
active political |
force within |
|
| the |
to be |
their wishes credited |
felt both primarily |
there to the organizational |
in |
This skill of |
| the leadership |
of the |
|
For this |
reason a |
large share |
of this |
| study will |
|
to investigation |
|
of the efforts |
of the |
leaders |
| of the overseas |
|
|
of Netherlands |
|
India to |
mobilize |
| their people |
for nationalism. |
Schools, |
|
|
associations, |
|
| the press |
all contributors |
to |
the success |
of the |
|
will |
| studied |
as sources of this |
of national nationalistic course |
consciousness. goals |
of the |
discussion prove useful |
of the as a these |
| efforts the |
writer hopes |
to |
a case |
study of |
overseas |
Chinese |
| nationalism. |
islands |
of Indonesia, |
|
particularly |
Java, |
the most |
| populous |
in the |
history of |
this nationalistic |
|
|
the most |
| important, |
will be the |
scene of |
the |
to follow. |
|
|
winning And if
become reinforced
and media
communication, economic interest groups, and
agencies— then ap-
pearonthe as dominant.., National-
appeared dominant power, a power
much its own ex-
which
The how, whom,
and what
was
decade and At opening
and were
colony and made and China.
achievement is
movement.
be devoted an
Chinese community
pan-Chinese and
were movement and
be A
consequences awakening may
means of explaining the and movement. In
develop
The
and movement
account
- in
.
[20]
Notes to Chapter 1
| These |
statistics |
are taken |
part from: |
Centraal |
Bureau |
voor de |
| Statistiek |
(Central Statistical |
Bureau), |
Jaarcijfers |
voor |
het Koninkrijk |
der |
| Nederianden, |
Koloni'^n, |
1900 (Annual |
Figures |
for the |
of the |
|
| erlands, Colonies, |
1900), |
|
Bel infante, |
the Hague, |
1902 (hereafter |
|
| referred to |
as Jaarcijfers, |
plus year |
of edition), |
p. |
and J. Furnivall, |
|
| Netherlands |
India Cambridge |
University |
Press, |
Cambridge, |
1944, |
p. 1, |
| which, along |
with Bernard |
H. M. Viekke, |
Nusantara: |
a |
History of |
the East |
| Indian Archipelago, |
Harvard |
University |
Press, |
Cambridge, |
1943, |
an ex- |
| cellent general |
work |
English on |
N.I. |
of the remarks |
|
intro- |
| ductory chapter |
are expanded |
these |
two books. |
|
|
|
| 2. Jaarcijfers, |
1900 gives |
no |
population |
figures for |
islands other |
than |
| Java and |
which |
then had |
28,746,638 |
inhabitants. |
However, |
the |
| 1905 statistics |
Jaarcijfers, |
1905, |
p. 3, show |
the total |
for |
N.I. at |
| the time to 1900 seems |
have been not unreasonable. |
37,717,377. |
Thus a rough |
estimate |
of 35 million |
for |
| to |
be noted that |
the proximity of |
|
to Java |
caused the |
Dutch |
| to link the |
two islands |
for purposes |
of administration |
and |
the compilation |
|
| of statistics. |
Therefore, |
references |
to Java |
often imply |
the inclusion |
of |
| 3. Jaarcijfers, |
1900 |
pp. 49, |
64-66, 69. |
|
|
|
| 4. |
maps Viekke, |
op. cit |
pp. 153 |
and 304, |
are useful |
pre- |
| senting a |
concise |
picture of |
Dutch |
expansion. |
|
|
| 5. H. |
de Graaf, |
Geschiedenis |
van Indonesia |
(History |
of Indonesia), |
|
| W. van Hoeve, |
the Hague, |
1949, |
p. 428. |
|
|
|
| 6. Joseph |
Chail ley-Bert, |
Java |
et Ses Habitants |
(Java |
and |
Inhabit- |
| ants), |
Colin et |
Cie., Paris, |
1900, p. |
323. |
|
|
| 7. LiemThian Joe, Riwajat |
|
Semarang, |
1416-1931 |
(History of |
Semarang, |
|
| 1416-1 931), Drukkerij [1933?] |
p. 181 |
Misset, printers. |
|
publishers, |
Semarang, |
|
| 8. Departement |
van |
Economische |
|
(Department |
of Economic |
Af- |
| Volksteillng |
1930, |
Peel VII, |
Chineezen |
en |
|
- |
| lingen |
|
(1930 |
Census, |
Part VII, |
Chinese and |
Other |
| Foreign Orientals pp. 39-48. |
|
Netherlands |
India), Landsdrukkerij, |
|
Batavia, |
1935, |
| 9. Jaarcijfers, |
1900, |
p |
van |
Sandick, |
Chineezen |
buiten |
| China, |
Beteekenis |
voor de Ontwikkeling |
|
van |
|
|
| ciaal van |
|
(Chinese |
outside |
China, |
Their Significance |
|
| the |
of |
Southeast |
Asia, Especially |
Netherlands |
India), |
M. |
| van der Beek's |
Hofboekhandel |
the |
1909, |
p. 184. |
|
|
| 10. Victor |
Purcell, |
The Chinese |
in Southeast |
Asia |
Oxford University |
|
| Press, Oxford, Borneo, eene Verhandeling over den Grondslag |
1951, |
11-39; |
de |
Groot, Het en den Aard |
Kongsiwezen der Chineesche |
van |
J.
. 5; L.H.W.
Kingdom Neth-
Gebr.
1; S.
,
is
in Many in this
in
Madura,
in all
It is Madura
Madura
,
Two in., in
clear, this
Its
Armand
Ho Kim Yoe,
,.
Zaken
fairs), Andere VreemdeOoster
In Nederlandsch-lndlS
in
Hunne Zuld-Oost AziS, Spe-
Nederlandsch-lndi^
In Development
, Hague,
,
pp. J. J. M.
[21]
Politieke Vereenigingen In de Koloni'^n, meteene Chineesche Geschiedenis
| van de Kongsi |
Lanpong |
(The Kongsi |
System |
of BorneO/ |
a Discourse |
on the |
| Foundations |
and the |
Nature of |
the Chinese |
Political |
Associations |
in the |
| Colonies, with |
a Chinese |
History of |
the Kongsi |
Lanpong), Martinus |
|
Nljhoff, |
| the Hague, |
1885, |
66; A. G. de |
Bruin, |
Chineezen |
ter Oostkust |
van |
| Sumatra |
(The Chinese |
on the East |
Coast |
of Sumatra), |
E.J. Brill, |
Leiden, |
| 1918, p. |
125. Jaarcijfers, |
1900 pp |
8-9. |
|
|
|
| 12. |
Henri Borel, |
Chineezen |
In Nederlandsch-indl'^ |
|
(The |
Chinese |
| Netherlands |
India), |
|
Amsterdam, |
1900, |
p. 37. |
|
| 13. |
H. C. Millies, |
|
Nederiandsch |
|
Oost-lndl'^ |
en het |
| hristendom |
(The Chinese |
the |
Netherlands |
East Indies |
and Christianity), |
|
| Konlnklljke |
BIbllotheek, |
the Hague, |
1850, |
p. 61 |
|
|
| 14. |
United Nations, Commission |
|
on |
Rights, |
Sub-Commlsslon |
on |
| Prevention |
of Discrimination |
and |
Protection |
of Minorities, |
Definition |
and |
| Classification |
of Minorities |
United |
Nations, |
Lake |
Success, |
York, |
| 1950, pp. |
2-3. |
|
|
|
|
|
| 15. |
Karl Deutsch, |
Nationalism |
and |
Social Communication, |
|
Tech- |
| nology Press |
of |
Cambridge, |
1953, p. |
155. |
|
|
p. De
c.. Human
W. MIT,
van de Kongsi Lanpong (The Kongsi System of BorneO/ a Discourse on the
1 1.,.
De
in L.J.Veen,
De Chineezen in
C in
, New
THE BACKGROUND OF THE NATIONALIST
AWAKENING
commun la fait
| La souffrance |
|
en |
unit plus |
que |
joie. |
En |
des |
| souvenirs |
nationaux, |
|
deulls valent |
mieux |
que |
triomphes; |
|
| car |
imposent |
des devoirs; |
|
|
'effort |
en |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Renon |
les les
lis lis commandent I commun.
The Need for Nationalism
We have noted that the Chinese of Netherlands India were
always quite distinct from the other inhabitants of that colony but that
until this century they were far from united as one community. The
achievement of unity demanded the awakening among all Chinese of
the archipelago of a feeling of membership in a greater Chinese nation.
The split between Peronakons and Singkehs required closing; the divi-
sions separating Cantonese, Hokkas, Swatownese, and Fukienese had
to be abolished. Loyalty to Thian Tee Hwee ( t'ien-ti hui, X. i^^f^)
and to other secret societies, long sources of hostility and even blood-
shed, could no longer be tolerated. These bodies, maintained to pro-
vide mutual help to the members, were clearly "one-sided and served
2
only to protect the interests of the membership." Finally, friction
between the various economic classes of the Chinese had to be lessened.
But why did 1900 and not some other year mark the beginning of intense
efforts to unify the Chinese? It has been said that they were subjected
to new pressures around the turn of the century. This is so, but pres-
sure and worse had been felt many times before without causing any
[221
[23]
significant change in the tactics by which the Chinese sought to safe-
guard their position.
To answer the question of why nationalism or, more correctly, ef-
forts to lay a foundation for nationalism emerged in 1900, it is necessary
to consider the events and circumstances of half a century ago in the
Indies and, briefly, in other parts of Southeast Asia, in China, and, if
it is not too daring, in the world as a whole.
I e
|
|
|
Dutch |
Ru |
|
|
|
|
periods of the time |
Netherlands of the |
Indian East India |
history |
usually recognized |
the |
are: years |
| of confusion |
arising |
out of the |
|
wars; |
181-1 81 6, |
the |
British |
| interregnum |
under |
Sir |
Stamford |
Raffles; |
|
the |
resto- |
| ration of |
authority and |
|
the search for a |
profitable, |
|
sound colonial |
|
| policy; |
|
the period |
of the |
culture |
system cultuurstelsel), |
|
|
| forced |
labor |
|
by the colonial government |
|
|
in the |
pro- |
| duction |
of export |
crops; |
|
the era |
of liberalism, |
the |
time |
| of the |
|
of large-scale |
private |
enterprises; |
|
|
|
| the years |
of the |
ethical |
ethische |
koers |
or, to |
use a chapter |
|
| title |
from |
a |
dealing |
with the |
subject, |
the period |
of |
| "efficiency, |
welfare, factors in |
the late nineteenth-century creation of a new official |
|
3 |
|
|
|
| morality |
calling for |
the protection |
|
elevation |
of the |
depressed |
|
| tives must |
be considered |
|
the rather |
notion |
that |
colonies |
|
| held as |
a trust |
the |
role |
of private |
|
business |
|
| interests |
in Netherlands crisis of |
India. 1885, bringing |
to |
a close |
a period of enormous in |
Indonesia |
|
The
1600-1800, Company; 1800-1811,
Napoleonic1
Thomas 1816-1830,
Dutch
1830-1870,(
when was employed
1870-1900,
emergence and, 1900-1942,
program()
borrowed work
and autonomy."
Two
and na-
— vague were
and expanding European
... The
economic development, brought general bankruptcy.
[24]
| The |
results of |
that crisis |
led to: intensive |
rationalization, |
|
|
| particularly |
in |
enterprises; |
plantation |
agriculture |
on |
|
| a scientific |
basis; |
the replacement |
of individual |
enterprise |
by |
|
| corporation |
enterprise; |
|
prudent finance; |
control |
by the |
|
| banks |
over borrowing |
enterprises; |
a |
|
policy; |
|
| the displacement |
|
of the center |
of |
from |
Java |
to |
| Hoi land; |
increase |
racial |
discrimination |
|
|
|
| Increased |
production ports, etc especially cost |
necessitated constituted since sums. |
the a considerable the |
construction cost had |
of rail- for the not |
|
| The |
capitalists |
the |
masters during |
this period |
over all |
|
| administration |
in |
Indonesia; |
|
a certain |
|
|
| from the |
mother |
country. |
up the outlying possessions |
a |
powerful |
|
| improving |
justice, |
the police, |
irrigation, |
education. |
|
|
| other |
words, the the |
|
undergoing extensive develop- to seek |
funds to finance |
|
|
| struction |
programs, |
efforts to |
|
administration, |
|
|
| wars. |
financial |
burden for |
all this had |
to be borne |
in no |
small |
| measure by |
the Chinese; |
the |
ethical program's |
efforts |
to improve |
|
| the position |
of the |
Indonesians |
in |
Chinese eyes, |
to call |
for |
| native betterment |
at |
Chinese expense. |
|
|
|
|
European
more
common marketing
economic life
on m....
ways,., which
government, Achinese war been
ended and huge...
were
they demanded autonomy
... They wanted more
government capable of opening and of
and...
In Dutch colony was
ment and government was obliged its con-
its modernize the and its
The
and
seemed,
|
|
Chinese |
Revenue |
Farming |
|
|
|
|
the time |
of the East India |
|
Chinese |
had |
held licenses |
|
| granted |
by the authorities |
|
to |
in certain |
profitable |
activities, |
|
| such as |
the selling |
of |
operation |
of |
establishments, |
|
|
| ferries, |
|
abattoirs, |
|
the gathering |
of birds' |
nests |
for |
| export |
to the gourmets |
of |
This |
system of |
bestowing |
|
|
| privileges |
Chinese |
|
the |
or, |
later, the |
|
|
|
added |
|
|
|
|
|
|
From Company,
engage
opium, the gambling
pawnshops, and and
China. monopoly
on who paid company government
•k
Italics.
[25]
itself an and
| the required |
license |
fees had |
proved |
inexpensive |
|
simple |
| of |
raising |
official revenues. |
|
a |
established |
|
| as a license |
holder |
or monopolist, |
that |
as a |
farmer, |
the |
| had |
only to |
collect the |
sums annually due |
the |
authorities. |
There |
| no |
to appoint, officials |
supervise, to operate |
the monopolies, |
costly |
accordingly, |
or Euro- most |
| taken |
in by system |
Batavia represented of using |
Chinese |
net profit. farmers |
|
unde. at- |
| tack from |
philanthropic quarters farmers, |
|
near the of the deleterious |
nature |
nineteenth century. of the |
product |
| they distributed, peared to |
be the farming |
system |
as the arch native elevation. the |
villains, |
but all farmers the |
|
| opens |
the interior by |
to the into our with |
Chinese. India. less |
the than |
penetrate the Chinese, |
|
| in his |
contacts also argued |
with that, |
the loser. while farmers |
enjoyed, |
at the |
expense of |
| the |
"great |
prestige |
in the |
eyes of the |
natives," |
the |
| lition of |
the farming |
system |
immediately |
restore |
the |
Chinese to |
| their proper |
|
social, |
political |
positions. |
|
hostility |
| of private |
humanitarians, |
|
shared |
by the |
|
trans- |
| lated into |
measures |
to end revenue |
farming, |
brought |
forth the |
typical |
| indictment |
of Regardless |
contained of |
in the respect |
following official has for |
statement: the energy and |
|
| the great |
industriousness |
|
of the foreign |
Orientals, |
cannot |
be |
| denied |
that these |
qualities |
in large |
|
|
to the |
| injury of |
native |
society. |
|
|
the sincere |
|
| of the |
|
to further |
native |
industry, |
cannot |
shrink |
| from |
[the introduction |
of] |
regulations |
will |
end the present |
|
| privileged |
position |
of the |
foreign Orientals. |
|
.° |
|
means Once Chinese was
is, revenue
Dutch
was need and pay European
peanized and,
money
The whole revenue came
end of the
The opium because
were viewed ap-
enemies of
The is key with which government
... The Chinese
evermore deeply Moreover, Javanese, en-
dowed Nature much cunning is
them"^
It was
Dutch,... abo-
would
economic, and The
Dutch government and
Chinese
... how much one
it
measure are employed
... Because it is now aim
government it
which
..
.
[26]
|
|
that the |
|
intended |
to act in |
|
|
|
desire |
"to further |
native industry" |
by |
protect- |
| ing from these efforts |
the experiment, opium farms were replaced |
be revenue in |
seen in official farmers in East |
efforts the in 1896. |
to break Chinese victims success |
of of |
| the |
|
led |
to the |
|
in that |
|
| farming |
soon over licensed |
be abattoirs |
in all of Netherlands broken |
India. at about |
the |
Chinese time, |
| there |
soon |
|
the Chinese |
that all |
their other |
|
| olies |
likewise |
be |
to |
this, rumors |
soon |
heard |
| that the |
|
planned |
to establish |
banks for |
the extension |
of |
| agricultural |
credit |
to the peasantry |
|
ruin the |
position |
of rural |
|
moneylenders. not possible |
9 to calculate |
the |
of the |
profits denied |
the |
| Chinese |
by the abolition |
of |
revenue farming, |
partly |
|
|
| statistics |
not accurately |
reveal |
the prices |
farmers |
charged |
for the |
| goods |
services |
they dispensed |
partly because |
|
farmers |
able |
| to realize |
substantial |
indirect |
profits. |
Chinese monopolist |
|
|
| to be willing |
to |
on credit |
thereby gain |
the |
Interest |
short- |
| term loan. |
|
significant, |
farmers, |
ordinary |
Chinese |
under |
| the pass |
system, |
be discussed |
later, |
able |
to travel |
Into the |
| interior |
carry |
trade In |
addition to |
that licensed. |
|
pre- |
| vented |
a farmer |
say, |
from selling |
textiles |
as a side |
line; |
| the Chinese |
operator All |
of a these Indirect |
ferry service profits, |
might easily as well as |
the direct, |
a local |
| lost or |
threatened |
with loss by |
1900. |
|
|
|
Concrete evidence government
ance with its new-found
it Chinese can
economic power. Chinese were
As an bya
monopoly on Madura 1894 and Java
government monopoly announcement
would ended
monopoly was
and was talk among
would ended. Added
government
and thus
Chinese
It Is size
do
and and
A
sell and
More unlike
to were
and on
of opium,
and
moneylender.
accord-
first
government opium
The
1898 opium
The
same
monop-
were
I
because official
were
was likely
on a
Nothing
become
were
[27]
The wealthiest Chinese had invested heavily in opium farms, pawn-
shops, and other licensed enterprises; but around 1900, as a result of
the termination of revenue farming, "a great deal of [their] capital
was freed...." Or, from the Chinese viewpoint, many well-
established businesses were forced to close and Chinese financial losses
were heavy. Many hundreds of Chinese, the employees of the farmers,
were made jobless. On the political side, the Chinese farmers had
been divested of their semi-official status and came to be merely "sub-
12
jects without any legal or extralegal privileges."
Major Chinese Grievances
An estimate of the amount the Chinese of the colony paid in taxes
1900 is The available do
| in |
presumably |
impossible |
to |
find. |
|
statistics |
|
| not |
reveal |
the |
distribution |
of the |
tax |
|
the |
| various |
population |
groups. |
There are |
record |
|
complaints |
to |
| the effect |
that their tax contributions |
|
|
to the |
|
unreason- |
|
|
13 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
| ably large. |
|
the other |
side, a |
|
for the N.I. |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
14 |
|
| stated that |
the |
paid |
"extremely |
little" |
in taxes. |
|
truth |
| seems to |
be that |
the Chinese, |
like |
other people, |
disliked |
|
|
| taxes |
resented |
receiving |
|
a small |
reward |
for their |
|
| penditures. without does appear |
representation foreign Asians |
but that the Chinese suffered under a curious |
resentful, joined |
not Europeans |
the in |
taxation the |
per- |
| sonal property |
tax |
(personeele |
belasting), |
|
natives |
are not |
listed |
| as having |
paid, |
linked |
with natives |
in |
the |
business |
tax |
| (bedrijfsbelasting) |
sources |
took in approximately |
Europeans |
paid 2 million |
different from |
basis. the |
These |
adequately burden among
on Chinese
government were
On spokesman government
Chinese The
any paying
and what seemed ex-
The Chinese were because was
because it was without compensation.
It Dutch scheme
whereby were with paying
which
and paying
, which on a
revenue f. Chinese
[28]
|
.5 million |
from the |
Europeans |
in 1900; |
but must |
be |
|
| bered |
that the Chinese |
population |
|
of |
then about |
seven |
|
| a half |
times the |
size of the |
|
|
Those |
Indies |
|
| Chinese |
had, |
through |
a process |
not worth |
lengthy treatment |
|
here, |
| acquired |
the legal |
status of |
Europeans |
reportedly taxed |
|
|
|
| ily than |
the mass position, |
of their the Chinese |
compatriots. must |
Because paid |
of their a sizable |
numbers share of |
the |
| customs |
duties |
the vehicle, |
excise, |
stamp |
taxes; |
but there |
|
| no |
of determining |
|
the |
sums |
involved. |
Here |
|
| important |
simply the grievances |
to note listed |
that unfair by the |
taxation against |
ordinarily the colonial |
included |
|
| ernment, 15 |
|
equality |
with |
taxpayers |
did not |
|
until |
| Several |
other |
grievances |
|
recounted |
by the Chinese |
early |
in |
| this century. the maintenance of separate residential areas for Chinese |
Foremost among these |
|
|
the pass |
system (passenstelsel), (wi jkenstelsel), |
|
|
| the natives |
placing (politierol). |
of Chinese |
under |
the jurisdiction |
of the |
courts |
for |
| There |
|
|
|
of the Chinese |
dislike |
for the |
pass |
| system |
no |
to present |
here the |
expressions |
of |
resentment |
|
| brought |
forth. |
system |
in operation |
in |
had |
|
|
| by a |
|
of |
1863, which |
required |
that foreign Orientals |
|
|
| traveling |
in |
|
be |
with |
passes |
valid for |
|
| year. |
passes |
to |
be issued |
at the discretion |
of local |
officials |
|
| in "the |
interest |
of |
industry |
or other |
worthy |
endeavors" |
|
| but could |
be summarily |
revoked |
"in |
the interest |
of public |
|
|
| visa the |
to be affixed foreign Oriental |
by local officials |
|
for |
individual to be "of good |
trip, except |
|
N.I. was and
1920.^
and f. 1 it remem-
European community. few
who
were less heav-
and
economic have
and and is
way even approximate it is
was
among Chinese gov-
and full European come
were
were
and
is abundant documentation
and need many
it The 1900 been authorized
government decree
Java and Madura equipped one
Such were
commerce and
peace." A
was each
when concerned was known name,"
.
[29]
such persons being exempt from the vise requirements. The system
seemed to imply that the great majority of Chinese, forced to arm them-
selves with visaed passes, were of bad name. It Is improbable that
the Dutch government deliberately sought to insult the Chinese under
its flag, yet the victims of the passenstelsel regarded the system as a
disparaging slur
The great latitude granted officials in the determination of the quali-
fications of applicants for passes was an invitation to bureaucratic arbi-
trariness and petty corruption, and, indeed, these evils did result.
Even if it is assumed, as In fairness it must be, that the majority of
pass applications received conscientious and honest treatment, obtain-
ing a pass was still both "troublesome and expensive." Applicants were
obliged to present themselves at a specified time outside a government
office, where long queues of Chinese often formed and where a day
might be lost In waiting. Tax stamps had to be placed on passes, and
thus the pass system was a source of government revenue gained exclu-
sively from foreign Asians.
The irritations of the pass system were sharply intensified with the
abolition of revenue farming at the close of the last century. When It
was necessary, under the revenue farming system, for the government
to permit large numbers of Chinese to travel in the Interior for the pur-
pose of operating their licensed concessions, passes were not difficult
to obtain. However, when revenue farming was ended, there was no
longer any officially endorsed legitimate reason for the travel of many
Chinese. Furthermore, the ethical program's concern with the pro-
tection of the natives made the restriction of Chinese travel appear
morally justified. In 1897 the government announced Its Intention to
supervise more closely Chinese travel, and. In the words of a highly
[30]
| placed |
critic of this |
policy, |
"stricter supervision |
|
|
dif- |
|
|
8 |
|
|
|
|
| ficult to |
obtain passes." rigid |
|
the |
regulations |
in |
the late |
| nineties, |
|
necessary |
for Chinese |
to get |
visas |
for every |
| four days |
spent av/ay |
from |
pass |
required |
for short |
trips, |
| such as |
the from |
Batavia |
to |
Cornells, |
only hour's |
jour- |
| ney |
in 1900. he held no |
pass, be |
such unable to |
as illness, his destination |
a Chinese |
might, as quickly |
| as circumstances |
|
required. |
order to |
visit a cool |
|
resort or |
| a spa, |
|
thought |
a variety of |
complaints |
could be |
cured, a |
| Chinese |
forced |
to present, |
as part |
his application |
for |
a pass, a |
| physician's |
statement |
declaring |
the proposed |
trip necessary |
for |
reasons |
| of health. |
|
|
traveling |
|
pass was |
subject |
| to a fine |
of 25 or |
month's |
imprisonment |
at hard |
labor; |
those |
| use |
of falsified |
passes |
|
to prison sentences |
of up to five |
|
| years. |
no |
that |
heathen |
Chinese" |
expressed |
|
| selves |
ready for |
conversion |
to Christianity |
the |
condition |
that the |
| pass system |
be revised not possible |
to to calculate |
converts. the financial |
losses |
suffered |
by the |
| Chinese |
through |
the sharpened |
supervision |
of their |
travel |
|
| firms |
reluctant important, |
to |
merchants |
unable to long free |
travel on to trade |
business, In the in- |
| terior |
confined |
to the |
cities. |
early as 1897, |
|
the |
| official |
ethic |
only beginning |
to limit |
|
|
|
| the |
importers |
of Surabaya |
sought |
to persuade |
the |
to |
| ease |
restrictions farming |
on the |
entry |
into the interior. limitations |
on Chinese |
end of travel |
| threatened |
the importers |
with |
the loss |
of village |
markets, |
markets |
f. one who
meant making it
1
When enforcement of 1863 began
it became new
home. A was
one Meester an
even In an emergency,
because reach
In mountain
where it was
was of
A Chinese apprehended withouta
made were liable
It is wonder "many them-
on
exempt
It Is
. European
became employ Chinese
and, more Chinese
were As when new
was Chinese commercial activity,
Dutch government
its Chinese The
revenue and accompanying
.
[31]
. Dutch
| penetrated |
almost exclusively by Chinese |
|
|
import |
houses in Sura- |
|
|
reported |
to lost |
|
in |
result |
of the |
| bankruptcies |
of their |
Chinese |
retail dealers; |
imports |
into |
that East |
| port |
|
a 10 per cent |
decline |
|
|
1897. |
| years later |
the |
planters' association |
|
at |
also |
sought |
| to |
from the |
|
the right |
travel for |
those Chinese |
|
| served |
interests. |
businessmen, |
|
along with |
the Chinese, were |
|
| understandably threaten |
|
at the most Chinese |
stagnation confined |
of trade to urban |
centers; |
to also they |
| permitted |
to |
reside only |
within restricted |
areas. |
This discrimina- |
|
| tion |
in the of |
with the grievances In |
provisions in the wijkenstelsel |
of other regulations included 1900. These |
regulations the district |
system, |
| a term |
too to |
the |
real |
|
be proper, |
but |
| also very clumsy, |
to of separate |
speak of this residential |
institution areas |
as the system Chinese. |
for seems |
the that the |
| wijkenstelsel |
|
best be referred |
to here |
simply as |
the |
|
| a term |
zoning system |
up for of course |
lack of strength had |
by basis In the |
brevity. natural |
desire of |
| early Chinese |
settlers |
to |
In |
neighborhoods to seek |
|
|
| congeniality and convenience |
|
|
In the |
belief |
that the |
Chinese |
| of their |
colony could |
best be |
controlled |
found only |
a limited |
|
| ber of provisions |
places. read |
Chinese In part: |
of |
living under |
zoning |
system |
baya were have f. 1,140,000 1896 as a
and
Java showed between 1895 and A
few Dutch Sukabumi
win government to who
its Dutch
alarmed which seemed
20
Not only were
were
was accordance
among list Chinese were
known collectively. Dutch, as,
weak convey meaning. It would
main-
tenance for It
can zoning system,
which makes Its its
The Its
congregate their own
and Dutch
If in num-
The 1900 were
which
Foreign Orientals, resident in Netherlands India, will, so far as
possible, be concentrated in separate districts, under the leader-
ship of their own chiefs.
:.
[32]
| This regulation |
|
softened |
considerably |
by article |
of the |
|
| law on the stated |
|
system, the |
law |
operation |
in 1900, |
|
| the |
interests of |
agriculture |
industry or of |
|
farming |
|
| public works, |
|
local officials |
are |
to grant |
permis- |
|
| sion to |
foreign Orientals no districts |
to [for them] |
reside until are located. |
further notice |
in places |
|
| modification |
|
of the zoning |
system |
contained |
in the article |
just |
| cited |
possible |
that there |
in the |
early nineties |
|
than |
| [sic] |
villages |
|
|
reside |
as |
|
| of the revenue system |
farming |
system |
order to |
against violation |
|
of the |
| with |
the pass |
system, the |
end of |
farming |
brought |
rigid |
| enforcement |
of the |
regulations. |
|
the |
|
|
| proclaimed |
|
stringent enforcement |
|
of the |
|
|
| for |
|
soon |
similar |
proclamation |
concerning |
|
| the |
Possessions. |
Violators |
of the |
system |
liable |
to |
| fines of from |
25 to |
|
to be |
|
|
neces- |
| sary, to Chinese |
districts. |
|
eagerness |
to |
help the |
natives |
|
|
|
23 |
|
|
|
| struck |
the Chinese |
a severe |
|
|
|
|
| Chinese |
of the period |
|
bitterly over |
the |
vigor of |
the |
| system. |
the early years |
|
of this century, |
|
|
|
| of the value |
of preventive |
|
in the |
tropics had |
filtered |
to |
| the Chinese, |
the districts |
|
seen by their |
residents |
to be unhealthy. |
|
| writer |
can, from |
his |
observations |
of |
|
quarters |
| in Java, |
testify that filthy, |
the areas brutally |
formerly set Tortuous |
aside for alleys reek |
the Chinese of generations |
are |
| of refuse. |
Walls |
to be |
with |
a patina |
of |
slime. |
f. f. 100 and were removed, forcibly if
was an 1866
zoning still in which
In and revenue
and empowered
where
The
made it were "more
30,000 on Java where Chinese could employees
in guard
„22
..,
As revenue
zoning In 1900 Governor General
new and more 1866 zoning laws
Java and Madura and made a
Outer zoning were
Again Dutch
had blow.
complained new
zoning In
when some knowledge
medicine down
were
The own some Chinese
crowded, and hot.
appear covered moldy
i.e., the Chinese and other foreign Asians, were the defendants. Europeans were of course brought before "European courts." The Chinese long viewed the police courts as the keystone of their grievances. The evil of the system lay ultimately in the fact that the courts were not
[33]
In a tropical land of gleaming sunshine, Indonesia's old Chinese quar-
ters seem oddly dark and are enveloped in dankness. The former Euro-
pean neighborhoods are, when possible, on elevated ground and have
wide clean streets; the Chinese districts are down by the malarial harbor
or river. Once a Chinese district was established, it was difficult for
the Chinese to expand territorially, as their district was surrounded by
non-Chinese areas from which the native or European inhabitants could
not readily be expelled. As a result, the Chinese districts grew in-
creasingly unpleasantas the population increased. Forced residence in
a Chinese district often spelled financial loss or great inconvenience,
as in the example of a Chinese sugar mill owner who was obliged to
travel daily ten kilometers each way between his mill and the district
in which he was required to live. To compound this injury, the Chinese
in question was also forced to have a travel pass to make his twenty-
,
kilometer
.,.
journey. 24
The enforcement of the pass and zoning systems, as well as that of
the criminal code of Netherlands India, was under the jurisdiction of
the police courts, often referred to collectively and somewhat inaccu-
rately as the politierol or police docket. These courts tried the less
serious criminal cases in which natives or "those assimilated to them,"
25
instruments for dispensing justice but tools of the administrators.
... it was necessary to maintain an old Asian form of adminis-
tration, consisting of absolute power for the Governor General
and his lieutenants in the residencies, and on the opposite side.
[34]
populace, obedience
| from |
the side of |
the |
blind |
|
to the authori- |
|
| ties. |
So that there |
|
be no danger |
of disobedience, |
|
|
| thought |
that in |
the trials |
of ordinary |
offenses, |
judgment |
|
| often |
|
effect |
on the |
of |
the people, |
the |
| administrative |
|
must |
not be exposed |
to the |
ever uncertain |
|
| directions |
|
the statements |
of |
judges |
take. |
the |
| contrary, |
the administration |
|
must be |
|
to reserve |
the |
| rights |
of investigation |
|
decision |
to officers, |
to the |
|
| clusion the cooperation |
of the courts. this there resulted the the chief of police, administers justice according to |
of the judge. |
thus police |
the civil court, |
officer assured of |
|
| his |
feelings, without |
|
the obligation |
to hear |
testimony, and, |
|
| he |
hears without the |
|
obligation to administer oaths. |
|
|
[There |
| was] |
no provision for not intended system of |
appeals to to be suspended justice |
higher by notorious |
courts the issuance |
sentences of pardons. of the fatal |
|
| bination |
of the |
administration |
the |
courts, |
as a |
matter |
| of course possible |
as system |
a courts, but |
at the part of |
goal, the |
the judicial system, were |
worst |
| the district |
courts, |
the |
serious |
felonies |
tried. |
These |
| courts |
|
by a |
official |
|
or might |
not |
| trained jurist. |
late |
as |
could |
only be officially |
claimed |
that |
| the typical |
district |
native court |
presided |
over |
by "a |
European, |
| often a judicial, |
official." |
Assisting |
the |
Hollander |
|
native |
| administrative |
officials, |
a native |
police |
officer, |
and, |
|
| tried, |
a Chinese |
adviser. |
|
the European |
|
of the |
| court |
trained In |
the law, |
he could |
conceivably |
be outvoted |
by his |
| native colleagues |
|
on the |
|
as not |
at all unlikely, |
the |
| native officials |
|
hostile to |
Chinese |
In general, |
the foreign |
Asian |
| defendant |
in |
extremely |
unenviable |
position. |
By 1900 |
there |
| the further danger to Chinese |
|
before the |
district |
|
that the |
|
| court president |
might |
be loyal |
to the |
|
|
|
A... because com-
would it was
where
can have an obedience
power
which can On
empowered
and its ex-
Only was
From... where a govern-
ment officio I,
own
if it,
and...
were
and which
aim team same becomes
.
^"
Above the police same
where more were
were headed European who might be a
As 1916 it
was
were two
when Chinese
were Even when head
was
bench. If, is
were
was an was
bench European
new principle of native elevation
.
[35]
| thus |
be unsympathetic |
|
to "outsiders." |
|
mildest observation |
on |
| the courts |
that |
their operation |
|
not in |
with |
the Indies |
|
|
|
|
|
17 |
|
| bureaucratic |
belief |
that "like |
over like |
|
|
|
| Unlike |
Europeans, |
natives |
others |
under |
the law applicable |
to |
| natives |
|
suspected of crimes, |
|
subject to arbitrary |
|
"preventive |
| detention," |
|
their houses |
could be |
searched |
almost at |
will by the |
| police. |
jails |
of Netherlands |
India |
in the early |
years of |
this |
| tury |
said to |
be overflowing |
with |
natives |
foreign Asians await- |
|
| ing |
held |
in "preventive |
detention," |
a |
of |
year being |
|
28 |
|
|
|
|
|
| not |
sentences |
imposed |
by the courts |
for natives |
considerably |
|
| harsher |
than those |
|
out to Europeans. |
|
felon |
might be |
| obliged |
to serve |
his sentence |
in a reformatory; |
his |
Asian colleague |
|
| crime |
find |
himself |
on a chain |
|
|
for similar |
| crimes |
might result |
a European's |
expulsion |
from |
the colony |
the |
| sentencing |
of convict's |
Asian to |
as as not |
five years only generally |
at hard less |
labor. severe; |
| also |
less degrading |
than |
exposure |
to public |
|
a road |
| less |
hazardous |
than being |
assigned |
as a |
coolie to |
a military |
| expedition. |
to |
considered foreign |
that Asians |
in the annually |
before before |
1900, the police |
| courts |
about |
before |
the district |
courts, |
not |
surprising |
| that the |
|
very |
|
with |
the question |
of their |
| treatment |
before |
the law. |
After all, |
these statistics |
indicate |
that in |
| the |
|
of out |
of every |
fifteen |
in the |
Indies at |
|
|
|
|
|
|
29 |
| that time |
likely to this point |
to find the discussion |
himself in has |
front of a centered on what |
judge the |
year. |
| of |
did to the |
|
has |
neglected |
to |
did |
N.I. Chinese and mention what it
and The
is was accordance
is humane."
and
were, when
and
The cen-
were and
trial and wait one
uncommon
The were
meted A Dutch
in
would gang. Conviction
in and
an much The
European punishment was it
was view on gang
and pack
When it is decade
24,000 30,000 appeared
and 5,000 it is
Chinese were much concerned
neighborhood one Chinese
was each
Up government
—
[36]
| for them. |
considering |
the |
latter question, |
|
only be said |
that |
| constructively |
|
|
that the |
omissions |
of the government, |
|
| though |
less easily |
|
than commissions, |
|
keenly |
felt |
| by the Chinese |
Colonial |
Indonesia |
|
not |
a "welfare |
state" |
| in |
the |
|
to receive |
a |
range of |
services |
| provided |
by the authorities; |
|
state |
the |
services |
sup- |
| plied |
by the |
for the |
most part |
benefited |
only a |
limited |
| minority. |
minority, |
as |
be anticipated, |
|
|
almost |
| exclusively |
of the |
|
Europeanized |
elements |
of the |
|
| tion. |
|
of law |
order, |
the great |
contribution |
of |
| most imperial |
powers |
to their colonies, |
served |
Chinese |
enterprise; |
but, |
| since |
police |
to |
be |
with providing |
protection |
|
| from |
not for the |
foreign Asians, |
this blessing |
of |
colonialism |
|
| not |
properly appreciated |
by |
the Chinese. |
such |
elementary |
|
| service |
as the provision |
of facilities |
for |
the collection |
of mall |
the |
| Chinese |
district of |
|
lacking. |
in |
the |
postal |
| authorities finally persuaded |
|
to install |
three |
mail boxes |
In that quarter |
|
| to serve |
a bustling |
business |
residential |
neighborhood |
containing |
|
| about |
inhabitants. significant caused the |
But arrangements the greatest |
for the concern. |
refusal of education |
the of their |
to children |
In it can
little was done and
publicized its were
. was of course
which populace expected wide
it was a where few
government
The can was composed
European and popula-
The maintenance and
the appeared concerned
and Dutch
was Even an
In
Batavia was Only 1902 were
and
20,000 It was the government
make any
30
which Chinese
Government Education for Chinese
The fairly common accusation that "nothing was done for the edu-
cation of Chinese children" Is too strong; but It Is not Inaccurate to
observe that woefully little was provided by the government In this re-
spect. No separate schools for Chinese were supported by officio I funds
in 1900. Direct government subsidization of private Chinese schools
[37]
| not |
|
There |
provision |
in the |
regulations |
of the |
|
|
|
|
semi-official |
|
|
by |
|
| for the |
free education |
of |
"the children |
of |
paupers"; |
but |
pre- |
| sumably few for this |
parents charity. |
|
or |
able to |
their |
children schools |
qualify |
| but |
Chinese; |
only 39 |
|
pupils |
attended |
in |
Batavia |
| 1897. |
So far |
as |
|
education |
|
|
|
| nese |
in |
equally students |
unfavorable in the |
position. |
middle schools |
there of |
19 |
| most |
of these |
a |
to foreign |
sons of Asian |
the tiny native |
Indonesian pupils |
elite. in a |
| total |
|
primary |
school population |
|
of |
only |
in |
| all the |
private |
|
primary |
schools. |
There |
on the |
other |
| hand, |
|
in the |
private |
schools for |
foreign Asians, which, as |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
31 |
|
| noted |
did laws of |
not benefit the colony schools; |
from did not such a formal arrangement |
specifically |
support. |
unnecessary. |
from |
| parents |
wished |
to their |
child |
attend a government |
|
|
|
| school |
but ordinarily |
not "close the |
friends of the |
of the Resident or Assistant school board, |
there |
Resident, no |
of |
| the child's |
being |
|
|
the local |
|
authorities |
sup- |
| ported |
a child's |
application |
for admission |
to |
a school, |
the principal |
|
| could |
often |
did claim |
"there |
no |
for him. |
|
|
| Despite |
these |
obstacles, |
there |
as |
the statistics |
reveal, |
|
| Chinese |
children |
in the |
|
their |
parents paid |
dearly for |
this |
| distinction. |
Tuition |
for |
|
higher |
than for |
others, |
|
| 15 per |
|
being the |
usual fee |
in "free" government |
|
schools. |
Fur- |
| thermore, |
a |
child |
|
before |
admission |
to understand |
|
f. month
was known. was Chinese
Councilor Road at Batavia,a body headed theMajoor,
Chinese
were willing have
Government-sponsored Malay-language all
excluded Chinese them
in Dutch-language
was concerned, the Chi-
were an In 1900 were
"non-European" government N. I.,
and appear have been
The same year saw mere 1,870 and
government 15,562 and 97
European were,
8,085 pupils
above, government
The exclude Chinese
Dutch-language was If
hove Dutch-language
were
who was head was hope
accepted." Even if Dutch
32
and was room"
were, some
Dutch schools;
Chinese was f. lOto
Chinese was required
[38]
|
|
to follow |
instruction. |
most |
cases |
this requirement |
|
| forced |
parents |
to to instruct |
private their |
tutor, child in the |
usually language |
at a salary etiquette |
of |
| of the |
Netherlands. |
The |
Chinese |
pupil |
apparently |
expected |
to |
| master |
not only |
but |
also such |
curious |
customs as the eating |
|
|
|
|
|
|
33 |
|
|
|
| of a slice |
of bread |
with |
a knife |
fork. |
Readers will |
probably |
not |
| be surprised |
to |
discover |
later that |
education |
|
of the primary |
|
| concerns of Netherlands |
of the leadership of the |
India. |
overseas |
Chinese |
nationalist |
|
|
f. 100 per month, and
enough Dutch In
engage a Dutch
was
Dutch Dutch
and
was one
movement
|
The |
Chinese |
and the |
Officialdom |
|
|
|
|
|
of the colonial |
|
|
for the |
most |
part |
| controlled |
by |
frankly unsympathetic |
|
or |
hostile |
to Chinese. |
|
| difficult |
to |
this |
statement, |
but there |
|
supporting |
|
| evidence; |
despite |
the |
risks, |
to |
discuss |
this bureau- |
|
| cratic |
of the |
Chinese, |
a formless |
thing to |
handle, |
in order |
to |
| appreciate helped |
completely spark the nationalist |
|
that effort. |
feeling |
of insecurity |
|
|
| The |
bureaucracy |
had no |
Chinese |
|
Chinese |
officers |
|
| not |
properly |
in the officialdom |
|
but merely |
servants |
of it— and |
|
| servants |
without |
at that. |
Natives, |
the other |
hand, |
could |
|
| did enter |
|
service. |
|
in 1911 |
that the |
|
|
| tions providing |
entry to Chinese |
into the candidates. held |
lower echelons exercised |
of the the governing |
bureaucracy |
in |
N.I. |
| appear, |
on the basis |
of scattered |
references, |
to |
|
immersed |
|
| in the racialism |
so |
prevalent |
colonial |
administrators |
|
in the |
late |
| nineteenth |
century |
golden |
of imperialism. |
|
has already |
|
|
The machinery government was
men even
It is document is some
and, it is necessary
view
more Chinese which
members. The
were
pay on and
government It was only examina-
were
34
opened
The Dutchmen who and power
have been
among
age It been
[39]
| suggested |
that there |
|
Increase of |
racial discrimination |
|
with |
the |
|
period |
of the |
ethical program. |
|
building |
of the Suez |
|
| Canal |
the |
|
|
steam |
navigation |
had facili- |
|
| tated the |
travel of |
numbers |
of Hollanders |
to |
the East. |
The growth |
|
| of the |
colonial |
|
the amelioration |
of |
tropical |
living |
|
| ditions |
had attracted |
increased |
flow |
of |
the |
|
|
| population |
of the |
colony more than |
doubling |
|
|
1900. |
|
| Included |
the |
arrivals |
|
appears, |
o larger |
proportion |
|
| of |
|
|
repeated |
|
that |
the Impor- |
|
| tation |
of white |
Into a |
colonial setting |
tends |
to diminish |
|
|
| for interracial |
harmony. |
|
|
significantly |
enlarged |
|
areas |
| of contact respect |
proved understanding. Introduction |
bureaucrats to be sources of |
of friction legislation |
businessmen rather the |
than bases reinforcement |
the Chinese of mutual of |
older |
| regulations |
to control |
|
|
formal |
expressions |
of |
the |
| hostility. |
Informally, |
|
acting |
his |
Initiative, |
the |
|
| official |
|
to demonstrate |
his attitude |
toward |
|
|
|
| siderable |
freedom. |
|
official put |
|
|
think |
of a |
| civil servant |
|
powerless |
to act |
against natives |
[and, |
of course, |
|
| those treated |
under |
the law |
as natives] |
by |
of his |
authority." |
|
| Chinese |
could be |
arbitrarily |
classified |
as "dangerous |
to the |
|
|
| interests |
of the native |
|
|
thereby the |
|
|
for |
| the refusal |
of travel officialdom |
passes or has |
residence |
permits. probably |
with reasonable |
|
|
| curacy, |
as "haughty" |
In |
relations with |
|
|
Unlike |
the |
| British |
in their colonies, |
the |
long |
sought |
to reserve |
their |
|
| language |
to themselves. |
|
|
addressed |
Hollanders |
|
in |
was an
opening of the The
and development of speedy, safe
new
economy and con-
an Dutchmen, European
35
between 1880 and
among new were. It
Dutch women; and an often commonplace Is
women chances
In any event, the
between Dutch and and
community
and
The new and
Chinese activities were
new on own Dutch
was able Chinese with con-
As one It: "One cannot
who Is
means
economic
people," and
way was opened
36
The been described, ac-
its non-Europeans.
Dutch own
Non-Europeans who
[40]
| Dutch |
were, |
|
|
|
|
|
|
until familiar. |
about fifty The |
years ago, languages |
thought of the Indonesian |
to be disrespectful and archipelago, |
|
| particularly |
Javanese, |
are |
rich in terms, |
styles |
of speech, |
special |
| vocabularies |
designed |
to insure |
that a |
speaker |
expresses |
recog- |
| nition of |
his |
status |
thatofthe |
person addressed |
|
|
| of Europe |
not |
|
|
system. Accordingly, |
|
the Euro- |
| officialdom |
|
of |
reluctant |
to permit |
itself to be |
addressed |
| in |
with |
polite but |
not servile |
second |
person pronoun. |
|
| late as |
|
necessary |
for the colonial |
|
to |
reprimand |
| officials |
insisted |
that |
|
|
Asians |
address |
| in |
|
or |
Indonesian |
language. |
|
|
| Petty |
discrimination |
against |
the |
|
often of a |
shockingly |
| childish |
character. |
Officials |
unnecessarily |
but |
deliberately |
kept |
| nese waiting |
outside their offices for long |
|
|
periods. |
|
|
| crat |
able to |
cause Chinese |
|
|
delay; |
the |
| purchase |
of postage |
stamps |
at times |
a |
small ordeal |
|
| reported |
that a his shoes |
official before entering |
in the |
area required Hollander's |
that the office. |
Kapltein of- |
| ficials, |
obviously |
with |
to |
do, are |
said to |
|
| derived |
a feeling |
of |
from stopping |
Chinese |
the |
roads to in- |
| spect their |
travel |
passes, such |
activity |
being a sport |
rather than |
a duty. |
| Until the |
early years |
of this |
century, |
the Indies |
|
addressed |
| letters |
sent rather than |
"to |
"to the |
native" or Presumably |
"to the Chinese In |
effort to |
| humiliate |
|
conspicuous |
the |
Chinese, |
bureaucracy, |
until |
| after the |
1911 revolution or cutoff |
in their queues. |
refused |
to permit a simple |
Chinese matter |
to to enforce |
| restrictions |
on the |
clothing |
halrdress |
of Chinese |
by, for |
|
unacceptably
and
always
own and. The languages
do have any comparable
pean N.I. was
Dutch its As
1909 it was government
who educated, Dutch-speaking
37
them Javanese some other
Chinese was
Chi-
The lowliest bureau-
was Inconvenience and even
was made. It was
Dutch one
remove Young
little work have somehow
power on
government
Its non-Europeans John
Doe," Mr. John Doe." an
and make the
China, wear
Western dress It was
and example.
[41]
|
|
|
any Chinese |
who |
|
|
| withholding |
travel |
passes from |
|
|
might be |
queueless |
|
|
|
38 |
|
|
|
| clothed |
in the the bureaucrat |
fashion. in his |
office |
could |
unhappily |
often did |
| treat the |
shamefully, |
the |
police |
on occasion |
|
brutal |
| police |
largely |
recruited |
from |
the native |
population |
had |
| reason |
to like said |
to be fearful |
to understand of Europeans |
the |
Chinese. to avoid |
interfer- |
| ing with |
their activities. |
|
frustrations |
thus |
|
in part |
| eased through |
the harsh |
treatment |
of Chinese. |
|
orgy of police |
bru- |
| tality occurred |
in |
|
the arrest |
of all |
in |
Surabaya |
|
in effort press of |
to stamp of Indonesia the bureaucracy. |
out Chinese half |
unrest a century little to counteract |
in that city presumably |
39 a the anti- that, with |
| notable |
exception, |
all the newspapers had |
|
|
|
|
| the |
These |
journalistic |
efforts |
to up |
feeling against |
the |
|
for |
|
|
|
|
|
| Thus |
losses suffered |
|
by the Chinese through legislative |
|
|
|
| ures |
to |
the |
ethical program, |
together |
with |
the old |
| grievances, were |
magnified |
by |
the feeling |
of insecurity |
|
by |
| the heightened |
|
|
|
|
|
following |
| statement |
a succinct summary of the general situation |
|
|
|
obtaining |
at the |
| time under |
study: Europeans are |
irritated |
to see the Chinese |
|
enriching them- |
|
| selves |
Java; |
translate |
this sentiment |
into |
noble |
terms: |
| they |
Indignant |
to see |
the |
exploit |
demoralize |
|
| the |
they |
they |
spontaneously measures |
to the to protect |
rescue the |
of the |
| from |
the Chinese. |
Thus, |
Europeans |
Chinese |
are |
on the |
| stage, |
the |
in |
the wings. |
4' |
|
|
and European
While and
Chinese were even.
The were and
little and noway Native
policemen were and
The developed were
An
1912 when Cantonese
was ordered an.
The Dutch ago,
molder of public and official opinion, did
Chinese attitudes In 1896 it was stated
one "begun a crusade against
Chinese." stir
40
Chinese continued many years.
the new meas-
adopted implement
engendered
tempo of the Dutch attack. In any event, the
is
...
on they
are Chinese and
Javanese; come
Javanese...; demand Javanese
and
Javanese are...
[42]
The Chinese and the Oufside World
it
| While |
|
|
|
Chinese |
|
|
|
could |
no doubt |
be argued |
that the |
of Netherlands |
|
| India in |
lived |
in |
in |
itself sufficiently |
hostile |
|
| secure to |
bring forth |
a reaction in the form |
|
of nationalism, |
|
also true |
| that overseas |
|
nationalism |
|
not a local |
|
There |
| forces |
in the |
world as |
a |
favoring the |
rise of nationalism. |
|
| To the Chinese |
|
of Indonesia, |
the outside |
world |
begins at |
Singapore. |
| Ties |
the |
Chinese in |
the archipelago |
|
Singapore |
|
| close ever |
since that |
port's |
establishment |
1819. |
British |
city off |
| the tip |
of the |
Peninsula |
has |
|
existence |
to |
| function |
as entrepot; |
goods |
persons destined |
|
for or |
|
| the islands |
of Southeast |
Asia |
often pass |
through |
Singapore. |
Ideas, as |
| well as |
people |
freight, |
also |
filtered |
through |
the port. |
| Elements |
of overseas not extravagant |
Chinese to |
nationalism speak of |
are no Singapore |
exception as the capital |
to this rule. of the |
| overseas Chinese |
|
|
of Southeast |
Asia. |
tremendous |
|
| of research |
has yet |
to be |
Singapore's |
role |
as overseas |
|
| nese |
|
political |
intellectual center |
|
the |
following |
| chapters |
|
references |
to Singapore |
to |
of |
that col- |
| such |
as the Lin |
outstanding |
nationalist ^fs. |
leader, will |
Lim be |
|
1 900 an atmosphere and in-
it is
Chinese was phenomenon.
were whole
between and have been
in The
Malay always owed its its
an and coming from
and have been
It is
communities A amount
done on an Chi-
commercial,, and. In
numerous and Chinese
ony, Boen Keng (Lim
Boon Keng, Wen-ch'ing,X J^) made. Here it is
Dr. Victor Puree!! has long been a student of these questions and has pub-
lished a number of works. An earlier and unique book on the Chinese of Singa-
pore is Song Ong Slang, One Hundred Years' History of the Chinese in Singapore,
John Murray, London, 1923.
The foremost Chinese writer on the role of the overseas Chinese In the 1911
revolution, states: "Singapore was the communications center for the British and
the Dutch Southeast Asian colonies and for Burma, India, Indochina, and Aus-
tralia." Feng Tzu-yu<^ (^ ^, Ko-ming i-shlh $'op'j^^ (Reminiscences
of the Revolution), The Commercial Press, Shanghai, 1946, Vol.4, p. 145.
[43]
necessary simply to note that events and circumstances in Singapore
contributed, as did the local grievances described above, to the na-
tionalistic awakening of the Indies Chinese.
Commercial relations between N.I. and Singapore began in the
days of Raffles. By the close of the nineteenth century it was not un-
common for Chinese merchants in one colony to have business interests
in the other. Businessmen traveling between Singapore and N.I, natu-
rally were carriers of information, much of it on contemporary world
42
developments, including the rise of nationalism.
Until the establishment of Chinese consular representation in Nether-
lands India in 1912, the Chinese Consul General at Singapore was in-
formally charged with the responsibility for observation of the Chinese
population in the Indonesian archipelago. Although the Singapore
Consulate General was unable to extend official protection to Chinese
living outside its consular district, the existence of an official of the
dynasty in the British colony was another reason to regard Singapore as
43
a communications center for the Chinese of Southeast Asia.
Singapore's politico-legal institutions came to play a role in the
nationalist awakening of the Indies Chinese by serving as the basis for
comparisons drawn between the positions of overseas Chinese under
the Dutch and under the British. Many Chinese in Netherlands areas
strongly felt that their lot would have been better under British rule.
It was often pointed out that a fundamental principle of British colo-
nialism, universal equality before the law, was conspicuously absent
in the Dutch system. Singapore Chinese were not burdened with hated
pass and zoning systems. The example of Singapore taught that dis-
crimination and insecurity were not the inevitable fate of overseas
Chinese.
[44]
Finally, it can be mentioned that the Chinese press of Singapore
was influential in Netherlands India, that the Singapore Chinese Cham-
ber of Commerce came to function as a clearing house for information
flowing south from China, that a number of teachers in the Chinese
schools of the Indies were recruited in Singapore, and, as will be
discussed in the opening part of the next chapter, that the rebirth of
Confucianism in Singapore in the late nineties was one direct cause
of the nationalist upsurge in the archipelago a few years later. An
interesting historical side light, in view of the recent miscarriage of
very similar plans, is that half a century ago there was talk of creat-
ing "a great Chinese university at Singapore." The university was
to be staffed by European, Chinese, and Japanese professors, to be
financed by both private contributions and Chinese government sub-
sidization, and to be "entirely Chinese In its architecture and fur-
45
nishings.
Because the Chinese of Indonesia were made aware, largely through
their Singapore window on the outside world, of events outside the
area known personally to them, it is possibly convenient here to con-
sider briefly certain late nineteenth century forces of nationalism and
imperialism.
In China some elements among the Taiping rebels of the middle of
the century may have been at least protonationa lists. Later, the offi-
cials, notably Li Hung-chang, responsible for the conduct of foreign
affairs had come to think in terms of nations and national interests, al-
though the application of the term nationalist may be inappropriate in
their case. True nationalists emerged only in the last years of the
Tiong Hwa Siang Boe Tjong Hwe, Chung-hua shang-wu tsung-hui,
^-f :^
[45]
|
|
Chinese |
|
|
|
and |
| century |
defend |
the |
nation, |
merely her |
Institutions |
|
| dynasty. |
|
included |
in |
of these |
nationalists- |
|
| Liang Ch'i-ch'ao, |
By |
Imperialist |
Sun Yat-sen scramble |
being the most widely had led to |
talk of "splitting |
|
| the Chinese |
|
that foreign |
|
reshaping |
their |
|
| policies |
In a shift |
from |
penetration |
to |
the parceling |
out |
| of the |
empire |
In semicolonial |
spheres |
of Influence. |
|
Japan's |
| victory over |
|
demonstrated |
to |
world the |
|
of the |
| Ch'ing |
response policy, |
rise to to the so |
the melon-splitting proposed a part of |
fever. our history, |
Because there |
the no |
| to |
the |
Imperialist |
onslaught |
In the |
late nineties. |
|
| For the |
of |
this study, |
the significance |
of this |
phase of Chinese |
|
| history |
in the fact |
that the |
threat to |
did not |
unnoticed |
in |
| the overseas |
|
|
of Southeast |
Asia |
imperialist |
|
| attack |
caused |
articulate |
|
|
to reflect |
|
| their country's |
|
their |
places In |
world. |
|
|
| soon reached |
the conclusion tied to |
the future |
that their of the ancestral |
as alien |
residents |
abroad strong, |
| independent |
|
might afford |
protection |
or at least |
prestige |
to her |
| expatriates; |
a colonized |
|
thus, internationally |
|
despised |
|
| could only |
|
position |
of overseas |
|
insecure. |
The |
| of |
a |
state, united, |
powerful, |
internationally |
|
re- |
| spected, |
to be |
that of all |
|
|
this |
will |
| underlie |
of the |
material |
to be presented to elevate |
here. herself |
There the states |
of |
| the world, but |
the vision |
of the |
|
great nation |
in the |
future |
| universally |
held. |
|
|
|
|
|
to not
Famous names are the list
K'ang Yu-wel, and
known. 1 898 an
melon"; is, powers were China
commercial
Chinese
1895 China the weakness
empire and gave
Anglo-American dismemberment of China, the
open-door is much own Is
need dwell on on China
purposes
is China go
Chinese communities. The
on China Chinese everywhere on
and own the Overseas Chinese
fate
was somehow homeland. A
China
and, China
make the Chinese more
dream Chinese and
came Chinese emigrants; and theme
much was dis-
agreement over how China was among
Chinese as a
was
[46]
Since this investigation employs the Dutch colony of Southeast Asia
as its setting, it is not inappropriate to mention that even in tiny Hol-
land there were highly placed men eager to draw their country into the
grabbing of concessions in China. As something of a footnote to the his-
tory of international rivalry in China at the end of the last century, it
is interesting to consider that early in 1898 the Netherlands Minister in
Peking recommended to his government that a Dutch concession be ob-
46
tained "in the Amoyarea" when China was divided up by the powers.
The Netherlands Minister of Foreign Affairs replied negatively:
The Netherlands already have very extensive colonial ter-
ritories, for the preservation and protection of which we must
severely strain our powers. The expansion of those territories
in a part of Asia, where until now no Netherlands possessions
have been, appears inadvisable because the sacrifices to be
demanded would be beyond our means....'
The passage above is important because it demonstrates that Dutch
officials were not concerned with any moral considerations possibly in-
volved in the annexationof Chinese territory; they had been carried into
the new imperialist tide, a fact doubtless reflected in their treatment
of overseas Chinese. It is also interesting to consider that the Nether-
lands Minister of Foreign Affairs, in his refusal to commit his country
to a new adventure in Asia, did not so much as mention the possible
overseas Chinese reaction to a Dutch seizure of a concession in China.
Ten years later, no maker of high-level Dutch policy in Asia was able
to ignore the feelings of the Chinese population under Netherlands rule.
The Chinese minority had by then created, through nationalist mobili-
zation, effective means for the expression of Its wishes. The manner
in which this creation came about and the use made of the new power
of the Indies Chinese will be studied in subsequent chapters.
[47]
| Before |
leaving |
these essenflally |
inlrocluctory |
sections, |
the |
pres- |
| entation |
of a hasty |
survey of |
the late nineteenth |
century |
climate |
of |
| imperialism |
|
proper |
Southeast |
Asia |
prove |
useful |
| by recalling |
to the |
reader the |
nationalist |
imperialist |
ferment |
of |
| the era. |
the talked of |
Englishmen "manifest |
spoke destiny"; |
the "white the Kaiser |
man's originated |
the |
| term "yellow |
peril" has |
he expressed often |
alarm uncharitably |
over die held |
gelbe up to ridicule. |
|
| President |
|
justification |
of the |
|
|
of the |
| Philippines |
too neatly |
expresses |
the patronizing |
humanitarianism |
|
of a |
| late nineteenth |
century |
imperialist |
to |
|
here. |
|
| that the writer will |
|
be forgiven didn't |
for presenting the Philippines |
|
the following: |
|
| to us |
as a gift from |
the gods, the |
did not floor of the |
|
to night after |
|
| night |
until midnight; that |
|
not |
to prayed |
gentle- |
|
| for light |
night but that |
late (1) that |
than this could |
don't not give |
that |
to |
| could |
not turn |
over to |
France or |
our commercial |
|
|
| rivals |
in the |
that |
be |
business |
discredit- |
|
| able; |
(3) that |
not |
leave them |
to themselves |
they were |
|
| unfit |
for |
|
they |
soon |
|
|
| misrule |
over |
there worse than Spain's was; |
|
|
(4) that there |
|
| nothing cate |
left the Filipinos, and upliftand |
for us to |
but to take civilize |
all, |
to |
|
| by |
grace for |
the Christ |
very best also died |
could by |
as |
our |
| these |
|
Africa |
finally |
divided. |
British |
|
| subduing |
the fanatics |
in the |
crushing |
the Boers |
in the Trans- |
|
| vaal; the |
French |
|
in the North; |
the |
ruthlessly |
|
beyond China and may
and
In West, of burden";
Americans and
when Gefahr.
Although it and been
McKinley's American annexation
be overlooked It is hoped
once again
The truth is I want
and when they came
I know what do about
them.... I walked White House
and I am ashamed tell you,
men, I went down on my knees and Almighty God
and guidance more one night.
And one it came tome way— I know how
it was, it came: we them back
Spain— would be cowardly and dishonorable; (2) we
them Germany—
Orient— would bad and
we could —
self-government—and would have anarchy
and and
was do them and edu-
and Christianize them,
and God's do we them,
fellow-men whom....°
In same years was The were
Sudan and
were expanding Germans
[48]
and
| punished |
native recalcitrance; |
|
the Italians |
blundered into Ethiopia. |
|
|
| pecially |
nationalist in Turkey |
stirrings Egypt. |
could be |
detected in |
East, |
es- |
| Asia, |
Russian |
empire |
builders |
pushing |
through |
|
| churia |
|
the |
|
up to |
them. |
India's |
| nationalism |
usually |
dated |
from the |
response |
of the Bengalis |
to |
| the partition |
of their |
|
but |
the Indian National |
Congress, |
|
| admittedly |
a conservative |
|
at the time, |
had functioned |
for |
twenty |
| years before ing, often |
that nationalism; painfully, |
date. other Asian peoples her |
alone |
in the on the |
world verge of |
had follow- |
| the |
years to |
be covered |
in this study, |
the forces, |
nationalism |
no |
| less than |
imperialism, |
leading |
to the |
|
had |
set |
| in motion. |
|
imperialism |
had reached |
spring |
tide |
to |
| foster |
destruction |
through |
Asian |
nationalism. |
|
|
- Hooy Tjiong, "Hookiauw dan Perkoempoelon -perkoempoelannjo"
- Kwee Tek Hooy, "Atsoi Moehlahnja Timboel Pergerakan Tionghoa
- J. S. Furnival I, Netherlands India, Cambridge University Press, Cam-
- Alexandre von Arx, L' Evolution Politique en indon^sie de 1 900 d>
- Theodoor Thomas, Eenige Opmerkingen naar Aanleiding van het
The first the Near
and
In were down Man-
and Korea, while Japanese moved meet
is 1905
home province;
body
Japan non-Western
achieved were
example.
In
misnamed Great War been
Western and was
its own
Notes to Chapter 2
(Overseas Chinese and Their Associations), SPJN.
jang Modern di Indonesia" (The Origins of the Emergence of the Modern
Chinese Movement in Indonesia), Moestika Romans, February 1937, p. 58.
bridge, 1944, p. 225.
1942 (Political Evolution in Indonesia from 1900 to 1942), doctoral disser-
tation at I'Universite de Fribourg-Suisse, Artigianolli-Mouza, Fribourg-
Sulsse, 1949, pp. 70-72.
Pachtstelsel op Java (Some Observations with Reference to the Farming
- F. Fokkens, "Afschaffing van Pachtenop Java en Madoera en in Ver-
- "Pacht of Regie" (Farms or State Monopoly), Opium-Vioek Vol. 2
- Rapport van den Directeur vanOnderwijs, Eerediensten Nijverheid
- H.D. P. Huizer, "De Opium-Regie in Nederlandsch-lndiS " (The
p. 360; F. Fokkens, Bescheiden Wenken voorde Verbetering van den Economischen Toestand der Inlandsche Bevolking op Java en Daarbuiten (Gentle Hints for the Improvement of the Economic Position of the Native Population of Java and Elsewhere), M.M.Couvee, the Hague, 1904, p. 29; Nio Joe Lan, Riwajot 40 Toon dari Tiong Hoa Hwe Koan-Batavia (History of Forty Years of THHK-Batavia), THHK Drukkerij, Batavia, 1940, p. 5;
D. Fock, Beschouwingen en Voorstellen ter Verbetering van den Economischen Toestand der Inlandsche Bevolking van Java en Madoera (Observations and Proposals on the Improvement of the Economic Position of the Native Population of Java and Madura), Martinus Nljhoff, the Hague, 1904, p. 3.
- Fokkens, "Afschaffing," loc.cit., p. 3.
n. Jhr. J.C.van Reigersberg Versluys, Fabrieksnijverheid in Neder-
- Kwee Tek Hoay, op. cit., April 1938, p. 143; J. F. Scheltema, De
p. 53; "Chineezen op Java" (Chinese on Java), Algemeen Handelsblad (Amsterdam), Vol. 76, No. 23779 (July 23, 1903).
- Some examples of these complaints are found in the following:
,
[49]
System on Java), doctoral dissertation at Leiden University, E.J. Brill,
Leiden, 1893, p. 38.
band Daarmede Verscherping van het Toezichtopde Beweging der Vreemde
Oosterlingen" (Abolition of Revenue Farming on Java and Madura and in
That Connection the Sharpening of the Supervision of the Movement of
Foreign Orientals), Indisch Genootschap lecture, February 2, 1897, Indisch
Genootschap (the Hague), [1897?], p. 3.
(1893), p. 137.
Betreffende de Maatregelen in het Belong van de Inlandsche Nijverheid op
Java en Madoera (Report of the Director of Education, Religion, and In-
dustry Concerning Measures in the Interest of Native Industry on Java and
Madura), Landsdrukkerij, Batavia, 1904, p. 7.
State Opium Monopoly in Netherlands India), IG, Vol. 28 (1906), No. 1
landsch-lndiS (Manufacturing Industry in Netherlands India), Ruygrok en
Co., Batavia, 1917, p. 40.
Opiumpolitiekder Regeering en deVrijheid der Drukpers in Nederlandsch-
IndiS (The Opium Policy of the Government and the Freedom of the Press
In Netherlands India), W. P. van Stockumen Zoon, the Hague, 1903, p. 9;
Sim Ki Ay, De Chineesche Nederzetting in Nederlandsch-lndi'g (The Chi-
nese Community in Netherlands India), J.Clausen, Amsterdam, c. 1918,
Off. Chin. Aff., Semarang to Res., Semarang, January 21, 1907; President,
Chinese Chamber of Commerce, Surabaya to Res., Surabaya, September 22,
[50]
| [H.Mouw?], |
|
DeChineesche |
|
|
|
|
|
| 1911; |
|
|
Kwestle |
(The ChineseQuestion)^ |
|
Druk- |
|
| kerlj Papyrus, |
Batavia, |
1913, |
p. 37; |
Hoay, |
op.cit., |
|
|
| 1937, p. |
487. |
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 14. |
Rapport van |
den Directeur, |
p. 5. |
|
|
|
|
| 15. |
Jaarcijfers, |
1900, |
106-107; |
"Chineesche |
Japanners" |
(Chi- |
|
| nese Japanese), |
IG, |
Vol. 30 |
(1908), |
1, p. 83; |
Liem |
Djie, |
|
| Distribueerende |
Tusschenhandel |
|
der |
op Java |
(The |
Distributive |
|
| Intermediary |
Trade |
of the Chinese |
on Java), |
Martinus |
Nijhoff, |
the Hague, |
|
| 1952, p. |
41 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 16. |
Res., Surabaya |
to |
|
28, 1908; |
Chin. |
|
For. |
| Aff. to |
|
Peking, |
September 2, |
1909; |
Chin. Aff., |
Batavia |
|
| to Dir. Jus., |
September |
10, 1909; |
Chin. Aff |
Surabaya |
to |
Dir. Jus., |
|
| August 28, |
1910; |
van |
Sandick, |
|
buiten China, |
|
|
| Beteekenis |
voor deOntwikkeling vanZuid-Oost |
|
|
AziS, Speciaal van Neder - |
|
|
|
| landsch-lndiS |
(Chinese |
outside |
China, Their |
Significance |
the |
Develop- |
|
| ment of |
Southeast Asia, |
Especially |
Netherlands |
India), |
von |
der Beek's |
|
| Hofboekhandel |
the |
1909, |
p. 148. |
|
|
|
|
| 17. |
Dijkstra, |
|
in de |
Nederlandsch-lndische |
|
|
|
| naarswereld, |
oft Mr. |
|
als Regeerings-Commissaris |
|
(The |
Corruption |
|
| in the World |
of the |
Netherlands |
Indies Bureaucrats, |
Bouten, Rotterdam, |
or: Mr. |
1906, p |
as a 38; |
| H. Fromberg, |
|
|
|
(The |
Chinese |
|
|
| on Java), |
Uitgeversmaatschappij |
|
Elsevier, |
|
1911, |
p. |
|
| Joe Lan, |
Riwajat, |
op.cit., p. |
136; letter |
from Phoa |
Hek, |
President, |
|
| Batavia, |
published |
|
Perniaga'an |
(Batavia), |
1907, |
59, quoted |
|
| by |
Hoay, |
op.cit.. |
1938, |
p. 195. |
|
|
|
| 18. |
"Pachtof Regie |
loc |
cTt., p. 137; |
"Het Passenstelsel voor Vreemde |
|
|
|
| Oosterlingen" |
(The |
Pass System |
for Foreign |
Orientals), |
Indisch |
Mercuur, |
|
| Vol 20, |
|
|
1897); Fromberg, |
|
|
Beweging |
|
| op Java, |
op.cit., |
p. 34. |
|
|
|
|
|
| 19. |
|
Chineezen |
en Ons |
|
(The Chinese |
and |
|
| Work), |
der 1905), |
Nederlandsche p. 167; |
Zendingsvereeniging, Hoay, |
op. cit., |
Vol. |
45, 1937, |
p. |
| 487; C. |
|
Verklaring |
van de Nederlandsch-lndische |
|
|
Strafwet- |
|
| (Explanation |
|
of the Netherlands |
Indian |
Criminal |
Codes), |
H. |
|
| Dorp en Co., loc cit |
Batavia, |
1895, p. 309; |
Blinde, |
|
en Ons Werk," |
|
|
| 20. |
Joe Lan, |
Riwajat, |
op. cit., |
p. 134; "Het |
Passenstelsel |
|
voor |
| Chineezen" |
(The Pass |
System |
Chinese), |
Insulinde, Vol |
2, |
|
|
| 8, 1897), |
p. 178; |
Joarcijfers, |
1900 p. |
|
|
|
|
| 21 |
Article 73, |
Regeeringsreglement (Government |
|
|
Regulations), quoted |
|
|
| by C. W. Margadant, |
|
Het Regeeringsreglement |
|
van Nederlandsch-lndiS (The |
|
|
|
|
Regulations |
of Netherlands |
India), |
G. Kolff en |
|
Batavia, |
|
| 1894, Vol. |
3, p. 79. |
|
|
|
|
|
|
G.G., December Min.
L.H.W. Chineezen Hunne
M.
J. F. De Corruptie Ambte-
P. De Chineesche Beweging op Java Movement
J. H.Winde, "De Werk" Our
W. Margadant,
Kwee Tek December
~~
pp.3,
No. Twan De
Chineezen
.
Neth.Min., Off.
Off..,
in
, Hague,
Rhemrev
Rhemrev
Government Commissioner), Masereeuw en.
Amsterdam, 3; Nio
Keng
THHK, in No.
Kwee Tek May
".
. No. 52 (December 25, DeChineesche
Orgaan No. 11
(November Kwee Tek December
boeken M. van
"De Chineezen
..
Nio
for. No. 23 (June
,
46"^
.
Government Co.,
.
[51]
Wouter
| 22. |
Article 3, |
Staatsblad |
(Statute) |
57, 1866, |
quoted by |
Brokx, |
|
| Het Recht |
|
en tot Reizen |
Nederlandsch-lndl'^ |
|
(The |
|
Resi- |
| dence and |
on Travel |
Netherlands |
India), |
doctoral |
dissertation |
at Leiden |
|
| University, |
C. N. Teulings, |
Bois-le-Duc, |
|
1925, p. |
86, |
|
|
| 23. van Sandick, |
Ibid., p. op. |
173; Article cit., p. 146. |
6, Staatsblad |
(Statute) |
bl, 1866, |
quoted |
by |
| 24. |
Res., Surabaya |
|
|
28, |
1908; Chin. |
|
For. |
| Aff. to |
Neth. |
|
September |
2, 1909; |
Chin. Aff., Botavia |
|
|
| to Dir. |
Jus., September |
10, |
909; Off |
Chin Aff |
Surabaya |
to Dir.Jus., |
|
| August |
28, 1910; |
Boen |
Sin Po (Surabaya), |
January |
19, |
1911, article |
|
| in translation |
|
arch. Neth. |
Parts |
Realm; |
"Chineesche |
Japanners," |
|
| loc.cit., |
p. 83; |
|
op. cit., |
June |
1938, p. |
|
|
| 25. |
Fromberg, |
Chineesche |
|
op |
Java op. |
cit., p. |
16; |
| Henri Borel, |
"Dr. |
Lim Boen |
|
Chineesche |
Beweging" |
(Dr. |
Lim |
| Boen |
on the |
Chinese |
|
Vol. |
bb, |
123 |
28, |
| tion inarch. |
Neth. |
|
Parts Realm; |
Tok |
Po (Batavia), |
|
|
| 15, 91 2, |
article |
translation |
arch |
|
Parts |
Realm; |
Off. |
| Chin. Aff., |
Semarang |
to Res., |
Semarang, |
January |
21, 1907; |
Chin. |
|
| For. Aff. |
to Neth. |
Peking, |
|
30, |
1909; Off. |
Chin. |
Aff., |
| Batavia |
to |
August |
26, 1910; |
Acting |
Chin. |
Aff., Batavia |
|
| to Dir. |
Civ. Serv., |
February |
13, 1914. |
|
|
|
|
| 26. |
Fromberg, |
Chineesche |
|
op |
Java, op. |
pp. |
8-9. |
| 27. |
Neth. |
to |
Neth. |
For. Aff., |
|
From- |
|
| berg, 28. |
Chineesche Ibid., pp. |
10-12. |
Java, |
op. cit., |
p. 13. |
|
|
| 29. |
Margadant, |
Verklaring, |
op. cit., |
pp. 80-81; |
Fromberg, |
|
Chi- |
| neesche |
Beweging op |
Java, |
op. cit., p. |
15; Jaarcijfers, |
1902, |
p. 47. |
|
| 30. |
|
Lan, Riwajat, |
op. cit., |
pp. 46, |
197. |
|
|
| 31 |
Fromberg, |
Chineesche |
|
Java, |
op. |
pp. |
1-2; |
| de Roo |
de Faille, |
|
Chineesche |
Road te |
Batavia en |
het door |
dit |
| College |
Beheerde |
Fonds" (The |
Chinese |
Council at |
Batavia |
the Funds |
|
| Administered |
by That |
Body), |
Bijdragen |
tot de Tool-, |
Land-en |
|
|
| van Nederlandsch-lndiS |
|
(Contributions |
|
on the Language, |
|
|
and |
| Ethnology |
of Netherlands |
India), |
Vol. |
80, Martinus |
Nijhoff, |
the |
|
| 1924, p. |
304; L. |
Hazelhoff, |
"Het Onderwijs |
voor |
de |
te |
Ba- |
| tavia" (Education |
|
for the Chinese |
Batavia), |
Neerlandia |
|
|
8 |
| (August |
1903), p. |
100; Jaarcijfers, |
1902 |
pp. 16, |
20-21, 28. |
|
|
| 32. 33. |
Hazelhoff, |
Hoay, op. cit., loc cit. |
|
1936, |
p. 937. |
|
|
| 34. |
H. Fromberg, |
|
Chineesche |
Beweging |
en het Koloniaal |
|
Tijd - |
| schrift (The |
Chinese |
|
and the |
Koloniaal |
Tijdschrift), |
|
|
| landsche |
Boek-en |
Handelsdrukkerij, |
the |
|
1912, p. |
18; |
Boen |
| Liang, |
met |
|
(Scales |
with |
|
China |
Vol |
1906); Boen Sin Po (Surabaya), January 19, 1911, article transla-
1...,
F. la "De
P. De
totWonen in Law on
in
toG.G., December Min.
Min., Peking, Off.
Han
in Ov.
Kwee Tek Hoay, 247.
De Beweging,
Keng over de
Keng Movement), DL, No. (May
Han in
Min. Ov. Hoa October
1 in in. Neth. Min. Ov.
Min.
Min., December
Gen. Sec, Ad.
De Beweging cit.,
Min. Col. Min. M^ 871916;
De Beweging op
~~
De
Nio Joe
. De Beweging op crt.,
and
Volkenkunde
Geography,
Hague,
Chineezen
in, Vol. 7, No.
,
Kwee Tek December
.
Movement Zuid-Hol-
Hague, Ong
"Meten Twee Maten" Two Measures),,
[52]
No. 1 DeChineesche Beweging
| 11, |
(September |
1, 1912), |
p. 24; Fromberg, |
|
|
|
| op Java, |
op. cit., |
p. 40. |
|
|
|
|
| 35. |
Jaarcijfers, |
1900, pp. |
2-3. |
|
|
|
| 36. |
Fromberg, |
Chineesche |
|
Java, |
op. cit., |
p. 8, and |
| Chlneesche 37. |
Fromberg, |
het |
Koloniaal |
Tijdschrift |
op. cit., op. cit., pp. 30, 61 |
p. 5. |
| Joe |
Lan, Riwajat, |
op. cit., |
p. 134. |
|
|
|
| 38. |
H., |
Nederlandsch-lndiS" |
|
(Chinese |
Netherlands |
|
| India), |
Vol 5, |
|
6, |
1908), pp. |
668-669; |
Liem Thian |
| Joe, Riwajat |
Semarang, |
|
(History |
of Semarang, |
1416-1931), |
|
| Drukkerij |
Misset, |
printers. |
|
publishers, |
Semarang, |
|
| pp. 153, |
155, 183, |
197; |
Jongste |
|
Java" |
(The Most |
| Recent ber 12, |
Disorders on 1912). |
Java), Koloniaal |
|
Vol |
12, |
|
| 39. |
Res ., Surabaya |
to |
|
13, 1912; |
Chin. Aff., Sura- |
|
| baya to 40. |
Dir. Jus., |
22, |
1912. |
|
(1896), |
|
| p. 768; |
Fromberg, |
Chineesche |
|
op Java |
op cit. |
pp. 2-3. |
| 41 |
Joseph Chai |
ley-Bert, |
Java etSes Habitants |
|
(Java and |
Inhabit- |
| ants), |
Colin |
et Cie., |
Paris, 1900, |
p. 99. |
|
|
| 42. |
Off. Chin. |
Aff., Semarang |
to |
Dir. Ed., |
Ind., |
26, |
| 1907; ibid ., |
|
27, 1907; |
Eng Die, |
|
Nederlandsch- |
|
| IndiS, Sociografie vaneen Indonesische |
|
|
Bevolkingsgroep |
|
(Chinese |
|
| erlands |
India, a Sociological |
|
Study of an |
Indonesian |
Population |
Group), |
| doctoral |
dissertation |
at |
University, |
van |
en |
|
| 1943, p. |
214; |
Hoay, |
op. cit.. |
1938, |
p. 194. |
|
| 43. |
Sung Fa-hsiang |
|
|
Pa-ta~wei-ya |
tsung-ling-shih- |
|
| kuan chlh |
yen-ko" |
|
|
'^ |
|
lu |
| (History of |
the Consulate General |
|
at Batavia), |
|
G. G. to |
Neth. |
| Col September |
12, 3, 1906; |
1901; Chin. Min. Off. Chin. |
For. Aff. to Aff., Semarang |
Chin. Min., the to Dir. |
Ed., Relig., |
Ind., |
| April |
1907; |
|
te Batavia" |
(The |
at |
Batavia), |
| Insulinde, 82, 95. |
op Java, |
op. cit., p. |
15, 1897); 33; |
Fromberg, Joe Lan, |
Chineesche Riwajat, op. |
Be-cit., pp. |
| 44. |
Asst. Res., |
Buitenzorg |
to Res., |
Batavia, |
18, |
1907; Tio |
| Bing Tik, |
"Het Onderwijs |
der |
Chineezen |
op Java" |
(The Education |
of the |
| Chinese |
on Java), Wl, Vol.3, |
|
|
24, |
907), p. 957; |
Borel, |
| "Dr. Lim |
Boen en |
[oc.cit.,p. |
Beweging," |
168. |
loc.cit.; Blinde, |
|
| 45. |
Off Chin. Aff |
|
to Dir |
Ed Relig., |
Ind ., |
January 27, |
| 1907; Off. |
Jus., |
Surabaya to |
Atty. |
|
|
Jap. |
| Chin. Aff., |
Batavia |
to Dir. |
Civ. Serv., |
July 3, 1914; |
Off. |
Chin. Aff., |
| Semarang |
to Dir. |
Ed Relig., |
Ind ., April |
9, 1907; |
Chin. Aff |
Pon- |
| tianak to |
Dir. Jus., |
18, 1909; Off |
|
Chin. Aff |
Batavia to |
Dir. Jus., |
G.G., March Off.
De Beweging op
De Beweging en,
DeChineesche Beweging op Java,;
Nio
"Chineezen in in
Wl,. No. 33 (December
1416-1931
Ho Kim Yoe, [1933?],
"De Ongeregelheden op
Weekblad,. No. 50 (Decem-
March
"GeenRassenhaat" (No Racial Hatred), IG,Vol.l8 No.l,
De Beweging,.,
. I Its
Armand
Relig., May
May Ong Chineezen in
in Neth-
Amsterdam Gorcum Co., Assen,
Kwee Tek May
^ M^^^'
"Chu
^i p^^^i ^.i%^?|kt^
^
SPJN; Min.
.
, Hague,
October
11, "DeOpiumpacht Opium Farm
Vol.2, No. 24 (June De
weging Nio
~~~~
January
No. 44 (February 1
Keng over de Chineesche "De
Chineezen Ons Werk,"
.., Semarang..,
Gen., November 30, 1912; Ad.
., Off..,
May..,
[53]
|
19, 1910; |
Bandung |
to |
February |
26, 1912; |
Off. Chin. |
|
| Aff., Surabaya |
to Peking, |
Dir. Jus., August |
22, 2, 1912; Fromberg, |
1912; Chin. |
Chine'^sche |
For. Aff. |
to |
| op Java, |
op. cit., |
p. 31; "Onderwijs |
|
Tionghoa |
di Indonesia" |
(Chinese |
|
| Education |
in Indonesia), |
|
|
Lan, Riwajat, |
op. cit., |
p. 16; |
L. |
| Tiemersma, |
|
|
het |
Huidige |
Streven |
|
|
| in Nederlandsch-lndiS |
the Present |
tot Herstel Efforts of |
van the Chinese |
het Confucianisme" in Netherlands |
India |
(Our Call to Restore |
to |
| Confucianism) |
Overzicht |
van |
de Elfde Zending-Conferentie, |
|
|
|
te |
| Buitenzorg |
en te |
van 22 |
tot 30 Augustus |
1903 |
(Survey |
of the Elev- |
|
| enth Mission |
Conference, |
Held |
at Buitenzorg |
and |
at |
from the |
22nd |
| through |
the 30th |
August 1903), |
Albrecht |
en |
Batavia, |
1903, |
pp. |
| 139-140, |
148; Borel, |
"Dr. Lim |
Boen |
|
Chineesche |
Beweging," |
|
| op. cit., |
Vol. |
55, 124 |
30, |
1906). |
|
|
|
| 46. |
Neth. |
Peking |
to |
For. |
Aff., January |
1898. |
|
| 47. |
|
For. Aff. |
to |
|
|
21 ,1898. |
|
| 48. |
The Christian |
|
January |
22, 1903, |
quoted |
by Paul |
Hib- |
| bert Clyde, |
The Far |
East, a History |
of the |
Impact |
of the West |
on Eastern |
|
| Asia, Prentice-Hall, |
|
York, |
1948, |
p. 290. |
|
|
|
October Res., G.G.,
March Min.
Neth. Min., De Beweging
SPJN; Nio Joe
"Onze Roeping Tegenover ^r Chineezen
Oppose
, Gehouden
Depok,
Depok,
of Co.,
Keng over de
| DL, |
|
(May |
|
|
Min., |
Neth. |
Min. |
| Neth. |
Min. |
Neth. |
Min., Peking, February |
No.
7,
Advocate,
New
THE MOBILIZATION FOR NATIONALISM
| Individualities |
|
form |
communities, |
alone |
| that can |
create |
a nation. |
|
Disraeli |
may but it is Institutions
|
|
The Confucianist |
|
Revival |
|
|
|
To dignify |
their |
nationalism |
with a cover |
of antiquity, |
to |
| conceal |
|
inspiration, |
|
put forv\/ard |
a respected |
|
| familiar |
symbol, |
the Chinese |
of Netherlands |
India, |
though |
not fully |
| conscious |
of their |
motivations, |
resurrected |
Confucius. |
|
|
| led the |
Confucianist |
revival |
of the early |
years of |
this century |
sought |
| not a national |
but |
a spiritual |
|
their |
initial efforts |
|
| religious |
rather than |
political |
in nature. |
This |
not to deny, |
|
| ever, that |
the Confucianist |
|
leaders |
soon able |
to ride |
large |
| measure |
guide the |
nationalist |
|
|
by their |
preaching |
| of the ancient |
morality Into the overseas Chinese |
of |
Reborn pond; |
the ripples |
generated |
stone spread |
| under be |
the force |
of breezes |
gales |
from every |
quarter, |
to |
| partial |
|
in support |
of the view |
that Singapore |
|
served the |
| Indies Chinese |
as |
an intellectual |
center, |
be |
noted that |
a small- |
| scale Confucianist |
|
revival, |
the starting |
of nationalism |
|
the |
| Chinese |
of the archipelago, |
|
in |
In Singapore. |
|
true |
| that |
earlier |
a |
of Confucius |
had |
in Batavia, but |
|
| the |
seems to |
stirred |
interestamong the Malay-speaking |
|
|
|
|
|
|
[541 |
|
|
|
Its Western and to and
The men who
awakening; were
is how-
were and in
movement stimulated
China. Confucianism was a
dropped It
and, and grew
waves of great size and power.
As evidence
it can
gun among
began 1898 It is
one year life appeared
book have little
[55]
|
whom |
was directed. |
An |
|
|
|
|
|
to |
|
|
earlier study |
of certain |
Chinese |
|
|
|
|
|
|
2 |
|
|
| customs, |
also prepared |
for |
|
consumption, |
|
of |
|
| significance. |
The |
publication doubtless |
helped |
of books the |
at for a Confucionist |
expatriate |
|
| rebirth, |
but real credit |
for |
a limited |
|
of or, rather, |
an |
in- |
| terest in |
traditional the |
|
morality must go to lead |
to their compatriots |
into |
launched they |
|
| considered |
the paths return to Confucianism, |
of term |
a inaccurately |
suggesting |
to a relation |
writersas |
|
| the syncretic |
but the Confucianist |
orthodox |
phase of overseas |
Chinese |
in nationalism, |
dynasty |
|
| led not |
by elderly |
scholars in |
long |
but by |
youthful Westernized |
|
|
| Chinese. |
establishment |
hui, |
in |
in Singapore or |
of a religious |
society, |
|
| the |
of |
Christian |
Chinese |
Lim |
|
(Lin |
|
| ch'ing, |
j<_ |
/?^ |
British-trained |
physician, and |
|
|
|
| Slang (Sung |
|
|
|
gj^ |
), a |
of |
the |
| Singapore |
bar Both |
these by |
|
to contains a |
quite variety of |
thoroughly statements |
|
| photographs |
symptomatic |
|
of his |
|
|
|
|
| for |
especially |
proud |
of holding |
a reserve |
commission |
in |
u |
| Singapore |
unit of the |
British |
army. |
record establishes |
that |
Dr. |
Lim |
| The |
year 1898 has thatwas when |
of course K'angYu-wel |
special significance for and |
Liang Ch'i-ch'oo |
the student brief |
of Chinese imperial |
|
| support |
Confucianist |
reform |
program. |
Lim Boen |
Keng, unquestlonohly |
|
|
| a widely |
read man, must |
have been |
Inspired |
by the reformers' |
Interpretation |
|
of |
| Confucianism. |
Mention of |
K'ang Yu-wel's |
|
direct contacts |
with overseas Chinese |
|
|
| come |
|
study; |
Influence |
before |
from |
China |
|
| a matter Chinese |
be Investigated center. |
|
research |
on Singapore |
as the Southeast Asian |
|
|
Chinese it
Peranakan was even less
random aimed an
Chinese audience pave way
acceptance
Chinese the men who
and organized campaign what
Confucianism.
The movement known Dutch
neo-Confucianisme, a between
Confucianism developed Sung
China and was
gowns
The 1898 Khong Kauw
Hwe (K'ung-chiao-^i^^^ W") / Confucian
was work two —Boen Keng Wen-
/^^),a SongOng
Wang-hsiang, 5^;;j:/5member
. men seem have been
Westernized. A book Mr. Song
and Anglomania. SongOngSiang was,
example,
The
history, for won
for their
will later in this his his 1898 flight is
yet to in
Intellectual
..
[56]
| by far the |
|
of |
the |
in the Confucianist |
|
later |
| nationalist |
|
Lim |
to |
of |
the founders |
in |
| of the Singapore |
|
SunYat-sen's |
|
revolutionary |
|
hui |
| 1899, |
year |
after the |
founding |
of the Singapore |
Confucianist |
|
| society, |
Tjai |
Christian |
from |
Java, went |
to the |
British city |
| to |
Lim |
|
has |
asserted by |
a |
missionary |
| writer that |
Tjai case, he |
Siang regarded |
both mentally as something |
less than |
an a faithful |
|
| of the |
Protestant |
flock. |
Following |
his Singapore |
visit |
with Lim, |
| Tjai publ ications |
Siang returned |
to |
to launch |
a series |
of Confucianist |
|
| 1900, |
together |
with a |
colleague |
of |
little |
he |
| published |
a |
translation |
of certain |
|
texts |
under the |
| title |
Tiong |
(Ta-hsueh |
|
|
J\^ |
^^ |
| insight into the |
|
|
the two Confucianists |
|
|
be gained |
| from the |
fact that |
their translations |
|
based in |
part on books |
in the |
| language. |
|
hospitable |
public |
response |
to the translation |
of |
| parts of |
the |
|
soon |
|
his |
colleague |
| to found |
a |
|
Po (Li-pao, |
|
-^^^), |
published |
| in |
at |
dedicated |
to |
the presentation |
of |
the teach- |
| ings of |
Confucius |
|
|
of this |
periodical |
led to |
| the establishment |
|
Tjoa Tjoe |
in |
Ik |
Po (l-pao, |
'^% |
| published |
at Surakarta |
in both |
the Chinese |
|
|
Tjoa |
| Tjoe |
in |
had written |
the |
on Chinese |
customs |
to |
was more active two men and
movements. was become one 1905
branchof T'ung-meng
In one
Yoe Siang,a
meet Boen Keng. It been Dutch
Yoe was ill and opium addict.
In any was member
Dutch
Yoe Java new
In whom is known,
Malay Confucian
Thay Hak Jong chung-yung,^ m)•
Some background of can
were
Dutch The
Confucian canon encouraged Yoe and
weekly newspaper, Li^^
Malay SukabumI and
•k
and Mencius. The example
by Koan 1905 off^,
and Malay languages.
Koan 1887 book which
| can |
be noted in |
passing |
that the |
names of |
the Chinese |
sages are often hard |
|
| identify |
Indonesia's |
publications |
|
Confucius |
was ordinarily |
known |
as Khong |
| Hoe Tjoe |
(K'ung-fu-tzu, |
|
a^ |
or Khong Tjoe |
(K'ung-tzu, |
|
^[^ |
| with the BIng Tjoe |
NabI (Meng-tzu, |
(prophet) -^) |
occasionally |
employed. |
Mencius |
often |
called |
It
to In.
^L^) as^)/
title Is
^.
[S7]
|
|
made. |
Two other weeklies |
|
|
|
| reference |
has already |
|
|
|
of Confucionist |
|
| orientation |
but seemingly |
little |
significance |
|
of |
Sura- |
|
Po of |
|
|
|
|
|
| Desirous |
of |
this |
|
interest |
in |
|
| ism into |
constructive |
efforts, a |
group of Batavia |
Chinese |
established |
a |
| society |
the promotion |
of Confucionist |
|
thought |
conduct. |
The |
| society, |
Tiong |
|
|
|
|
|
| will figure |
prominently date |
in this selected |
study, as |
usually that of the |
abbreviated establishment |
as of |
| overseas |
nationalism 17, 1900, |
as the |
organized |
|
in Indonesia, initial planning |
|
| for |
seems to received |
the education |
served |
Lie as an assistant |
a teacher |
in |
| mission |
Lie |
the |
author of |
the |
|
|
| fucius |
|
Included |
|
Lie's principal |
colleagues |
in |
| the establishment |
of |
|
|
|
|
|
| cated by |
missionaries, |
|
the |
president of the |
association |
|
|
|
|
|
5 |
|
|
| served |
for |
in that |
capacity. |
|
|
|
| Directing |
a Confucionist |
revival |
proved |
to the leaders |
of |
to |
| be a difficult |
task |
initial |
efforts |
designed |
to |
|
| reform |
the Chinese, |
"to spread |
the |
study of |
doctrines |
|
| in order |
to erase |
superstitions |
harmful |
practices. |
|
|
| Confucionist |
reformers similar |
believed |
that "superstitious |
not useful races to laugh |
acts at funerals, or meaningful, [at the |
|
| nese]." |
later |
stated that |
establishment |
|
"for the |
purpose |
| of furthering |
|
correctness |
|
the |
in |
order |
| that |
might not |
remain ignorant or in |
|
inferior |
position." |
This |
been
were Loen Boen
4
baya and Ho Buitenzorg.
channeling newly awakened Confucian-
for and
Hoa Hwe Koan (Chung-hua hui-kuan,
Y
"^
^l'^o)i
its name
THHK. If any can be
Chinese on movement
it is March day THHK was founded. The
THHK have been work of Kim Hok, Peronakan
who had his and
schools. was also 1897 biography of Con-
mentioned above. among
THHK was Phoa Keng Hek, also a Peronakan edu-
who became first
and many years
THHK
. Their were encourage
among Confucian
many and..." The
weddings, and ceremonies... were
wasted money, and caused people of other Chi-
THHK its was
knowledge and among Chinese
people an
[58]
|
for the position |
of the Chinese |
in the |
eyes of the other |
residents |
|
| of the |
especially |
the |
Europeans, |
in |
these statements |
|
| to |
of |
importance |
in |
the attempt |
to restore |
|
| fucianism. |
that their |
of actions |
this fact are |
scarce by the scorn |
of others. |
seldom |
| worth |
noting, |
that |
the Confucianist |
leaders |
|
|
| of that |
of Chinese |
most likely |
to be |
of |
ridicule. |
|
| during |
the |
|
of |
|
Liang Ch'i- |
|
| ch'ao in |
a |
of |
|
to be |
|
not |
| solely |
|
intrinsically |
but |
also because |
|
|
| offer the |
for |
the |
prestige |
of the Chinese |
|
nation |
| without demanding Westernization and enthnocentrism. |
of this |
forcing the Confucianist |
rebirth, |
than the superficialities for the most |
part business- |
of |
| of |
or noclassical |
Chinese |
education, |
|
|
|
| of the |
|
of life. |
Their backgrounds and |
|
the |
of |
| their |
enterprises |
|
the dedicated |
pursuit |
of |
|
| scholarship |
impossible. |
rewards |
|
|
to |
through |
| such effort |
in of Confucianist cliches |
the colony provided examinations. often |
spoke of |
no entry These other persons |
to the official- had picked as being |
up a |
|
* |
|
|
|
|
|
| or unfilial |
but the |
extent of their |
|
of the |
|
|
| N.I. |
these terms |
were rendered |
hauw and |
poet hauw, |
hsiao |
|
| and pu-hsiao |
!^ |
The most |
popular cliche |
was: Ko |
poet |
tan kai, |
| derived from |
kuo wu |
tan kal |
^i^ |
?5l apparently |
quoted |
on |
| every possible |
occasion |
and used on |
the masthead |
of Po |
The quotation |
|
| from Lun-yu, |
Book |
Chapter VIM: |
"The Master |
said: |
the scholar |
be not |
| grave, he |
not |
any veneration, |
and |
learning |
not |
be |
| Hold faithfulness |
and |
|
principles. |
Have no friends |
not |
equal |
concern
colony, is shown
have been paramount Con-
Documentation is because men
acknowledge prompted It
is however, were members
group aware European
As ascendancy of the ideas K'ang Yu-wei and
China, brand Confucianism was encouraged
because it was good it appeared to
means raising powerand
the acceptance of more
without abandonment of China's ancient
The leaders
men little hadnodeep knowledge
Confucian way demands
commercial made Confucian
No would have come them
any case, as
dom by way men
few Confucian and filial
; knowledge Confucian canon
In I.e.,
^ ^. tjet
tse
^'J^
^W /
LI. Is
I,'If
will call forth his will solid.
sincerity as first to
[59]
| gauged |
|
|
|
|
THHK were |
|
| be |
by the |
fact that |
the early directors of |
|
|
obliged |
| to vote funds nese religion |
for the |
purchase |
of the work |
of a |
sinologist on |
|
| intellectually equipped |
|
|
to interpret |
|
to their fel low |
|
| overseas Chinese, and |
|
|
in a political |
|
environment |
|
| sure to frustrate |
a |
effort |
to create |
a Confucianist |
society, |
the |
| leaders of |
|
themselves, as |
|
their sage himself might |
|
|
| with |
the purification |
of |
the |
of |
their people |
rather |
| than with |
the reconstruction |
of |
their social order. |
|
at |
gently |
| scratched |
the surface |
of the overseas Chinese |
|
cultural |
|
by pro- |
| posing seemingly |
meaningless |
|
reforms |
in etiquette |
ceremonials. |
|
| true contribution |
|
of these |
efforts |
in causing |
the |
to |
| think In terms |
of their |
status as |
a minority |
people. |
|
|
| To |
|
In the |
Confucianism, |
|
soon |
after |
| establishment |
|
a reading |
|
publications, |
including the |
|
| periodicals |
already discussed, extensively |
|
Batavia's |
to the utilized |
public. this |
not facility; |
| but the record |
does school, |
reveal that in an event |
another attempt at failure. to be |
the Batavia handled at |
adult education association considerable length |
In |
| later, the |
teacher |
required |
under the |
terms of |
his contract |
to give |
| lectures |
on the |
the teachings session |
of Confucius. Invited, |
not a single |
public person |
at- took |
| of |
hospitality. |
|
further |
attempt |
to |
|
p. 141.
can
Dutch Chi-
.
Not Confucianism
working and economic
genuine
THHK concerned hove
done, ceremonies
THHK first
complex
and
The was its Chinese
educate men ways of THHK its
opened room where
were available It is
now known how Chinese
Confucianism ended complete When
opened Its first
was
weekly Although
tendance at first was ad-
vantage THHK No was made conduct
yourself. When you have faults, do not fear to abandon them.' "J-
Br^ ^
James Legge, The Chinese Classics, The Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1 893, Vol. I,
[60]
|
|
Monthly |
where |
|
|
|
| public |
lectures. |
meetings, |
|
|
translations |
of clas- |
| sical texts |
|
presented |
the teacher, |
|
held for a |
time, but |
| only |
|
|
|
fruits of |
the closed |
meetings |
| did reach |
the public |
through |
the pages |
of |
newspapers, |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Q |
|
| but |
seems to specific |
but of equally |
understood limited |
or value |
|
efforts to |
| persuade |
people funerals |
to rid themselves but seen |
of a to be of |
local origin. |
practiced To guide families |
at |
| planning |
|
published |
a |
setting |
forth |
in detail |
| the correct |
procedures, |
including to file |
a caution teeth. |
to prospective Chinese or, |
brides curiously. |
that |
|
|
|
|
|
|
9 |
| music |
|
|
parties |
but native |
music |
not. |
| Funerals |
of |
to be similarly requested |
reformed. the |
directors of |
the association |
to |
| furnish |
him with |
instructions |
for the |
burial |
of his father. |
|
| response |
to his inquiry, |
the |
son |
sent |
a of twenty-five |
|
| steps to |
be taken |
in arranging |
for his father's |
funeral |
Included |
|
| the twenty -five |
|
points |
warnings |
that the teachings |
of |
Confucius |
| did not |
prescribe |
that a person |
extremis |
be given |
a |
to |
| hold or |
that a pillow |
be placed |
on the |
roof of the |
deceased's |
house. |
| These |
branded |
corrupt |
|
customs. |
son in |
this case |
| carried |
out the suggestions |
|
|
Immediately denounced |
|
as |
| unfilial |
by |
of his neighbors. |
|
son |
to |
publish an |
| apologia |
for his |
actions; |
itself, |
presumably |
to |
defend |
| The |
Malay phrase |
used |
operation |
was gosok |
gigi, which |
modern |
| Indonesian |
ordinarily |
means |
the teeth |
Evidence |
indicates, |
however, |
| that the |
reformers were |
not hostile |
dental |
hygiene but |
a more severe |
treat- |
| ment. The |
admonition |
on |
gosok gigl was amplified |
|
by the statement: |
"This |
| custom |
derived from |
the natives. |
the teeth |
are good |
and not |
necessary |
| shorten |
them. |
better that |
they not be |
filed." |
|
|
Malay
were by were
THHK members were welcomed. The
Malay-language
little have been accepted.
More were THHK
number of customs
weddings and
weddings, THHK pamphlet
it was not Confucian the Western
was permissible at wedding was
were In November 1 900 a Suka-
bumi member THHK
Confucian In
bereaved was list
. among
were
\n watermelon
were Peranakan The
of THHK and was
many The was prompted
and THHK its
*
for this in
to brush.
to to
THHK
Is If It is
to It Is
[61]
filial now ex-
| position, |
put out a |
booklet on |
piety, |
unfortunately |
not |
|
| tant, entitled |
simply did not |
(hsiao revision |
of funeral |
). marriage |
customs. |
In |
| the matter |
of funerals, |
only the |
daring son |
at |
seems |
to |
| willing |
to risk |
|
by |
the |
peculiar |
customs |
| of the Indies |
Chinese. |
for |
|
"only about |
half a |
|
| formed |
|
carried |
out under |
guidance; |
others |
|
| celebrated |
in the traditional |
|
|
|
later, |
as |
| civil ceremonies |
of |
the |
type. After |
three |
years, |
|
| up attempts |
to being did |
reform these at association victory significant |
ceremonies, meetings in |
"no after terms of |
mention 1903. the creation |
of the of |
| tionalist the |
symbols through |
the introduction |
Indonesians. |
of a |
This success |
|
| or |
less as |
|
gain, no |
concerted |
effort apparently |
|
| having |
in the colony |
to |
Until |
used |
operations, the term |
Tjina to |
| designate |
the land |
of |
|
followed |
this usage |
in |
| year |
or so, writing, |
for |
of |
sekola |
Tjina or |
|
| school fashioned." |
Soon, Proper Chinese terms, eventually |
largely for |
in by |
used Tjina for into general virtuallyall |
the words to use literate |
Tiong "old inhabi- |
|
|
12 |
|
|
|
|
| tants of |
the archipelago. |
|
the use |
of the term |
Tjina |
likely |
| to be considered |
insulting |
by |
Indonesian |
Chinese. |
|
|
| 1928 |
the N.I. Governor |
General |
formally |
recognized |
the use |
of the new |
| terms |
purposes. |
Strangely |
enough, |
Malaya, where |
the percentage |
|
| of Chinese |
vastly greater, |
Tionghoa |
and Tiongkok |
are not |
generally |
used. |
Hauw "^
THHK achieve and
Sukabumi have
been condemnation abandoning
As weddings, dozen" re-
ceremonies were THHK were
manner or, somewhat conducted
European THHK gave
its more
problem" made
THHK win a na-
number of new terms into
language of the Chinese and many came
more an unexpected
been made achieve it. THHK began its
everybody when speaking Malay
China. Even THHK its
first example, its Chinese
. however, because THHK
Hoa ( Chung-hua, W W') its name, came seem
Tionghoa Chinese and Tiongkok
(Chung-kuo, vi?@J)China, came among the
Chinese and were accepted
Today is
•k
many
*
In
for official in
is
.
[62]
|
the |
shift from |
Tjina to |
appears |
to |
|
|
|
dividend |
of |
operations, |
there |
conscious |
efforts |
|
| to |
revise |
of the |
terms of address |
|
the system |
of dates used |
|
| by Chinese. |
|
|
in |
correspondence |
|
addressed |
|
| to |
replaced |
by the |
Siansing |
Hsien-sheng |
|
|
|
| Joedjin |
(Fu-jen, according |
from the |
to be used birth of the |
in addressing Confucius, while lunar |
married calendar. |
|
longer |
| Chinese |
to |
write, for |
16 |
Januari |
1901; |
|
|
| (Shih-I |
|
|
to |
be the |
|
form. |
The |
| clumsiness |
in the |
Indonesian |
setting of |
the revised |
dating |
system |
|
| the |
preference |
for |
not |
Chinese, |
styles |
of address |
|
|
|
13 |
|
|
|
|
|
| feated |
these efforts |
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Contributing |
|
to the partial |
collapse |
of attempts |
to |
an |
in- |
| terest |
in |
|
as |
|
the attacks |
of |
|
| conservative |
Peranakans, |
|
to |
the |
of |
as |
the |
| "old fashioned |
clique |
|
|
|
unduly |
puritanical |
|
| to |
of their |
compatriots. |
are |
told: |
|
strictly |
|
| forbidden |
to |
in public |
places |
as well as |
at |
halls. |
|
| parties |
a big difference |
|
those |
pro- |
those |
|
|
| evident. |
|
people |
at parties |
kept far |
from |
the |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
14 |
|
| tables |
for guests must serious |
separated of than the |
themselves form than of |
from the the nuclei a puritanism |
others." of most prim. the |
parties, accusations |
a the |
| that |
|
|
the |
reformed |
ceremonial |
in funerals |
|
| "unfilial |
|
and, worse, |
"Christian." |
|
not |
without |
|
| parent |
reason, to |
the conservative |
group |
that a |
|
largely |
led |
Although Tionghoa have been an
unearned THHK were
made some and
The Malay Toean was, THHK
men, Chinese(, ^ ^);
^AJ came women.
Years were counted
months and days
were reckoned to Chinese No
were example, 26 Tjap-it-goee
yueh,T"^A)2451 was acceptable
and
growing Dutch, de-
awaken
what was viewed Confucianism were some
known membership THHK
."THHK members appeared
many We"... members were
gamble, gambling At
between and anti-THHK was
The THHK away gambling
and... Among
people whom games chance
THHK have seemed more little
More charges were
THHK members who followed
were " It seemed, ap-
movement
[63]
| by Chinese Christians and |
|
striving |
to take |
color |
out of ceremonies |
|
|
|
joy out of |
life, must |
represent |
|
of the missionaries |
|
|
| to cloak |
their proselytism |
in |
the |
of the |
scholar |
|
|
| indeed |
the |
of |
early |
leaders |
that |
|
|
| Christianity |
might |
serve |
another. |
Tjai |
Siang, |
an early |
|
| leader |
not the |
of |
the Confucianist |
revival, |
said |
to |
|
| told a |
missionary |
that |
his goal was |
"to lead the Chinese, |
|
through |
|
| Confucius, |
to Christ." stated: |
"There |
missionaries no |
not in the |
friendly [Christian] |
to |
|
| munity |
for followers of Satan." |
[of Confucianism] hostility of |
the |
preachers |
does |
[sic] not, |
a |
| ever, seem |
to |
shielded |
|
from denunciation |
|
by their |
|
|
|
15 |
|
|
|
|
|
| conservative |
opponents. significant |
than the |
attacks |
|
the fact |
that |
the |
| early efforts |
at reform |
generated |
relatively |
little |
interest |
|
the |
| Chinese. |
seems |
that the Indies |
|
not |
disturbed |
by their |
|
| observance |
of corrupt life. |
ceremonials required |
or their solutions |
ignorance to their |
of the |
niceties problems, |
of |
| the |
chief ones |
being the |
unification |
of the various |
groups |
of |
|
| nese |
the provision shifted |
of educational attention |
from |
for unreality |
Chinese to |
children. practical |
|
| necessity, success. |
the |
gained |
|
eventually |
|
|
|
some
and some an attempt
gown Confucian. It
was hope some THHK Confucianism
and one Yoe
if founder is have
Dutch
The were Yoe's
endeavor. They is place com-
"; "neo-Confucianism is
weapon The Dutch how-
have THHK members
More on THHK was
among
It Chinese were
Confucian They immediate
two Chi-
and facilities
When THHK its idealistic
movement momentum and achieved
Internal Divisions
The hostility and which Chinese
|
suspicion |
with |
various |
groups of |
| other |
half a |
century |
difficult |
to appreciate. |
| Peranakans |
|
Singkehs |
liable to |
|
regarded each ago is now
Not only were and
come toblows; within
[64]
| two |
|
|
were drawn |
|
|
|
| those |
major groups |
lines from |
|
to separate Ridiculous |
Fuklenese though |
from seems, |
| a |
of, say, |
Fukienese |
ancestry |
might be |
not |
simply as |
| a |
|
|
|
|
native ofthePasar |
|
| district |
of Batavia, area, |
distinguishable |
secret |
from a societies, |
of that the most influential |
city's |
| of the prenotionalist |
|
organizations, were |
|
divided into |
types: |
those |
| for Peranakans |
those |
forSingkehs. |
|
obvious |
course of |
action to |
| the fragmentation |
|
of the |
Chinese |
|
to establish |
|
| Chinese associations; |
|
the |
the |
of these. |
|
|
| the |
close of the |
last century, |
several |
perceptive |
Chinese |
of |
| Batavia |
rightly |
that animosity |
|
fighting |
people |
|
| of the |
race |
|
to |
[different] |
secret societies |
|
| not |
only injurious |
to |
security |
|
but also caused |
|
| overseas |
|
to be regarded |
as |
inferior by |
of other |
|
| races |
as a positive |
measure, they |
|
formed the |
|
|
| based |
on the |
principle |
of ending |
differences |
|
|
| seas Chinese. |
|
|
|
no |
no |
less |
| than "The |
Association effort |
of the to enlist |
support, |
in a |
letter addressed |
to |
| "all those |
of Chinese |
race," |
stated |
that 100 |
charter |
|
| included |
from |
both the |
|
Singkeh |
groups |
from |
| Fukienese, and |
|
|
backgrounds. |
Batavia |
|
seems |
| to served |
in this |
|
other respects |
as the |
for |
|
| organizations in other |
|
places. |
For example, |
the Bantam association tried |
|
|
| to |
|
enmity |
in |
area; in |
the |
local |
|
|
|
|
|
|
o |
| sought |
to halt |
the bloody feuding |
of |
the Hakkas |
Fukienese |
|
| success |
of the |
efforts |
of the |
|
|
to unify |
| the various |
Chinese |
groups |
|
but not |
|
Friction |
| the |
groups |
not entirely abolished |
|
the |
fifteen years |
of |
Cantonese and Hakkas Swatownese. it
Peranakan known
Hokklen-Peranakan butalso as an anak Senen or a
Senen native
main Chinese Gelodok. The
two
and The
end community was pan-
THHK was first
At
saw and between
same who belonged
was and peace
Chinese people
... THHK, which
was between over-
... The name THHK means more and
'
'^
Chinese."
In its initial wide
THHK its members
men Peranakan and and
Hakka, Cantonese's THHK
hove and many model THHK
end Cantonese-Fukienese its Bandung
1
THHK and.
The pan-Chinese associations
was marked complete.
among was in first
[65]
pan-Chinese it even
| fhe operation |
of |
the |
associations; |
|
exists in |
foct |
| today. |
There has |
certain |
|
of backsliding |
|
into the old |
| pathsof |
provincialism |
from time |
to time. |
Batavia Chinese Chamber |
|
|
| of |
|
Siong Tjong |
|
|
tsung-hui, |
/^J |
| -^v^ |
fi~ ^'^^ ^^ |
discussed |
later at greater |
length, |
|
establish- |
| in |
specified |
In |
charter that |
of the |
|
28 directors |
|
|
|
|
|
|
19 |
| tung, v^hile |
the remaining |
8 directors |
must |
be |
Peranakans |
|
| 91 a |
reporter from |
observed |
that |
the Peranakans |
|
Singkehs |
| despised |
other |
that |
the latter |
loved the |
ancestral |
land |
| than did |
the former. |
1912, |
a year |
of excitement |
following |
the |
| Revolution |
in |
Fukienese |
|
|
in Jogjakarta |
scuffled |
| after |
altercation |
over the |
of queues; |
|
in the |
|
| a |
leader |
of Batavia's |
|
placed |
the |
for unrest |
|
the |
the |
|
|
20 |
|
| Despite |
this |
rash |
of Internal suggestion |
hostility, of the Lultenantat |
the Chinese |
Bultenzorg |
| in |
that SIngkeh |
Immigration |
halted |
brought |
|
re- |
| action |
in the form |
of a boycott |
of thatofficer by SIngkeh |
|
|
|
| groups |
alike. |
appears from |
the record |
that |
|
observers |
| tended |
to |
the |
divisive |
forces at |
|
the |
| nese, an |
understandable |
sort |
of wishful |
thinking |
the port of |
harassed |
| colonial |
administrators. |
|
|
|
supports |
the notion |
| that |
of the bodies |
the establishment |
|
of of a |
|
fellow of |
| solidarity. |
After |
|
|
|
|
|
| matters |
of major |
importance, |
"questions |
of |
race or |
nationality, |
|
|
|
|
|
|
21 |
| there existed |
no |
|
Singkehs |
|
Peranakans." |
|
N.I.."In
been a amount
The
Commerce, Hoa Hwe (Hua-shangj^
upon its
ment 1908 its Chamber's
"20 must always be Singkehs, 8 from Fukien, 8 Hakkas, and 4from Kwang-
1 1 China and
each and more
In
China, and Cantonese
an wearing and same year
"Peranakan THHK" blame
among Chinese on Hakkas and Cantonese.
continuation were
moving toward unity. The
1905 be an Immediate
and Peranakan
It many Dutch
overemphasize work among Chi-
on
The evidence, however,
one great accomplishments THHK and Its pan-
Chinese was new measure Chinese
a few years of effort by the pan-Chinese associations,
on on
difference between and The
[66]
desire for Chinese cohesiveness underlay many of the actions to be
analyzed in this chapter and must be viewed as one of the basic moti-
vations of the men and organizations discussed here.
The Movement for Reform in Education
| Foremost |
|
the |
of the |
associations |
in the |
struggle for |
| the unification |
of |
the |
education. |
|
schools |
to serve |
| as forces |
for unity, |
a |
to |
education |
had to be |
tried |
| traditional |
Chinese schools were |
|
practically useless for purposes |
|
|
of either |
| nationalism |
or education. |
|
old schools |
|
saving |
by the |
| addition had to |
of a be scrapped there |
replaced. |
or the recruitment schools |
in Netherlands |
of extra teachers; they |
India, |
| of |
Java, |
including |
28 in Batavia |
These |
traditional |
schools |
| served |
a total of |
|
|
indeed in |
a |
|
| of over |
half a million. |
22 |
brief |
of the |
near |
of Euro- |
| or has already |
of the |
given. old schools |
educational into |
facilities |
for |
operated |
| as family |
affairs |
those |
maintained |
as business |
ventures |
by their |
|
23 |
|
|
|
|
|
| teachers. |
|
not |
|
type |
the |
|
| but |
safely teaching |
be the ability staffs of |
that of parents the traditional |
at to the schools |
either costs. |
primarily of very low |
| caliber. |
said |
that most |
teachers |
had received |
only |
limited |
| cations |
while |
they had |
|
|
texts, |
|
| able to |
carry out tasks |
the duties of interpretation |
generally |
recognized instruction. |
as |
those of the that |
among weapons
Chinese was If were
new approach. The
The were beyond
few new courses
and
In 1900 were 439 Chinese 257
them on.
7,835 children, few Chinese community
A account absence
pean-Malay-language Chinese children
been
Most fell two categories— those
and
It is now known which was more common,
it can assumed attendance was
dependent upon pay
The were
It was edu-
and, memorized some classical were un-
now
teacher— the and It was said
.
[67]
|
|
|
|
|
because |
them- |
|
| the teachers |
did |
not explain |
the classics |
simply |
|
they |
|
| selves |
did not understand |
the |
texts they |
could |
parrot. |
this cruel |
|
| accusation |
justified, |
|
help to |
explain |
countless |
|
|
| tions of |
children |
forced |
to |
the classics |
by rote |
but |
|
| denied |
|
of their |
lessons. |
|
be imagined, only |
|
|
| the inferior |
scholars |
of |
unsuccessful |
|
in the usual |
|
|
| cratic |
or |
careers, |
willing |
to |
the trip |
to South- |
|
| east Asia. |
Unless |
a scattered |
idealists |
|
their |
the Indies |
|
| schools |
had to content |
themselves |
with |
the services |
of the |
dregs |
of |
| China's |
literate class. |
|
|
|
|
|
|
| with the |
offer of |
high salaries, |
to lure |
occasional |
able |
teacher |
to |
| tropical |
exile, but final |
that did observation |
nothing for the quality of |
the the |
traditional |
schools' |
as a |
| staffs, |
be noted |
that |
with |
|
of ambition |
|
|
| to ot |
had the teachers |
out of education of |
the old schools |
into the |
lucrative superb |
instructors, |
field |
| their efforts |
|
|
to |
failure. |
classical |
|
|
| tion of |
|
not |
suited to |
Indonesian |
conditions; |
|
|
| ingly, |
|
|
little |
than through |
the |
motions |
of |
| acquiring |
learning. |
|
the |
ability |
to call |
up classical |
|
| quotations |
a of wealth, elementary |
prerequisite of no measurable classical |
to official value. not related education |
career; Success to a mastery |
overseas in the of as preliminary |
that Indies, the classics. |
the to |
| further |
study in China, |
the traditional |
schools |
migh^ |
enjoyed |
|
|
| success; |
|
"few, |
|
|
children |
could |
|
| tinue their |
studies |
in the |
|
ought, therefore, to |
|
|
as |
If
is it may why genera-
were know were
any elucidation As can well
China, men bureau-
academic were make
few came way,
Some very wealthy families may have been able,
an
Chinese community
whole. As a on
it may teachers any degree seem
have been drown and more
commerce
Even been
would have been doomed The educa-
China was simply accord-
overseas Chinese did more go
some In China
was an ac-
complishment was
accumulation was
Had an been viewed
have more
however, if any, [N.I.] Chinese con-
motherland." It come
[68]
| no surprise |
that absenteeism |
|
|
in the traditional |
schools |
|
| that children |
|
|
from |
school before they had covered |
|
|
| the |
restricted |
courses offered. |
Girls |
|
ordinarily |
given no |
| formal education |
of |
kind. |
Their |
brothers, |
|
the other |
| hand, had |
|
over a |
characters |
but |
said to |
be unable |
| to read |
write a simple |
|
letter. |
25 |
|
|
| the |
beginning |
of the educational |
|
reform the |
great shortcomings |
|
| of the traditional |
schools |
|
to |
recognized |
by |
all inter- |
| ested Chinese, |
with |
the understandable |
|
exception |
of the teachers |
in |
| the old |
|
|
over |
type of |
school, old |
or |
| taught |
pupils contest |
effectively held |
the |
settled in pupils of |
a sensible the major old |
final school |
| those |
of the |
|
school in |
Batavia |
results |
of these |
| competitive |
examinations |
in |
the reading |
writing |
of Chinese |
|
| decisive. |
pupils |
of the |
school, |
although |
they had |
studied |
| for only |
a year, easily |
outdistanced |
their |
older opponents. |
|
tradi- |
| tional schools' |
struggle |
to survive |
|
|
in |
the years |
|
|
|
|
26 |
|
|
| following |
this victory significance |
of |
education. of the |
schools |
both in |
their |
| right |
as sources |
of national |
consciousness, |
|
necessary |
that |
| effort be their teachers, |
here at Batavia, |
to describe their curricula. as |
their organization, had |
with |
the recruitment success |
of in the |
| Confucianist |
revival, |
took the |
lead in |
educational |
reform |
served |
| as the |
for sister |
groups |
throughout 17, |
the archipelago. 1901 by |
in |
|
| exactly |
year after |
the organization's |
|
founding. |
This |
another |
| meaningful |
date in |
the history |
of N.I. overseas |
|
nationalism. |
|
was chronic and
were often withdrawn
even were
any educated on
command few were
or Chinese
At
appear have been
schools. The debate which new,
its more was and
manner. A was between
and first modern. The
and were
The modern
The
was quietly abandoned
modernized
Because of the modern own
and it is an
made
and
The THHK it done mixed
and
model The first
modern school was opened on March THHK Batavia—
one is
Chinese
[69]
|
idea for the |
establishment |
of |
a school |
|
discussed |
by |
| leaders |
in Batavia |
less |
than three |
months |
after the |
establishment |
|
| of their reform |
organization. |
had |
apparently |
already publication |
realized of pamphlets |
that |
a |
| the discussion |
of |
virtues. |
|
|
objective |
in the |
minds |
| of the founders |
of |
|
school |
|
a Confucl-inlsr |
|
re- |
| vival |
|
to be |
furthered |
in the |
school |
"just |
as |
| Christianity |
|
inthe |
mission schools |
|
secondary motivation |
|
|
| in the establishment |
|
of the school |
lay |
in the |
of |
|
|
| bers that |
their |
in the field of |
education |
|
might spur the colo lial |
|
|
|
to provide for |
opportunities education |
|
for found |
children. in the |
28 schools |
|
| of |
|
latter |
country having |
pioneered |
in |
educational |
|
| reform in |
Asia. Like |
the |
primary |
schools |
of |
the Batavia |
|
| school |
to be divided |
into |
six classes. |
Pupils |
to |
be |
|
| from lower |
to higher |
classes |
the |
|
of stipulated |
courses |
|
| of study. |
Education |
the |
primary |
level |
not given |
real |
|
|
|
|
29 |
|
|
|
|
| sideration |
until a |
years later. |
|
|
|
|
|
| Primary |
emphasis |
in the |
schools |
|
put |
the teaching |
|
| of the |
language. |
|
traditional |
schools |
had also |
taught |
|
| nese but |
not the Northern |
dialectof that |
|
language. |
|
|
|
| had given |
instruction |
in the dialects |
of |
the families |
or groups |
support- |
|
| ing |
|
|
|
|
most |
|
|
| taught. |
great |
distinction |
of the |
schools |
lay in |
their teach- |
|
| ing of the |
Northern the national wisely saw |
or language. that |
dialect, school |
to receive |
significantly broad |
support |
as |
| serve a |
large |
of children, |
the |
|
of instruction |
|
|
The was first
THHK
It been
movement demanded more than the and
Confucian The main
the first modern was still
. Confucianism was modern
is promoted."A
hope some THHK rr m-
endeavor
government more Chinese
The model the new was modern
China and Japan, the
new China,
was were promoted
upon completion
beyond was con-
few
modern was upon
Chinese The Chi-
The old institutions
them, Amoy, Canton, and Hakka dialects being the commonly
The new
Mandarin now known
Kuo-yu,
THHK if its was and
number language would
[70]
| fo |
be nof |
likely to |
up old hostilities. |
|
school determined |
|
| to |
|
practically |
obliged |
to |
|
|
| dialect; |
in event, |
|
or |
|
|
|
| to most |
parents. |
|
|
|
dialects |
|
| the |
tongues |
of the Singkehs, |
but |
the selection |
of |
|
| automatically |
deprive |
of |
the |
of those |
Chinese attached |
|
| to the others. |
selected. for |
use of a neutral the selection |
Chinese of Kuo-y'O |
dialect not |
called all negative. |
for, |
| believed |
that |
this dialect |
could serve |
as "national |
|
to |
| unite |
a feeling |
abroad. with that |
intellectuals |
of the sacred |
language |
estab- There for all |
| Chinese: |
in |
our language, |
our |
innermost |
feelings |
be |
| expressed"; to enrich |
the soul of |
the study |
of Chinese thus the fundamental |
strongly |
advised |
of |
| subjects |
|
to |
the |
school curricula |
|
|
| sible, but |
Chinese |
given |
priority. |
Proof that |
the enthusiasm |
|
| for |
not |
limited to |
the leaders |
of |
seen in |
the re- |
| sponse of |
the general |
Chinese |
public to the |
|
of the |
|
| Further |
of |
the popularity of |
Chinese |
provided |
by |
a |
| missionary, |
|
that the |
|
|
pupils In his |
school |
| halved |
by the |
of |
a nearby |
|
|
|
| school |
that there to |
talk school supplement |
the to the the teaching |
missionaries challenge. of the |
of Chinese |
their language |
| with Instruction |
In |
Chinese |
customs, |
|
geography, |
and |
." 31
have one stir A
instill Confucianism was
employ some Chinese
any Malay Dutch would have been unacceptable
SIngkeh Cantonese, Hakka, and Amoy were
dominant one would
THHK backing
The was
and Kuo-yu was
The reasons were It
was cement"
Chinese at home and Command Kuo-yu would
lish communications Chinese everywhere.
was even vague Kuo-yu was
"... own can
and, "...is...
The teaching Kuo-yu was concern THHK.
Other were added modern when pos-
was first
Kuo-yu was THHK is
opening new schools.
evidence was Dutch
who wrote
number of Chinese
was opening competing modern Chinese
and was among opening
32
own Chinese-language meet
THHK planned
"mathematics,
[71]
33
| other useful |
subjects." |
33 |
be |
that |
the "customs" |
|
| those thought |
to be Confucian. |
|
|
leaders |
no doubt |
that |
| not |
yet too |
late to save that, in |
the children. a school designed |
to |
Sinicize, |
the teach- |
| ing of English |
|
to be given |
a prominent |
place; |
but there |
really |
| nothing |
at all strange |
in this. |
English |
|
to be necessary |
for |
| those |
|
a |
education |
in |
|
for |
| student |
planning |
to study in Singapore |
|
in |
most Western |
schools. |
| English |
also firmly |
established |
as |
the |
language |
of the |
| East, a |
fact no doubt |
impressive |
to the |
businessmen |
founders |
of |
| Finally, |
English irritated |
the |
has |
attractive earlier |
by the stated |
fact that that until |
| fifty |
years |
|
|
not |
|
to speak to |
| Hollanders |
In the |
|
|
|
|
to |
| boycott |
as |
indication |
of dissatisfaction |
|
with the |
political |
| position |
of the Indies |
Chinese. |
organization |
|
later |
use of |
| the fact |
that |
not |
in the curriculum |
|
to negotiate |
with the |
| colonial |
|
for official |
subsidy |
for |
schools. |
After |
| years, the |
subsidization of English importance |
are reported to by attached |
to the Batavia in the to the study |
finally in schools. of English |
driven demonstrated |
to offer for the re- by |
| the fact |
that the |
Batavia |
|
an English-language |
|
school |
| within a |
months |
of the establishment |
|
of |
|
school. |
| English |
school, |
mysteriously as |
|
the |
Institute, |
under |
| the direction |
of |
Lee (Li |
|
jr |
|
|
| later |
the president |
of |
Fuhtan University In Shanghai |
|
|
Children |
| in the |
Institute, |
like those |
in the |
|
school, |
|
T. H. Teng-hui, ^ H^),whoyears
It can assumed were
The THHK hoped
it was
It may seem odd
came is
was coming
who might seek modern China. It was essential
any and
was commercial
THHK.
may have been made more
its choice Dutch. It been
about ago non-Europeans were encouraged
European language. THHK may have decided
Dutch an Its
The made
Dutch was
government an its many
Dutch have been
government body exchange
34
placement Dutch THHK
The is
THHK opened
few its modern Chinese
The known Yale was
became.
Yale Chinese-language were
[72]
| expected |
to be |
Indoctrinated |
in Confucianism. |
|
not |
|
|
in the |
field of Confucianist |
|
instruction |
after Lee's |
departure |
| in |
from the |
Institute. |
|
that time |
English training |
|
| taken Episcopal |
over by Westerners, textbooks |
including Mission. used by |
workers |
of the schools represented |
another |
Methodist in- |
| novation. |
|
textbooks |
patterned |
after |
|
models, |
| being profusely |
illustrated |
|
unlike |
the classics |
used in |
the tradi- |
| tional |
schools, geared |
to the |
level of understanding |
|
of primary |
school |
| children. |
|
books |
the |
as those |
in use by |
overseas |
| Chinese |
children |
in |
imported |
from |
that country |
until |
| the |
|
Press at Shanghai |
|
to publish |
their equivalents. |
|
| not |
|
the shift |
from books |
of |
manufacture |
to |
| those from |
in |
took place; for |
in |
the Batavia later |
association the |
spent school |
| in |
|
using |
of |
origin. |
effort |
|
| to foster |
national |
consciousness |
in the |
texts |
|
by the use |
| of wall |
graphically showing |
|
China's |
great size |
in comparison with |
|
| other countries. |
|
pupil |
little |
imagination |
to discover |
that |
| his ancestral |
land |
tremendous |
while |
the |
of the |
colonial |
| regime |
|
Pictures |
of outstanding |
historical |
or semihistorical |
|
| figures |
also decorated |
classrooms. |
|
selection |
these heroes |
seems |
| to |
highly Bismarck, |
eclectic; Franklin, has been |
Confucius, Shakespeare that |
the reasons for this |
Lao-tzu, the |
Jesus, most presenta- |
| tion of |
a cosmopolitan lack |
array leaders picture |
of great of their could be successfully avoided |
lay in the |
fact that that the through |
overseas display of this |
|
36 |
|
|
|
|
|
f. 300 Japan equipment, and two years modern Bandung was still books Japanese The made
It is known what
happened
1903 Yale At was
American
35
Malaysia
The the modern
The new were Western
and,
The new were same
Japan and were
Commercial began
It is known when Japanese
China 1903
was reinforced
maps
A needed
was homeland
was puny.
The of
have been Buddha,
Napoleon, and were com-
monly honored. It suggested
men
Chinese comparable own and
Queen Wilhelmina's
,.
[73]
|
|
|
modern |
"were |
permeated |
|
| But |
true |
that the |
schools |
|
|
with the |
| spirit of |
|
nationalism," |
the major |
credit |
for that innovation |
|
| must go |
to the teachers |
of those |
schools. |
recruitment |
of |
teachers |
| posed great |
difficulties. school |
there |
Batavia at not |
the time qualified |
the to teach |
of the |
| called |
for |
aid of their |
Singapore |
patron. |
Dr. |
|
| sent |
a originally to go of this |
slated to Batavia pioneer teacher's |
to teach to further educational reform |
in Singapore other |
but generously there. than that |
Little he |
| supposed |
to in Batavia |
trained for only three |
in years, |
educational after |
techniques. he transferred |
|
| to |
in |
|
impossible |
to say |
this import |
|
| something |
of a failure; |
|
only be |
noted that |
no references |
|
| found |
relating |
to his career |
after |
leaving Batavia. |
His |
successor |
| as |
teacher |
the |
school at |
Batavia |
|
|
| no less |
a personage |
than |
|
This second |
teacher |
|
| graduate |
of a scholars. importation |
school of teachers |
represented continued |
the at a rapid |
generation rate despite |
of the |
| cost |
the distance |
separating |
Netherlands |
India |
from the |
source of |
| supply. |
By |
Batavia In |
at about |
5 the |
teachers, time, only |
of of |
| seven teachers |
|
not from |
|
boasted |
of three |
|
| born teachers |
in |
1906, while, |
of all the |
|
schools, the |
at |
| Surabaya |
unique |
in being |
unable |
to offer instruction |
in |
|
| total |
|
|
|
to the |
those |
years |
| not |
|
safe to note, |
|
that the |
flow of |
per- |
| sonnel population. |
|
reached |
virtually |
all Indies |
centers of |
|
if it is
Chinese
The
In of opening
first modern was one man Kuo-yU.
THHK the LimBoenKeng,
who man
allowed on
is known background was
have been modern He
worked which was
THHK Malang. It is whether was
it can have
been
head in THHK was recommended by
K'ang Yu-wei. was a
Yokohama and new
37
Chinese
The
and
1904 THHK employed 1 Chinese 11
them China-born. Semarang, same one
was China. Bandung China-
modern one
was Kuo-yu.
The number of new teachers brought colony in
is known. It is however, new
was steady and Chinese
[74]
|
|
new |
came |
way |
|
|
|
|
of the |
teachers Chinese |
drinking |
by of Westernized |
learning. |
a |
large |
| majority |
of these |
teachers |
of |
|
origin, although |
|
|
| from |
the Shanghai |
region |
also |
recruited |
reasons |
for |
the |
| influx of |
Southern |
Chinese |
teachers |
are probably |
to be |
found in |
the |
| traditional |
willingness |
of |
from |
the South |
to emigrate |
|
the |
| fact that |
the pre-1911 |
revolutionary |
|
spirit had |
penetrated |
deeply |
in |
| that region. |
|
|
concrete |
reason |
simply that Cantonese |
|
|
|
|
|
|
39 |
|
|
|
| teachers |
not be noted |
as costly In passing |
as Northerners. that the |
early years |
of this |
century |
|
| a time of |
Intellectual |
ferment |
|
the Chinese |
student |
population |
|
| of |
from |
|
of the teachers |
|
obtained. |
Chinese |
|
| revolutionaries |
|
reformers |
|
hard at |
to enlist |
the support |
|
| of the |
[the |
seeking teachers |
brought |
learning from Japan] |
in Japan: |
|
|
| revolutionary |
hui |
ideas [derived [and] there were |
from] |
Dr. Sun those |
|
the |
|
| archists |
|
|
|
of |
|
Liang |
|
| Ch'i-ch'ao; |
but to be truly free |
theyall equally |
loved the Chinese |
their |
country to be improved. ^U |
|
|
| That |
of the |
teachers |
inclined |
toward |
a brand of |
nationalism |
|
| hostile |
to the continuation |
|
of the |
absolutism |
of |
the |
|
| substantiated |
In |
the repeated |
warnings |
sent |
by dynastic |
officials |
to |
|
|
41 |
|
|
|
|
|
| organizations. |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Aside of their qualifications |
from the |
teachers' political |
reported that, despite theirnew educations, |
views, |
there |
question |
|
| the fresh |
teachers |
|
to handle |
classical |
texts |
as easily |
|
| as had their |
traditional |
predecessors. |
|
|
|
of |
that |
| era |
received |
extensive |
education |
In the |
|
|
|
Many Japan, where
number of young were In The
were Cantonese some
men were. The
men and in
Another, more was
were
It can were
among
Japan whom many were
and were work
young men Westernized
... among were men with
Yat-sen and
T'ung-meng who were moderate mon-
and agreed with the thinking K'ang Yu-wei and
and wanted
China and people
many new
moribund Monchus
is
THHK
new was the
. It Is
were able Chinese
Even modernized Chinese
hod an Confucian canon.
[75]
|
language |
problems |
faced by the |
teachers |
formidable. |
|
| In the |
early days |
of the |
schools |
often |
necessary |
for a |
| teacher |
to rely or, |
the constant |
assistance |
of interpreter |
the teachers |
could |
| operate |
alone |
in |
their |
of that |
dialect |
likely |
| to be |
|
writer has |
told |
that |
of the overseas |
|
| nese schools |
turned themselves, |
out graduates no |
able brought |
up In that |
in dialect being |
only able |
| to understand |
|
|
imagine |
chaotic |
results |
by |
| a |
teacher |
leading |
a class of |
children of |
Fukienese |
descent |
| in a |
|
|
isappropriate, |
though |
perhaps |
slightly |
| unkind, |
to recall |
that Northern their horror fear only |
of the not fear not earth; fear a |
long variety |
of |
a |
| Finally, |
there |
inexperienced. |
that a Their "new" education |
of the |
imported had |
teachers in |
| cases early |
hastily acquired, of education |
them. efforts to replace of girls, |
Batavia so long neglected, |
the organization |
perseverance reported of |
to the initial |
| concerns |
of |
the |
decision |
offer schooling |
to |
girls |
| obviously not |
reached |
without |
|
|
|
that girls |
| be |
provided |
with separate |
but unequal |
facilities. |
|
curricu- |
| lum of |
the school |
for girls |
Include Apparently |
very little |
felt that girls |
language ought |
| to be literate |
only |
in a |
regarded |
as second |
rate. |
plan to |
The new were
THHK it was
on an who knew
Malay less commonly, Amoy dialect. Even when
and Kuo-yU, command was
weak. The been many Chi-
to communicate Kuo-yU
among Chinese
them. One can the achieved
Cantonese
43
Malay-language area. It
Chinese have enjoyed little
poem expressing Cantonese Kuo-yu:
I heaven
I
I Cantonese
speaking Mandarin.
is evidence number
were immature and many
been and some men lacked and
skill demanded The THHK is
44
have made its younger teachers with older men.
The was one
THHK. Yet to was
argument. It was first decided
would The
would Chinese
and emphasize romanized Malay. It was
language The
[76]
separate
| build a |
school was |
defeated |
by the |
lack of financial |
|
resources. |
| leadership |
of |
finally |
agreed that |
girls could |
be admitted |
to |
| school along |
with |
until their |
building |
|
put up, |
but the |
| sexes |
to be seated separately. |
|
Despite |
this lack |
of gallantry on |
the |
| part of |
80 girls |
enrolled |
in |
Batavia |
school by |
1904. |
| This |
great expansion |
in education |
cost |
a great deal |
of |
|
| in the ings, the Importation |
field of shone most |
organization of textbooks, and |
the |
that the or purchase |
talents of the of school |
Indies build- |
| required |
large |
sums. |
Batavia |
in 1901 |
contracted |
for |
| the purchase |
at 19,000 |
of buildings |
to house |
their |
schools. |
Teachers |
| brought |
from outside |
the |
|
to |
salaries |
high for |
| the time |
place. |
|
teachers at |
the school |
paid |
|
| per annum; |
the |
teacher or |
principal |
received |
|
Salaries |
| ordinarily considerably ing, |
food. For |
|
by allowances |
|
for travel, spent |
hous- |
| salaries |
|
for seven |
teachers |
in 1905. |
figures |
|
| that the |
cost |
per teacher |
to the association |
|
nearly |
1,500 |
| per year. |
teacher expensive. |
source Indicates Dr. T. |
that Teachers during |
the of his years |
languages at the |
cost of a Batavia |
| school |
paid a salary |
of |
|
his |
assistant |
received |
| ,680. |
Lee's successor, apparently an |
|
|
|
or Briton |
fired with |
| missionary |
zeal |
of a |
bargain, his |
salary being |
only |
,800. |
| Teachers' |
salaries For budget |
up the to |
major Item teachers. |
in the expenditures at |
spent |
of the about |
f. colony were able demand
f. 1 American
The THHK
boys own was
were
45
THHK, were its
money, and
It Is economic
Chinese brilliantly. The leasing
employment of teachers from
abroad The THHK
and Ordinary were f. 600
head f. 1,500.
were augmented
and example, the Semarang THHK f. 11,125 on
and allowances The show
average was f.
Another average annual
Kuo-yU was f. 1,200. European were
even more H. Lee
was f. 2,400 per annum;
, was more f. 1
made
modern schools. example, the association Semarang
46
75 per cent of its pay its
.
[77]
|
|
required |
to finance |
the educational |
reform |
|
| indicated |
by the fact |
that by the |
end of |
|
roughly |
|
| pupils in |
|
throughout |
the archipelago. |
|
Batavia |
|
| originally |
planned |
to |
teacher |
for every |
25 pupils, |
but |
| that ratio |
probably |
never |
maintained. |
perhaps |
not |
overly |
| daring to |
that |
there |
|
|
for every |
100 |
| pupils or |
in the |
|
teachers |
to serve |
the 12,000 |
pupils |
| in 1906. |
At schools at |
cost the time |
per teacher annually spent |
of ,200 |
year, salaries |
the |
| perhaps |
another |
|
buildings |
|
|
of the |
| most fascinating the raising |
sides of such |
of the great sums. |
story of the |
educational |
reform relates |
to |
| throughout in |
continue funds |
this discussion to serve |
of the as a |
schools, here to illustrate be |
the the |
Batavia |
| the association |
paid |
dues, the |
|
6 per |
|
|
| originally |
|
that |
|
contribute |
in this |
|
| expectations |
|
had |
modest; by |
the Batavia |
association |
|
| receiving |
6 |
year |
from over 5,000 |
|
similar |
story |
| repeated |
|
organizations |
of |
the |
|
estab- |
| lished. |
Tuition charges |
also |
contributed |
to the support |
of the |
|
| schools. |
Tuition rates |
reasonable; per |
|
Batavia |
pupils parents' |
paid re- |
| sources. |
paid |
nothing at |
all having |
scholarships, |
|
granted |
| on the |
basis of |
|
furnished |
books, |
clothing. |
|
| Semarang's |
school of about |
seems to 3 per |
|
higher |
tuition rates |
|
f. 100,000 on and equipment. One
..r.47
The amount of money is
1906 there were 1 2,000
new schools The THHK
had have one
was It is
assume was an average of 3 teachers
neighborhood of 360
an average f. 1 each
modern f. 432,000 on and
As modern
THHK can model, manner
which were accumulated. As can expected, members of
amount being f. annum. It was
planned 700 members would way.
THHK been 1908
was f. each members. A
was wherever THHK type were
new
were most THHK
between f. 1 and f. 2.50 month, depending on their
Many, won
need, which tuition, and
have had somewhat —an
average f. month
[78]
new schools was
| Official subsidization |
|
of |
the |
|
not important. |
So far |
| as be |
determined, |
the only |
subsidy |
received |
of |
per |
| paid |
to the |
Batavia association |
|
by the |
|
or council |
| in that city. |
subsidy |
|
granted |
following |
the victory of |
|
| pupils In |
the contest |
with the |
children |
of the traditional |
school, which |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
49 |
| until that |
time had |
partly |
supported |
by the |
semiofficial |
Rood. |
| the |
time of |
establishment, |
the |
Batavia |
association |
floated a |
| loan for |
|
Eight thousand |
|
5 bonds, |
bearing interest, |
|
| issued. |
loan |
soon |
subscribed, |
surely another |
|
of the |
| broad popular |
base |
of the |
|
association |
also |
sought to |
| solicit support |
through several be organized; |
the times afterwards |
holding of that the |
a lottery. a lottery required |
with prizes |
proposed in totaling licenses |
| for this |
similar associations |
projects gathered |
repeatedly funds in |
refused. |
other |
includ- |
| ing the presentation |
|
of theatrical |
performances and |
|
the organization |
of |
| bazaars. |
In |
a of the |
netted the Batavia association |
Batavia |
a profit paid fines |
of over imposed for |
| infractions |
of the association's |
|
regulations. |
|
sums gained |
from this |
| source |
small |
but significant |
as |
indication |
of the association's |
|
| to |
maintain |
discipline. |
Fines ranged |
from |
to 25 and could |
|
| be |
for seemingly levied |
trivial the vice president |
offenses, of |
as in the association |
the case |
of a fine of |
| a meeting |
carelessly |
dressed |
in a white |
rather |
than in the |
required |
| black jacket. |
|
miscellaneous |
sources |
of to realize |
a profit |
found. For through |
| the operation |
in |
launches |
to take "nearly |
|
all the Chinese |
of the |
|
|
|
|
|
|
51 |
| area" out |
to see |
Chinese |
naval vessels |
|
in the |
harbor. |
f. 40,000. f. were The was example
f. 200,000 however, government
f. 12,000. Members
f. 2.50 on whoarrivedat
can was one f. 225
month Chinese Rood
The was THHK its
been
At its
new schools. The
It was
1902 and
50
and were
THHK numerous ways,
1904 bazaar THHK
The
were an
power f. 1 f.
demanded
Other income were
example, the Semarang association was able
1907 of
two anchored
[79]
|
were |
|
|
|
1905 |
|
|
| Gifts |
|
important |
in |
finances. |
|
the |
|
| association |
received |
nearly |
|
in "special |
gifts" |
or contribu- |
|
| tions other |
than |
those paid of the Batavia |
as association |
dues. |
contributed |
years later, |
a |
| promised |
to give |
a like |
contribution |
|
a fund raised |
from |
gifts |
| reached |
to |
a sizable |
this individual |
generous donation, |
the |
another |
|
| never |
reached. |
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Legacies |
|
to |
played |
a less |
significant |
role |
the fi- |
| nances |
of the that |
associations. the Chinese |
inheritance |
This not system |
traditionally makes |
|
no |
| provision |
for the |
type of |
|
charity |
so |
in our society. |
|
| semiofficial |
|
historian |
of the Batavia |
association |
mentions |
only |
|
| legacy |
in the early |
years |
of |
clause |
in the will of a Peranakan |
|
|
| director |
of the association |
|
provided |
for a gift |
of |
|
|
| ciation |
of this |
apparently |
unusual |
gift, |
a |
|
|
| portrait |
of the testator |
in |
|
place. 53 |
|
|
|
| Regular |
subsidization |
|
of the |
schools |
by the |
colonial |
|
| authorities |
|
as already generous, |
noted, at least |
not carried in promises; |
out. but |
subsidies |
from |
| imperial |
|
they existed |
at all, |
never |
formed a |
significant |
|
| source |
of |
|
official |
of the dynasty |
supposed, accord- |
|
|
| ing to |
report |
of questionable |
reliability, |
|
in to |
given |
the |
| Batavia |
association |
|
for the |
operation |
of schools |
|
year |
| later another |
official |
stated |
that the |
Peking |
|
prepared |
|
| to give |
the Indies |
Chinese |
|
for the |
construction |
of |
a high |
| school |
annual |
subsidies |
of |
for |
|
Plans |
for |
| the high |
school, |
incidentally |
|
never reached |
fulfillment |
|
in the |
f. 2,000 membership A few
f. 100,000. Although move prompted
f. 3,000. In appre-
f. 1,000 its. A
f. 28,000
THHK In Semarang
wealthy member f. 5,000 and
when
member make f. 100,000 goal
was
appear have in
THHK is unexpected when it is
remembered
posthumous common
The one
THHK. A
THHK hung commemorative
its meeting
modern Dutch
was, The Chinese gov-
ernment was more
China, if very
THHK income. An is
one 1907 have
government was
and f. 9,000 its maintenance.
which
.
[80]
under pledges government
| period |
study, |
brought forth |
other |
of |
Chinese |
|
| aid. |
the imperial |
regime |
reported, |
probably |
without |
basis |
| in fact, |
to deposited |
|
taels |
in a Batavia |
for |
the es- |
| tablishment |
of a high |
school |
|
of |
taels, |
to be |
| taken from |
the customs |
receipts |
of |
Fukien, |
|
Kiangsu |
| provinces, were |
to |
be available |
to the school |
after |
opening. |
|
| 1911 Revolution |
|
before |
Peking's |
sincerity could |
be put |
to the |
| test. |
the |
historical |
record |
for |
the period |
|
| posite, |
Batavia to |
Peking |
flow of funds. |
tottering |
dynasty, |
as |
| will be |
later, |
|
|
|
soliciting |
rather |
| than the |
distribution dramatic |
of illustration |
gifts. of the |
|
associations |
|
| in the |
of finance |
seen |
In their |
ability to |
tax certain |
business |
| transactions |
to raise to tax Indonesian |
revenue not only |
for the support Chinese consumers |
of their but far to |
operations also those justify speaking |
The of the of |
| the Chinese |
In the the position |
archipelago of |
as forming the Indies Chinese |
a state as |
within a the virtual |
state. |
| of |
trade association |
|
possible reported |
the levying to partially |
of these met |
taxes. |
| erating |
costs of of kerosene |
monthly every |
through picul |
the collection rice sold |
of in district. |
taxes on |
f. 1,000
In 1910 was
have 20,000 bank
. Annual subsidies 6,000
Kwangtung, and
54
its The
came
Moreover, indicates an op-
a The
shown was ordinarily concerned with the
monetary
The most power of the THHK
realm is
.
THHK power
European and communities goes
It
was of course monopo-
lists retail which made
The Bandung was have Its op-
each can and of Its In
| W. |
Gator, |
The Economic |
Positionof the Chinese in the Netherlands Indies |
|
|
|
|
| Blackweil, |
Oxford, |
1936, |
probably |
the |
best account |
Engllshof |
the |
| Chinese |
economic |
role the |
islands. |
Some outstanding works on |
|
subject in |
|
| the Dutch |
language |
are: J. |
L. VIeming, |
ed Het |
Chineesche |
Zakenleven |
|
| Nederlandsch- India Batavia, |
926; Liem Twan Djie, De Distribueerende Tusschenhandel der Chineezen |
(Chinese |
Business |
Netherlands |
|
Landsdrukkeri |
|
| op Java |
(The Distributive |
Intermediary |
|
Trade of the |
Chinese |
on Java), Martlnus |
|
| Nijhoff, |
the Hague, |
1952; and |
a number of studies |
|
by Professor |
J. H. Boeke |
|
J.,
Basil is in
In this
., in
Life in India),j,
1
[81]
|
|
World |
War |
commerce, |
|
THHK |
was |
| Bafavia, |
until the |
First |
disrupted |
|
|
|
|
| able to |
collect a |
levy |
of |
copra traded |
in the |
city. |
|
| record |
indicates |
that as |
as |
per |
|
|
|
| gained |
in this |
|
association |
also put |
a sales tax |
on kero- |
|
| sene, rice |
other |
cereals, |
several |
delicacies |
popular |
|
|
| the Indonesians. |
shipments |
by land |
sea, on |
included the sale |
taxes of cotton, |
tobacco, |
|
| hogs, |
|
mining operations. |
|
unfortunate |
for |
the purposes |
|
| of this |
study that, |
sensibly |
the |
associations |
did not |
publicize |
|
| their tax |
collecting |
roles. |
extent |
success |
of these |
operations |
|
| only |
be guessed at |
the |
basis of what |
|
of the |
|
|
| position |
of the Indies |
Chinese. |
|
|
|
|
|
| Before |
leaving |
the ordinarily |
drab |
subject of |
finance, |
ought |
to |
| be |
that |
the various |
associations |
|
supported |
a |
|
| of endeavors |
other |
than the |
direct operation |
of |
schools. |
|
the |
| Batavia |
established |
a |
fund to cover |
the expenses |
of education |
|
in |
| "Europe |
or elsewhere" |
of deserving |
graduates |
of |
schools. |
Similar |
|
| arrangements were later |
|
|
for students |
|
to |
for school- |
|
| ing. In |
early physician |
years the treated |
Batavia charity cases. |
operated Associations |
a clinic |
obliged |
|
| from time |
to time |
to appropriate |
considerable |
|
sums to entertain |
|
|
| portant |
visitors |
to |
their cities. |
|
|
visit |
to |
| Batavia, |
for |
cost |
the local |
association |
a thousand |
guilders. |
|
| Official |
guests from |
|
similarly |
expensive. |
|
direc- |
|
| tors |
not improvident |
|
in matters |
of |
|
|
|
| pilot |
sought |
|
from the |
Batavia |
to underwrite |
|
pro- |
| viding |
his compatriots |
with |
the unusual |
spectacle |
of a flying |
|
|
| operated |
by a |
quickly |
discouraged. |
|
|
|
|
on each bag The
much f. 1,500 month may have been
way. The same
and and on among
Other sources of revenue on Chinese
commercial and
and and on It is
enough,
The and
can on is known commercial
55
it
mentioned THHK number
In 1905
body
its
made who went China
its THHK where a
Chinese were
im-
Chinese K'ang Yu-wei's 1903
example,
China were The THHK
were money, however. A Chinese
who f. 10,000 body
machine
Chinese was
[82]
Throughout this discussion, as must be apparent, the emphasis has
been on the THHK of Batavia. The reasons for this are four -fold: the
Batavia association was the pioneer; it was the largest; it documented
its work the most extensively; and it was the model after which most
other Chinese educational associations patterned themselves. The re-
lationship between Batavia and the THHK associations in the rest of
the archipelago is not always clear. Within a few years of the es-
tablishment of the Batavia body some 35 THHK associations had been
founded elsewhere. Often the ties between these groups were in-
formal, if not tenuous; yet there seems to have been a considerable
measure of unanimity among them. One is forced to the conclusion
that a much higher degree of uniformity and interdependence bound
the various THHK associations together than is apparent from the record.
The reasons for the paucity of documents to corroborate this assertion
are not hard to find. It is more than likely that the Chinese, on in-
secure ground politically, were interested in concealing their growing
cohesiveness. Dutch officialdom would quickly have sought to hamper
the movement toward educational reform had it appeared that Chinese
unification would result. Divide et impera was of necessity more than
a fancy cliche to the thinly scattered colonial administrators.
As the initiator of the modern school movement, the Batavia THHK
was copied on an informal basis by most, if not all, of the other school
associations, although many of them never properly acknowledged their
debt to Batavia. There were also several associations which frankly
recognized their tie to Batavia by calling themselves branches of the
pioneer body. Six other THHK associations had been established by
In THHK publications, branches were known by the Malay term tjabang-
tjabang or as hoen kiok,presumably the Amoy form of fen-chU ^y^M)•
..
[83]
| under |
Batavla's |
influence; |
these |
at |
|
a |
|
| tavia suburb, |
Buitenzorg, |
|
|
Cherlbon, |
|
|
|
| "But not |
all |
subordinate |
to the |
of Batavia |
|
although |
|
| they ordinarily |
followed |
|
[its] policies. |
|
Batavia's |
|
|
| soon inspired |
the |
establisnment |
of |
similar |
bodies, |
fifteen |
of |
| in |
|
referred |
to themselves |
as branches |
of |
the Batavia |
|
1903 were Tanah Abang, Ba-
Semarang, Malang, and Kedu
were THHK...
..." example
many
which 1914 still
SI
THHK.
connected still
| Those |
school associations |
not |
formally |
|
with Batavia |
|
| cooperated |
with the |
|
in a variety of |
|
|
|
| visit |
to required |
that |
fairly extensive |
arrangements |
be |
|
| to receive |
the famous |
visitor in a |
|
cities. |
Batavia |
asso- |
| ciation |
responsibility |
|
for the arrangements |
|
secured |
the |
| cooperation |
of both |
branches |
the |
independent |
school associa- |
|
| tions in |
of the places |
to be visited |
by |
|
in 1906, |
the |
| school associations |
|
by the government |
|
to |
their views |
|
| the founding |
of |
|
schools |
for |
children, |
the |
| Batavia |
took the lead |
in soliciting |
|
interpreting |
the reactions |
|
| of the various |
associations. |
|
the |
groups of |
students |
|
| sent |
to |
for higher |
education, |
the Batavia |
association, |
|
| along with |
the independent |
groups |
at |
|
Surabaya, |
|
| responsible |
for the |
|
sending |
of boys |
a |
of |
| schools. |
|
success, the |
Batavia |
later |
sought to |
|
| inote |
control efforts |
to build |
a |
high school |
|
|
| casual |
cooperation |
of the |
school associations |
|
soon |
seen to |
| be inadequate; |
attempt |
|
to establish |
a |
of all |
these |
| groups. |
|
the representatives |
|
of 20 associations |
|
held |
| in |
in July |
the result |
being |
the establishment |
of |
Tiong |
| Tjong |
|
tsung-hui |
|
|
|
), |
parent body ways. K'ang Yu-wei's
1903 Java made
number of The
accepted and
its and
all K'ang. When,
were asked express
on Dutch-language Chinese
group and
When first Chinese
were Nanking
Semarang and was
selection and from number
With mixed THHK dom-
58
and Chinese
The was
an was made union
A meeting of was
Semarang 1906,
Hoa Hwee(Chung-hua, y ^^ ^^ ^
[84]
General The new body "may have
| or |
Chinese |
Association. |
|
|
very easily |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
59 |
| the |
primary aim |
union of of Tiong |
associations |
|
in the country." the |
|
| standardization |
of |
instruction The |
in the |
schools this |
operated called |
by for the in- |
| troduction |
system |
of school |
inspection |
for |
better selection |
|
| control |
of teachers. |
|
|
|
sending |
a request |
| to the |
governor of |
general English" |
for "a Peking to serve |
teacher as school |
with inspector. |
a thorough Should |
| the |
official |
to act |
this request, |
Dr. |
Lim |
of |
| Singapore, |
had |
"influential contacts |
|
in Peking," would |
|
be asked to |
| help. |
be |
in |
detail later, |
the |
|
did |
| respond |
to the difficulties |
request and sent in recruiting |
supervising |
inspector teachers |
to Indonesia. |
chronic |
| required |
solution. |
|
measures considered |
|
by Tiong |
Tjong |
| indicate |
that |
teachers |
|
|
|
that |
| had attempted |
to |
the |
overseas teacher |
shortage |
by encouraging |
|
| various |
school associations |
to |
in |
competitive |
bidding |
for their |
| services. |
To counteract |
the |
of the |
teachers |
to reap the |
benefits |
| of a sellers' |
market |
in their talents, |
the |
school associations |
|
planned to |
| unite to |
end labor |
piracy |
themselves. |
|
proposals |
to |
| the |
Tiong |
Tjong |
|
to |
this |
related |
| goals included |
suggestions |
that |
teachers |
be required |
to sign |
standard |
| contracts |
of |
that |
teachers |
discharged |
on grounds |
of |
| satisfactory |
service |
by one school |
be considered |
ineligible |
for |
|
| by another, that |
|
the |
of unsatisfactory teachers |
|
be |
published |
| in the |
press, |
that schools |
clear the |
hiring of |
all teachers |
|
| their terms |
of |
|
the union |
of school |
associations. |
|
been first... Chinese
The Hoa Tjong Hwee was improvement and
modern its
member associations. achievement of aim
ofa and and
The Semarang meeting approved
Canton
command Kuo-yu and
Canton fail on Boen Keng
who
As will discussed Chinese government
new union s an
The and were
and The Hoa
Hwee some were incompetent and some
exploit
engage
efforts
among The made
first Hoa Hwee meeting achieve and
employment, un-
employ-
ment names
and new and
employment with
Hoa
| At the |
second |
meeting of |
Tiong |
Tjong |
in 1907, |
|
| Tjong |
that the union's |
|
ought to tsung-hui |
be |
to |
y^A:^^^^^ |
| -^), or |
|
Educational |
Association |
of Java. |
headquarters |
|
| of the union, |
in Batavia |
for |
a year, |
|
to |
the |
| time. |
|
then |
to shift |
the location |
of the |
union's |
| office at |
regular intervals, |
presumably |
|
so that no |
|
urban |
| center could objectives |
of the union |
but merely emphasized |
|
in the |
did not |
alter the |
| role. |
adoption school |
of the by increase a teacher |
does, in the without |
permission |
of the union. from |
to After the union |
| subject |
to a fine |
of 100; |
disagreements among |
|
|
|
| tions |
to be settled |
by the |
union's leadership; |
|
|
|
| tions could supported |
be expelled by a fixed |
for violation |
of |
the union's from |
rules. |
union |
| for |
teacher employed |
|
plan to establish |
scholarships |
fordeserv- |
|
| ing children |
put |
into operation, |
|
successfully |
unclear. |
For |
| a time the |
union served |
as the |
channel |
through |
the associations |
|
| in |
could |
with |
officials |
in China; |
|
of the |
| organizational sponsibility |
effort of the union. not long, |
involved |
in sending before harmonious |
pupils |
toward |
the re- |
| goals |
within the |
union |
to |
friction. |
|
the record |
| not clear whether |
|
the Batavia |
association |
the victim |
or |
the insti- |
| gator of these |
troubles, the Batavia |
that association sponsored a competitive |
certainly deeply |
|
involved |
in |
| for pupils |
from several |
|
schools, |
the union |
school |
inspector |
decided name
Hwee(Chua-wa hsueh-wu
General
were
same It was planned
dominate it. The change
The new name
been accompanied on
1 907 any engaging
was f.
were
was monthly payment
each. A
was how
Java communicate
It was however,
mon gave way
is
body was
In 1909
West Java
[85]
Hwee, it was
changed Djawa Hok Boe
/yJV ff^'^
The
moved Semarang at
one Chinese
name
its primarily educational
however, appear have
power
member associa-
and member associa-
The
its member associations
is
which
and much
to China was
working com-
Although
was
them.
examination
[86]
examiner. examina-
| serving |
as |
Because |
the union's |
permission |
for the |
|
| tion had |
not |
obtained |
by Batavia, |
|
|
|
| be sent |
to the union's quarreled |
headquarters. over the |
question |
months of the school |
later, Batavia inspector's |
quali- |
| fications; |
|
|
sent |
to |
Batavia |
dis- |
| agreed. |
inspector |
had |
source of |
friction |
earlier; |
at the time |
| of his |
arrival in |
Semarang's |
|
had protested |
that |
he stayed |
| too long |
in Batavia. |
By |
Batavia |
|
|
|
| Tjong |
|
felt |
"the union |
did nothing |
to help the |
|
| schools." |
following |
year |
a fruitless |
effort to |
Batavia |
|
| into the |
union |
|
the request |
of the |
association |
of the |
| second |
city, the |
|
|
sent a representative |
|
to Batavia |
| to apologize |
|
ask that |
Batavia re-enter |
the |
|
the |
| union boasted |
a |
total |
of |
93 associations |
after |
Batavia's |
| withdrawal, |
the |
of |
the oldest, |
largest, |
most influential |
|
| school association |
|
seems ultimately |
to |
proven |
fatal to the |
union. |
| soon dured for |
collapsed only |
as effective longer. speculate |
organization, |
although the recorded |
the explanation |
for |
| Batavia's subsequent |
withdrawal decline than |
from has |
revealed. |
possible |
that that the resentments that the |
union's Batavia |
| group, quite |
a conservative |
|
body, felt |
might |
itself |
by asso- |
| ciation |
with potentially |
radical |
elements |
in the |
union. |
a tie |
| could cause |
Batavia |
to lose |
favor with |
the imperial |
regime |
in |
| to |
under |
greater |
suspicion |
with the |
authorities. |
|
| perhaps |
likely |
that the |
Batavia |
|
of prestige |
as |
| the founder |
of the |
|
educational |
|
unwilling |
to |
been it was necessary that an apology
A few and
Semarang
Semarang wanted him back China and
The been a
1906 THHK
1910 withdrew from Djawa Hak Boe
Hwee because it Chinese
The entice back
was made. At
Semarang association
and union. Although
membership
absence and
have
It an name en-
some years
One can on whether
Djawa Hak Boe Tjong Hwee and
is adequate. It would seem
were deeper been It is
it endanger
Such
China
and come N.I. It is
more THHK, aware its
modern movement, was
..
[87]
| surrender |
respected |
position |
to another |
group. |
|
|
|
the basic |
difficulty. |
Batavia |
association |
relatively |
|
| rich |
pov/erful |
no doubt |
disinclined |
to give |
less fortunate |
sister |
| associations |
a voice |
in operations. |
|
event, |
the failure |
of the |
| attempt |
to bring the as a contributing in subsequent |
educational years. |
reform to a |
under unified slackening |
leadership of the nationalist |
must |
| Before |
leaving |
the |
of education |
as |
a force in |
the |
| bilization |
for nationalism |
of |
Indies Chinese, |
tv/o |
|
re- |
| quire further |
discussion. the overseas |
Both educational are the |
reveal the bodies assignment |
extent the officialdom of China of dynastic |
of the cooperation officials |
to posts |
| as school to schools |
inspectors in the ancestral |
in the archipelago school inspectors |
has already been |
the sending |
of Indies in |
pupils a |
| of places, |
but nothing |
specific These matters |
has are important |
reported |
they the Inspectors |
|
| the |
earliest |
direct |
link |
China's |
bureaucracy |
|
| the |
Indies Chinese. |
|
willingness |
of the overseas |
school |
asso- |
| ciations |
to request |
|
from |
outsiders |
noteworthy |
in |
| itself. |
|
|
that the |
|
from supporters |
|
| of the dynasty, |
the |
inspectors |
be seen |
to |
played a conserva- |
|
| tive role |
In the pre-Revolutionary |
|
nationalist |
activity |
of the |
overseas |
Its Finally, money may
have been The was
and and
its In any
be counted factor
movement
key problem mo-
the developments
between and
The two developments
and
homeland.
Mention of the made number
been on who were
and what they did. because
were permanent between
and The
and accept advice is
When it is remembered advice came
can have
Chinese
|
few |
number |
|
|
|
|
|
| For a |
years |
a |
of school |
inspectors |
visited |
or resided |
|
| or |
less |
In |
the archipelago. |
|
Several |
of these |
|
| used their |
inspector's |
title to |
cloak their |
|
|
will |
be |
| discussed |
in |
in those |
later |
paragraphs |
dealing |
with official |
|
more permanently men
main activities and
some detail
[88]
Only two seem have been
| Chinese |
missions. |
|
inspectors |
to |
|
sincerely |
| consistently |
|
with |
the problems |
of overseas Chinese |
|
|
| cation, |
only motivation |
significant^for for the |
the |
purposes inspectors |
of this study. |
lay in the |
| desire of |
the school |
associations |
that the |
curricula |
be standardized and |
|
| the quality |
of instruction proposed |
improved. to the |
by the |
plan to Kediri |
school association |
inspector |
| in 1905. |
|
of the following |
year |
the viceroy at Canton |
|
sent an |
| official, |
Liu Shih-chi inspection |
tour of |
in Indonesia the schools. |
as Lau Soe This dignitary |
Kie), arrived, |
to to re- |
| splendent |
in the uniform |
of a |
Chinese admiral |
|
received |
by the |
| governor |
general before he |
other could |
high officials. his |
Liu tour |
unfortunately |
to return |
| to |
Before of |
leaving, usefulness |
Liu the |
offered operation |
the Batavia of school |
|
| stated that |
the school fifteenth |
ought days of the |
to close on Chinese |
Sundays, |
remain |
the |
| provide |
free housing |
for |
|
set up |
scholarship |
|
| funds. |
appears |
that Liu |
In general |
favorably Impressed with what |
|
|
| he |
In Batavia; |
official |
Chinese |
|
declared |
that |
| Liu Shih-chi |
had |
|
inspection |
tour in |
Netherlands |
India |
| found |
that "the |
study programs |
of |
the schools |
In |
|
| conformity |
with imperial Instruction." arrived |
regulations" the a |
most Important months after |
that "the school Liu Shih-chi |
teachers inspector, departure. |
|
| This |
man's name |
has been |
a |
variety |
of ways. |
As an |
| aid future |
students |
and as an example |
of how |
Chinese names |
can be |
corrupted |
| publications |
and |
documents relating |
N.I. |
Chinese, |
the forms |
of |
N.I. and became ill complete and was obliged China. however, THHK some advice mixed on its. He
and concerned edu-
and one is
The employment of school
The engage an
was first BataviaTHHK
In March
(known Java
make an
, and was
open on
first and month, have more windows,
Its teachers, and adequate
It was
saw an announcement
completed an
and were complete
and employed
64
good methods of
The first permanent and Wang
Fung Cheang, few's
*
rendered in startling
to
in to all Wang
[89]
| the |
Tlong |
Tjong |
|
at |
in the |
|
| of 1906, |
had |
|
to ask the |
general |
at |
to |
| send a school |
inspector |
to Indonesia. |
|
seal of |
office, an |
impor- |
| tant symbol |
imperial |
times, |
stated that |
he appointed |
"Inspector |
|
| of Education |
Teachers |
in |
|
of |
|
|
| This title |
upset the |
by |
failure |
to indicate |
that |
|
| Netherlands |
rather |
than a |
colony. |
His exact |
position |
in the |
| Chinese |
bureaucracy |
|
|
certainly |
held official |
rank |
| under the |
dynasty. official |
the Chinese of rank |
cannot, |
protested consequently, |
to the be |
Dutch: placed |
| the |
footing |
as the |
merchants." |
|
|
of the |
| school inspector |
|
not unlike |
that of |
of the |
|
intellec- |
| tuals of |
the last years |
of the Ch'ing |
dynasty. |
|
|
|
| graduated |
in |
from a |
medical school |
in |
|
he |
| ordinarily English." |
|
clothing twofold: |
he |
said to speak to |
"very advise the various |
unclear |
| school associations |
|
to correlate |
their |
activities, and |
he |
of |
| the principal |
links |
the |
|
|
|
overseas |
| subjects. |
In addition |
to the routine |
duties |
of traveling |
from |
school |
| to another |
to |
the quality |
uniformity |
of |
instruction, |
|
| played a |
large part |
in selecting |
boys to |
be sent to |
for |
higher |
| education. |
also |
supervised |
special |
examinations |
passed |
out |
| prizes to |
superior |
|
school |
inspector |
further |
|
| by the |
|
with |
the responsibility |
for |
distributing |
|
At first Hoa Hwee meeting Semarang summer
it been decided governor Canton
Wang's
in was
."
and Javo and the Islands the Southern Seas
Dutch its Java was a
Chinese
is unknown, but Wong
As government
"Mr. Wang is an and
on same Chinese The background
was many younger
He was born about 1876
and 1903 Canton. In Java
wore Western and was
^^
Wang's duties were was expected
and was one
between Chinese government and its
one
check on and Wang
China
He and
students. The was charged
Chinese government any
| Fung Cheang's |
name |
encountered |
ore |
here. They |
are: |
| Cheang, |
|
|
|
|
Siong, |
| siang, Feng-hsiang; |
Hong Siang, derived |
Fong from ^J. |
Cheang, |
Voong |
Siang, |
so far listed Wang Fung
Wung Tong Cheang, Wang Tung Chiang, Wang Ong Ong Honh-
Ong Wong Wang and Wang
allJ^
^^.
N.I. He is
.
[90]
| funds sent |
by Peking |
to |
for subsidizing |
education. |
|
reported |
| to of a high |
funds school in official representative |
to the that city |
of the |
dynasty, |
for the construction |
consid- |
| erable prestige |
|
the Indies |
Chinese. |
Originally |
his |
salary |
| expenses |
|
by Tiong |
Tjong |
but |
possibly |
in part in |
| an effort |
to Insure |
loyalty |
to Peking, |
the |
Chinese |
|
| took over |
this obligation |
in |
1907. |
official, |
reported |
|
| cording |
to circumstances minister at |
to the |
the governor to |
general appropriate |
at offices |
to the in Peking. |
| His reports |
covered |
not only |
the state |
of Chinese |
primary |
education |
| but also |
included |
the |
occupations, |
Incomes of |
|
the leaders |
| of the school |
associations. |
|
interest |
of the |
|
In |
| the second |
category |
of Information |
gathered |
by |
will. |
has |
| not already this study |
so, |
itself |
understood In Indonesia |
In subsequent until |
the 1911 Revolution. |
sections of |
| exact |
date of |
his departure |
from |
the Islands |
not recorded. |
In |
| 1911 |
|
offering of |
to asked |
the Batavia to furnish |
but a |
the for |
| him. |
be noted |
parenthetically that |
|
during his |
tenure |
|
| tinued to |
serve both |
the Batavia |
association |
|
|
Boe Tjong |
| successor drawal from |
to the general |
Tiong association. |
Tjong |
despite |
the former's |
with- |
| addition |
to |
|
there |
another |
|
|
| school Inspector |
operating |
In |
Netherlands India |
in |
the years |
before the |
| Chinese |
Revolution. Hoa), |
second had served |
as |
of the |
(also teachers |
as of the |
have promised Semarang association
.
As on Wang enjoyed
among and
were met Hoa Hwee,
Wang's government
As an Wang ac-
Canton,
Chinese Hague, and
names, and
The Chinese authorities
Wang If It
done make
>..67
Wang Fung Cheang worked
The is
Wang was still advice THHK; new
Chinese government 1912 was replacement
It can Wang con-
and Djawa Hak
Hwee, Hoa Hwee,
In Wang Fung Cheang, was semipermanent
The man. Tan Hoa known Tan
Hwa and Ch'en one first
.
[91]
| school |
at Kediri |
|
|
by origin |
had |
trained, |
|
| like so |
other inspector |
of education |
of his generation, |
issued by |
in the governor |
His appoint- general |
of |
| Fukien |
|
provinces. arrival. |
Early reached |
in 1907, Surabaya, where |
at about |
the time he |
of |
| to establish |
himself to himself, |
or probably |
less a desire |
to |
For reasons his prestige, |
presumably |
|
| peared |
dressed |
in the uniform |
of |
officer |
of the imperial |
|
|
. He was a Cantonese and been
many Chinese Japan.
ment as was
and Chekiang
Wang Fung Cheang's Tan planned
more permanently.
known enhance Tan ap-
an Chinese
69
army
Ton Hoa was immediately a cause for disagreement among the school
associations. The record indicates that most of the member associa-
tions in Tiong Hoa Tjong Hwee refused to submit to Tan's inspection,
having already accepted Wang Fung Cheang as their inspector. The
controversy was finally settled by placing Tan in exclusive charge of
the inspection of schools in East Java and the outlying islands of east-
ern Indonesia. He made his headquarters, apparently in accordance
with his own wishes, at Surabaya. Tan, by being assigned to areas
of relative unimportance in the affairs of the Indies Chinese, never
was as significant a figure in the history of overseas Chinese national-
ism as his colleague, Wang Fung Cheang.
The role of the school inspectors as representatives of the Peking
government soon brought forth official Dutch expressions of resent-
ment over Chinese interference in the internal affairs of a Netherlands
colony. In January 1907 the colonial government stated that it hod
"no objection" to tours by education inspectors—although an officer of
the government, specializing in Chinese affairs, had declared: "The
residence in N.I. of Chinese inspectors of education appears to me
neither necessary nor desirable." The change in the initially tolerant
1
[92]
|
|
|
|
complete. |
|
907 the |
| official |
attitude |
|
|
|
By February |
|
| Netherlands |
Minister |
of Foreign |
Affairs |
wrote the |
Chinese |
minister in |
| the |
stating: in the |
"In fact internal |
all interference affairs of |
the the Netherlands |
part of the colonies |
Chinese |
| be in opposition |
|
to the most |
elementary |
principles |
of international |
law |
| as |
a proposed |
will that school |
not be tolerated." inspectors |
be required to |
|
|
| language |
before |
being admitted |
to |
|
India. This |
measure |
| surely |
|
reduced |
to zero the |
|
officials |
able |
| to operate |
in the the provision |
archipelago. of |
71 facilities |
to boys from |
the archipelago |
for |
| studying |
in the overseas Chinese |
the Chinese |
closely into the |
found |
another affairs of |
of the |
| land. |
plan |
for this |
|
|
by the |
leader of |
| a |
mission 21 students, by the |
to Netherlands left authorTties |
India for |
late in 1906. in February boys |
1907. |
group, had up the |
| initial |
group, but possible. |
parental Actually, |
enthusiasm the fact |
not sufficient that 21 boys |
to assembled |
that |
| such short |
notice |
that |
other groups |
soon |
sent out |
indicates |
| that the |
reluctance |
of parents boys |
to studying |
their sons in |
leave in 1908; |
years |
| later the |
total |
reported |
to be 148. |
In all, |
about |
Indies stu- |
| dents are |
supposed |
to |
benefited |
from this |
plan before |
the 91 |
|
|
72 |
|
|
|
|
| Revolution |
students |
sent |
to a school |
at |
designed |
to serve |
| the needs |
of overseas |
Chinese |
from all |
Southeast |
Asia, not |
only those |
| from Netherlands |
|
India. |
school |
|
in |
|
Dutch was speedy and 1
Hague on
government would
and, consequence, Within a few years it
was even know the Dutch
Netherlands
would have
number of Chinese
...
Through
China, government means
drawing more home-
The program was first announced
Chinese The first
numbering China It been
expected Chinese that 30 would make
was make
number were on
and were
have home was soon
overcome. Over 100 were China two
was 200
have 1
ended it.
The were Nanking
The was called, Kuo-yu, Chi-nan
[93]
| hsUeh-t'ang. |
|
patron |
of the school |
the |
|
viceroy, |
|
| seems |
to |
taken a |
special interest |
in his |
overseas charges |
|
The |
| viceroy |
supposed |
to |
often |
students |
for rides |
through |
the |
| city in |
his carriage; |
|
during his |
visits to the |
school he |
reportedly |
|
| asked |
the boys |
to criticize |
their teachers. |
73 |
|
|
|
| There |
|
19 teachers |
at |
hsUeh-t'ang |
in |
giving |
|
| Instruction |
in |
|
languages, |
mathematics, |
|
geography, |
|
| history, |
military |
science, |
music. |
Students |
promised, |
|
|
| graduation, |
|
opportunity |
to go |
|
to |
|
or |
| Europe, to |
|
their |
learning |
or almost |
all of the |
funds |
re- |
| quired |
for the |
|
|
school |
students were |
|
|
| furnished |
by the |
|
authorities; |
students |
obliged |
to provide |
|
| only |
their |
clothes, that the Chinese government |
|
transportation. considered |
this |
There educational |
|
| burden |
too heavy. |
letter that |
from the be sent |
pupils to build |
to their a |
parents school, and |
in |
| in |
a request |
for overseas |
funds |
sent |
out by the |
school |
|
| thorities |
themselves. |
|
|
yet |
the |
school |
|
| operated |
until |
forced to |
close during apparently |
the Revolution. in |
the overseas |
pupils |
a |
| source |
of personnel |
to |
official |
posts, especially |
in |
the diplo- |
|
| matic |
consular |
services. |
After |
period of |
of up |
to six years |
|
| at |
|
further |
training elsewhere, |
the |
students |
to |
be |
| given |
a |
to participate |
in |
civil |
service examinations. |
|
|
The was Nanking who
have.
is have taken
and
were Chi-nan Nanking
Kuo-yU, European
and "were upon
an abroad..., Japan, America
broaden."All,,
maintenance of the Nanking and its
Chinese were
own pocket money, and is
some evidence
A Nanking
1909 suggested money to China new
1910 was au-
No money was donated, Nanking
74
The Chinese government saw
occupy
and a study
Nanking and were
chance special
In N.1. this is
|
documents and |
publications |
|
name |
given as |
Ki Lam |
HakTong, |
| Kay Lam |
Hak Tong, |
or Kie Lam |
Hak Tong, |
from |
|
|
|
| the school |
was |
Shanqhal |
1912, |
the name was changed |
|
|
Chi-nan |
| hsUeh-hsiao |
|
>^> ^x^ |
and |
|
the school |
was expanded |
|
| offer college |
training, |
Chi-nan |
ta-hsueh |
|
X. |
|
|
^^ \^,^""^ When
mov^ to In to
^^ \^, later, when to
to ^^^>^ •
.
[94]
| Chinese |
authorities |
probably intended |
|
to use |
of the language |
|
| qualifications |
foreign |
experience of these |
|
overseas graduates |
|
|
| under the |
|
conditions |
of the last |
of |
the dynasty, |
no |
| higher honor |
than |
promotion |
the ranks |
of the scholar-bureaucracy |
|
|
| could |
offered |
a student |
in the |
traditional |
Chinese |
scene |
| sincerity |
of the |
imperial |
regime in |
this respect |
never |
put |
| to the test |
|
of the Revolution. |
|
products |
of the |
|
| school returned as nationalist |
to their firebrands. of selection |
of |
they pupils to study in |
quickly |
earned reputations of |
signifi- |
| here. |
total |
|
boys sent |
to |
not large, |
but |
| these students |
|
from to |
places. |
nationalist |
every center hero at |
of school |
| in |
of represented. origin; |
the boys boys the student |
from Java; from East Java group |
but Sumatra as a |
primarily of poorer described |
Borneo as |
| definitely |
|
in |
"looking |
|
like the |
|
| than like |
their 'yellow |
brothers.' |
students |
|
|
12 |
| 18 years |
of |
most had |
primary |
school |
in Netherlands |
|
| India. |
the best |
students |
sent, |
the selection |
being |
in |
| part |
basis of |
competitive |
examinations. |
For |
most of the |
years |
| of the program, |
|
|
|
|
local |
|
| associations, |
responsible |
|
these arrangements. |
|
cost |
of a |
| student's |
passage to |
of the Republic |
borne broke |
by his local this link |
school |
|
| overseas |
populations. to |
scattered |
1912, students through |
from schools |
Southeast |
Asia univer- |
| sities. |
the early |
Republican |
period, |
|
students, |
at least |
I. r.,, 75
The
and
changed
to
have been
The
because
homes, where
The process
cance The number of
were drawn many
Chinese population was able have its
China. Most were
were also The
Peranakan and
Peranakan appearance,
"The
age, and completed
Only were
on the
Djawa Hak BoeTjong
was for
China was often
The establishment
and its After
who went China were
In
make
. Even
decade
was
The Nanking
Nanking is
China was
Almost
own
and
were
whole is
more Javanese
were between and
made
Hwee, working with THHK
The
76
.
between China
many and
Chinese
[95]
| those |
from Batovio, |
"only |
received |
[from |
the |
necessary |
school |
| certificates |
|
had to arrange |
other |
matters |
themselves." |
|
other |
| words, school |
scholarships associations |
from both no longer |
the existed. |
|
|
|
the Indies |
- Slang Hwee were sometimes in-
THHK]
and In
Chinese government and
Chambers of Commerce
The various Chinese chambers of commerce, usually known asSiang
Hwee, furthered, as did the pan-Chinese educational system, the na-
tionalist mobilization of the Indies Chinese. Whether the THHK or the
Siang Hwee movement was the more important in the rise of national-
ism is perhaps a matter of personal interpretation. The school associa-
tions, through the necessarily lengthy process of education, laid the
foundation for a continuing national awareness in successive genera-
tions. The Siang Hwee tended to be most active in times of stress.
THHK operated with its sights on long-range developments; Siang Hwee
met specific challenges.
Informal ties among the Chinese merchants of the Indies had of
course existed from an early time. Slang Hwee were established as a
means of making permanent and more effective arrangements for co-
operation. The inspiration for the founding of Slang Hwee reached
Netherlands India in the person of an official representative of the dy-
nasty, the same man who promoted the sending of students to Nanking.
Late in 1906 and early in 1907, Chinese merchants were advised to
band together in chambers of commerce modeled after those already
Shang-hui)^ ^,derived from hua-shang hui-kuan, :^)S] ^*'f S
or hua-shang tsung-hui ^S^ \^ ^P,
~~W~
accurately known as Siang Boe, shang-wu j|i^f^, which came from the name
of the general association of Slang Hwee, Slang BoeTjong Hwe, shang-wu tsung-
huijsi ^ 4l^,-^.
[96]
| operating |
in Singapore, |
|
|
Shanghai. |
|
estab- |
| lished |
Ministry of |
Agriculture, JE^ i^ |
Industry, -^Tj |
Trade prepared |
In Peking to |
the draft |
| regulations |
of the has |
Siang suggested |
that this |
give fresh interest |
official Peking's |
endorse- part |
| in the |
affairs of |
Chinese |
merchants |
reflected |
the |
improved |
| socio-political |
position |
of the Chinese |
|
|
|
the late |
| Ch'ing |
period of reform. |
In |
case, |
the |
|
did at |
| the time |
begin to |
take |
of |
the activities |
of the |
Southeast |
| Asian Chinese |
traders, |
|
said |
to enjoy |
"the Imperial |
|
| ciation |
but unrealistic |
objective |
promotion of |
of Sino-indies Siang |
trade the |
|
| of |
this century, |
Indies exports |
to |
|
|
equaled |
| only about |
6 per cent |
of total |
exports. |
Imports |
|
coast ports |
| totaled faced west |
insignificant rather |
2 per north. |
cent. |
|
Netherlands |
India |
| discover |
the |
true significance |
of |
Siang |
necessary |
to |
| look |
the |
sphere |
into |
the political |
Siang |
|
| designed |
primarily |
to serve as |
agencies |
of the |
|
|
| In a sense |
they functioned |
as |
|
consulates |
until normal |
consu- |
| lar representation |
|
established |
in 1912. |
|
dynastic official |
|
| visited |
the islands |
to take the |
lead in the |
establishment |
of Siang |
|
| reported |
to his |
that |
the |
|
|
effectively |
| function |
as consulates. |
Further, |
this |
|
|
|
| necessary |
to Siang |
in troublesome |
diplomatic presented |
by the |
|
with the |
| with |
official seal directly |
necessary in with the |
signing Peking |
correspondence. |
|
right to the |
Hong Kong, and The newly
and(Nung-
kung-shang^ W)was examine
new Hwee and them
ment. It been on
overseas
commercial class during
any Chinese government
cognizance
who were appre-
and sympathy." The was an
announced Hwee. In first dec-
ade China and Hong Kong
from China
an Commercially,
than
To Hwee, it is
beyond economic. Hwee were
Chinese government.
Chinese
was The who
Hwee
government new associations could
arrangement would make it un-
engage negotiations
Dutch. Each Hwee was Chinese government
an The
communicate bureaucracy accompanied
.
[97]
| granting |
of these |
seals. |
officers |
of the |
various |
Siang |
held |
| official |
rank; the to purchase |
president a rank |
of an important equal |
association that of |
a district |
reportedly magistrate |
in |
The Hwee
was
expected to
Crima
|
consular |
role of Siang |
|
seen |
in a |
|
their |
| actions. |
Stranded |
|
workers |
in at least |
instances |
had |
their |
| passages |
to |
paid |
by Siang |
|
Crimes |
against Indies |
|
| Chinese |
at reports to |
times investigated Peking. |
Siang |
by Siang |
considerable |
then prestige |
for- |
| to their |
position |
as semiofficial |
intermediaries with the |
|
|
local |
|
| authorities. |
|
the |
of |
the |
Consulate |
|
|
| at Batavia, functions. |
Siang the matter |
in of the |
other cities citizenship |
continued of |
to carry in the |
on consular colony |
|
| to be discussed |
by a |
Netherlands to |
Chinese, |
both Singkehs |
authorities, |
Siang Peranakans, |
|
| register |
as subjects |
of |
registration |
|
facilities |
are of course |
|
| ordinarily |
provided |
only by |
consulates. |
|
Indies |
|
to |
| responded |
in |
a negative |
|
to this |
opportunity |
to declare |
|
| themselves Chinese |
|
subjects. |
|
|
|
to |
|
|
in enrol ling plans to given |
hold elections the responsibility in |
in Netherlands |
for the India. |
formulated, organization In all |
register. Siang of polling Siang |
81 |
| notified |
by the Chinese |
|
minister |
at the |
that elections |
|
|
| to be held |
to select |
"advisers franchise |
for the |
provincial to quite |
assemblies narrow; |
in Fukien voters |
|
| required |
to be |
|
or |
25 |
years of |
|
"had |
The Hwee can be number of
Chinese two
back China Hwee.
were Hwee, which
warded Hwee enjoyed
due Dutch
Even after opening Chinese General
Hwee
When Chinese came
and Chinese Hwee
waged campaign have and
China. Such
The Chinese seem
have manner
Only Siang Hwee Batavia appears have
succeeded an appreciable number of names on its
When China were first
Hwee were
among overseas Chinese 1910 Hwee
were Hague were
and Kwangtung." The was be were
men, Peranakan Singkeh, age who
[98]
| served |
three years |
or longer |
as leaders |
in education |
or other fields," |
|
| had finished |
high |
school in |
or elsewhere, |
had |
imperial |
|
| literary |
examination, capital |
had held of at least |
military or |
civil rank, or Needless |
possessed to say, |
the |
| last requirement |
1910, |
the under Siang |
most easily auspices, |
by overseas enfranchised |
Chinese. Chinese |
In in |
| Surabaya |
participated |
primary |
elections. |
|
of |
Batavia |
| a |
|
|
for obscure |
reasons failed |
to vote. |
|
| final elections |
|
never |
held in the |
under |
Ch'ing |
dynasty |
| direction. sending |
elected representatives |
overseas |
stated to a country without a democratic |
that there |
no point |
in |
| stitution. |
This lack |
of confidence |
in |
effectiveness |
of their |
|
| overseas |
representatives |
|
|
increased |
by the fact |
that |
| the |
elected |
not obliged |
to leave |
the Indies |
totake their seats |
|
|
|
82 |
|
|
|
|
| in |
or |
|
interests |
of overseas |
constituency |
|
| not |
likely to at |
be served never |
by a representative speech |
cast a vote. |
because |
he re- |
| Elections |
after |
the 1911 |
Revolution |
|
significance |
to |
| overseas |
Chinese. |
1912, |
Siang |
|
to organize |
|
| polling, |
this time |
to choose |
certain |
|
electoral |
college |
| to |
in Peking |
to select |
the Senate |
of the |
Republic. |
|
| Siang |
in Batavia, |
Surabaya, |
|
|
sent a delegate |
|
| to the |
electoral college; |
|
least |
in the case |
of the |
|
| delegate, |
the choice |
based |
on |
rather |
than on |
elec- |
| tion. |
appears, |
in fact, |
that |
|
the |
of |
|
|
|
|
83 |
|
|
| selection |
favored |
by the Peking |
authorities. |
|
|
|
| February auspices |
1913, overseas of the Chinese Ministry of |
|
representatives Industry and |
|
Peking under |
the |
China passed an
who
commercial 5,000 dollars.
was one met
December Hwee
in The Chinese
and number of other places And
were colony
Many Chinese was
con-
the own
may well have been
men were
Canton Foochow. The an
were who,
mained home, made a or
were of more
In Hwee were again asked
members of an
meet new Chinese
Hwee and Semarang each
however, at Semarang
was appointment
And it appointment was method
In met in
Commerce and selected
[99]
sit Two
| 6 Senators |
to in the |
upper house |
of the |
Republican |
legislature. |
|
| Indies |
|
elected along |
with |
2 from |
|
from |
| the United |
States, and |
of |
origin. |
|
6 overseas |
|
| tors |
to with |
10 colleagues |
from |
|
province, |
27 |
| from |
10 |
Tibet, |
3 from Sinkiang, |
|
8 selected |
by the |
| "Central |
Educational |
|
|
representation |
of |
overseas |
| Chinese |
in the Senate |
|
not proportional |
|
to population. |
|
| This |
failure of the |
|
|
to provide |
overseas Chinese |
|
| with their |
proper share |
of seats |
in the |
Republican |
Senate |
was, be- |
| cause of |
the political |
chaos of |
Shih-k'oi's |
presidency, |
|
not taken |
| seriously |
in the Indies. |
|
|
apparently |
soon |
realized |
| that sending |
representatives |
to |
Peking |
|
privilege |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
85 |
| lack of interest in But, while Stang |
elections |
proposed electoral |
in functions |
|
realization |
|
| than practical |
importance |
in the |
effort to |
tie overseas Chinese |
|
to their |
| motherland, further various |
other frequently endeavors [To] protect |
in |
successful. with responsibility |
influence |
Specifically, for raising in the |
Siang funds to |
| land, a |
Slang |
must be |
willing to |
interference |
|
from |
| the authorities |
|
organizations |
[there]. |
Thus, |
compatriots |
|
| In |
the |
help of overseas |
|
|
there |
|
| a great |
flood |
or the threat |
of a |
severe famine, |
the |
|
| patriots |
there will that association |
usually |
appeal for feels obliged |
help to to |
a Slang this charitable |
|
Chinese were men Malaya, 1
1 unannounced The Sena-
were sit each Chinese
Mongolia, from and
84
Conference." The
was certainly
Chinese government
first
Yuan
Overseas Chinese
was an empty. The
1 916 reflects that.
Hwee's were of symbolic rather
efforts were more
Hwee were charged
China.
"... its good name and mother-
Hwee accept
and if
China need Chinese... when is
... com-
make an Hwee
and do
work." 86
|
|
be concluded |
|
|
|
|
Hwee |
|
must not |
|
from |
the passage |
|
that Slang |
|
| fund |
raising |
to contribute |
inspired |
by charity; to |
political sent to |
motives |
often Plans to |
| construct |
a railway in |
Fukien, ata time when |
|
|
domestic Chinese |
|
railroad |
It above
was always
caused members money be China.
[100]
|
was |
|
means of checking |
|
|
|
|
| construction |
|
considered |
a |
|
foreign |
imperialism, |
|
| led to |
the reported |
sale of |
shares |
of stock |
by Siang |
|
in |
| Surabaya. |
1909, |
|
|
organization |
sought |
with |
little |
| success |
to raise |
5 million |
to be used |
for the |
purchase |
of a warship |
|
| for the |
Chinese navy. |
After |
the establishment |
of |
the Chinese Republic |
|
|
| the enthusiasm |
of |
Siang |
in these |
matters |
|
increased |
|
| Subscriptions |
|
post-Revolution |
|
national |
loan |
|
|
| obtained. |
Batavia Siang In at |
least |
case a local |
|
itself to official |
furnishover sought to |
get |
| his share |
of the |
so eagerly |
sent |
to in |
the early Republican |
|
|
| period. |
|
|
|
then the |
governor |
at |
|
| wrote |
Slang |
Batavia |
asking that |
a fund |
be raised |
to equip |
an |
| to |
against Siang to |
the reacted organize |
Russians, by observing anything as |
then that ambitious asa campaign against |
incursions up |
in to President |
|
| the Tsar's |
|
by 1912 |
internal |
conditions |
in |
so |
dis- |
| illusioned |
the Indies said to Shih-k'ai's 1916 |
Chinese be willing attempt |
that only to send |
the Singkeh to the the Imperial |
motherland. throne |
brought |
Siang |
| forth |
final Siang |
|
drive in the |
early Republican |
period to raise |
|
|
| funds for associations |
political collected |
ends. to finance the Chinese |
the leadership opposition consul |
to general at |
of the Surabaya Various Batavia, |
school theory |
|
| a servant |
of To disguise consumption, |
the operation, that the |
seems |
to originally destined |
supported for the |
this Chinese |
for Red |
| Cross; |
this |
soon |
|
rapid |
collapse |
of |
|
f. Hwee was briefly.
f. 200,000. one Chinese
10,000 Hwee
In however, the same
too Chinese were rapidly
The Hwee alone pledged
money China
In November 1912 Hu Han-min, Canton,
Hwee
army march making Outer
Mongolia. Hwee it was
Yuan Shih-k'ai
army. And China had
members of
87
Hwee were money
Yuan toascend
one Hwee
Under body,
money was Yuan.
and other pan-Chinese organizations cooperated with Siang
Hwee Surabaya. Even in
Yuan's government, have move-
ment. it was announced,
Dutch money was
sham was abandoned. The Yuan's
[101]
| Imperial |
|
immediately |
reflected |
in the |
halting |
of this |
fund- |
| raising |
effort. |
not |
|
|
|
ever reached |
|
| the |
groups |
in |
the |
of |
1917, |
|
|
| reported |
that Indies |
|
had sent |
a large |
to be used |
by |
revo- |
| lutionaries |
at |
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Siang |
associations |
|
also |
|
with the |
most |
|
| diate general |
by actively supporting |
of |
the Indies the |
educational |
demonstrated |
|
that |
| the |
school inspectors |
arrived, |
they were given |
|
assistance, |
no |
doubt |
| including |
financial |
aid, by various Siang |
|
|
|
|
sent |
| to |
had their |
travel |
expenses |
by |
Siang |
associa- |
|
| tions. |
Financial |
aid to |
schools |
to be |
a regular |
obligation |
|
| of Siang nent |
|
|
fact, schools |
often |
later firms regularly enter- |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
89 |
|
| ing debits |
in their of the most |
books for important |
"contributions Siang |
to the services |
school ." |
the provision |
|
| of a |
place, |
a club, |
for |
|
only |
speculate |
on |
| the political |
information |
social |
took place |
of the informal in the |
discussions Siang |
buildings. |
|
| In at least |
the Batavia |
Siang |
|
regulations |
specified |
that |
the |
| association serve as |
a daily to this point, |
maintain place." nothing |
for has |
"an said |
appropriate the |
|
to |
| formal |
organization |
of the |
Siang |
associations. |
|
following |
|
| chapter |
deals with |
the |
of leadership |
in |
the overseas |
|
|
| population |
of Netherlands |
|
India |
considers |
Siang |
heads |
in |
| further |
detail Before |
leaving |
the subject |
of |
Siang |
|
|
| preliminary |
|
remarks on |
these matters |
ought |
to be |
|
|
I.. ^
dream was
It is known how much, if any, money
anti-Yuan China. In fall however, it was
Chinese sum
Canton. 88
Hwee were concerned imme-
problem Chinese and
concern THHK movement. When
first
Hwee. A number of boys
Nanking covered Hwee
THHK came
Hwee members. In became "perma-
appendages of Chinese business life," many
One Hwee was
meeting members. One can
and consequences and
exchange of which Hwee
Hwee, the
would its members room
90
meeting
Up been on membership and
Hwee The
problem Chinese
and Hwee
. Hwee, however,
some made.
[102]
| Indications |
are |
that, while |
Peranakans |
formed |
a majority |
in the |
|
of Siang |
Singkeh |
elements not surprising |
that |
the |
active |
| bers |
Singkehs. |
|
immigrants |
|
often had |
not yet |
| risen to |
rolls included |
the |
their of "the |
businesses, most solid |
Siang |
|
| merchants." |
also |
not unreasonable |
to |
that, |
|
of the |
| political |
nature of |
Siang |
activities, |
most |
|
|
| bers preferred |
to stay in the |
|
while |
their Singkeh |
colleagues |
|
| took the |
lead. has |
already |
noted |
that the |
regulations |
of the |
| Batavia gin. |
insisted the Batavia, |
that officers Surabaya, |
be predominantly of |
|
Singkeh |
ori- |
| only Singkehs |
to the |
senatorial |
electoral college |
at |
Peking. |
This |
| tion must |
in part |
|
of the |
necessity |
to select overseas |
|
| delegates |
Singkeh influence |
the Chinese |
language. be seen |
91 in such |
|
the |
| effort |
of the Surabaya be |
association in |
to instead |
require of |
that all the most |
corre- |
| leader |
of the Siang |
|
as |
a |
Peranakan. |
|
| This |
Tiong |
'X^ |
|
), the |
of largest |
Chinese |
| trading |
in |
the archipelago, |
|
undoubtedly |
the |
richest |
| most |
powerful Chinese |
|
Indies. |
simultaneously |
|
|
| tertained |
the |
princes of |
|
|
as his house guests, |
|
| reportedly |
he |
in close |
touch with |
Japan's |
|
Ito. |
| prestige |
|
Siang |
greatly |
|
by |
the tie |
| with |
|
use of his |
position In |
Siang |
to further |
the |
| aims of |
business. |
For |
Siang |
|
|
in |
membership Hwee, were more
members of the associations. It is Peranakan mem-
outnumbered The new
owning and managing own and Hwee
membership names and outstanding
It is assume because
many Hwee Peranakan mem-
background
It been
body its
In 1912 and Semarang organizations sent
ac-
have been born
who knew
While can developments as
1910 its
spondence conducted Chinese Malay, power-
ful Hwee movement whole was a
was Oei Ham, Majoor at Semarang and head Kian Gwan
(Chien-yuan kung-szu "^ A^^
company Oei was
and in the He once en-
crown Denmark and Greece
and was Marquis The
and power of Hwee were augmented
Oei, who made Hwee
his example, some Hwee members 1912
[103]
attempted to organize a boycott of Japanese goods to protest a Japa-
nese threat to Manchuria. Oei Tiong Ham, whose Kian Gwan traded
actively with Japan, opposed the boycott and none was carried out.
On the other hand, Siang Hwee at Semarang, Oei's headquarters, had
in 1908 been easily able to persuade reluctant sister associations to
join a boycott against a Dutch competitor of Kian Gwan. Oei pre-
ferred to pull strings from above the stage, though he did arrange to
have Kian Gwan officers in power in some local Siang Hwee, includ-
92
ing the Batavia organization.
Like the THHK associations, the various Siang Hwee normally func-
tioned with a marked degree of unanimity. The Surabaya body, al-
most from the beginning, functioned as the publicly recognized leader.
Possibly this was in part to compensate for the open leadership of Sem-
arang and Batavia in the educational movement. In 1909 the Surabaya
Siang Hwee was elected to head a general association of Siang Hwee,
known as Siang Boe Tjong Hwee (Shang-wu tsung-hui i^-^^iS^^
). The record reveals that most correspondence between China's
officialdom and Siang Hwee went through the Surabaya body. But,
presumably in an effort to conceal from the suspicious Dutch the extent
of cooperation among the various Siang Hwee, the formal unification
under Surabaya was allowed to dissolve. In a few years a careful ob-
server of events in the Chinese community could only state that the
93
Siang Hwee associations "seemed to work together closely."
Soe Po S i a
|
the |
types |
of |
|
up |
to this |
| point, |
|
primarily |
|
with education |
the other |
|
| most |
important |
for |
provision |
of those services |
considered |
|
Of two pan-Chinese associations discussed
one was concerned and was
its usually
.
[104]
| governmental. |
|
fhird group |
of associations, |
designed |
to function |
as |
| a political |
party, |
also existed; |
such associations were |
|
ordinarily |
|
| as |
Po Sia |
she |
|
"Tfi |
|
for these |
| bodies |
had, although |
|
|
found |
in the reading |
|
| of a Singapore |
Christian |
missionary establishment, where |
|
|
lectures |
|
| held |
books |
periodicals |
|
|
to the |
public. |
| Similar |
reading rooms |
or Soe |
Po Sia |
to be |
in |
the other |
| Chinese |
population |
centers |
of Southeast Asia |
in the |
|
of this |
| century; |
but, instead Po |
of Christian Sia in Netherlands |
doctrine, |
revolution India |
established |
in 1909. |
| with |
other |
matters |
regarding |
these associations, |
|
the exact |
| date was, |
presumably |
|
of the |
|
|
nature of |
| Po |
Sia, not publicized. |
all functioned |
association as fronts |
for Sun's |
given a charter revolutionary |
by |
| tivities. |
a |
|
there |
Soe |
Sia in the |
archi- |
| pelago. |
All Soe Po |
Sia |
reported |
to |
|
other; |
| but, unlike |
|
Siang |
they |
did not |
together |
in a |
| formal |
general association. |
|
Throughout |
Southeast |
Asia, Soe |
Po Sia |
| looked |
to the Singapore |
association |
|
as their |
|
|
| also in |
able, elsewhere. |
|
to |
|
with |
leaders |
| Ties other |
of cooperation |
|
|
times tenuous |
Po but |
Sia |
| absent. |
|
teachers |
|
with |
Soe Po Sia; |
the |
| political |
associations |
are said |
to |
contributed |
to the support |
of |
| the |
schools. |
Soe Po |
Sia frequently |
instituted |
adult education |
|
| programs |
instruction |
|
in |
offered |
in the |
evenings, |
| presumably |
by |
personnel |
Immediately after |
|
the 91 Revolution |
|
A
known
Soe (Shu-pao "^
'^7<i^' ^^^
model
it may seem odd, been room
were
94
and where and were available
began opened
first decade
was preached.
The first Soe were
As many
because somewhat subversive
Soe Each was
Sun Yat-sen, and ac-
Within few years were 52 Po
were work closely with each
THHK and Hwee, band
communications center
They were however, communicate directly
95
China and
and communication between Soe and
pan-Chinese associations were at neverwholly
Most THHK were affiliated and
have
modern
where Kuo-yU was
THHK. 1 1
[105]
|
|
|
|
became |
even |
|
|
| cooperation |
|
|
Soe |
Po Sia |
|
closer, |
no |
| doubt |
the then |
rather conservative recognized |
the former |
leadership revolutionaries |
of the as |
educational legitimate |
|
| governmental |
agents. |
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Links |
|
Siong |
|
Po Sia are |
perhaps |
easier |
|
| to trace. |
Before the |
Revolution |
|
believed |
that animosity |
existed |
|
|
the |
|
|
|
|
|
|
| with imperial |
blessings that |
while this evaluation |
Soe Po Sia |
based primarily on |
to |
revolution. |
|
| thinking. |
|
|
Soe Po Sia |
established |
in |
|
by a |
| revolutionary |
former |
teacher "and |
|
several |
other party |
|
|
| including |
officials |
of |
Siang |
[Surabaya] |
|
|
|
| Po |
Sia's president |
|
relative of |
|
Tiong |
|
a |
| high officer |
of Oei's |
trading |
firm, |
|
will be |
|
|
| that |
|
the |
Siang |
effort. |
Batavio, |
Siang |
|
|
Soe Po |
Sia joined |
together |
through |
the efforts |
of |
Lui - |
| tenant Khoe |
Fan, |
officer |
of both associations |
|
a "firey |
|
|
| lican." |
Friction |
jealousy |
|
Siang |
Soe |
|
did |
| break out |
from time |
to time, |
as in |
|
Siang |
initially |
|
| given |
sole responsibility |
electoral |
for organizing college |
the in |
election the |
of overseas year, |
|
| Soe Po |
Sia's Impetuous by the |
elements argued faction |
In |
for anti Slang |
But |
boycott in a broad |
|
| sense |
be stated |
that Soe |
Po Sia |
Slang |
|
toward |
|
| the |
goals, assisted educational |
by their |
politically largely inspired |
less |
vocal led |
partner. by Perana - |
|
| kans; the |
|
of |
|
|
In |
|
by |
| Peranakans |
operated |
under |
joint |
|
-Singkeh |
leadership. |
|
between THHK and
because
movement by
between Hwee and Soe even
some
between two types of associations because Siang Hwee were founded
were dedicated
It now appears was Dutch wish-
ful The Surabaya was 1909
THHK comrades,
... Hwee."The Semorong
Soe was a Majoor Oei Ham and
Kian Gwan. It remembered
Kian Gwan dominated Hwee In
Hwee and were
A an and Repub-
and between Hwee and PoSia
1912 when Hwee
were
members of the Chinese and, same when
an-Japanese
97
opposed Kian Gwan Hwee.
It can and Hwee worked
same THHK
The movement was and
chambers commerce were dominated membership
and Peranakan
[106]
were
| Soe Po Sia |
organization and |
|
activities |
primarily designed |
|
to serve |
| Singkehs. |
Immigrants |
from |
|
almost |
to |
|
| active |
interest than |
the Indies-born |
|
in the |
political |
future of |
| the |
|
Peranakans |
also tended, |
|
of their |
greater in- |
| vestment |
their |
|
political |
position |
in the |
colony, |
| to be the |
conservative |
|
group in the |
|
|
|
| fore Singkehs |
formed |
the majority |
in |
Po Sia |
|
|
| the Singkeh |
|
|
a |
traditionally |
rebellious |
|
| people, |
|
|
as "lower |
class" |
"coolies." |
|
| Singkehs |
tended |
to concentrated |
in |
the cities |
in the |
plantation |
| mining |
areas, |
|
establishments |
|
confined |
for the most |
| part to |
major urban |
centers |
to regions |
|
imported |
|
| coolie |
labor |
extensively |
used. |
one-fifth |
of the |
Soe Po Sia |
| in Netherlands |
India |
|
the Deli |
district of |
Sumatra, |
of |
| great plantations |
strong |
by influence |
immigrant in Soe |
labor. Po Sia did |
not |
that other |
| Singkehs |
excluded; |
|
Peranakans |
also |
had a voice |
in the |
| affairs |
of these bodies. |
Luitenant |
|
of |
the Batavia |
organi- |
| zation |
a |
|
|
|
|
important |
| in sister |
associations. |
|
|
leadershipof Siang |
|
|
| supported |
Soe Po Sia |
|
Finally a |
special |
effort |
|
| to enlist press. |
the support |
of other |
|
Chinese through |
the Soe Po Sia |
|
| Soe |
Po Sia political |
activity |
primarily |
oriented |
toward |
|
| the |
|
Revolution. |
Before 1911 |
the major work of |
|
Soe |
| the |
collection |
of funds |
to support |
Sun Yat-sen's |
|
revolu- |
| tionary |
attempts; |
|
rlj |
for ), or Peoples |
use by the National |
Bin |
China were bound have a more
Chinese
homeland. because
and anomalous Dutch
more Chinese community. There-
Soe membership. Most of
members were Hakkas, Chinese
who have been described and As
be and
and Soe PoSia were
and where Chinese
was Over
were in an area
worked
The Hakka mean
were and some
Khoe A Fan
was Cantonese Singkeh; many other Cantonese were
99
The KianGwan Hwee who
was Peranakan. was made
Peranakan
was China
and Chinese PoSia
was numerous
money was usually earmarked Kok
Koen (Kuo-min chun l?^ ^ Army.
[107]
|
|
|
|
|
welcome |
shown |
| efforts |
directed at spoiling |
|
|
the enthusiastic |
|
|
| by Indies |
to |
dynastic |
official |
visitors. Soe |
Po Sla |
leaders in |
| the lost days |
of the an |
action |
also suggests |
"ceremonies a relationship |
honoring |
the Soe |
| Po Sia groups |
the |
traditionally |
|
secret |
societies. |
|
| this regard, |
will be |
|
that |
of Sun |
Yat-sen's |
acts |
| after the |
|
the |
|
of a similar |
|
at the |
Other were
Chinese
Manchus conducted
Ming emperors," which between
and pro-Ming In
it remembered one first
Revolution was performance ceremony
Ming tombs near Nanking.
After 1911, Soe Po Sia continued to support Sun Yat-sen, a stand
which inevitably created hostility toward Yuan Shih-k'ai. Until Yuan
revealed his dictatorial, later imperial, ambitions, under Sun's leader-
ship, Soe Po Sia supported the Peking government. In 191 3, Soe Po Sia
organizations were represented in the Republican legislature, a Sura-
baya member being elected to the Senate. Siang Hwee bodies were
given the main responsibility for the election of overseas delegates to
the Peking electoral college; but Batavia, Semarang,and Surabaya all
sent Soe Po Sia officers.
Once open conflict between Yuan and Sun broke out, Soe Po Sia
were quick to reaffirm their devotion to revolutionary principles. Money
was industriously collected to finance Yuan's overthrow. Beginning in
1914, Soe Po Sia propagandized their members with a view to getting
their purses open; and 1915 and 1916 saw a continuation of these ef-
102
forts. As in the case of the money sent to Sun Yat-sen before 1911,
It is not possible to estimate the size of these financial contributions.
Revolutionaries seldom publish balance sheets.
Yuan's death made it possible for Soe Po Sia again to plan an open
political role in the Chinese government. In 1917, Soe Po Sia repre-
sentatives were once more in Peking to help organize a new legislature.
.
[108]
| in the |
|
attempt |
to establish |
parliamentary |
|
|
| Siang |
took the |
lead in |
organizing |
polling |
Indies |
Chinese |
|
|
|
|
|
103 |
|
| while Soe |
Po Sia supplied |
most |
of the |
candidates. |
|
|
| In addition |
to their |
political activity inordirectly related |
|
|
|
to |
| Po Sia |
involved |
to |
extent |
in the |
local struggles |
of the |
| Indies Chinese |
|
difficult |
to say |
|
Po Sia interest |
in the |
| political |
position of |
overseas |
Chinese |
in the |
colony |
out of |
| an opportunistic |
attempt |
to |
prestige |
as anti-Dutch |
|
or |
| out of the |
fact that |
revolutionary |
zeal, |
generated, spreads |
|
in all |
| directions. |
|
case, Soe |
Po Sia soon |
a |
reputation |
for sharp |
| criticism |
of the |
authorities |
|
of of |
their allied |
Chinese |
| officers. |
These |
activities |
had, no |
doubt, special |
appeal |
for Per- |
| anakans, |
|
likely to |
be |
|
with the |
|
| of overseas |
conditions of the chief |
than with |
the democratization |
by Soe Po |
of Sia for the |
|
| of |
their objectives |
|
the press. |
Four major |
Soe Po |
Sia |
| papers Batavia, |
in Po |
Netherlands Surabaya, |
India |
during these °^ |
years, Batavia |
founded |
| in |
to serve the |
interests |
of the revolutionaries, |
|
|
|
| faithful |
to Sun's cause both |
throughout in |
the |
period studied. for |
This consumption, |
|
| editions. |
|
original |
editor |
|
|
of the |
| Batavia |
Soe Po Sia |
|
|
|
|
|
| In |
|
|
Po |
|
jjV |
^^^) |
| represented |
Soe Po |
Sia interests. |
|
published |
in Chinese |
from |
| until |
of the local |
a |
years later, of a public |
literate |
had lost in language |
of |
As 1912-1913 government,
Hwee among
China,
Soe were some
. It is whether Soe
Dutch grew
win spokesmen
once
In any won
Dutch and many
104
who were more concerned improvement
China.
One media employed achieve-
ment was news-
appeared one each at
Semarang, and Medan.
Hoa Tok (Hua-to pao:^^^^
^f^)
was
1909 and it remained
newspaper
appeared weekly Chinese and, Peranakan
Malay Its was a Hakka and a director
Semarang, Djawa Kong (Chua-wa kung-pao ^jt, %
It was
1909 its demise few when it f. 10,000
because absence its
[109]
|
|
|
|
Kong |
was wealthy |
|
|
| publication. |
|
|
of |
Po |
a |
|
|
| officer |
of Semarang's |
Siang |
|
|
the close |
ties |
|
| the |
|
the political |
associations |
|
are illustrated. |
|
|
|
Surabaya |
Soe Po |
Sia paper |
|
Sin |
Po |
|
| hsin-pao |
yM. |
~X^ |
also |
established |
in |
like |
|
| Po, |
published |
both in |
|
|
editions. |
Like the |
|
| arang Soe |
Po Sia |
publication, |
Surabaya's |
|
Sin |
Po cooperated |
|
| closely |
with the |
local Siang |
|
early |
editor of |
this paper |
|
| a former |
teacher |
|
|
violent |
revolutionary ardor |
|
|
| that he |
ultimately |
deported |
by |
the Netherlands |
authorities. |
|
|
| has |
already |
|
that |
the Deli |
district of |
Sumatra |
|
| a fruitful |
source |
of Po |
Sia support. |
|
|
in |
the |
| major |
city of the |
area, |
furthered |
revolutionary |
efforts. |
|
paper, |
| Sumatra |
Po or So |
|
Lap Po |
|
|
|
f |
| i:? |
-^R. |
^' established |
|
at about |
the |
time as |
|
| fellows |
for |
the |
purpose. |
enjoyed |
circulation |
|
the |
| heavily |
Singkeh |
region |
|
|
of |
issues reached |
|
| other parts |
of the |
Indies |
|
|
editor, like |
his Surabaya |
|
| colleague, extremism. |
|
|
expelled |
by |
the |
|
of his |
. 108 Other Pan-Chinese Associations
The owner Djawa Peranakan
Hwee. Once more between
commercial and
The was Han Boen (Han-wen
^fjT ^^)/ 1909 and, Hoa
Tok Chinese and Malay Sem-
Han Boen
Hwee. The was
THHK who displayed such
was
It been mentioned was
Soe A newspaper Medon,
The
Mun Tap (Su-men-ta-la pao ^i\
^^^°^ same
its Java
and same It wide in
around Medan, and some its
and Malaya. Its first
was unceremoniously Dutch because
In addition to the schools of THHK, the chambers of commerce of
| Siang |
|
the reading |
rooms |
publishing |
|
enterprises |
of |
| Po Sia, |
there |
several |
other associational |
|
efforts |
initiated |
during |
| the years |
of overseas |
|
nationalist |
mobilization |
|
in Netherlands |
|
| India. |
of the |
other |
organizations |
|
importance |
|
|
| to that of |
the three |
described |
at |
length |
|
|
|
Hwee, and and Soe
were
Chinese
None was of comparable
some above; it is, however, of
.
[110]
|
|
mention |
some |
them |
|
|
|
| possible |
usefulness |
to |
|
of to |
indicate |
the various |
|
| interests |
of the principal types of organizations |
under |
study. |
antedated the nationalist awak- |
|
|
|
| ening of |
the Indies |
Chinese: |
the secret |
societies |
the |
burial |
asso- |
| ciations. |
Brief out |
of that the |
the former role of |
has the secret |
earlier societies lost |
in impor- |
this |
| tance as |
nationalist |
mobilization went |
|
forward. |
|
|
|
| continued |
to operate as apolitical |
during bodies. |
the years functioned |
under investigation essentially |
|
but are as insurance |
to be |
| groups. |
|
|
periodically too fund from which |
|
|
families |
|
| could |
funeral |
expenses |
at the time |
of a |
|
|
|
| help |
|
the |
sole objective |
of these |
bodies. |
Batavia's |
|
| provided |
the |
facilities no doubt |
of a burial served |
association to attract |
for |
|
|
| secret societies, |
losing |
their |
political |
to |
nationalist |
organiza- |
|
| tions, are |
said to |
degenerated |
into |
burial |
associations |
in fact |
|
|
109 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
| not |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Chinese |
effort |
at labor |
organization |
also |
|
during |
this |
| period. |
the Chinese Employees Bond |
|
|
|
established |
In Batavia |
|
| with a |
|
|
primarily |
of |
clerks |
in offices |
|
| shops. |
|
maintained |
a |
business school, |
|
|
|
| could learn |
skills, |
|
Batavia |
to insure inspired Chinese |
|
|
|
| collar workers |
in |
other cities |
to establish |
similar |
associations, |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
110 |
|
|
| with the |
alongside |
as that Batavia's |
or the Batavia Soe |
pioneer. Po Sia |
|
|
with |
| similar aims |
but less |
notoriety, |
|
called |
itself Tie |
|
or |
|
Tie |
|
The group |
a revolutionary |
|
|
|
people
Two
and
mention been made
volume, pointing its
The burial associations
viewed They
Members contributed
draw member's death. Mutual
among members was
THHK its members,
an arrangement which many supporters. The
power
have if
in name
A was made
In 1909 was
membership composed Peranakan
and The Bond where members
new and was designed members against un-
employment. The example of the Bond white-
many
. r I, r. n..
same name
Operating was an association
which Yok Hwee
Hoa Kiauw Yok Hwee. was movement
[Ill]
| of the |
|
of Batavia |
Soe |
Po Sla, |
will be |
|
|
by |
|
|
elements. |
ties |
|
| Tie |
|
the three |
major |
associations |
|
of Batavia |
| represented |
|
in the person |
of |
Say, |
a of |
Fukienese |
| origin, |
in Batavia |
|
simultaneously |
the |
of Kian |
|
| the vice |
president of |
|
the president |
of |
both Siang |
|
| Tie |
|
relationship |
|
the |
firm |
|
| Po Sia |
has already |
pointed |
out. |
Tan's link |
to the giant |
trading |
| empire |
|
|
a close |
|
with the |
revolution- |
| ary body. |
Like |
sister organization, |
|
Po Sia, |
Tie |
|
| active |
in |
arrangements |
for the |
elections |
to |
the Peking |
| electoral |
college. |
After a |
brief period, |
|
Tie |
|
| pears to |
ceased |
operations. |
|
|
cooperated |
with |
| tavia's |
in |
raising funds |
through |
levies |
copra sales, |
but after |
| that year |
only |
further |
reference |
to Tie |
appears |
in the |
| J |
111 isolated |
references |
to at |
least a |
|
as- |
| sociations |
are to |
be found, |
12 seems |
that these |
other bodies |
|
| small, |
local, or |
of brief existence. |
|
important |
organizations |
to |
| consider |
for the purposes |
of |
this study |
are |
Siang |
Po |
| Sia and, |
to |
less a degree, |
the |
just discussed. |
|
|
Amoy people. it remembered,
was dominated Hakka and Cantonese The between
Yok Hwee and Chinese
were Tan Kim man
who was manager Gwan,
THHK,and Hwee and
Yok Hwee. The between Kian Gwan and Soe
been
undoubtedly gave him connection
its Soe Yok Hwee was
making 1912
however. Yok Hwee ap-
have its In 1913 it Ba-
THHK on
one Yok Hwee
documents.
Although dozen more Chinese
1
it were
The
THHK, Hwee, Soe
much few
Summary
The awakening is
|
history |
of the Indies |
Chinese |
nationalist |
|
largely |
|
| a matter |
of the |
establishment |
|
operation |
of organizations able |
|
to |
| unify the |
Chinese |
express |
their |
wishes. |
considerable |
|
|
| space |
has necessary |
to |
to a description preliminary analysis |
of |
this organizational of |
effort. of the data. |
|
and
and A amount of
been devoted
It is now make a some
[112]
|
models |
|
the associations |
|
based |
|
| not Chinese; |
the |
|
revivalists |
had learned |
their |
tactics as |
| Christians; |
the nationalist |
schools |
|
patterned |
after |
|
| ing from |
Europe role, |
via copies |
of |
counterparts; |
in in their |
their |
| licized |
they |
served as |
consulates, |
institution |
wholly |
alien to |
| traditional |
|
rebellious Soe |
|
Po Sia |
|
|
| expressed, |
gratitude |
to |
missionaries |
for |
having set |
up proto- |
| types of |
their organizations. contribution |
to Asia. |
Nationalism operation |
usually of |
recognized these Indies |
as a |
| associations |
|
of associations |
the truth of |
this view. their success in part to the |
|
great |
| financial |
strength |
of the people |
they |
served. |
rapid |
growth of a |
| private |
school system |
demonstrates |
the |
|
|
|
| perhaps |
important |
as a |
cause of the |
flourishing |
of the associations |
|
| the |
pressure, policy was |
political a constant |
social reminder |
under to the mass |
the Chinese of Chinese |
lived. that there |
| no |
direction |
in to |
turn their energies |
|
inward. |
the |
| Chinese |
learned |
through their |
associations |
the |
of group |
effort, |
| their support |
of the |
associations |
maintained with steady enthusiasm |
|
|
|
| single |
association, |
|
overall |
others, |
formally |
consti- |
| tuted. |
Informally, |
|
|
|
so linked |
together |
| that within |
a interest of the reasonably |
years the associations safe most of |
Chinese public in to remark the Indies |
events in China that a kind |
not of devotion |
constant. to the record |
| does not |
establish |
that revolution |
|
republicanism |
|
ideals of |
| all the |
associations. |
Clearly the |
primary concern |
|
|
|
The upon which were were Western,
Confucian
were examples com-
Japan. The chambers of commerce, an-
nounced were Western less pub-
work an
China. Even members owed, but never
Western
is
Western The Chinese
is evidence
The pan-Chinese owed
The
economic power of the Chinese;
more
was and, which
Dutch
was which but Once
power
was.
No supreme was
however, the various groups were
few was unified.
The was
While it is de-
mocracy permeated Chinese community,
and were the
was the improvement
.
ni3]
it
|
|
|
|
was And |
always |
|
|
| of the |
lot of the |
local Chinese, |
|
|
not |
possible |
to |
| identify |
the welfare |
of the |
overseas |
people |
with that |
of the |
Chinese |
| state. |
result |
emotional |
|
|
rather |
than a political |
|
| tie to |
|
an |
honored |
symbol, |
not the |
master, |
of the |
| nationalist |
innovation |
of the brought |
overseas to |
Chinese. the |
of Netherlands |
|
India |
| through |
their associations |
|
a |
pattern |
of allegiance. |
|
loy- |
| alties |
to family, |
clan, ancestral |
province, |
|
secret |
societies |
|
| to a significant |
extent |
replaced |
by obedience |
|
to |
|
|
| tions |
for |
the |
|
|
To borrow |
terms from |
so- |
| ciology, |
be |
stated that |
traditional |
particularism |
|
|
|
| for practical |
universalism— for |
|
nationalism. |
|
chief |
|
of |
| the associations, |
|
then, |
the nationalist |
mobilization |
|
of the |
Indies |
- Kim G.
The was an attachment
China. China was
movement
The main Chinese
was new Old
and were
pan-Chinese associa-
working community as a whole.
it can wasabandoned
The achievement
was
Chinese
Notes to Chapter 3
| Lie |
Hok, |
Hikajat |
Khonghoetjoe |
(The |
Story of Confucius), |
|
| Kolff en |
Batavia, |
1897. |
|
|
|
|
| 2. Tjoa |
Tjoe Koan, |
Hari |
Raja |
Tjina (The |
Holidays |
of the Chi- |
| nese), Albrecht |
en |
Batavia, |
1887. |
|
|
|
| 3. |
Tek Hoay, |
"Atsal |
|
Timboel |
Pergerakan |
Tionghoa |
| Jang |
di Indonesia" |
(The |
Origins |
of the Emergence |
of |
the |
| Chinese |
|
Indonesia), |
Moestika |
Romans |
September |
1936, p. |
| 835; L.Tiemersma, |
|
RoepingTegenover |
|
het Huldige Streven |
|
der Chi- |
| neezen |
Nederlandsch-indiS |
|
tot Herstel |
van het |
Confucianisme" |
(Our |
| Call to |
the |
Present Efforts |
of the |
Chinese |
Netherlands |
India to |
| Restore Confucianism), |
|
Overzicht |
van de |
ElfdeZending-Conferentie, |
|
- |
| houden te |
Buitenzorg |
e n te |
van 22 |
tot 30 Augustus |
1903 |
(Survey of |
| the Eleventh |
Mission |
Conference, |
Held at |
Buitenzorg |
and at |
from |
| the 22nd |
through the |
30th of August |
903), Albrecht en |
|
Batavia, |
903, |
| pp. 138-140, |
151; |
Henri Borel, |
"Dr. Lim |
Boen |
|
Chlneesche |
| Beweging" |
(Dr. Lim |
Boen |
on the Chinese |
|
|
Vol. 55, |
Co.,
Orang
Co.,
Kwee Moehlahnja
Modern Modern
Movement in,
"Onze
in
Oppose in
Ge
Depok,
Depok,
1 Co.,1
Keng over de
Keng Movement), DL,
.
[114]
| 123 |
28, |
1906); Feng |
Tzu-yu |
'-^ |
|
i-shih |
'^^ |
|
(Reminiscences |
of the |
Revolution), |
Vol. |
4, The Commercial |
|
Press, |
| Shanghai, |
1946, |
p. 161; Song |
Siang, |
|
Hundred Years' |
History |
of |
| the Chinese |
Singapore, |
John |
Murray, |
London, |
1923. |
|
|
| 4. |
Tek |
Hoay, op. |
cit., |
|
1936, pp. |
912-913; |
Liem |
| Thian Joe, |
Riwajat Semarang, |
|
1416-1931 |
(History of Semarang, |
|
1416-1931), |
|
| Drukkerij |
Misset, |
printers. |
|
publishers, |
Semarang, |
[1933?], |
|
| p. 188; |
Tjoa Tjoe |
Koan, op. |
cit. |
|
|
|
|
| 5. |
Joe Lan, |
Riwajat |
40 Toon |
dari Tiong |
|
Koan-Batavia |
|
| (History |
of Forty Years |
of THHK-Batavia), |
|
|
Drukkerij, |
Batavia, |
1940, |
| pp. 5-7} |
to |
Neth. Mln. Col |
|
29, |
1908; Tiemersma, |
|
|
| Roeping," |
loc cit., |
p. 141; |
Lie |
Hok, op. |
cit. |
|
|
| 6. |
"OnderwijsTionghoadI Indonesia" (Chinese Education Tjiong, |
|
dan |
Perkoempoelan -perkoempoelannja" |
|
Indonesia) |
|
| (Overseas |
Chinese |
and Their |
Associations), |
ibid.; |
Joe |
Lan, Riwajat, |
|
| op cit., |
p 9. |
|
|
|
|
|
|
| ~" |
[bid., p. |
34. |
|
|
|
|
|
| 8. |
Ibid., p. |
28. |
|
|
|
|
|
| 9. |
"Pikirannja |
|
|
|
|
Batavia, |
Ten- |
| tang Hal |
'Merajaken Perkara Kawinan' |
|
|
(Thoughts |
of the Leaders |
of |
|
| Batavia, tained |
Concerning ibid.. |
the Matter |
of the |
Celebration |
of Marriages), |
|
con- |
| 10. |
Tjoa Tjeng |
Jang, |
Boet |
Tan Kai |
(Do |
Fear Correcting |
|
| Faults), pp. 17-18. |
Soekaboemische Snelpersdrukkerij, |
|
|
Sukabumi, |
1901 |
cited in |
ibid ., |
| 11. 422. |
Ibid., pp. |
29-30; |
Tek |
Hoay, op. |
cit., |
1937, |
p. |
| 12. |
Ibid |
936, |
p 872; |
Lan, |
Riwajat, |
op cit |
p .7. |
| 13. |
|
|
Etiquette" |
|
Etiquette), |
IG, |
Vol. |
| 30 (1908), |
1, |
p. 86; |
Tek Hoay, |
op. |
cit., July |
1937, |
p. 269. |
| 14. |
Ibid |
|
91 |
|
|
cit., |
12. |
| 15. |
|
"Een |
Confucianistische |
|
Beweging" |
|
|
| Confucianist |
|
|
|
Vol. 68, |
|
1923, |
p. 382; |
| Tiemersma, |
|
wel te |
[oc.cjt^. Vereenigen |
pp. 148-149; met het |
Christendom?" |
|
het |
| Confucianism |
Indeed |
to Be United |
with |
Christianity?), |
|
|
- |
| landsche |
Zendingsvereeniging, |
|
Vol. 46, |
|
1906, |
p. 173. |
|
| 16. |
|
loc crt.; |
"Chineesche GeheimeVereenigingen" (Chi- |
|
|
|
|
| nese Secret 17. |
Societies) |
loc cit |
|
|
1, p. 78. |
|
|
| 18. |
Joe |
Lan, Riwajat, |
op. cit., |
p. 10; |
Res., Bantam |
to |
|
| February |
15, 1907; |
H. Blinde, |
Tiong |
|
|
te Bandoeng" |
|
| (The |
at Bandung), |
|
n der Nederlandsche |
|
Zendingsvereeniging |
|
|
| Vol. 46, |
(January |
1906), |
p. 4. |
|
|
|
|
G.G.., November "Onze. Kim
A.J.Bliek, Nieuwe (A New Movement), De Opwekker, October "Onze Roeping,",A. Vermeer, "Is
J. "De Hoa Hwe Koan
No. (May ^ ^, Ko-ming$
2^ ^
Ong One
in
Kwee November
Ho Kim Yoe,
Nio Hoa Hwe
THHK
in,
SPJN; Hoay "Hoakiauw
Nio
..
77
Kaoem-Pengoeroes Tiong Hoa Hwe Koan,
"THHK,
in Appendix C.
Ko Tjek Not
,
Kwee November
~~
.
, October 1. Nio Joe..,
"Nieuwe Chineesche (New Chinese
No. Kwee
., November 1936, p. 1; Nio Joe Lan, Riwajat, op. p.
Neo-Confucianisme (Is Neo-
Orgaan der Neder
November
Hoay Tjiong,.
TIgTVoI. 37(1915), No.
Hoay Tjiong,.
Nio G.G.,
THHK Orgaa,
No. 1
[115]
|
|
Pakoempoelan |
|
Hoa Siong Tjong |
Hwe-Batawl |
|
| 19. tawi (Regulationsof the Association Hoc Siong Tjong Hwe-Batawi |
Peratoeran |
dari |
|
|
|
di Ba- Batavia) |
| Siong |
Kick, |
Batavia, |
1908, article |
13. |
|
|
| 20. |
Dien |
(T'ien T'ung |
|
to Chin. |
For. |
Aff., 1911 |
| copy |
arch. |
For. |
Aff.; Res., |
Jogjakarta |
to |
June 29, |
| 1912; "Een |
Chinees |
over de Chineesche |
|
Beweging" |
(A Chinese |
on the Chi- |
| nese |
|
Koloniaal Tijdschrift, |
|
Vol. (1912), |
p. 667. |
|
| 21 |
"Een |
|
(A |
Boycott), Bataviaasch |
|
Nieuwsblad |
| Vol. 20, |
133 |
10, |
1905); [H. |
|
Chineesche |
Kwestie |
| (The Chinese Question), |
|
Drukkerij |
Papyrus, |
Batavia, |
1913, p. |
56. |
| 22. |
Jaarcijfers, |
1902 p. |
28. |
|
|
|
| 23. |
Henri Borel, |
"Het Chineesche |
|
Onderwijs |
IndiS" (Chinese |
Edu- |
| cation |
Netherlands |
India), |
|
2, 51 (April |
15, 1906), p. |
950; |
| "Onderwijs |
Tionghoa 1936, p. |
Indonesia," 871 |
loc |
cit.; |
Tek Hoay, |
op. cit., |
| 24. |
Borel, "Het |
Chineesche Onderwijs," |
|
loc. cit., |
p. 949; "Onderwijs |
|
| Tionghoa |
di Indonesia," |
loc.cit^.; |
|
Lan, Riwojot, |
o^.cit., |
p. 21; |
| Tek |
Hoay, op. cit., |
April |
1938, |
p. 143. |
|
|
| 25. |
H. Fromberg, |
Verspreide |
Geschriften |
(Miscellaneous |
|
Writings), |
| Leidsche |
Uitgeversmaatschappij, |
|
Leiden, |
1926, pp. |
494-495; |
"Onderwijs |
| Tionghoa |
di Indonesia," |
loc. cit.; |
|
Hoay, op |
cit. |
936, |
| p. 871; |
ibid ., January |
1937, |
p. 17; L. |
Hazelhoff, |
"Het Onderwijs |
voor |
| de |
te Batavia" |
(Education |
for |
the Chinese |
Batavia), |
|
| landia, |
Vol. 7, |
8 (August |
1903), |
p. 100. |
|
|
| 26. |
"Onderwijs |
Tionghoa |
di Indonesia," |
joe. cit.; |
|
|
| jat, op. cit |
p 23; |
|
Hoay, op. cit. |
January |
1937, |
p. |
| 27. |
|
Lan, Riwajat, |
op. cit., |
p. 22. |
|
|
| 28. |
Ibid p. |
13; |
|
op cit. |
1936, |
p. 912. |
| 29. |
Joe |
Lan, Riwajat, op. cit., |
|
p 14; |
Sandick, |
Chi- |
| neezen |
buiten China, |
|
Beteekenis |
voor de Ontwikkeling |
|
van Zuld- |
| Gost Azi^, |
Speciaal van Nederlandsch-lndiS |
|
|
(Chinese |
outside China, |
Their |
| Significance |
the |
|
Southeast |
Asia, |
Especially |
Netherlands |
| India), |
|
Beek's Hofboekhandel, |
|
the |
1909, p. |
259. |
| 30. |
Res., Bantam |
|
February |
15, 1907; |
van Sandick, |
op. cit., |
| p. 257; "Onderwijs Tionghoa di |
|
|
Indonesia," |
loc. cit.; |
|
Riwajat, |
| op. cit., |
pp 16, |
22. |
|
|
|
|
| 3r. |
Dir. Ed., Relig., |
Ind. |
to |
February 8, |
1908; |
|
| op. cit., |
|
1938, p. |
938; "Onderwijs |
Tionghoa |
Indonesia," |
loc. |
| cit.; Thung |
Tjeng |
HIang, "Cultureele Vragen |
|
de Chineezen |
|
Indonesi'^" |
| (Cultural |
Questions among |
the |
Chinese |
Indonesia) |
|
Vol 5, |
| 3 |
|
|
114, and |
"Een Stukje Indo-Chineesche |
|
|
| Cultuurgeschiedenis" |
|
(A of |
Indies Chinese |
Cultural |
History), |
|
| 32. |
|
van |
het Inlandsch |
Onderwijs |
Nederlandsch- |
|
| IndiS, Loopende |
over |
het Jaar |
1906 (General |
Report |
on Native |
Education |
P.
M. van der Hague,
G.G., Kwee TekHoay,
in,
Hoa In
Doong \g^jij) Min.,
in Neth. Min G.G.,
Movement), 1
. Nieuwe Boycot" New,
No. (May Mouw?], De
,
in
in Wl, Vol. No.
di. Kwee
~
October.
NioJoe
Kwee
Kwee Tek., October 1
Chineezen in Neer-
No.
NioJoe Lan, Riwa-
.,. Kwee Tek, 1 7.
NioJoe
.
,Kwee Tek Hoay,., November
Nio. L. H. W. van
Hunne
in Development of
toG.G.,
NioJoe Lan,
.
~
December di
bij in
in, CHHTC,. No.
(December 1926 -January 1927), p.
Bit SPJN.
Algemeen Verslag in
.,.
[116]
| Netherlands |
India, |
Covering |
the |
1906), |
Landsdrukkerij, |
Batavia, |
|
| 1908, p. pp. 6-7. |
77) Blinde, |
Tiong |
|
te |
Bandoeng," |
joe. cit., |
|
| 33. |
Joe |
Lan, Riwajat, |
op. cit., |
p, 14. |
|
|
|
| 34. |
Thung Djie |
Leh, "Het Chineesche Vereenigingslevenop Java" |
|
|
|
|
(The |
| Chinese |
Associational |
Life on |
Java), |
|
|
|
|
| Riwajat, |
op. cit., |
pp. 111-112, |
153. |
|
|
|
|
| 35. |
Ibid pp. |
40-41; |
Joe Lan, |
Eigen |
Onderwijsvoorziening |
|
|
| der Chineezen" |
(The January |
Private 1939, p. 87; |
Provision |
of Education |
by the het Inlandsch |
|
KS, |
| wijs Nederlandsch-lndiS, |
|
|
Loopende over |
het Jaar |
1910 (General |
Report |
|
| on Native |
Education |
Netherlands |
India, |
Covering |
the |
1910), Ja- |
|
| vasche Boekhandel |
|
en Drukkerij, |
Batavia, |
1911, p. |
122. |
|
|
| 36. |
vanSandick, |
op. cit., |
p. 257; |
|
Hoay, op. cit., |
|
|
| ber 1936, |
p. 938; |
"Onderwijs |
Tionghoa |
di Indonesia," |
[oc. |
|
Joe |
| Lan, Riwajat, |
op. |
cit., p. |
25; Blinde, |
Tiong |
|
te |
Ban- |
| doeng," |
loc cit ., |
p Bore |
"Het Chineesche Onderwijs," |
|
|
op cit., |
|
| Vol. 3, |
Isb. |
27, 1906), |
p. 97. |
|
|
|
|
| 37. |
|
Beng, Beknopt |
Overzlcht der |
Chineesche Geschiedenis |
|
|
|
| (Brief Survey of |
Chinese |
History), |
Drukkerij |
Sin Po, |
Batavia, |
1925, p. |
176; |
| "Onderwijs |
Tionghoa |
di Indonesia," |
[oc. |
cTt.; |
Joe Lan, |
Eigen |
|
| Onderwijsvoorziening," 25-26. |
|
loc. |
cit., p. 73, |
and Riwajat, |
op. |
cit., pp. |
17, |
| 38. |
van Sandick, |
op. cit., |
p. 257; |
Borel, "Het |
Chineesche |
|
|
| wijs," loc. |
cit.; |
Blinde, |
Tiong |
|
te Bandoeng," |
|
loc. |
| cit p |
6. |
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 39. |
"Onderwijs |
Tionghoa |
di Indonesia," |
loc. |
cTt.; |
|
|
| van het |
Inlandsch |
Onderwijs |
1906, |
p 77; Off. Chin. Aff |
|
Batavia |
to |
| DIr. Ed., |
Rellg., |
Ind., |
22, 1908; Borel, |
"Het Chineesche Onderwijs," |
|
|
|
| loc cit ., |
p 98. |
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 40. |
Tjlong, |
[oc. cit |
|
|
|
|
|
| 41 |
Off. Chin. AffT7Su7abaya |
|
to DIr. |
Ed., Rellg., |
Ind ., |
June |
908. |
| 42. |
"Onderwijs |
Tionghoa |
di Indonesia," |
|
cit |
|
|
| 43. |
Borel, "Het |
Chineesche |
Onderwijs," |
[oc. |
crt., pp. |
97-98. |
|
| 44. |
|
van |
het Inlandsch |
Onderwijs |
|
1906, p. |
77 |
| 45. p. 256. |
Joe |
Lan, Riwajat, op. cit |
|
pp. 14-17; |
van Sandick^ op. |
cit |
|
| 46. |
Joe |
Lan, Riwajat, |
op cit |
pp 14, |
9, 40, 43; |
Borel |
"Het |
| Chineesche |
Onderwijs," |
[oc |
crt., p. 98; |
|
|
van het |
- |
| landsch |
Onderwijs |
1906, |
p. 77 |
|
|
|
|
| A7 |
|
Lan, Riwajat, |
op. c[t. |
p 14. |
|
|
|
| 48. |
Ibid |
136; |
Borel, "Het |
Chineesche |
Onderwijs," |
loc |
cit. |
| 49. |
Joe |
Lan, Riwajat, |
op. cit |
p 24. |
|
|
|
1933), p. 47; "Onderwijs Tionghoa Indonesia," loc.cit.; Lan,
.. 7; I,. Wl, MMay
. 1,1
In Year
"De Hoa Hwe Koan
Nio
CHHTC, Vol.11, No. 2 (April-June
di Nio Joe
.
,Nio "De
Chinese),
Vol.23, Algemeen Verslag van Onder-
in
in Year
Kwee Tek Decem-
cTt.; Nio
"De Hoa Hwe Koan
Kwee Kek
Nio "De
Onder-
"De Hoa Hwe Koan
.
,,
Algemeen Verslag
.....,
May
..
Hoay.
Ijoc..
Algemeen Verslag...
Nio.,~.
~
Nio..,. 1,
. Algemeen Verslag In
...
. Nio Joe,.
.
, pp.14,.
Nio.,.
. 1 op^. 1
,
[117]
|
|
|
Kwee Tek |
Hoay, |
|
|
| 50. |
Ibid., pp |
5-16, 111, |
|
|
cit. |
January 938, |
| p. 32; ibld7 |
|
1938, p. |
194. |
|
|
|
| 51 |
Lan, |
Riwojot, op. cit |
|
pp. 42, 66, |
141 143; |
|
| Joe, Rlwajat |
Semarang, |
op. |
cif., p. 192. |
|
|
|
| 52. |
Borel, "Het |
Chineesche |
Onderwijs," |
loc. |
cit.; |
Lan, Ri- |
| wajat, op. |
cit., p. Neth. |
142. |
Col., |
28, |
1908; |
Joe Lan, Rl- |
| wajat, op. |
cit., p. |
142. |
|
|
|
|
| 54. |
"Voor de |
Chineesche |
Schooljeugd" |
(For the |
Chinese |
School Chil- |
| dren), |
Rotterdamsche |
|
Courant |
January 14, |
1908; Res., |
Surabaya |
| to |
|
28, 1908; |
Off. Chin. |
Aff., |
Botavia |
to Dir. Jus., |
| 11, |
910; |
Joe Lan, |
Riwajat, |
op. cit. |
p. 108; "Een Chineesche |
|
| Middelbare p. 85. |
School" |
(A Chinese |
High School)7"lG, |
|
Vol. 34 (1912), |
|
| 55. |
de |
|
Scholen |
Betalen" |
|
Chinese Fi- |
| nance Their |
Schools), |
IG, Vol. |
34(1912), |
1, |
p. 816; |
Joe Lan, |
| Riwajat |
op. cM^., |
pp. 128-130, |
141; |
|
Peking to |
Neth. |
| For. |
|
10, 1916. |
|
|
|
|
| 56. |
Joe Lan, |
Riwajat |
op. cit., |
pp. 45, |
64, 80, |
92, 95, 101- |
| 102, 126-127, |
132. |
|
|
|
|
|
| 57. |
Ibid., pp. |
48-53, 77-78, |
139. |
|
|
|
| 58. |
Ibid., pp. |
103, 109, |
113, 134; |
Off. Chin. Aff., Semarang |
|
to Dir. |
| Ed., Relig., |
Ind., |
September |
28, 1908. |
|
|
|
| 59. |
Chineezen-Politiek" |
|
(The |
Chinese Policy), |
Koloniaal |
|
| blad Vol. |
6, |
48 |
29, |
1906); |
Lan, |
Riwajat op. |
| cit., pp. |
81-82. |
|
|
|
|
|
| 60. |
Chineezen-Politiek," |
|
loc. |
cit.; |
Tek Hoay, |
op. cit., |
| January |
1938, p. 32; |
|
Lan, Riwajat, |
op. cit., |
p. 82; |
Chin. |
| For. Aff. to |
to Dir. Ed., |
Chargg, Peking, Relig., |
Ind., |
31 |
1906. |
Chin. Aff |
| 61 |
Joe Lan, |
Riwajat, |
op. cit., |
p. 79. |
|
|
| 62. |
Ibid., pp. |
83-84, 86, |
f03, |
105; "Onderwijs |
Tionghoa |
di In- |
| donesia," |
loc. cit.; |
Liem Thian |
Joe, Riwajat Semarang, |
|
op. cit., |
pp. 198- |
| 199; |
Hoay, |
op. cit., |
January |
1938, p. |
32. |
|
| 63. |
Lan, "RTwajot, |
|
op. cit., |
pp. 82, |
90-91, 109; |
Off. Chin. |
| Aff., |
to |
Dir. Ed., |
Relig., Ind., |
April |
9, 1909; |
Joe Lan, |
| Eigen |
Onderwijsvoorziening |
|
der Chineezen," |
|
loc. c]t., |
p. 82; Liem |
| Thian Joe, |
Riwajat |
Semarang, |
op. cit., |
p. 198; |
Tjiong, |
loc. cit. |
| 64. |
Lan, |
Riwajat, |
op. cit., |
pp. 79-80; |
|
Hoay, op. |
| cit., |
1936, |
p. 937; |
Borel, |
"Dr. Lim Boen |
|
over de Chi- |
| neesche |
|
loc. cit.; |
Peking Gazette |
|
20, |
1906, |
| arch. |
Neth. |
For. Aff. |
|
|
|
|
| 65. |
Off. Chin. Aff., Semarang |
|
to Dir. |
Ed Relig., |
Ind., |
31 |
| 1906; |
Lan, |
Riwajat, |
op. cit., |
p. 82; Off. |
Chin. Aff., |
|
53.~G.G7to Min. October Nio Nieuwe,
G.G., December
~,
. May
. Nio Joe.,, Li em Thian
Nio Joe
March 1 Nio,
No.l,
"Hoe Chineezen Hun (How the
No. Nio
, Neth. Min., Min.
Aff.7~November
Nio,
~ ""
"De Week-
. No. (November Nio Joe,
"De Kwee
Nio Joe Min.
Neth. Novembe7~167l906; Off..
Semarang December,
. Nio
88",
Kwee Tek
Nio Joe
Semarang Nio
"De
Hoay
Nio Joe Kwee Tek
December Keng
Beweging,", December now
in Min.
., December,
Nio Joe Semarang
.
[118]
|
|
|
|
Chin.Min., the |
Hague |
Neth |
| to Dlr. Ed., Relig., |
|
Ind., April |
11, 1907; |
|
|
to |
| For. Aff., |
|
4, 1907; |
Res., Bantam |
to |
February |
15, 1907. |
| 66. op.cit., |
Joe Lan, |
Riwajat, 1936, p. 938. |
op.cit., |
pp. 96-97, |
101; |
Tek Hoay, |
| 67. |
Off Chin. Aff., |
|
to Dir. |
Ed Relig., |
Ind., February |
6, |
| 1907; |
Hoay, to Dir. Ed |
op.cit., Relig., Ind ., |
April |
1936, p 1907; Res., Muntok, |
Off. Chin. Aff., |
Bangka |
| to |
2, 1909; |
Joe |
Lan, Riwajat |
op. cit. |
p. 143. |
|
| 68. |
Neth. Min., |
Peking to |
Neth. Min. ForfAffTT July |
|
11, |
1912; |
| Joe Lan, |
Riwajat, op.cit., |
pp. |
90, 98. |
|
|
|
| 69. |
Off. Chin |
Aff. |
to Dir |
Ed Relig., |
Ind |
31 |
| 1906; Off. Chin. Aff |
|
Surabaya |
to Dir. Ed., |
Relig., |
Ind., |
8, 1907; |
| Off. Chin. |
Aff |
to Dir. |
Ed., Relig., |
Ind., |
February |
26, 1907; |
| Chin. |
For. Aff. |
to Neth. |
|
|
16, 1906; |
Neth. |
| Peking |
to |
|
21 1906. |
|
|
|
| 70. |
Off. Chin. |
Aff., Semarang |
to Dir. |
Ed., Relig., |
Ind., |
April 11, |
| 1907; |
|
op. cit., |
January |
1938, p. 33. |
|
|
|
Sec. "to |
Neth. |
Peking, |
January |
14, 1907; |
Off. |
| Chin. Aff., |
Batavia |
to Dir. Ed., |
Relig., |
Ind., January |
1, 1907; |
|
| For. |
Aff. to Chin. |
|
the |
February |
15, 1907; |
|
| Chin. Aff. |
to Dir. |
Civ. Serv., |
February |
13, 1914'. |
|
|
| 72. |
Chin. Aff |
Semarang |
to Dir |
Ed Relig., |
Ind ., February |
6, |
| 1907; |
Joe Lan, |
Riwajat, op. |
cit., pp. |
88, 95, |
103; Off. |
Chin. |
| Aff., Semarang |
to Dir. |
Ed., Relig., |
Ind., |
February |
1907; Neth. |
|
| Shanghai |
to |
Neth. |
Peking, |
July 7, 908; |
|
|
| van het Inlandsch Onderwijs donesia," |
|
oc cit |
|
1910, p. |
123; "OnderwijsTionghoa |
|
di In- |
| 73. |
Liem Thian |
Joe, Riwajat |
Semarang, |
op. cit., |
pp. 193-194; |
|
| Joe Lan, loc cit. |
Riwajat, op. |
cit., p. Shanghai |
104; to |
|
Indonesia," Peking, July |
908; |
|
Lan, Riwajat to Dir. Ed |
op. Relig. Ind., |
pp. 88, February |
101 103-105; 6, 1907; |
Off. Chin. Asst Res. |
Aff., Cheribon |
| to Res., |
Cheribon, February 26, |
February 12, 1909. |
1907; Asst. |
Res., Padang |
to G. |
Sumatra |
| 7^. |
Asst. Res., |
Batavia to |
Res., Batavia, |
February |
20, 1907; |
Asst. |
| Res., Padang |
to |
|
February |
26, 1909; |
Off. Chin. |
Aff., |
| Semarang |
to Dir. Ed., |
Relig., |
Ind., February |
26, |
1907; |
Joe Lan, |
| Riwajat, |
op. cit., p. |
103; Res., |
Batavia |
to |
6, 1912. |
|
| 76. |
Chin. Aff |
|
to Dir |
Ed Relig |
Ind February |
6, |
| 1907; Asst. |
Res., Cheribon |
to |
Res., Cheribon, |
February |
12, 1907; |
Asst. |
| Res., Batavia |
to Res., |
Batavia, |
February |
20, 1907; |
Chin. Aff |
Ba- |
| tavia to |
Dir. Ed., |
Relig., Ind., |
September |
28, 1908; |
Ibid |
12, |
| 1908; Off. |
Chin. Aff., |
Surabaya |
to Dir. |
Ed., Relig., |
Ind., |
7, |
G.G., May Nio,,
71. 1st Gov. Min.,
W. Cst.,
G.Sumatra W. Cst.,
G.G., March
Min. March G.G.,
NIo Kwee
December
. Semarang.,
Kwee Tek December. 938;
Semarang., 1 1,
Nio
., Semarang..,., December,
., March
., Semarang
Min. Min., Peking, November
Min., G.G., November,
Kwee Tek Hoay,
Neth.
Min. Min., Hague, Temp. Ad.
Off..,..,
Nio 101,
6, Con.
Gen., Min., 1 Algemeen Verslag
...
..
Nio
"OnderwijsTionghoa di
.
1A~. Neth. Con. Gen., Neth. Min., 7, 1
Nio Joe, cH.,,
Semarang.,,.,
Nio
Off.., Semarang..,.,.,
Off..,
.
, October
November
[119]
Algemeen..
| 1908; |
Verslag |
van het |
Inlandsch |
Onderwijs |
.1910, |
p. 123; |
| "Onderwijs |
Tionghoa |
di Indonesia/' |
[oc.clt.; |
|
|
Shanghai |
| to Neth. |
Peking, |
July 7, |
1908; Res., |
Pekalongan |
to |
Feb- |
| ruary 14, |
1907; |
Lan, Riwajat |
op.cit., |
pp. 89, |
102-103. |
|
| 77 wajat, op.cit., |
p. 107. |
Tionghoa di |
Indonesia," |
cit.; |
|
Lan, Ri- |
| 78. |
Res. for |
Police, |
Surabaya to |
Res., Surabaya, |
January |
20, |
| 1907; Off. |
Chin. Aff., |
Semarang |
to Dir. Ed., |
Rellg., |
Ind., January |
26, |
| 1907; Henri |
Borel, "Chineesche en KolonlSn |
van |
Vereenigingen" der Beek, |
(Chinese the Hague), |
Associations), Vol 12 |
(1913), |
| pp. 13-15; |
Chin. |
Aff., Batavia |
|
|
3, 1915; |
Chin. |
| For. |
Aff. to Neth. |
|
August |
29, 1907; |
Peratoeran |
darl |
|
Slong |
Tjong |
|
article |
Jaarcljfers, |
1918, |
| 79. kuan chih |
Fa-hsiang yen-ko".. |
i |
;t |
|
pa-ta-wel-ya ^^1~% |
tsung-llna-shlh- |
|
| (History of |
the Consulate General |
|
at Batavia), |
Ch'Ing-chI |
wal-chlao |
|
| shih-llao |
|
|
(Historical |
Materials |
on |
Foreign |
| Relations |
the Latter |
Part of theCh'ing |
Dynasty) |
|
HsI-yin, |
Peiping, |
| 1932, Vol. |
204, pp. |
21b-22; President, |
Slang |
|
Surabaya |
to Res., |
| Surabaya, |
September |
22, 1911; Off. |
Chin. |
Aff., Surabaya |
to Res., |
Sura- |
| baya, September |
24, |
1911; Off. |
Jus., Surabaya |
to Atty. |
|
|
| ber 30, 191 2; |
Chin |
Aff Batavia |
|
|
3, 1915; |
Borel, |
| "Chineesche Vereenigingen," |
|
loc.cit., |
pp. |
13-14, 17, |
29. |
|
| 80. |
Pao (Shanghai) |
|
9, |
0, 91 0, |
arch |
|
| For. |
Aff.; Chin. |
For. |
Aff. to Neth. |
Charge, |
Peking, |
July 27, |
| 1909; Chin. |
For. |
Aff. to |
|
Peking, |
30, |
1909; |
| Tjlong, |
cit.; |
Off. Chin. Aff. |
Surabaya |
to Dir. Jus., August |
|
28, |
| 1908; Chin. Min., the |
|
to |
Neth. MIn. |
For. Aff |
January 28, |
1913. |
| 81. |
to Neth. |
Col., |
April |
16, 1909; |
Jogjakarta |
to |
| August |
27, 1909; |
Borel, |
"Chineesche |
Vereenigingen," |
[oc. |
cit., |
| pp. 24-25; |
Chin. |
the |
to Slang |
|
SukabumI, |
June 9, |
| 1909; Ibid., |
July 6, 1909. |
(These |
two letters |
were apparently |
intercepted |
|
| and translated |
by Off. |
Chin. Aff., |
Batavia; |
they are |
arch. |
|
| For. |
Aff.) |
|
|
|
|
|
| 82. |
Chin. Aff., |
Batavia |
to Dir. Jus., |
January |
26, 1910; |
Presi- |
| dent, Slang |
Surabaya |
to Res., |
Surabaya, |
September |
22, 1911; |
Off. |
| Chin. Aff., |
Batavia to |
Dir. Jus., |
January 19, |
1911; Off. |
Jus., |
Surabaya |
| to Atty. Jus., |
1, 1910. |
30, |
1912; Off. |
Chin. Aff., |
Surabaya |
to Dir. |
| 83. |
Chin. Aff., |
Batavia |
to Dir. Jus., |
|
6, 1912; |
Off. |
| Chin. Aff., |
Surabaya |
to |
|
Off. |
Chin. Aff., |
Se- |
| marang to |
|
21 1912; |
Borel, |
"Chineesche |
Vereenigingen," |
|
| [oc cit., |
p. 25; Chin. MIn. For. Aff. to |
|
British |
Minister, |
Peking, |
16, |
G.G. Min. Res.,
G.G.,
G.G., October 31, 1912;
G.G., November,
Neth. Con. Gen.,
Min., G.G.,
Nio Joe,
. "Onderwijs 1^. Nio Joe
Asst.
Moederland (M..
Ad. toG.G., November
Min. MIn., Peking,
Pakoempoelan Hoa Hwe-Batawl, 2;
Sung||~;f+^ / "Chu
^a^'-^.t]! ^
^CW X Vh%
SPJN;
5^\ j^\^'i^ ^ rj
in, Wang
Hwee,
Gen., Novem-
Ad..., toG.G., November
MIn LI, November 1 1 now In. Neth.
Min. Min.
MIn. Neth. MIn., December
Hoay lloc.,
Hague.,
Min., Hague Hwee,
now In Neth.
MIn.
Off.
Hwee,
Gen., November
December
Ad. November
. May
,
[120]
...,
|
|
Neth Min., Peking |
|
Neth Min. For. Aff |
|
|
| 1913, forwarded 1913. |
by |
|
to |
|
|
June 9, |
| 84. |
|
to |
|
For. Aff |
February |
19, 1913; |
| ibid ., August |
19, 1912. |
|
|
|
|
|
| 85. |
Ibid., |
14, 1916. |
|
|
|
|
| 86. |
Tjiong, |
[oc.cit. |
|
|
|
|
| 87. |
Off. Chin. |
Aff., Surabaya |
to Dir. |
Ed., Relig., |
Ind., |
8, |
| 1907; Res., |
Surabaya |
to |
20, |
1909; |
Jap. Chin. |
Aff., |
| Batavia |
to |
30, |
1912; |
|
23, 1912; |
Asst. |
| Res., Semarang |
to Res. |
Semarang, |
|
10, 1914. |
|
|
| 88. |
Chin. |
Aff., Batavia |
to Dir. |
Civ. Serv., |
January |
3, 1916; |
| ibid., February |
17, |
1916; Off. |
Chin. Aff., |
Surabaya |
to Res., |
Surabaya, |
| 9, |
1916; Asst. |
Res., Surabaya |
to Res., |
Surabaya, |
|
24, 1916; |
| Off. Chin. Aff., Surabaya |
|
to Dir. Civ. |
Serv. |
|
25, 1916; |
Res., Su- |
| rabaya to |
Dir Civ. Serv., |
|
27, 1916; |
Chin. Aff |
Surabaya |
to |
| Res., Surabaya, |
|
28, 1916; |
Chin. |
Aff Surabaya |
to |
Dir. Civ. |
| Serv., |
1916; |
Res., Surabaya |
to |
Dir. Civ. Serv., |
April |
1,1916; |
| Chin. |
|
to |
For. |
Aff., |
5, |
1917. |
| 89. |
Lan, |
Riwojot, |
op. cit., |
pp. 95, 108; |
Off. Chin. |
Aff., |
| Surabaya |
to Dir. Ed., |
Relig., |
|
1908; |
Neth. |
Pe- |
| king to Neth. |
|
For. Aff., October |
10, |
1916; |
|
ed., Het |
| Chineesche |
|
in Nederiandsch-lndi'^ |
|
(Chinese |
Business |
Life in |
| Netherlands |
India), |
Landsdrukkerij, |
Batavia, |
1926, p. |
9. |
|
| 90. ticle |
Peratoeran |
dari |
|
Siong Tjong |
|
ar- |
| 91. |
|
Courant (the Hague) |
Vol |
3, |
21 |
2, 1913), |
| article |
arch. Neth. Min. For. Aff.; |
|
|
Tjiong, loc |
cit.; Henri |
Borel, |
| Chineesche |
Kwestie |
en de |
|
van Binnenlandsch |
|
Bestuur" |
| (The Chinese |
Question |
and the |
of |
the Civil |
Service), |
Kolonioal |
| Tijdschrift |
|
(January |
1913), |
p. 49; |
Chin. Aff |
Batavia |
| to Dir. Jus., |
|
6, 1912; |
Off Chin. Aff |
Surabaya |
to |
|
| tober 31 |
1912; Off. Chin. Aff., |
|
Semarang |
to |
|
21 1912. |
| 92. |
Off. Chin. |
Aff., Surabaya |
to Dir. |
Jus., August |
26, |
1910; Off. |
| Chin Aff |
Semarang |
to Dir Ed |
Relig., |
Ind January |
26, 1907; |
ibid |
| June 12, |
1907; Off |
Chin. Aff |
Semarang |
|
|
10, T9r2; |
| "Links en |
Rechts" (Left |
and Right), |
Vol. |
bl |
298 |
21, |
| 93. |
Res., Surabaya |
to |
January |
7, 1907; Off. |
Chin. |
Aff., Se- |
| marang to |
Res., Semarang, |
January |
18, 1907; |
ibid., |
January |
21, 1907; |
| Res., Semarang |
to |
January |
22, 1907; |
Res., Pasuruan |
to |
|
| 30, 1907; 1912. |
Res., Surabaya 27, 1909; |
to Off. Chin. Aff., Surabaya |
|
20,1909; to |
Res., Jogjakarta Dir Jus., March |
to 22, |
| 94. |
Fu-luan |
|
Hua-ch'iao yU |
|
|
|
1908); Off. Chin. Aff., Batavia to Dir. Jus., 5, 1910.
G.G., March Ad.
G.G., October i^., November
1. De Nieuwe,. 1 No. 1 (May in Hoay.
G.G.,
G.G., G.G., May
G.G., March
G.G., August.
Neth.Min., Peking Neth. Min..,
December
Hoay
March
, November
Ad.
March March
, March
. March Off..,
March Ad..,
March 30,
Min.,the Hague Neth. MIn. October
Nio Joe
Ind., November 7, Min.,
Min. J. L Vieming,
Zakenleven
Pakoempoelan Hoa Hwe-Batawi,
"De Ambtenaren't
Officers
, Vol.2, No. 1 Ad..,
November.., G.G., Oc-
, G.G., November,
..,..,.,.
.., toG.G., November
DL,, No. (December
October
^^
Huang "^ W "^
^
,chung-kuo ko-ming
,,
[121]
|
'f |
(The Overseas Chinese |
|
and |
the Chinese |
Revo- |
| lution), |
The Asia Press, |
|
Kong, 1954, |
pp. 88-89. |
|
|
| 95. |
|
|
to |
|
3, 1915; Henri |
Borel, |
|
Republiek |
(The Chinese |
Republic), |
|
Leiden, |
913, |
| p. 44; |
Fu-luan, |
op. cit., |
pp 69, |
78, 90-91 |
Jap. Chin. Aff. |
|
| Batavia |
to |
|
1912; |
|
19, |
1912; Off. |
| Chin. Aff |
Batavia |
to Dir. Civ. Serv. |
|
16, |
914; |
|
| iging Soe |
PoSIa" (The |
Soe Po Sia |
Association), |
IG, Vol |
35 (191 3), |
|
| p. 383; |
Ma |
oor, Batavia |
to Asst. |
Res., Batavia, |
February |
14, |
1912; Off. |
| Chin. Aff |
Surabaya |
to Dir. |
Jus. |
22, 1912. |
|
|
| 96. |
Fu-luan, |
op. |
cit., p. 90; |
|
Peking |
to |
| For. Aff ., |
|
10, |
1916; Borel |
|
Republiek, |
op. |
| cit., p. |
45; Chin. |
Aff., |
Surabaya to |
Off. Jus., |
Surabaya, |
2, |
| 1912; arch. Neth. |
Rotterdamsche |
Courant For. Aff. |
September |
25, |
1912, article |
|
| 97. |
|
Chineesche |
Kwestie |
op cit. |
p. 27; |
Off. Chin. |
| Aff Surabaya |
to |
Jus., August |
19, |
1910; |
Chin Aff |
|
| to |
|
10, 1912; |
Majoor, |
Batavia to |
Asst. Res., |
Batavia, |
| February |
14, 1912; |
Res., Batavia |
to |
February |
27, 1912; |
Asst. Res., |
| Batavia |
to Res., Batavia, |
February |
26, 191 2; |
Jap. Chin. Aff. |
|
Batavia |
| to Dir. |
Jus., 19, 1912. |
4, 1912; |
Jap. |
Chin. Aff., |
Batavia |
to |
| 98. |
Sumatra |
Cst. |
January |
19, 1915; |
Sim |
Ki |
| Chineesche |
Nederzetting |
Nederlandsch-lndig |
|
(The Chinese Community in |
|
|
| Netherlands India), |
|
Clausen, |
|
c 1918, |
p. 53; |
|
| Aff., Batavia |
to Dir. |
Jus., |
12, 1912; [oc.cit., |
ibid., p |
4, 668; |
1912; "Een |
| Soe Po Sia," |
|
oc cit., |
p. 388; |
|
Batavia |
|
|
| ber 3, 1915; |
Borel, |
Chineesche |
Republiek, |
op. cit., |
p. 46; |
Fu- |
| luan, op. cit., |
pp. 90^^9nTengn^u^^yu |
|
|
|
Hua-ch'iao |
|
| k'gj-kuo |
shTh |
|
[^ |
(The Overseas |
Chinese, the |
|
| Revolution, and |
the |
Creation of |
the Republic: |
History), |
The |
Commercial |
| Press, Shanghai, |
1947, |
pp. 92-93. |
|
|
|
|
| 99. |
Res., Batavia |
to |
February |
27, 1912; |
"Een |
|
| Chineesche |
Beweging," |
loc cit. |
|
|
|
|
| 100. |
Off. Chin. to Neth. Min. For |
Aff., Surabaya |
to Dir. Aff |
Jus., 10, |
18, 1912; 1912; |
|
| Chineesche |
Kwestie, |
op. cit., |
p. 26; Borel, |
|
Republiek, op. |
|
| crt., p. |
49; Chir^AffT, Surabaya |
|
to |
Dir. Jus., |
April 27, |
1911; 07f. |
| Chin. Aff., Batavia |
|
to Dir. Jus., |
|
1911 |
|
|
| 101. |
Res., Batavia |
to |
|
16, 1912; |
|
|
| to Neth. Min. For. Aff., |
1913; |
February Res. Surabaya |
25, 1913; |
|
April 18,1913; 31 191 2; |
ibid ., Jap. |
| Chin. Aff., Batavia |
|
to Dir. Jus., |
|
6, 1912. |
|
|
G.G., November30, i^., December
G.G., November
G.G., Ad.,
G. W. toG.G., Ay, De
J. Amsterdam,. Ad. Jap. Chin. March October
G.G., Chineesoverde.
G.G., December Neth. Min., Peking
'W^^ ^'^^^7"
Hong
Ad. Chin. Aff., Batavia G.G., November
De Chineesche E. J. Brill, 1
Huang.; Ad.
.,, December 1 "De Vereen-
. No. 1
.,, March
Huang Neth. Min., Neth.
Min. November, De Chineesche
Ad. March
Nieuwe, now in
Min.
[Mouw?], De,.,
., Dir. Off..., Semarang
October Ad. G.G.,
December
in
Chineesoverde Chineesche Beweging,". "De Vereeniging
. Ad. Chin. Aff., toG.G., Novem-
De Huang
<% (^ ^, ko-ming
^i^ ^ ^Jy-fJ\^
A
March Neth.
Min., Peking.., December [Mouw?], De
De Chineesche
Off.
May 11,.
i^.,
December 4,, toG.G., October, Ad.
November
.
[122]
| 102. |
Off. Chin. Aff., |
Surabaya |
to Dir. Civ. |
Serv., October 25, |
|
1914; |
| Chief of |
Police, Semarang |
to |
Asst. Res., |
Semarang, |
|
9, 1914; |
| Asst. Res., |
Semarang |
to Res. |
Semarang, |
|
10, 1914; |
Off. Chin. |
| Aff., Batavia |
to Dir. |
Civ. Serv., |
|
16, 1914; |
ibid., |
January 9, |
| 1915; Ibid., |
February |
17, 1916. |
|
|
|
|
| 103. 1916; ibid., |
Neth. |
Peking 8, 1917. |
to |
For. |
Aff., |
14, |
| 104. |
Off. Chin. |
Aff., Surabaya |
to |
Dir. Civ. |
Serv., June |
28, 1910; |
| Res., Surabaya |
to |
February |
28, 1912; |
Asst. |
Res., Batavia |
to Res., |
| Batavia, |
7, |
1912; "Een |
Chinees |
over de |
Chineesche |
Beweging," |
| loc cit., |
p. 670; |
"Chineesche |
Officieren" |
(Chinese |
Officers) |
IG, Vol. |
| 36'(1914), |
|
p. 885; |
|
Chineesche |
Kwestie |
op. cit., |
| p. 23; Borel, |
Chineesche |
Republiek, |
|
op. cit., |
pp. 46-47. |
|
| 105. |
Feng Tzu-yu, |
|
i-shih |
op cit.. |
Vol. 3, pp. |
141-156; |
| Off. Chin. Aff., |
Batavia |
to Dir. Jus., |
June |
8,T910; Ad. Jap. Chin. Aff., |
|
|
| Batavia |
to Dir. Jus., |
6, |
1912; |
Jap Chin. Aff |
Batavia |
to Dir. |
| Civ. Serv., July |
3, |
1914; Res., Batavia |
|
to |
14, |
1914; |
| Chin. Aff |
Batavia |
|
|
3, 91 5; |
|
Batavia |
| to Dir. |
Civ. Serv., |
February |
17, 1916; |
"Een Chinees over de |
|
Chineesche |
| Beweging," |
[oc cit., |
p. 670; |
Asst. Res., Batavia |
|
to Res. Batavia, |
Feb- |
| ruary 26, |
1912. |
|
|
|
|
|
| 106. |
Off Chin |
Aff Semarang |
to |
Dir. Jus., |
January 5, |
191 1; Liem |
| Thian Joe, |
Riwajat |
Semarang, |
op. cit., |
pp. 196-197; |
Off. |
Chin. Aff., |
| Semarang |
to Dir. Jus |
June 5, |
91 |
|
|
|
| 107. |
Off. Chin. |
Aff., Surabaya |
to |
Dir. Jus., |
August 19, |
1910; |
| Chin. Aff., |
Surabaya |
to Dir. |
Jus., |
1, 1912; |
"Chineesche |
en In- |
| landsche |
Bladen" (Chinese |
and |
Native Newspapers), |
|
IG, Vol. |
32 (1910), |
| 2, p |
538; |
Chin Aff |
Surabaya |
to Dir |
Jus August |
26, 91 0; |
| Off Chin. Aff |
Batavia |
to Dir. |
Jus., |
5, |
1910; Res. |
Surabaya |
| to 1, p. 159. |
19, |
1910; Feng |
Tzu-yu, |
|
I-shih, op. cit |
Vol |
| 108. |
Jap. |
Chin. Aff., |
Batavia |
to Dir. Civ. Serv., |
July |
3, 1914; |
| Protector |
of Chinese, |
Singapore |
to Neth. Con. Gen., Singapore, |
|
|
|
| 1915; |
Jap. Chin. |
Aff Batavia |
to |
|
3, 1914. |
|
| 109. |
Thung Djle |
Leh, [oc .cit., |
pp. |
47-48; |
Eng Die, |
|
| Nederlandsch-lndiS, |
|
Sociografie van |
|
een Indoneslsche |
Bevolkingsgroep |
|
| (Chinese |
Netherlands |
India, a |
Sociological |
Study of an |
Indonesian |
Popu- |
| lation Group), |
doctoral |
dissertation |
at |
University, |
|
van |
| en Riwajat, |
Assen, 1943, op. cit., pp. |
pp. 219, 35, 136. |
255; |
Tjlong, |
loc. cit.; |
Joe Lan, |
| 110. |
Joe Lan, |
"Chineesche |
Vakvereenigingen |
|
in Nederlandsch- |
|
| Indlg" (Chinese |
Trade |
Unions |
Netherlands |
India), |
KS, Vol. |
24, |
| (January landsch-lndiS, |
1940), pp. op. cit., |
77-79, 84, p. 228. |
91; |
Eng Die, |
|
|
G.G.,
G.G., December Ad.
G.G., October Ko-ming., Ad.
November
, November
December
Min., Neth. Min. December
March
March
.,
No. 1,[Mouw?], De,
De
Ko-ming,.
March Ad...,
., toG.G., November 1 Ad. Chin. Aff.,
.,
...,
.
, 1 1.
Ad.
March
No.. 1 Off...,.., 1
..,November,
March 3,
Ad.., G.G., November
Ong Chlneezen
in
In
Amsterdam Gorcum
Co., Hoay Nio
Nio
in No. 1
Ong Chlneezen in Neder-
[123]
.. to March Ad.
| 111 |
Asst Res., |
Batavia |
Res., Batavia, |
|
7, 1912; |
Jap. |
| Chin. Aff., |
Batavia |
to Dir. Jus., |
12, |
1912; |
|
4, 1912; |
| Peratoeran |
dari |
|
Siong |
Tjong |
p. |
11; |
| Joe Lan, |
Riwajat, |
op. cit., pp. 90, |
29; |
Chin. Aff |
Batavia |
to Dir. |
| Jus., |
|
1910; Off. |
Jus. Surabaya |
to |
|
|
| 30, 91 2; |
Jap |
Chin Aff |
Batavia to |
Dir Jus |
29, |
191 2; |
| Res., Batavia |
to G. G., |
|
16, 1912; |
Acting |
Chin. Aff., |
Ba- |
| tavia to |
Dir. Civ. Serv |
February |
17, 1916. |
|
|
|
| 112. |
Ibid.; Off. Chin. Aff., Batavia |
|
|
to Sec |
August 26, |
1910. |
March i^., October
Pakoempoelan Hoa Hwe-Botawi, Nio
1 Off..,
Novembers,, Atty.Gen., November
1 Ad....,.., October
December Ad.
.,
Gen..,
4
DEVELOPMENTS IN LEADERSHIP
Every Country hath its Machiavel.
Sir Thomas Browne
|
The Collapse |
|
of the |
Officer |
Institution |
|
|
Leaders |
are significant |
both |
as the agents |
for nationalist |
|
| bilization |
as |
nationalist |
symbols. |
In their |
|
|
| the Indies |
Chinese |
|
the traditional |
leaders |
of their |
|
| nities |
followed |
a |
group of |
There |
no |
graphic |
| demonstration |
of than that |
the speed brought |
thoroughness out by an |
with of |
nationalism the total downfall of |
|
| the old, |
prenationalist Chinese |
leadership— the officer system |
as |
Chinese officers. old as |
rule itself. |
|
| Pieterzoon |
|
the founder |
of Batavia, |
felt |
|
|
| to appoint |
"the |
current |
of the |
to |
his council |
|
| military |
titles |
conferred |
on such |
Chinese, presumably |
|
to |
| easily |
into |
the |
pattern. |
institution |
codified |
in |
| successive |
enactments |
|
firmly |
established. |
|
officers |
| to |
be |
to maintain |
|
order |
in the Chinese |
dis- |
| tricts; to |
transmit |
the orders |
of the colonial |
|
to the |
persons |
| concerned; |
to |
the |
administration |
|
of |
events |
| the Chinese |
quarters; for their with the |
compatriots. right to |
to serve |
as advisers, not, |
guarantors, and then, officials |
officers |
|
|
|
[1241 |
|
|
|
mo-
and pan-Chinese movement
abandoned commu-
and new men. is more
and which
conquered account
The was Dutch Jan
Coen, it convenient in 1620
head Chinese". Soon
were fit them
more European The was
and became The
came expected peace and
government
keep European informed in
and, finally,
spokesmen They were em-
powered make administrative decisions. The
.
[125]
| entrusted |
merely with |
|
the obligation |
to function |
as the |
|
| cations |
link |
the |
|
Chinese. |
barely |
deserve |
| consideration |
as |
instruments |
of indirect |
rule. |
|
|
| Officers |
in |
cities |
had further |
duties, but |
general |
their role |
| the |
throughout |
the |
islands. |
In Batavia |
|
places |
| the officers |
|
the finances |
of |
cemeteries, |
temples, and |
|
| schools. |
registration |
|
of alien |
|
duty |
of the |
| officers. |
|
in theory |
than In practice, |
officers |
had a |
juridical |
| function. |
officer |
sat. |
In the |
sense of |
at |
trials of |
| Chinese. |
|
cities |
divorce |
cases |
judged |
by the |
| Chinese |
Council, |
by |
officer; |
but, for |
|
Batavia |
|
|
|
|
|
|
2 |
| Council |
handled recruitment |
only seven of the |
such cases officers |
In representative not based |
a desire |
year. to In- |
| true |
representatives |
of |
the Chinese |
|
|
or- |
| dinarily |
selected |
|
they |
to |
the |
respect |
| of their |
compatriots |
|
they |
thought |
likely, |
having a |
| personal |
stake in |
the colony, |
to be loyal |
to the |
|
|
| lands authorities |
|
believed, with |
justification |
in the |
prenatlonallst |
era, |
| that the |
richest |
of |
a city |
likely to |
be the most |
highly |
| respected |
In of law |
his order. |
observed |
certain earlier, |
to be a the rich |
staunch or- |
| dinarily |
Peranakans; |
accordingly few |
|
SIngkeh officers |
appointed. |
|
| ". |
|
cities, |
for |
In Surabaya, |
the |
officer- |
| ship [had] |
|
hereditary |
or |
least [had] |
to |
be |
|
|
|
|
3 |
|
|
| sidered |
the prerogative |
of |
certain |
|
This latter, |
almost |
| feudal, |
|
must |
enabled |
the authorities |
to |
trust with |
| greater regime |
confidence |
In |
the loyalty |
of the |
servants |
of the |
were communi-
between Dutch and the They
some in
was same and a few other
managed Chinese
The Chinese was another
More
An full the word,
In some Chinese were
headed an example, the
one
The was upon
stall community. Wealthy men
were because appeared command
and because were
Dutch. The Nether-
Chinese was
man community. He was
advocate and As were
were
And,..In some example
been made at come con-
families."
arrangement have
even Chinese
[126]
Wealthy and conservative though the officers were, the other quali-
fications of those dignitaries were generally not of the highest sort. The
Dutch thought of the officers as experts on Chinese institutions. The
truth was that the typical Majoor, Kapitein, or Luitenant knew little
of the culture of his ancestral home; current commodity prices and in-
terest rates, not the Chinese classics, were his concerns. Literacy in
4
the Chinese language was almost unknown among the officers.
For nearly three centuries the officer institution was all but un-
challenged. It made no real difference that the Chinese community
was led by men who, for reasons of self-interest, identified themselves
with the European rulers rather than with their own people. The Chi-
nese populations of those centuries were not organized for the deter-
mination and expression of their group will. Nationalist mobilization
was yet to come. When the national consciousness of the Chinese was
stirred, the officer system was soon seen to be anachronistic and an
obstacle to the realization of popular aspirations. Individual officers
of unusual perception were able to move with the nationalist tide. The
officer institution as a whole was submerged and destroyed.
The Dutch, no doubt unwittingly, began the destruction of the of-
ficer system when the measures to end Chinese revenue farming were
promulgated at the turn of the century. In the days of revenue farm-
ing most officers had held government licenses as opium farmers. The
establishment of the official opium monopoly deprived the officers of
5
that source of income and power. No longer economically closely
allied to the regime, many officers must have grown slack in the per-
formance of their official duties. More important, their prestige in
the eyes of their countrymen was diminished when they were seen to
be not partners but mere lackeys of the Dutch.
[127]
To check the decline of the officer Institution, the Dutch tried a
number of measures, some laughable and all, it appears, injudicious.
During their centuries of ascendancy the officers had received no sal-
aries; the accessory rewards of the office made direct remuneration
unnecessary. As it grew difficult to recruit men to serve as officers,
the government considered paying its Chinese servants. Opponents of
this plan pointed out that, while salaries would attract men, the right
men were not certain to respond. To make holding rank more attrac-
tive, the authorities were obliged to exempt officers from the provi-
sions of the hated pass and zoning systems. After prolonged discussion
of this step, the government in 1908 announced its decision to grant
special rights of travel and residence to Chinese officers. The colonial
government, again motivated by the desire to enhance the desirability
of these posts, granted the officers immunity to trial by the courts for
natives. The government proclaimed in 1908 that its Chinese agents
were to be tried "by the courts and judges for Europeans and those as-
similated to them." And it will be recalled that, almost unique among
the Chinese, the children of officers were normally permitted to attend
the European primary schools.
The Dutch had, in short, extended to the officers those privileges
demanded by the entire Chinese community. It was as if the regime
had taken the list of the major grievances of the Chinese, the dis-
abilities of the pass and zoning systems, the discriminatory adminis-
tration of justice, and the virtual barring of Chinese from government
schools, and employed it as a guide for the extension of special rights
to the officers. A more indiscreet plan is difficult to imagine. Ata
time when efforts ought to hove been made to demonstrate to the Chi-
nese that the officers could serve as the spokesmen of their people.
[128]
the Dutch authorities took steps further divorcing the officers from the
general Chinese population.
| part of the |
incredibly misguided campaign |
|
|
|
to raise the |
prestige of |
|
| the officers, |
the |
hit |
|
rather |
foolish scheme. |
|
of- |
| ficial uniform |
|
|
for the officers. |
|
officers |
had |
taken |
| to |
their |
versions |
of the robes |
of the |
officialdom |
of China. |
|
| This habit |
naturally |
caused |
the |
to fear that |
the position |
|
of the |
| officers |
servants |
of the colonial |
regime |
might |
be obscured. |
|
|
| the |
the |
uniform |
of a |
consisted |
of "a |
black jacket |
|
| with a high |
collar, |
to be worn with white linen col |
|
|
or and cuffs, |
|
|
| with embroidery |
of |
|
leaves, |
with |
six large |
gold buttons |
|
| with |
W's; |
black linen |
trousers |
with gold |
piping; |
|
of |
| black linen |
also with up of another color |
a gold orange |
piping." that |
the letter of the Netherlands |
sometimes standing |
bore of course royal |
for |
| of |
|
these |
splendid |
outfits |
|
after |
the |
| uniforms |
of the impressed efforts |
rulers, by their tosave the officer institution were |
there officers' |
no radiance. |
that futile. |
the Chinese Attacks |
|
| from the |
|
|
|
to |
in |
early as |
|
| protest |
had |
raised |
by the |
|
the |
|
|
| of a Kapitein |
at Buitenzorg |
|
said |
to be "uncultivated |
|
|
short |
| time earlier |
had |
the |
|
Chinese of |
Buitenzorg |
|
to re- |
| their |
hats as a |
sign of |
respect |
|
past |
the house |
of |
| their Kapitein. |
In |
Buitenzorg |
|
the scene |
of the |
boycott of a |
|
| Luitenant |
"absurd" by |
earlier. Dr. Lim |
next |
year |
officers patron |
collectively of Indies |
|
| Chinese |
nationalism. |
Lim especially |
|
|
the officers' |
ignorance |
|
As
Dutch upon another An
was authorized Many
wearing own
Dutch
as Under
new system, Majoor
I adorned
orange oak and
crowned and a cap
The cap an em-
blem made crowned W,
Wilhelmina. The is House
Orange. Although were modeled
European is evidence
were much new
The Dutch
Chinese community continued grow volume. As
1904 a been Chinese against appointment
who was."A
it been custom of the
move when they walked
1905 was
mentioned The saw
branded Boen Keng, the Singapore
condemned
[129]
| of the |
Chinese language. |
|
lack of |
literacy |
Chinese |
to |
|
|
|
|
|
|
o |
|
|
| the |
focus of |
the attacks |
against |
the officers. |
|
|
|
|
1911 Revolution |
in |
caused |
the Indies |
Chinese |
to attack |
|
| their officers |
with |
|
determination. |
|
early |
|
a |
| poster ask: |
of not Chinese; |
on a nationality native |
the |
in Batavia's not native; |
in reality |
quarter [he |
to |
| of |
race! |
This bastard |
|
return to |
|
cannot |
|
| be of the |
Hereafter. days after |
" the Majoor's |
has no antecedents |
land to turn |
had |
the Land publicly |
|
| ligned, |
that officer |
|
a part |
in the planning |
of |
festivities |
to |
| celebrate |
the establishment |
|
of the |
Republic. |
|
|
|
| sidered |
too close |
to the colonial |
regime |
to be |
|
partici- |
|
| pant in |
a nationalist |
activity. |
|
persons |
reportedly |
|
|
| to |
as a |
|
suspects, |
|
that |
the Majoor's |
|
| ancestry |
less |
to |
his rejection |
than |
did his inability |
to |
|
| a nationalist |
role. |
In the |
eyes of |
Singkehs, |
of course, |
the |
|
| handicaps |
could |
the officers |
closely related, |
their property, |
causally. absent |
in Batavia, |
|
| occurred |
in other |
places. |
|
a group |
of |
|
tore |
| the |
flag from This act |
the house presumably illustrates |
of a Luitenant |
in the fact |
that officers |
trampled had |
|
| to considered |
|
puppets of |
the Europeans. |
In |
|
the greatest |
|
| outbreak |
against |
the officers |
took place |
during |
a wildly confused |
|
|
| the |
celebrations |
|
|
the |
|
|
the |
| downfall |
of the |
|
|
official |
report |
that hectic |
|
| time re-creates |
the |
tension |
lawlessness: |
|
|
|
|
The in was be-
come
The China
growing In March 1912
appeared number of walls Chinese
... what Is Majoor? Answer: Chinese and
still and still is]
mixed cannot China and
named a European. He to— only
A few been ma-
was denied
Chinese He was con-
an acceptable
Some were opposed
him Peranakan. One however,
had do with fill
some two
have been even
Violence against and
In June 1912 "Cantonese"
Dutch Semarang and
on it. come
be Surabaya
week
when accompanying Chinese New Year and
Manchus coincided. An on
and
[130]
... [ was
|
in front of |
the Soe |
Po Sia] building |
a proclamation |
|
|
| posted |
in |
|
to |
go to the |
to |
|
| pel |
to hoist |
the Republican |
flag |
cut off |
his |
|
| Chinese |
chief with |
a |
|
passed by |
sought |
to |
| read |
the proclamation |
|
mistreated |
by a mob and |
forced |
to let |
| his |
be cutoff; |
he |
freed by several |
|
Soe |
Po |
| Sia |
protected |
in a |
of the building |
of that |
association. |
|
|
[In the afternoon |
of |
February 19, |
1912] a |
estimated |
|
| at |
|
stormed |
the |
house of the |
Kapitein |
|
| broke |
everything played attack |
in out in ten Kapitein's |
minutes. house |
stolen 12 no doubt |
explained |
the in |
| part by |
the fact that |
the |
|
|
arrived |
at his |
| address |
they were greeted |
by that |
officer, |
|
the grave |
mistake |
| of calling |
"stinking |
immigrants." |
|
house |
of the |
|
| spared a |
similar fate |
only |
the police perhaps |
fired at noteworthy |
the that all |
killing Surabaya |
|
|
|
13 |
|
|
|
| officers |
Peranakans against the uproar |
at the the of |
time. officers continued replaced |
in by verbal |
subsequent written |
years; |
| nunciations. |
|
|
in |
of a |
at |
Surabaya |
| brought |
forth criticism |
from that |
city's Soe |
Po Sia. |
|
the |
| time a |
|
|
in |
berated |
a Lultenant; |
|
| in Sumatra |
a nationalist |
dally |
ran a series |
of articles |
censuring |
all the |
| officers |
of the Dell |
district, a |
region rich |
both In Soe |
establish- |
|
| ments |
In nationalist |
enthusiasm. |
Finally, |
should |
be noted, |
the |
| hostility of a |
the Chinese the other |
officers |
to the at Batavia |
officer Institution to submit their |
caused resignations |
the in |
| During |
these years |
the officers |
had |
courses |
of action |
to |
| them: |
they could |
serve the |
Netherlands |
authorities, |
or they |
could |
which men were advised Majoor com-
him and queue. A
zone queue who and
was
queue was members of
and room
... band
200 or 300 Cantonese and
it.... Nothing was... and
drama was
The on the can be
when "200 or 300 Cantonese"
who made
them The Majoor was
when crowd,
one and wounding several. It is
were
The campaign
however, 1912 was and de-
The appointment 1914 new Majoor
At about same
Malay-language newspaper Semarang
PoSia
and It
community
Majoor and
body.
two open
[131]
act in accordance with the wishes of the majority of their countrymen.
The choice lay between the traditional and the nationalist paths.
Those who were unable to accept nationalism merit attention, not
because they weathered the storm but because their activities reveal
some of the less publicized duties of the officers and because it is
probably useful to point out that the course of nationalism was not
unopposed in the Chinese community. The chief weapon of the anti-
nationalist officer was the confidential report to the Dutch. Such re-
ports were apparently thought by their authors to offer double benefits:
the disclosure to the regime of the nationalists' operations might bring
action against those opposed to the officer institution; and officers
believed that their loyalty to the Dutch could be reaffirmed through
their service as informers.
When dynastic officials began traveling to Netherlands India on
various missions, a number of officers feltobliged to warn the authori-
ties that the representatives of China did not always limit their work
to the comparatively innocent inspection of schools. It was frequently
reported by the officers that the dignitaries from China were primarily
motivated by the lure of overseas Chinese wealth and used theiroffi-
cial missions to stimulate the flow of money into imperial or personal
15
coffers. But, while some officers were hostile, not always unjusti-
fiably, to the dynastic officials, the growth of republicanism brought
forth their most energetic efforts to expose to the Dutch the work of
their enemies.
In 1910 the Batavia Soe Po Sia sought to identify itself more closely
with the Chinese community as a whole by sponsoring a petition against
the pass system and other grievances. The Majoor reacted obedi-
ently and supplied his Dutch superiors with certain secret Soe Po Sia
[132]
the of the instigators of the
| documents |
and |
names |
|
|
movement. |
The |
| following |
year, at |
the time |
of the final |
military |
|
in |
| against |
the |
the |
at Batavia |
|
in |
a telegram |
| from the |
revolutionary |
governor |
of Fukien |
province |
to solicit |
the as- |
| sistance |
of the leaders |
of Batavia's |
|
Siang |
|
Soe Po |
| Sia in |
to raise |
funds for his allegiance |
the support to |
of the the |
Fukien immediately |
sent |
| the telegram |
to the |
assistant resident, |
stating: |
|
respectfully |
request |
| you. |
Sir, |
inform |
|
the contents |
of this |
telegram |
| be |
reported to |
the persons |
|
after |
the Ch'ing |
dynasty |
| had |
completely overthrown, |
|
the |
Batavia |
|
suspicious |
| of the |
Republicans; flag, |
he denied ordering |
a request his "officers |
for authorization |
chiefs |
to fly the to advise |
| the people |
that they |
might not |
display |
the Republican |
flag |
until the |
| Republic |
recognized |
by the |
honorable |
|
|
|
| Batavia |
|
did |
not |
with the |
times, |
his col- |
| league |
at Surabaya |
seems to |
|
of the |
ilk. |
|
| Those |
officers |
|
to support |
the |
over the Chinese |
|
| imperial |
|
and, subsequently, |
|
the dynasty |
over |
the revolu- |
| tionaries |
naturally |
to a |
later position |
|
|
Shih-k'ai |
| in opposition |
to |
|
appears, |
in fact, |
that the |
counter- |
| revolutionary sentiment |
|
of the |
officers |
crystallized |
by the |
prospect |
| of ceaseless |
plotting |
against the Shih-k'ai |
of seemingly a |
the then |
recognized like |
the officers |
| themselves, |
|
to the preservation |
|
of law |
order. |
|
| until |
death |
years |
later, |
Chinese |
officers |
vigorously |
| sought |
expose the |
of the followers |
|
of Sun Yat-sen. |
|
|
| at |
credited |
with preventing |
|
|
display of |
|
campaign China
Manchus, Majoor was asked
THHK, Hwee, and
efforts army. The
Majoor, remembering Dutch,
"I
Honored to me whether
may named." Even
been Majoor at was
new Chinese and zone
was Dutch government." The
Majoor obviously march and
have been same
who had tended Dutch
government
came backing Yuan
Sun Yat-sen. It
was
head govern-
ment of China. Yuan was man,
devoted and From 1914
Yuan's two many
to work The Majoor
Medan is any open anti-Yuan
[133]
| feelings |
in his districf |
Jogjakarta |
|
the Kapitein |
|
the Luitenant |
|
| furnished |
the resident |
with the |
|
local Chinese |
|
|
|
| to the |
support of |
|
endeavors. |
|
|
at the |
|
| time, |
the of the activities |
the Kapitein of certain |
|
equally Bin |
eager or |
to Inform |
the repre- |
| sentatives. |
|
|
|
these |
efforts |
the following |
|
| year, as |
did his colleague, the |
|
Luitenant |
In |
|
The Batavia |
|
. In and
names of who contributed
Sun Yat-sen's In Semarang, same
Majoor and were
Dutch Kok Tong Kuomintang
The Semarang Majoor continued
Temanggung.
Majoor carried on similar operations, employing "spies" and "searching
| houses" |
revolutionary |
|
activity |
suspected. |
|
|
|
|
|
officers sought |
to obstruct |
the |
nationalist |
|
|
| others |
furthered to both. |
At the |
time of |
the founding |
officers of Batovla's |
attempted |
to |
| the |
not |
the officer |
just discussed, |
|
|
patron |
of the |
| organization |
but |
never seems |
to |
active |
in |
affairs. |
His |
| successor |
as |
as |
a |
patron |
not only |
Inactive |
but |
| tended, as |
already noted, to |
|
be hostile |
to the association. |
|
InSurakarta |
|
| the local |
|
at least |
in 1905, |
participated |
in |
activities |
|
| there by |
helping birthday. holding |
to organize 18 the rank |
festivities closely of Luitenant, |
occasion identified served |
with In |
of the Chinese successive |
|
| years as |
vice presidents |
in |
the Batavia |
association. |
|
unavoidably |
|
| jumps |
to a conclusion |
of sorts |
finding |
a subsequent official |
|
|
|
| reference |
to the |
second Luitenant-vice |
|
president |
In |
he |
called |
| a "former |
Luitenant." |
Unfortunately |
|
has not |
ascertained |
|
that |
| the man's official |
|
rank |
jeopardized |
by his |
holding office |
|
|
| there |
only |
for speculation |
|
the matter. |
|
a third |
Lui- |
|
|
|
|
|
|
19 |
|
| tenant |
serving |
as a vice |
president |
of |
Batavia. |
His |
later |
where was
While some movement,
It. A few delicately balanced
appear do THHK,
Majoor, was made a
have been Its
Majoor and THHK was
Majoor, THHK
on the
emperor
.
s
...
Other officers were more THHK work. Two
men, each two
One
when Dutch
which is
it been
was in THHK;
Is room on In 1913
was THHK
[134]
is unknown, time was growing
| fate |
but |
by that |
the school |
association |
|
|
| respectable |
in |
eyes. Soe |
Po Sia |
other revolutionary |
|
groups |
| had by |
to Siang |
bear the effort, as |
of official observed |
hostility. profited |
enormously |
|
| from the |
support of |
the |
at |
other |
officers |
also |
| parts |
in the |
Siang |
associations. |
|
|
group |
| in 91 2 |
|
by a Kapitein, an associate |
|
in both |
his official |
|
| business |
careers of |
the noteworthy |
|
Siang |
Batavia |
put |
| forward |
the of a |
Luitenant |
as a candidate |
in the |
191 2 elections to |
|
| the electoral |
college |
at Peking, |
a sure indication |
of |
a close relation- |
|
|
|
|
|
20 |
|
|
| ship |
the association |
|
the officer. |
|
|
|
| There |
only |
reference |
in the records |
to an |
officer |
taking a |
| leading |
role in a Soe |
association. |
|
Luitenant |
of a small |
Su- |
| matra |
|
as a director |
of the |
local |
Po Sia |
took |
| part in |
the elections |
to the |
electoral |
college |
following |
the |
| death of |
Shih-k'ai. |
|
|
"the |
|
|
| felt necessary to 21 |
|
the question |
of his |
punishment |
into considera- |
|
| tion." |
there |
|
|
officers |
|
|
| Po understood |
they kept reasons. of officers |
this side fostered nationalism in |
of their lives |
to themselves |
for than through |
easily |
| direct and the unconventional |
participation |
in the |
|
associations. |
|
In highly |
| symbolic |
step of cutting |
off his |
|
in |
|
clothes. |
| His subordinates |
soon |
followed |
suit. |
that time |
the |
|
| against |
gradually |
spread |
|
|
|
|
| years later |
the Luitenant |
at Jogjakarta |
privately gave |
|
a visiting |
|
| jurist, a |
of |
|
liberal |
views, a |
lengthy statement |
|
Dutch and
then come brunt
The Hwee earlier,
Majoor Semarang, and
had work of Hwee The Semarang
1 was headed and
Majoor. Hwee
name
between and
is one
PoSia The
community served Soe and
Peking
Yuan As a consequence, Governor General
it take
While may well have been more connected with
Soe Sia,
A number ways other
open pan-Chinese 1904
Semarang Majoor took the then shocking and
queue and dressing Western
"From movement
queues among younger groups...."A few
Dutch
man highrankand known
[135]
which
| protesting |
against |
the legal disabilities |
|
under |
the Chinese |
then |
| 22 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
| lived. |
That officer |
|
|
hisgroup |
|
to |
| felt a genuine |
obligation |
to serve |
as the |
|
for his |
|
| Perhaps |
the officers |
rendered |
aid to |
the nationalist |
|
to a |
| greater |
|
than revealed |
in |
the |
|
impos- |
| sible to |
|
officers |
protected |
their nationalist |
compatriots |
|
| by failing |
to report |
fully to the |
on |
events in |
their districts. |
|
| least in |
the |
Chinese officers |
rebelled |
effectively |
against |
their |
| intelligence |
role. |
Kapitein |
the |
Luitenant |
of that Sumatra |
city |
| in |
simply ceased |
enlightening |
the |
officials |
|
nationalist |
| efforts. |
the |
latter officer |
finally |
forced |
to submit |
a report, |
| he "so |
frightened" |
that he |
sent in |
"typed |
unsigned." |
|
| the Kapitein |
had to |
be replaced |
after having "failed |
|
repeatedly |
to re- |
| port." For |
Netherlands |
India |
as a |
"officers |
gradually |
to |
| be put by |
the [pan-Chinese] |
|
associations |
in a very |
difficult |
position. |
| the |
side, |
their |
duty to inform |
the |
heads of the |
district |
| local |
administrations |
of the |
operations |
of these |
associations; |
|
| the other |
side, they |
feared |
the |
of those |
associations |
|
|
|
|
|
23 |
|
|
| indeed |
secretly |
in |
with |
|
|
|
| response |
of |
the officers |
to the efforts |
of |
Chinese |
in- |
| dividuals |
organizations |
to |
establish |
ties with |
the Indies |
another |
| indication |
of their |
reaction to |
the nationalist |
|
Their |
atti- |
| tudes toward |
the dynasty |
are of |
particular |
Interest. |
officers |
|
| to |
tended to |
think of themselves |
|
as overseas |
carriers |
of China's |
| bureaucratic |
tradition. to greet visiting |
was, |
therefore, dignitaries |
difficult in the |
for respectful |
to decide |
| expected |
of lower |
officials dealing |
with |
superiors |
or In the |
overtly |
| suspicious |
antagonistic |
|
that |
likely |
to be born |
of their |
was one of the few of who seems have
spokesman community.
movement
much degree is documents. It is
know how many
Dutch At
Padang
The and
1909 Dutch on
When was
was it and And
whole, came
On one it was
and and
on vengeance and
were sympathy them."
The mainland
and Is
awakening.
The seem
have
It them
whether Chinese manner
and way was
[136]
|
|
|
|
The problem |
|
was |
|
| resentment |
of uninvited |
outside |
interference. |
|
|
|
never |
| fully resolved |
for group |
all officers. of Chinese |
dynastic |
officials |
|
guests |
of the |
| Luitenant |
at Buitenzorg, the But |
another distinguished visitor from China |
Kapitein at |
|
|
the Kapitein |
|
| a |
|
the |
following |
year. In |
Surakarta |
he |
|
| tertained |
by the officers |
of that city, |
at all of |
he reported |
to |
by be inclined |
the |
| to nationalism. |
|
Batavia, on |
the other |
this |
official |
"sought |
no |
| contact |
with the |
various |
officers; at |
the |
acting |
considered |
not |
| untrustworthy |
caution. |
this visitor, final important |
reportedly representative |
spoke |
to that of the |
officer dynasty |
with |
| in the |
colony in |
|
enjoyed polite |
treatment |
by the |
Kapitein |
at |
| Batavia, |
the officer |
to the |
extent of performing |
|
in a |
to |
last- honor |
| the guest |
from |
|
officers |
as a group |
|
|
|
| than a |
little puzzled |
over |
the |
presented |
the |
|
|
| of missions |
from |
|
growth |
of republican |
sentiment |
|
|
| the |
further |
confused |
the issue. |
visitors |
from |
abroad |
rep- |
| resented |
|
challenge |
to the authority |
|
security |
of the |
|
| nese officers demise. |
|
indeed |
hastened |
their |
collective |
political |
|
In 1907 a were the
Pekalongan, and
atCheribon. was extended
more mixed welcome was en-
Majoor, and Padang was made welcome
Chinese whom were
In hand,
Chinese Majoor did
even meet him." The Majoor Surabaya was apparently
by who
marked A was
1909 and
Majoor at Surakarta, and the Majoor Medan. The
named even went kowtow
24
China. The were obviously more
problem by appearance
China. The among
Chinese The
one more and Chi-
and may have
Local Leaders
it is Chi-
| By this |
point |
doubtless obvious |
that the leadership |
|
of the |
| nese, after |
the officer |
institution |
subjected |
to incessant |
|
| eventually |
successful |
attacks, |
by |
not discredited |
|
had been and
was assumed men as
[137]
instruments of Netherlands rule. The new leaders were drawn from
two sources: from those members of the Chinese population who formed,
largely because of their acquisition of a number of techniques and
skills usually considered Western, a new elite capable of inspiring and
guiding a nationalist movement; and from those mainland Chinese who
come to be involved in the affairs of Indies Chinese.
In the preceding chapter some consideration has been given to the
leaders of the pan-Chinese associations; some fairly extended supple-
mentary remarks are required here. The most convenient and perhaps
the most satisfactory method for presenting these men is to record some
biographical facts concerning them. The men to be discussed seem ap-
propriately representative of their group. Because of the limits im-
posed by the available research sources, however, only upper-echelon
leaders can be investigated in any meaningful detail.
It was fortunate that in the leadership of the [Batavia THHK]
association there were a number of men who, although their
learning was not as great as that of present day Chinese intel-
lectuals, possessed the skills and ambition needed to enable
them to carry out difficult duties successfully. Among these men
must be mentioned: Phoa Keng Hek, who because of extensive
contact with Europeans was easily able to obtain the knowledge
necessary to a modern movement; Lie Hin Liam, who was con-
sidered liberal and known as industrious [and] was counted on
to expend his energy and also his money; Lie Kim Hok, a learned
man who drafted and clarified all [the association's] regula-
tions, pamphlets, circulars and public announcements in the
Malay language in a beautiful and concise style so that every-
body who read them was made interested; Khoe Siauw Eng,who,
knowing Chinese characters, was versed in the classics and
translated them into Malay [and] in his capacity as adviser as-
sumed responsibility for answering all sorts of questions and fur-
nishing information on matters related to Confucianism and Chi-
nese cultural institutions; Khoe A Fan, a Hakka Singkeh, who
was widely known in the modern movement; Tan Kim San, who
.
[138]
for those times was highly educated in English and Chinese and
held a strong ambition to improve the position of his people; Tan
Tjong Long, who, like Mr. Tan Kim San, was trained in English
and Chinese and who also was able to express himself well in
Malay; Tan Kim Bo, who in his position as First Secretary bore
an extremely heavy work load but handled all the correspond-
ence, minutes, archives, and the like with suchspeed and neat-
ness that people were amazed, especially when it was remem-
bered that the gentleman's regular work at K.P.M. [Koninklijke
Paketvaart Maatschappij, the Dutch steamship company serving
the archipelago] was very taxing. Mr. Tan Kim Bo had mas-
tered Dutch and could write correctly in Malay..,.^^
| The |
|
above, |
|
|
|
|
|
statement |
though |
tiresomely |
verbose, |
demonstrates |
ef- |
| fectively |
that the |
leaders of brought to |
the Batavia nationalism |
by a type |
to a great of experience |
extent |
| to |
of their |
|
All had |
|
considerable |
|
| sure to |
Westerners |
their |
values. |
likely |
that expansion |
on |
| parts of |
the paragraph |
quoted |
will be of |
value, |
brief biographies |
|
| of a |
|
leaders |
|
of certain |
of their colleagues |
|
| in nationalism |
follow. |
|
|
|
|
|
| Phoa |
|
for nearly the most |
forty years influential |
the president best |
of |
Batavia's leaders of |
| the nationalist |
|
|
|
|
|
1857, |
| his |
fortune |
from extensive |
real |
estate holdings |
in the |
Batavia |
| area. |
Phoa's education |
|
|
not in the |
traditional |
Chinese |
| schools |
of his childhood with |
but a mastery |
under Christian of the |
missionary language and |
teachers, a |
|
| of |
institutions. |
His |
social position |
in the |
Chinese |
|
| indicated |
by the officer |
fact that incidentally |
he did |
father-in-law not share |
of Phoa's nationalist |
a Batavia |
|
26 |
|
|
|
|
|
| enthusiasm |
|
|
|
|
|
|
THHK were
men who had been new
many countrymen. undergone expo-
and As it is
some
number of the mentioned and
Keng Hek,
THHK, was among and documented
movement. He was a Peranakan, born about who
made
was completed
who
equipped him Dutch knowledge
Western community
is was the
Majoor, an who
'.
i
|
Hek's |
great contribution |
|
to the nationalist |
|
|
|
his talent |
for organization |
|
from his |
ability to |
operate |
| effectively |
in dealings |
both |
the |
with |
fellow |
Chinese. |
| inspiration |
for |
the Confucianist |
revival |
|
to |
other |
| than Phoa; |
his task |
lay in |
|
|
the needs |
of his |
| people. |
president. |
|
of the founders credited |
of with having |
Batovia originated |
the |
| idea of |
|
as |
the |
of instruction |
in |
the |
| school. |
ought to of |
be noted, in education |
|
that the use to enjoy |
of the increasing |
national favor in |
| schools |
in the |
|
There |
|
that |
|
| interested |
in |
the establishment |
of |
a |
Chinese |
school |
| system largely |
|
he |
that the |
|
authorities, |
fearing |
| the |
of private |
schools |
|
of |
supervision, |
|
| be |
forced to |
|
schools |
to |
children. |
|
| this |
the case, |
originally |
sought |
to elevate |
his people |
to the |
| level of |
the Europeans, |
not to |
isolate |
through |
nationalism. |
|
| has |
already |
observed |
that the |
Batovia |
|
on |
| matters, |
especially |
in large |
rather puritanical. port |
the |
This hostility result of Phoa's |
to in- |
| fluence. |
In 1904, houses in the |
for part of |
he proposed Batovia |
that he held |
the licenses most of |
of the his prop- |
| erty be |
in |
order that |
public order |
might |
restored |
|
| president |
of |
Botovia's |
|
|
|
by the |
| Chinese |
of Netherlands |
India |
|
involved |
in most of |
the |
| tionalist |
activities |
of his time. |
|
host to the |
leader |
of |
| perial mission |
in |
1907; he |
|
directly |
with the |
|
| minister |
at the |
he |
in touch |
with |
the revolutionaries |
|
Phoa Keng
came from and
with Dutch and
The first came
making Confucianism meet
In 1900 Phoa was one THHK
became its first He is
employing Kuo-yU language
It however,
language China had come
many Chinese world. is evidence
came modernized
because hoped Dutch
power independent government
would open government Chinese
was Phoa
them
It been
gambling,
gomes of chance may have been
example,
gambling where
canceled be
As THHK, Phoa was widely
and became
He was
communicated
Hague; and was
[139]
movement
men
and
THHK
Phoa be-
27
If
some
28
.
known
na-
on im-
Chinese
THHK was
[140]
| In 1911 |
|
elected the |
president |
of |
|
Tjong |
| in |
|
held that |
post only briefly. |
|
supported |
the |
| Chinese |
Republic |
of 1912, |
sending a telegram |
to the |
governor |
|
| general |
to request |
permission |
for the |
of the |
Republican |
flag. |
| Possibly |
of |
his being |
a |
related |
by marriage |
to |
| the |
|
rejected |
as a candidate |
for the |
chairmanship |
of |
| a Batavia |
|
established |
in early |
to |
the |
cele- |
| bration |
of the overthrow |
of |
the |
culmination |
of |
Phoa's |
| career |
in 1937, when, on |
|
his eightieth |
birthday, |
he knighted |
|
|
|
29 |
|
|
|
|
| by the |
Netherlands San in the the |
organization master of |
lived founders throughout |
in worlds of the the period the association, |
the under study. |
end. In impor- |
| tant office |
ritual |
occasions. |
His |
for ceremonials seems |
|
to |
| kept |
loyal |
to the idea |
of a Confucianist |
revival |
|
he |
| characteristically |
|
proposed that |
|
the |
Council |
of |
| Batavia |
to marriage |
celebrations |
|
the anniversary |
of Confucius' |
|
| death. |
was, |
at least on |
occasion, |
in close |
contact |
with the |
| Christian |
missionaries. |
1911 |
he |
by |
to a conference |
|
| of the Malaysia Mission |
to |
of the "ask for help |
Methodist Episcopal Church at Singapore in finding |
a teacher |
from |
for |
| the high |
school |
|
to build |
to invite |
Bishop |
|
| of the |
Mission |
to |
to |
to participate |
in the |
organi- |
| zation |
the high |
school |
journey |
to Singapore |
proved |
fruitless |
| according |
to the record. |
|
|
director |
of the |
schools |
| operated |
by the Batavia |
association. |
|
|
|
|
| third |
founder had |
Lie |
by missionaries. |
|
like |
Phoa of the |
. He was first Djawa Hak Boe
Hwee 1907 but Phoa new
Dutch
display
because Peranakan and
Majoor, Phoa was
committee 1912 organize
Manchus. The
came was
crown. He two till
Tan Kim was another of the Batavia THHK and
was active
1905 Tan was ceremonies of an
on concern
have him. In 1914
THHK request Chinese
ban on
Tan one
In was sent THHK
.
He was ordered America
THHK planned and Oldham
Malaysia come Java
of."The
In 1915 Tan was made
A was Kim Hok, a Peranakan, who,
Keng Hek, been educated He was one
.
[141]
|
|
|
and |
897 published |
|
|
| Indies |
|
journalists |
|
in |
a biography |
of |
| Confucius. |
His |
interest in |
Confucianism, |
almost |
certainly |
born of his |
| experience |
with participate fourth Batavia |
Christianity, |
the Batavia pioneer |
Lie to association. to be considered |
help establish 31 Lie |
for Hin Liam, |
| the only |
Singkeh |
in the founding |
group. |
Lie had |
originally |
|
| Fukien |
province |
but appears |
to |
financially |
|
suc- |
| cessful |
than most |
immigrants. |
|
important |
officer |
in |
| for |
years. |
of his |
most appreciated |
qualities |
in |
the associa- |
| tion must |
|
his willingness |
to |
loan |
there |
record |
| of his |
|
well |
over a thousand guilders in mission |
schools |
in but familiar |
early years. with |
| the |
of the missionaries. |
|
|
the originator |
in |
plan |
| to enlist |
the cooperation |
of |
|
|
Episcopal |
missionaries |
| in the |
establishment |
of a |
high |
school at |
Batavia. |
all the |
| founders |
of |
Batavia, |
Lie Hin |
led the |
most active |
public |
| career. |
|
he |
|
host |
the occasion |
of the |
| fugitive |
reformer's |
visit to |
Batavia. |
For a brief |
|
period he |
|
Luitenant |
in Batavia. |
His rather |
|
falling out |
of |
| favor |
|
the result |
of his |
|
in nationalist circles. |
|
| In |
he |
|
leaders in |
the establishment |
of |
the Batavia |
| Siang |
|
served briefly |
as president |
of that |
organization. |
|
| 1911 ary forces |
Lie Hin Singkeh |
in the |
in early leadership, |
but |
not in the |
revolution- founding |
| group, |
|
Fan, a |
|
his colleague. |
Lie |
Hin Liam, |
| served |
in |
Batavia as |
a Luitenant, |
holding |
that rank |
for at least |
| twelve |
years. His |
period |
of activity |
in |
affairs seems |
to |
first Chinese 1
prompted and
., „...
many years in
The THHK is
come from
have been much more
He was an THHK
many One
have been money; is one
advancing THHK its
LieHinLIam was not educated was
work He was 1910 of the
American Methodist
Chinese Of
THHK Llam
In 1904 was K'ang Yu-wei's on
two-year
was a speedy Dutch
may have been prominence
1908 was one of the
Hwee and And
by Llam was communication with Chinese
f
32
Another
was Khoe A Hakka. Like
Khoe
THHK have
[142]
1 was
| lasted |
only for the |
relatively |
short period |
up to |
908, although |
he |
|
| vice president |
of |
the association |
for |
of that |
time. |
Perhaps |
his |
| disappearance, |
at |
least officially, |
from |
the leadership |
of |
the Batavia |
|
| association |
to |
be attributed |
to the |
fact that |
|
|
|
| sharply toward |
the |
revolutionary end |
of |
the Chinese |
political |
spectrum. |
|
| school association |
|
tended |
to |
conservative |
as |
prospered |
|
| could |
hardly |
afford to risk |
unnecessary Batavia'sSoe |
official Po Sia |
hostility. |
By |
|
| officer |
to participate |
in the |
organization |
of festivities |
|
|
|
| the establishment |
|
of the Chinese |
Republic |
|
to be |
|
as a |
| "fiery |
Republican" Republican |
flags at |
of his Batavia |
stirring up shop, |
disorder the |
by selling of those |
|
| banners |
to be seen final early |
in the city leader of |
flown. the Batavia |
33 to |
be discussed |
here |
|
|
Eng, a |
Fukienese |
|
long significant |
|
in the asso- |
|
| ciation. |
Literate |
in Chinese, |
he |
|
to |
accounts |
|
| of the |
practices observed |
at |
|
|
funerals. |
There |
|
| no indication |
that |
|
|
involved |
in the |
revolution- |
|
| ary movement |
|
he |
of the |
organizers |
of Tiong Hoa Keng |
|
|
| Kie |
or the |
|
|
of Batavia, |
|
from |
|
| to 1921 |
he |
|
also |
served for |
several |
years |
as a |
| secretary |
of the Majoor's last Batavia |
Chinese |
Council for consideration |
in Batavia. here |
|
Say, |
|
| probably |
a of Batavia; |
of the commissioners |
to be later he |
of Fukienese descent. of the president |
established of the |
Siang organiza- |
|
| tion |
|
1911 |
Say |
participated |
in the |
of |
the |
| Batavia |
During |
the |
of excitement |
following |
the |
Chinese |
|
much
is Khoe swung evermore
The grow more it
and 1912
Khoe A Fan was cooperating with and was the only
accompanying
. He came known
and was accused
Chinese where first
was
The THHK is
Khoe Siauw Peranakan,
was called upon compile
Chinese weddings and is
Khoe Siauw Eng became
. In 1 909 was one
Hwee, Chinese Employees Bond and 1915
was its chairman. He
34
Chinese
The is Tan Kim
Peranakan and known In 1908
Tan was made one newly
Hwee two years was
. In 1910 and Tan Kim work
THHK. period
(143]
|
|
communication |
|
|
and |
|
| Revolution |
he was in |
|
with |
the Republicans |
|
received |
| from |
request the giant |
for financial trading |
support. firm with |
As the a considerable |
voice |
of in the |
| affairs of |
the Siang influential |
force in the |
Soe Po Sia nationalist |
associations. |
must of the |
colonial |
| capital. |
president |
of |
Tie |
the |
revolutionary |
|
| association |
of Soe |
Sia in |
Batavia, |
in |
elected |
chair- |
| of a |
|
setup to organize |
the |
celebration |
of the establish- |
|
| of |
the Chinese to the powerful |
Republic but |
ordinarily |
backstage |
|
Tiong |
| of |
|
the outstanding |
nationalist |
leader |
in that |
city |
| probably |
Be loe. |
This man's |
nationalist |
career |
|
in 1903, |
| he |
the |
host |
of |
|
of the |
orig- |
| inal commissioners |
|
of the local |
|
His interest |
in education |
led |
| in 1909 |
to |
the facilities |
of |
his firm to |
textbooks |
for |
| use. |
following |
year |
he elected |
vice chairman |
of |
|
| Boe |
Tjong |
also |
took |
interest |
in the problem |
|
| of China's |
|
|
His |
firm |
|
|
| primarily |
for the purpose Be |
of distributing loe energetically |
|
[export] |
goods." the sale in |
|
| rang of shares |
in a |
corporation |
|
established |
to build a |
railway |
| in Fukien |
|
a leading |
|
of the |
Siang |
|
| His association |
with |
the Soe Po |
Sia effort |
revealed |
by the |
fact that |
| he |
of Central |
publisher |
of This provokes |
Po, thought |
the revolutionary |
|
| trasted with |
the display |
of loyalty to |
the |
dynasty |
Be |
loe |
| as late as |
1909, |
he |
gracious |
host to the |
leader |
|
| bers of |
imperial |
Chinese mission. |
|
|
|
|
them a Batavia manager
Kian Gwan,
Hwee and Tan have
been an movement
He was Yok Hwee, sister
Po and 1912 was
man committee
35
ment.
Next Majoor Oei
Ham Semarang, was
Kwat began
when was Semarang K'ang Yu-wei and one
THHK.
him employ print
THHK The was Djawa
Hak Hwee. He an active
economic development. Semarang was "established
Chinese In
1906 and 1907 Kwat promoted Sema-
Chinese
. He was member Semarang Hwee.
is
was the owner and Djawa Kong
newspaper Java. when it is con-
mode by Kwat
when was a and mem-
an
.
[144]
The lasf
|
in this |
series of |
biographies |
of Indies |
Chinese nationalist |
|
| leaders |
that of Lie |
Siong |
a Peranakan, who |
|
the |
president |
| of Siang |
at |
Surabaya |
from the time |
of establishment. |
|
his |
| presidency of |
the Surabaya |
association |
|
considered |
by |
the |
| nese imperial government |
|
to |
|
|
to that |
of a dis- |
| trict magistrate. |
|
|
the dynasty |
in by |
proposing |
to lead |
| a |
"to collect |
funds |
for the purchase |
of a |
warship |
to be sent |
| as a gift |
to the Chinese |
|
|
next year |
he |
in |
| organizing |
elections |
for the |
provincial |
assemblies |
to be |
as |
| the dynasty's |
desperate |
concession |
to |
Despite |
his |
|
| tion with |
the imperial |
regime. |
Lie also worked |
for revolution |
|
in |
| president |
of |
Siang |
thusa mandarin, |
|
he vice presi- |
|
| dent of |
the Soe Po |
Sia of |
|
thereby a |
revolutionary. |
By |
| Lie |
Siong |
a vigorous |
|
of |
Shih-k'ai |
|
| strove to |
raise the basis of |
to the data |
the revolutionaries contained |
of in these short |
South biographies |
of |
| admittedly |
selected |
but reasonably |
typical |
nationalists, |
|
possible |
| to construct |
a composite |
picture |
of a representative |
|
overseas |
Chinese |
| leader of |
the probably |
under |
investigation. in |
|
had attained |
a |
| considerable |
|
of financial |
success. |
Nationalism may have been |
|
|
| his tired |
businessman's |
hobby; |
in |
leadership |
|
time |
| financial |
resources. |
|
leader |
likely to |
be of |
|
| origin but |
could be |
a Singkeh. |
|
to |
be a |
well |
| long established |
in |
Southeast |
Asia. |
be noted |
here that |
of 128 |
| Indies |
|
by |
the Imperial |
|
in |
for their |
| services |
"In education |
public |
worship," |
In other |
words In |
the lay- |
|
|
|
|
|
38 |
|
| ing of a |
foundation |
for nationalism, |
|
Peronakans |
|
|
is Hwie, was
Hwee its In
Lie was Chi-
have a rank corresponding
He served 1909
campaign
government." The was active
convened
democracy. connec-
China.
While Hwee and was
Surabaya and
1916 Hwie was opponent Yuan and
37
money back China.
On
it is
movement
The man was engaged commerce and
measure
any case demanded
and The was Peranakan
He was certain man and
It can
Chinese decorated government 1908
and
104 were
.
[145]
rankasa Chineseofflcer bureaucratic struc-
| Holding |
|
|
in the |
colonial |
|
|
| ture did |
not prevent |
a from |
|
In the |
But |
ought |
| to be pointed |
out of the |
that, with higher ranking |
the notable officers |
exception a |
of the nationalist |
leader. |
| This easily understood |
|
|
|
that |
the junior |
officers |
| likely superiors. |
to be tradition, |
leader but he |
daring the value |
than of education. |
their conservative in the had |
classical |
| stimulated |
to nationalism |
by his |
|
|
had |
|
| to think |
in terms of |
nations |
of the position |
of his |
|
in a |
| world structured |
|
nationalistic |
pattern. |
His awareness of |
|
|
| ments in |
the |
either |
from study |
under missionary |
teachers |
or |
| from his |
association most remarkable |
with talent |
businessmen. of this composite |
|
his |
ability |
| to cooperate, at |
least |
on the |
with |
of all |
political |
shades |
| could |
simultaneously |
|
to |
the |
emperor, |
be re- |
| spectful |
toward the |
|
for |
revolution. |
most |
signifi- |
| cant point |
brought out controlled |
by a study of by |
these leaders interlocking |
that directorate. |
the nationalist |
rare |
| for a |
to be active |
in only |
|
association. |
|
|
| narily a |
leadership |
role in |
or organizations |
|
possible |
for |
| these associations |
regardless outstanding by significant |
of the |
of elements In |
the the various Chinese |
aims |
of the leader |
| nities as |
a |
leader |
in a |
promising |
social |
|
| political |
progress |
minority |
nationalism. |
|
|
|
man working movement. It
Semarang
Majoor, none was
is when it is remembered
were younger and more
The typical nationalist wasnota learned man
Chinese saw He been
knowledge of the West. He come
and own people
on a develop-
West came
European
The man was
surface, men
He pay homage Chinese
Dutch, and work The
is
movement was an It was
man one pan-Chinese Ordi-
two more was
men, divergence announced
concerned.
The and only essential qualification of the typical
was acceptance commu-
spokesman and movement and
through
[146]
Dynastic Officials
| Aiding, |
abetting, |
|
occasion, |
exploiting |
the nationalist |
|
| leadership |
in Netherlands these |
India to |
various Asia |
emissaries for a multiplicity |
from |
of pur- |
| poses, all |
shared |
central |
|
they sought |
to arouse |
the |
| interest of |
overseas |
Chinese in revolutionaries |
the welfare in expatriate Chinese |
of the ancestral |
|
|
| widely |
less similar |
often efforts |
to the |
the fact support of overseas Chinese |
that the |
imperial |
| attitude |
of successive Chinese |
|
dynasties |
toward emigration |
|
had, |
| until the |
second half |
of the |
nineteenth |
century, |
characterized |
|
| either by |
a lack of |
interest or |
by frank |
hostility. |
To the majority |
of |
| the traditional |
Chinese |
|
inconceivable |
that |
but the |
unfilial |
| treacherous |
could |
|
their ancestral |
|
|
criminal |
| of the fortunes overseas: |
All officers |
period contained of |
a stern |
private |
against citizens, |
seeking, |
| clandestinely |
|
|
to sea to |
trade, or |
|
to |
| foreign |
inlands shall pur:;shed |
for the purpose according |
of inhabiting to the |
law against |
cultivating |
|
| cating by being btfeaded.39 |
with rebels |
enemies, |
|
consequently |
suffer death |
|
| great |
|
of Chinese |
established |
in Southeast |
Asia |
during |
| the long |
period that the |
this on emigration |
deterred |
on the only |
statute books the fainthearted |
|
| from migration |
southward. |
|
law |
nevertheless, |
injurious |
to |
| overseas Chinese |
interests. |
|
possible |
the extortion |
by local |
of- |
| ficials of |
the |
of returning |
emigrants. |
|
declaration |
|
and, on
were China.
Although men went Southeast
one common goal—
homeland.
The work of Chinese communities
is known; remembered is
government made win.
The
been
it was any
and abandon homes. The
code Manchu warning
... government, soldiers, and
who proceed who remove
and
same, be communi-
and and
The numbers
when ominous clause was were
evidence ban
The was,
It made
wealth It was also a
.
[147]
| of |
policy |
|
|
clear |
the fact |
that the |
| extension not to be |
of official |
Chinese |
protection |
to emigrant |
|
|
| swing |
|
from this official |
|
was, as |
so |
of the |
| innovations |
of the late |
Ch'ing |
period, born |
of |
pressure |
on the |
| dynasty. |
Article |
of the |
|
treaty |
stated: |
|
| soon |
as the |
ratifications His Imperial |
of the Majesty |
Treaty of the |
shall of |
|
| will, by |
|
|
the high |
authorities |
of every |
prov- |
| ince to |
proclaim |
throughout |
their jurisdictions, |
|
that |
|
| choosing |
to take |
service in |
British Colonies |
or |
other parts |
|
| the |
sea, are |
at perfect |
liberty |
to enter into |
|
|
| with British |
subjects |
for that |
purpose, |
to |
ship themselves |
|
| their |
families |
board |
British |
vessel |
|
|
| ports of |
|
.40 |
|
|
|
|
| Article |
IX of the |
treaty France |
forced |
|
at the |
|
| provided for |
greater |
|
in the |
matter of |
emigration: |
|
| agreed |
|
the high contracting |
|
parties |
that, |
|
| ratifications |
of the |
Treaty |
of Tientsin |
|
|
|
| imperial |
edict will |
|
that the |
high officials |
of |
the |
| provinces |
of the |
Empire permit |
|
Chinese, |
|
to go |
| to countries |
|
the seas |
to establish |
himself |
or to seek |
his |
| fortune, |
to |
together |
with his |
family. |
41 |
|
| Eight years |
later |
|
the United |
States |
treaty |
guar- |
| anteeing, |
in phrases |
|
reminiscent of choice |
of our Declaration in the matter |
of emigration: |
of Inde- |
| United States |
|
of |
the |
|
cordially |
|
| recognize |
the inherent |
|
inalienable |
right of |
to |
|
| his |
allegiance, |
|
also the |
mutual |
|
of the |
| free migration |
|
emigration |
of their |
citizens |
subjects |
re- |
| spectively |
from the |
country |
to the |
other for |
purposes |
of |
| riosity, |
of trade, |
or as |
residents. 42 |
|
|
|
government which made abundantly
communities was
expected
The away ban were many
Western
V 1860 Anglo-Chinese
As 1858 have
been exchanged. Emperor China
Decree, command
Chinese
be-
yond engagements
and
and on any
atony of the open
China...
upon China sometime
even freedom
It is between when the
hove been exchanged, an
command all
each who wishes
beyond
embark...
China and made a
somewhat
pendence, individual freedom
The America and Emperor of China
and man change
home and and advantage
and and
one cu-
permanent
[148]
| Western |
powers |
had |
|
to grant |
concessions |
to |
| emigrants |
so that the |
coolie trade |
could |
operate |
|
|
| sources of |
labor for |
railroads |
mines |
of America's |
West, as |
well |
| as for the |
enterprises |
of Southeast |
Asia, |
not to |
be allowed |
to dry |
| up. |
only to take |
years later, interest |
in |
that the overseas |
subjects. |
|
| So far |
as the Chinese |
of Netherlands |
|
India are |
|
their |
| direct |
contact with |
the officialdom |
of China |
appears |
to |
|
| in 1887, |
the governor |
general |
at |
assigned |
official |
to |
| Southeast |
Asia to investigate |
the |
|
of coolie |
emigration. |
|
| perhaps significant |
|
this representative |
|
|
under |
provin- |
| cial rather |
than imperial for the |
auspices. overseas people |
very |
within probably filtered |
the north |
from |
| the South lomatic dispatch |
supports |
districts this view: |
of the emigrants. |
|
Netherlands dip- |
|
| There |
at present |
in the |
official |
world |
a |
|
| current |
of opinion |
for linking |
the remote |
parts |
of the empire |
|
| closer |
to the motherland |
|
at the |
time strengthening the |
|
|
| emotional |
ties with |
the Chinese |
|
abroad. |
|
So |
| far as |
determine |
the notion |
of binding |
the Chinese |
of |
N.I. |
| closer |
to authorities. |
until 43 |
principally |
from |
the |
South |
The compelled China
unimpeded. The
the and
were
It was some however, Manchu govern-
ment began an active its
concerned,
first have come
when Canton an
problem It is
that was sent out
The concern Chinese
government
China home A
is Chinese dominant
and same
communities...
I can
China has now come
China...
The 1887 mission have created stir Chi-
|
appears |
to |
|
little |
either |
in |
| nese bureaucratic |
circles |
or in the |
Chinese |
|
|
Indies. |
| be |
in passing, |
|
|
that this |
imperial delegation |
|
| received |
by the |
with |
considerably |
|
graclousness |
than |
| to be |
to subsequent visiting |
|
|
mandarins. |
In fact, this |
|
| group |
to Sumatra |
by the |
|
planters' association of the |
|
|
| island, a |
of |
entrepreneurs |
|
later |
notoriously |
|
communities of the
It can observed however,
was Dutch more
was extended first
was invited tobacco
body Dutch who became
[149]
distinguished China. in 1887
| inhospitable |
toward |
|
guests from |
But |
|
the |
| planters |
not certain |
that their |
supply of |
coolie labor |
secure, |
|
| nor had a half. |
court |
the crushing to to |
humiliations the |
of the official interested |
next close in the |
to the |
| grants. |
not |
surprising |
considered |
that |
had |
for |
| years |
dealt with |
foreigners |
|
|
than |
most |
| of his colleagues |
of |
|
|
outside his |
|
|
| 1891 |
in conversations |
with |
the Netherlands |
minister |
at Peking |
|
| on the subject |
of coolie |
emigration, |
expressed |
the |
that he |
|
| "be pleased |
to see |
|
as possible |
brought |
into |
by |
| the emigrants." |
|
interest of |
the elderly |
statesman |
|
in the |
| overseas |
|
presumably, |
in their |
remittances |
continued |
for |
| the rest |
|
life. |
|
he questioned |
the |
|
| consul general |
at |
about |
the alleged |
mistreatment |
of |
|
| nese laborers |
in Sumatra. |
Later |
the year, |
in a formal |
speech |
to |
| the |
of the Netherlands |
|
his |
trip to |
the |
|
| a |
reference |
to the |
"protection" |
afforded |
by the |
|
| to the Chinese |
in the |
Indies. |
|
again discussed |
with |
the |
| consul |
general |
at |
the treatment |
of |
coolies |
|
| on |
plantations, |
indicating |
that he |
to |
send out |
an |
| investigating |
|
to study |
the situation. |
|
shortly |
before |
| that conversation, |
Chinese |
diplomatic and |
consular |
personnel |
had |
|
| ordered |
extend "as |
help |
support |
as possible" |
to overseas |
|
| Chinese. |
|
|
had |
|
to |
|
| of |
responsibility |
for the |
protection |
of subjects |
abroad. |
This |
| shift in official |
attitude |
another |
manifestation |
of China's |
gradual |
|
were was
China undergone decade
44
and
Li Hung-chang seems have been first
Manchu imperial become permanently emi-
This is when it is Li
many and was thus more aware
events and circumstances own country.
In Li,
view would
as much money China
The Chinese
Chinese and,
of Li Hung-chang's In 1896 Dutch
Hong Kong Chi-
same
queen during famous West, Li
made pointed Dutch
In 1900 Li
Dutch Hong Kong Chinese
Sumatran planned
commission And
been
to much and
45
The Chinese government come around an accept-
ance its
was
[150]
Western It is
| entry into |
an international |
order |
of |
design. |
quite |
pos- |
| sible that, |
in addition |
to developing |
an |
interest in |
the financial |
sup- |
| port to |
be from |
loyal emigrant |
sons, |
the Chinese |
|
|
| to |
the protection |
of the |
emigrants |
as a |
|
to |
| the foreign |
|
that |
sovereign |
|
|
After all, |
| Chinese |
officials |
to |
be thoroughly |
familiar |
with the |
sight of |
| foreign |
consuls serving |
as the |
guardians |
of the interests |
of foreign |
|
| tionals |
in |
could |
assert herself |
through |
the |
tech- |
| niques |
in countries official |
her Chinese |
subjects settled. act arising |
from this |
|
for the |
| emigrant |
Chinese |
of Netherlands |
India |
negative |
in nature. |
|
| imperial |
consul general colonies to |
at Singapore the Chinese |
there |
ordered against |
to |
go to the |
| his recently |
discredited |
|
of reformers. |
|
unclear |
|
| the consular |
officer |
ever carried |
out the |
mission |
to |
him. |
| he did, |
the impression |
he |
not |
great |
to cause |
|
| observer, |
earliest |
Chinese, official |
to record his to |
visit. a direct |
influence |
the |
| overseas |
nationalist |
|
reached |
In |
1906. This |
visitor |
| Liu |
Shih-chI |
|
"dr), |
sent by the |
|
governor |
| general |
for the |
of Inspecting |
the |
|
schools. |
Liu at |
| the time |
held the |
district |
magistrate |
|
regularly assigned |
|
| to a hsien |
|
Possibly |
because |
this official |
of low |
rank |
| dressed |
as "admiral |
of the Chinese |
fleet" during |
|
his tour of |
|
| lands India, |
he |
received |
with considerable |
|
by the |
|
| including |
the governor |
general |
at Buitenzorg. |
Unlike |
his |
politi- |
| cally oriented |
successors, |
Liu |
limited his |
on |
the trip to the |
field |
| of education. |
|
helped launch |
the general |
educational |
association. |
|
won government came
view means of demonstrating
powers China was and modern.
had come
na-
China. China same
where
The first new concern
was The
was In 1899
Dutch warn K'ang Yu-wei and
46
band It is whether
assigned If
made was enough any
Dutch or
The Chinese have on
awakening Java
was (.^'j-^^ Canton
purpose new THHK
rankof and was
in Kwangsl. was
an Nether-
was pomp Dutch,
more
work
He
[151]
|
Boe Tjong |
|
he offered |
|
to associations |
|
| on |
for improving |
the |
instruction |
offered; |
he promised |
to ar- |
| range to |
a |
|
educational |
inspector |
sent out from |
|
| Liu |
contributed |
his generously |
trip to confer to |
official the educational |
rank on program. |
overseas Liu |
| Shih-chi |
taken |
during |
the inspection |
tour |
forced |
to return |
| to |
before |
the |
of his |
mission. |
Dr. Lim |
|
| the vigorous |
Singapore |
nationalist |
|
|
Liu, |
appears |
| to |
year |
to finish |
only part of by distinguished |
the inspection. |
visitors |
to In- |
| donesia; |
four missions |
from |
|
of of |
major significance, |
|
| toured |
the Indies |
in that |
year. |
This the |
period |
of the |
| nasty's |
most active |
|
to assert |
itself as the |
leader of |
the |
| nese in |
the |
colonies. |
|
followed |
in later |
years, |
| but |
enjoyed |
the prestige |
success |
of those |
of 1907, |
the |
| novelty of |
receiving |
dignitaries |
|
to |
overseas Chinese |
|
| the |
revolutionaries of the 1907 in the Netherlands |
had visitors |
yet to Ch'ien Indies as Tsien |
solid Sun), a |
of |
'fh the dip- |
| lomatic |
service |
his |
to the Netherlands |
to |
the |
duties of |
| counselor |
of the Chinese |
legation |
in that country. |
|
sought |
to impress |
| the |
overseas for their |
welfare, |
the fact that saying that |
the Peking reports |
|
on |
| the "tryannical |
treatment" |
|
inflicted |
by |
the |
|
| less to |
say, the Netherlands authorities |
|
|
hostile |
to Ch'ien, and |
he |
| did little |
to |
their unfavorable impression |
|
|
of him. |
said |
| to "carry |
himself |
clumsily, |
without the |
grace high |
mandarins are |
sup- |
| posed to |
|
he also |
did not respond |
in the |
customary |
to |
Djawa Hak Hwee; advice THHK
means and
have permanent China.
was empowered on
Chinese who
was ill and
China completion Boen Keng,
who had accompanied
47
have been able
The 1907 was marked Chinese
China, two them
one was dy-
campaign Chi-
Dutch Other missions
none and when
still appealed and
when win widespread backing.
The first was Hsun(J^,
known member
on way assume
He
upon Chinese government was
concerned had reached China
upon them Dutch. Need-
were
overcome He was
have, and manner
.
[152]
certain ceremonies of the so-called'mandarin decorum'...."Ch'ien
refused to talk with the Dutch except through interpreters, but was re-
ported to be thoroughly familiar with English. In Semarang he shocked
the Dutch and delighted the Chinese by refusing to pay an official call
on the local resident. In Buitenzorg, inan effort to make polite conver-
sation, a Dutch official asked Ch'ien which city, Singapore or Batavia,
seemed more beautiful. The Chinese seized upon the occasion, saying
that Batavia was far prettier but that the Chinese in Singapore enjoyed
48
much greater freedom than their compatriots in the Indies capital.
Ch'ien busily toured through various parts of the archipelago, dem-
onstrating to his overseas countrymen that they were welcomed back
into the Chinese fold. He was accordingly received with great fes-
tivity along his route. This visitor furthered the sending of pupils to
Nanking, bestowed honors on the leaders of the educational move-
ment, and offered suggestions on the operation of the new Chinese
schools. He also took the lead in the organization of the Siang Hwee,
or chambers of commerce. Ch'ien urged that the Indies Chinese peti-
tion Peking for the establishment of consulates for their permanent
protection, advising them to work through the Siang Hwee to achieve
their goal. This diplomat was also quite willing to serve as a stock
promoter for a Kwangtung railroad project. He was obviously a man
of varied interests and great energy. His efforts must have been made
more significant in immigrant Chinese eyes by the fact that he was in
direct frequent contact, through coded telegrams, with the Chinese
49
government, Ch'ien Hsun's tour seta general pattern for those of
his successors
Ch'ien Hsun was considerably aided during his stay in the Dutch
colony by his son-in-law, a former teacher in the THHK schools at
[153]
|
and Cheribon |
The |
younger |
was man |
|
|
|
| Batavia |
|
|
|
|
a native |
of |
|
| trained |
at a |
university, |
|
held the |
scholarly |
rank of |
|
| jen. |
the time |
of the |
trip the |
former teacher |
|
being |
trans- |
| ferred |
from a Peking |
assignment |
In the |
field of |
education |
to a post |
in |
| the Chinese |
legation direct |
at the link |
the Batavia |
appears |
to |
subsequently |
late |
| as 191 4 |
his help |
requested |
by the |
school association |
|
|
sought |
|
|
|
50 |
|
|
|
|
| to find |
a teacher |
in |
|
|
|
|
|
| Close |
the |
heels of the |
Ch'ien |
Hsun mission |
|
that of |
|
|
'^W |
M" |
referred |
to In |
his official |
introduction |
|
| simply |
as "an official |
of the |
Ministry |
of Public |
Instruction," |
but |
|
| tually |
a of the 1880's |
long experience |
had served |
high rank as educational |
In the |
officialdom commissioner |
of |
| for the |
province |
of Klangsi. |
After the |
1911 Revolution |
|
he |
to |
| private finement |
tutor of the Forbidden had ostensibly |
of the sent to the to |
infant City Indies inspect |
by the governor general of the educational |
in the facilities |
splendid Fuklen |
of the |
| Fukienese |
residents |
in the |
colony. |
His real mission, |
|
appears, |
|
| the promotion |
of |
the sale |
of shares |
in a Fuklen |
railroad |
enterprise. |
|
| Since |
openly |
referred |
to himself |
as "Director |
|
|
of the |
| Fuklen |
|
he not |
embarrassed |
by the |
|
motivation |
|
| behind |
his journey. |
His sales |
|
|
|
with limited |
|
| success, only some |
|
|
[Straits?] |
dollars being |
gained. |
51Ch'en's |
|
| stay in the |
Netherlands nationalist third visitor |
India from |
brief; in |
he really |
little official |
impression in |
|
| Lin Lu-ts'un |
|
/^/^-?^c" |
), "a |
very |
extraordinarily |
|
|
. Chekiang,
Japanese who chU-
At 1907 was
Hague. He have
become a between THHK and China. As
was when it
new China.
on came Ch'en
Pao-ch'en ($^)/
ac-
man and
China. In Ch'en
was be-
come deposed emperor con-
.
Ch'en been
and Chekiang
it was
Ch'en General
Railway," was economic
campaign, however, met
150,000
was made
on movement.
The China 1907 was an name only.
( 1^wealthy and
.
[154]
| popular" |
native of |
|
had purchased |
official |
rank, |
to In- |
| donesia for |
the |
purpose |
of inspecting Chinese |
|
schools. |
Lin's |
| real mission |
|
in the interests |
of his |
business |
operations |
|
| said |
to be seeking |
capital |
for his glass |
china |
factory in |
|
| There |
evidence |
that Lin |
chose to travel |
the |
guise of |
official |
| for reasons |
of prestige |
|
|
This |
spared |
the |
| nuisance |
of carrying |
passes |
other |
Indies travel |
|
Lin, |
| presumably |
for the |
sake of |
appearances, |
called |
at schools |
but |
| far |
from thorough school so |
in his fleetingly |
Inspection. that the |
faculty |
"he surprised; |
visited the [he] |
| never, |
for |
the |
trouble to |
go upstairs |
to see the |
classrooms |
| there." |
he |
did take |
interest |
In the Slang |
|
|
| advising ot |
Chinese the end |
places of Bearing |
the of the title of |
existed to that year's Imperial |
establish official visitors Commissioner, |
from |
| ShIh-ch'I |
|
|
"Junior |
President |
of the |
Ministry |
| of Agriculture, |
Industry, |
|
Trade," arrived |
Netherlands |
|
India. To |
| to |
the visitor's |
prestige, |
the Chinese |
|
sent |
naval |
| vessles |
to transport |
escort |
|
|
|
with great |
|
|
|
|
|
|
53 |
| enthusiasm |
by the represented |
Chinese the |
with government's |
most |
by the Intense |
effort to |
| bring the |
Indies |
Chinese under |
control. |
|
|
to |
| inspect serving: |
advise Shih-ch'i |
the Siang |
associations hereby |
to |
to reward |
the to the |
| Islands |
of the to their the desire |
South Pacific to take care |
to inspect of the of |
Imperial solicitude Furthermore, |
associations for should |
|
Amoy, who went
announced
was own. He
was and Amoy.
Is in an
and convenience. device him
and documents.
some
was In Semarang,
Chinese was and
example, took
Yet some Hwee movement,
in where none chambers
commerce
Toward 1907 last
China appeared. Yang
( %:^-^)^), Vice
and In
add government two
and Yang, who was welcomed
and open antagonism Dutch.
Yang Chinese
Its He was commissioned
and Hwee and de-
Yang... is commanded proceed
commercial
and tell members them
and them. any-
[155]
|
succeed in |
bringing |
together |
large sums |
of |
for the |
|
| purpose |
of starting of |
important trade in |
|
public |
benefactors |
the will be |
|
| given |
noble rank |
in reward |
for their |
services, |
the |
authori- |
|
| ties |
of all cities |
within the |
Imperial |
dominions, |
|
these |
|
| emigrants |
shall also |
reside, are their return interested |
to give to their in the educational |
|
every protection in |
toured |
|
| a |
|
specifically |
|
|
against |
the use |
of |
| teachers |
trained in |
|
|
|
had |
to |
real- |
| ize the |
to |
from |
the |
revolutionaries |
|
filling faculty |
|
| posts in |
Southeast |
Asia |
sought |
to strengthen |
the |
hand of |
the |
| Chinese |
|
expatriate |
|
subjects |
by urging |
to |
|
| bine their |
organization |
educational to |
operate |
associations under the |
in tutelage |
supreme of the Peking |
|
| regime. |
But, as |
noted in |
the previous |
chapter, |
no such |
super |
asso- |
| ciation |
ever |
|
|
|
|
|
|
| the |
official |
view, |
|
Shih-ch'I |
must |
|
|
| a measure |
of success |
during his tour. |
|
|
to be regarded |
as |
|
| thing of |
an Indies |
Chinese expert. |
|
imperial |
|
|
|
| considered |
sending |
him out a |
second time. |
|
Republican |
authorities |
|
| in |
again success |
in also of the |
|
thought difficult |
to a second to estimate. |
mission |
for clear |
| from the |
record, the Chinese before |
that the Chinese |
no later Revolution |
visitor |
as four more |
hospitably imperial |
re- |
| representatives |
on |
tour In Netherlands |
|
India. |
|
|
|
| of the Chinese |
diplomatic |
staff |
In the |
|
|
Ky, traveled |
|
| through |
the archipelago |
urging |
the Chinese to consolidate and |
|
|
to |
|
| tain their |
national |
separateness. |
|
visited |
all |
|
Slang |
one money
commercial enterprises for en-
couragement China, such
and
in which
them and
countenance on homes China. 54
Yang was movement. He
number of schools and warned them
Japan. The Chinese government come
danger itself young
. Yang
government over its them com-
commercial and one
pan-Chinese
55
emerged.
In Chinese Yang have achieved
He came some-
The government in 1910
The
1913 and 1916 gave
56
Yang. The man Is It Is
however, was
ceived in community.
Thefouryears saw
In 1908 another member
Hague, Wang Kang
main-
Wang THHK and
[156]
| establishments |
|
in Batavia, |
Surakarta, |
Surabaya, |
|
|
|
appears |
to |
|
|
with |
Siang |
| operations |
than with |
the educational |
|
|
This |
under- |
| standable |
interest on |
the part |
of a diplomat |
|
|
use of the |
| consular |
activities he the |
of the guest of |
of the local |
Siang |
both presidents. |
Batavia |
| Surabaya |
Siang |
told |
to take |
the lead |
in the establishment |
|
| of a centralized |
association |
|
of |
merchants |
for all |
Indonesia. |
| like |
the great |
majority |
of the other |
emissaries |
from |
|
| sought to |
stimulate |
the flow of |
overseas |
capital into |
|
|
| enterprises. |
His special steam strove to ties with the |
interests navigation persuade the Chinese |
to put |
in plans of the East their faith |
to Indies in the emperor. |
domestic to |
| willingly |
with |
|
listened |
to |
the grievances |
of his |
| emigrant |
|
very |
pointedly |
did not |
associate |
with the |
| traditionalist Chinese officers; |
|
|
the Batavia |
|
never even |
him. |
| vigorously |
|
against |
the |
|
of Netherlands |
citi- |
| zenship, |
reportedly |
declaring: |
"There |
a clear |
relationship |
|
| nationality |
a person's |
personality. |
|
|
accepts |
another |
| tionality, |
as |
takes |
a foreign |
father." |
|
tried |
| to put teeth |
in his |
by stating |
that |
the property |
in |
of |
|
|
|
|
|
|
58 |
| emigrant |
|
a Netherlands |
subject |
|
be confiscated. |
|
| views |
purposes |
of this |
visitor are |
well presented |
|
in a passage |
| from a speech |
he must |
supposed not |
to delivered the |
in [sTc] |
Surabaya: religion |
|
| by so |
doing they |
will get |
a |
they will |
be regarded |
as |
| seeking |
to forget |
their Chinese |
origins. |
|
|
faith |
I.J and
- ^'^
Hwee Semarang, and
Padang. He have been more concerned Hwee
movement. was an
who would make
chambers commerce. In and
Semarang was Hwee The
Hwee was
Chinese
Wang, China, also
mainland Chinese
were develop
I
banking
..
companies.
Wang renounce
any close Dutch and He
and seeming sympathy
countrymen. He
Majoor met
Wang warned acceptance
is between
and When one na-
it is if one Wang Kang Ky
warning China any
who became would
The and
is have
The Chinese accept Dutch because
bad name,
They can have
[157]
|
|
government |
|
them, that |
|
|
|
| that |
the Chinese |
|
will not |
forget |
|
labors |
|
| continuously |
|
in the interest |
of the welfare |
of all |
the Chinese |
of |
|
|
59 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Chinese |
warships reappeared |
in |
Indies waters |
in |
|
|
| that year's |
inspector |
from |
|
|
jt, |
7" |
a |
| Fukienese |
chU-jen, |
nevertheless |
|
|
lacked the |
customary |
|
| polish |
of the |
|
had |
ordered |
by the Chinese |
|
|
| istry of |
Agriculture, |
Industry, |
|
to |
visit the |
Siang |
|
| establishments. |
|
|
his investigation |
of |
the |
|
as- |
| sociations |
with a Surabaya, |
tour of a Pontianak |
he |
schools. the guest |
Batavia, of the |
Siang |
|
| associations, |
but |
his public |
reception |
in all those |
cities, |
especially |
|
| in the |
last three |
|
By |
pointing to |
the steps |
then under |
|
| for |
the reform |
of the |
criminal |
|
|
|
at- |
| tempted |
to prove |
to the overseas |
people |
that the |
|
under- |
|
| going modernization. |
|
His |
appears |
to |
small; |
|
|
| only noteworthy |
|
|
resulted |
from a presumably |
|
|
|
| act |
to |
the |
Pontianak, |
the |
local sultan, |
"in |
of- |
| ficial |
|
with a large |
retinue," |
escorted |
|
a |
|
| of resident |
Chinese |
to the |
visiting warships |
on |
a |
|
|
| launch |
|
for the occasion. |
|
Netherlands |
official |
reporting |
|
| the incident |
stated: |
|
not |
say |
|
|
|
| sion this |
demonstration |
|
|
(and |
probably |
also on |
the |
| native) |
populations." hospitality |
to |
princes dignitaries, |
not |
to display their to visiting |
Chinese. |
|
| Plans |
to hold |
industrial |
|
fair |
in |
|
|
| another |
official |
|
visitor, |
|
This |
|
a |
| representative |
of |
the viceroy |
at |
|
then interested |
|
in |
it
Java.
Two 1909 bringing
China, Wang Ta-chen( \j:),
who reportedly
mandarin. Wang been Min-
and Commerce Hwee
He combined commercial
number of THHK In Se-
marang, and was Hwee
named, was cool.
way Chinese code, Wang Ta-chen
homeland was
success have been Wang's
accomplishment unplanned
maddening Dutch. At
costume and Wang and number
Dutch government
borrowed The
"I do need to what an enormous impres-
made on the Chinese
Native were expected
pomp and European
an and commercial Nanking brought
1909 Chinese Wang Yl-wai. man was
Nanking, who was
[158]
| fhe establishment |
in |
Southeast |
Asia of an |
association |
for the |
|
| tion of industrialization that |
|
in China. visit might cause |
The |
governor |
general |
feared |
| onstrations |
concern. |
expatriates. |
in Java |
only |
shared |
the visiting |
| a few Chinese |
enterprises |
in Batavia, |
no recorded |
success |
during |
Sura- his tour. |
| year |
1911 |
brought the |
last of the |
Ch'ing |
dynasty |
agents to |
| Netherlands |
India. |
Chinese |
|
subsequently |
stated |
that: |
| the |
trip of of Agruculture, |
Industry, |
|
-^^ |
), secretary has taken |
of the place |
| served |
specifically |
as an |
investigation |
of |
conditions. |
|
| This tour |
had no other that |
aims. in reality |
There sent |
to |
belief on the activities |
of |
| the revolutionaries |
|
in Southeast |
Asia. |
|
told |
the Indies |
| Chinese |
that he had |
to |
"comfort" |
that |
to assure |
|
| of imperial |
solicitude. |
This emissary, |
|
arrived |
a small |
naval |
| vessel |
|
robes, |
politely |
received |
by |
his Siang |
| hosts. nese press |
|
also bitterly to feel generally |
attacked |
by the |
revolutionary the Chinese |
|
| lie. |
|
circulated |
in Surabaya |
stated: |
|
|
| are |
informed |
that the |
slave of the |
|
the traitor |
to |
| the Chinese, |
|
|
will soon |
|
to Surabaya |
for |
| the |
|
purpose of |
"giving support |
|
comfort |
to the |
| Chinese |
colonists" |
but in reality to cheat |
|
|
to |
|
| their |
to |
trap for |
|
they will remain slaves |
|
|
| through |
the centuries. |
|
Let us, |
racial brothers, |
|
the |
| time not |
[of Chao's the laughing stockof the whole world |
|
display |
no flags |
in order that This a |
|
| ter involving |
the |
honor or the disgrace |
|
of our |
forefathers."^ |
|
promo-
Dutch
WangYi-wai's an outbreak of anti-Manchu dem-
among the Wang may well have
Dutchman's He remained two weeks,
Bandung, Semarang, and
baya. Wang Yi-wai achieved
The
The government
"... Chao Ts'ung-fan ('J'^ ^/J-
Department and Commerce,
and commercial
..."was a among many,
however, Chao was check
Chao Ts'ung-fan
come them, is, them
who on
and wore mandarin was
Hwee He was Chi-
and made unwelcome by pub-
A pamphlet
You Manchus,
Chao Ts'ung-fan, come
announced and
them and takeaway
money, seta
them so that
... when
visit] comes, we
become. is mat-
Han
.
[159]
Clearly the overseas public had lost its earlier enthusiasm for tour-
ing mandarins. Perhaps the people had grown blase' after seeing an
uninterrupted stream of distinguished visitors. Or possibly they had
become weary of guests who somehow always cost money but returned
little.
|
Some |
Nationalist |
|
Symbols |
|
|
| Before |
leaving the |
attempts |
of the imperial |
regime |
to assert |
leader- |
| ship over |
the Indies |
Chinese, |
perhaps |
sensible to |
consider |
of |
| the nationalist |
symbols, other |
|
than the emissaries |
themselves, |
|
|
| by the Ch'ing |
dynasty |
to |
the overseas |
|
under |
the |
| peror's |
Official rank |
for |
emigrant |
Chinese, the |
visits of Chinese |
|
| warships |
to Southeast |
Asia, |
the display |
of the |
Chinese flag |
|
| already |
|
in passing. |
Closer |
attention |
to these |
seems |
| appropriate |
here |
|
|
|
|
|
| In old |
official |
rank |
highly |
respected |
assiduously |
|
| sought. |
degrees |
sold by |
a |
short |
of funds brought |
a |
| measure |
of honor to |
their holders. |
|
ability to |
purchase |
a |
| least |
a sign of |
success |
in the |
world |
an Indication |
|
| of scholarly |
ambition, |
not attainment. |
|
imperial |
|
in |
| related |
to obtain |
|
for various |
activities |
to bring |
the |
| upper stratum |
of the |
Indies |
|
into |
the social |
frame- |
| of |
|
|
bestowing |
rank on |
certain deserving |
|
| These |
rewards of a surprisingly |
are significant the emigrants. |
here large |
as symbols of recipients |
of the reborn of |
link imperial |
| favor in |
under |
investigation, |
the |
|
|
|
| "an official |
of the |
second rank" |
in 1903. |
reportedly |
|
his |
it Is some
employed
draw communities em-
wing.
and have
been mentioned
China was and
Even government
The degree
was at economic and
if The government,
moves money and
Chinese community
work traditional China, began
men.
between China and
The first number
the years Majoorat Medan, was made
He began
[160]
| career as |
a coolie, |
yet had |
contributed |
large |
sums to the |
imperial |
| treasury |
during a visit |
to Peking. |
|
citation |
from |
the |
| viceroy |
authorized |
the distribution |
of |
medals to |
128 |
leaders. |
| following |
year |
the viceroy |
ordered |
the Chinese |
consul |
general at |
| Singapore |
to arrange |
for the |
division |
the |
associations |
of |
| the following |
items: |
25 |
|
to be displayed over |
|
the doors |
| of the schools, |
25 for the caps |
inscribed of students, and |
tablets, 185 |
silver standards |
belts, to be displayed |
inscribed by |
| schools deserving |
special |
honor. |
Prestige |
|
being mass |
|
| Chinese |
|
|
particularly |
eager |
to reward |
sup- |
| porters In |
the business |
circles |
of Southeast |
Asia |
will |
be recalled |
| that the |
officers of |
the various |
Slang |
|
regarded |
as |
| of the Chinese |
officialdom. |
|
Slang |
leaders |
displayed |
great |
| generosity |
to the Chinese |
regime |
|
singled out |
for special |
honors. |
| scale of |
rewards |
based on the |
size of contributions |
|
to imperial |
causes |
| seems to |
|
|
For example, |
the |
president |
|
| at |
In "fourth |
grade mandarin." |
a touring Chinese |
emissary colleague |
|
half |
| that |
|
"an |
official |
of the fifth |
rank." |
at least |
| occasions, ceremonies |
|
reminiscent |
|
of the ancient |
Imperial |
investi- |
| ture of tributary sent |
princes decorations |
took from Peking. |
place |
the |
|
of Surakarta |
| the |
desperation |
born of |
fiscal |
difficulties, |
the |
|
| nasty recklessly |
|
the |
prestige |
of these |
honors |
|
| the position |
of the |
dignitaries |
sent on |
missions to |
the Islands. |
|
| of success |
suffered |
by |
|
his |
tour of the |
Indies |
| to be |
for |
in part |
by the fact |
that "he |
only |
of the fifth |
| rank and |
there |
Indies |
Chinese |
|
purchased |
the fifth |
A 1906 Canton
THHK
The
among THHK
wooden plaques
185 250
emblems
64
was produced.
The government was its
. It
Hwee were members
Hwee who
were
A
have been developed. oftheSiang
Hwee Padang 1907gave f. 10,000 and
was made a A
who gave only
amount was designated On
two
when Susuhunan
65
was
In Its Manchu dy-
cheapened and weakened
The lack
WangTa-chen on 1909 was
accounted was
were many who had
.
[161]
|
the fourth |
ranks." |
|
Republic |
|
|
|
| able to |
offer the |
traditional |
honors of |
dynastic times; |
did, |
|
|
| distribute |
a |
medals |
to |
leaders. |
|
|
|
| Flags |
are perhaps |
the most |
universal of |
nationalist |
symbols. |
|
must |
| be noted, |
though, |
that national |
flags |
brought |
to the |
Orient |
from |
| the |
Traditional |
|
had no national |
flag. |
Banners |
|
used |
| by Chinese |
military units |
In |
the |
|
as our |
|
|
| various |
regimental |
colors; |
but those |
banners had |
no symbolic |
signifi- |
|
| to |
the Chinese of their |
with |
as a whole the |
Indies Chinese, a |
especially |
doubtless fond |
of |
| flags, |
to arrival |
of Ch'ien |
enthusiastic |
"dragon |
use of the flags" |
flag symbol. to blossom |
|
| out in the |
|
quarters |
of the |
|
colony. That |
this |
|
| innovation |
|
|
by the fact |
that in |
|
"the leaders |
|
| of the |
|
a days |
before |
arrival |
of the imperial envoy, |
|
|
| hastily |
ordered a |
art |
studio |
to |
flags." |
|
|
| the |
minister |
at the |
advised |
the |
Slang |
that |
they |
| to |
fly only the |
|
flag. |
next year |
the |
minister |
|
| of foreign |
affairs |
|
that the |
|
colonial authorities |
|
|
| insisted |
that the |
flag |
be flown higher |
than |
the Chinese. |
|
|
| flags |
to be |
seen in |
|
India on |
all |
holidays. |
|
| Flags also |
served |
to up |
trouble |
to express |
displeasure. |
|
al- |
| ready noted, |
|
|
the last and |
probably the |
least |
successful |
|
| of the imperial |
emissaries |
to |
the East Indies, |
|
greeted by an absence |
|
|
| of revolutionaries |
|
This in |
part a sign |
of the |
|
of |
the |
| By |
appears |
from the |
|
point of |
hindsight to |
have |
|
| a needless |
stupid |
blunder |
on the |
the |
|
|
|
and even The Chinese
was of course un-
it however,
number of THHK
It
were
West. China were
much same way army employs Its
cance people. The
because contact Dutch, people
came make widespread and
The 1907 Hsun caused
Chinese Netherlands was
an Is evidenced Semarang
community, few the
Chinese make dragon In 1909
Chinese Hague Hwee
were Chinese The Chinese
complained Netherlands
Dutch Chinese
came Netherlands Chinese
stir and As
Chao Ts'ung-fan,
was
Chinese flags. was growing strength
what vantage been
and part of Dutch, blood was shed
.
[162]
| rioting |
after the colonial administration |
|
|
refused to |
permit the display |
|
| 91 2 of |
the |
flag of the Chinese |
Republic |
|
part as a |
reaction |
| to the |
on |
the Republican |
flag, |
Chinese |
publicly |
|
| stroyed a |
Netherlands |
flag. |
Surabaya, at |
about |
the |
time, |
| the |
quarter, |
contrary |
to former |
practice, flew |
no |
flags |
| on the occasion |
of |
a birthday |
in the Netherlands the custom |
royal of states |
family. to send |
fleets |
| to foreign |
ports |
order, as |
usual phrase |
put |
to |
the flag. |
| Such naval |
cruises |
|
to impress |
foreign |
|
|
| In the case |
of empires, |
to |
colonists |
that the mother |
country |
had |
| not forgotten |
|
Ch'ing |
dynasty, |
having seen |
the showing |
of |
| flags, |
|
this technique |
In a further |
effort |
to strengthen |
the |
| ties |
the overseas Chinese ships, then |
the pride |
the of the imperial |
Chinese |
both navy, |
called |
| at Indies |
ports during |
the tours |
of |
Shih-ch'i |
|
|
| public earl ler occasion |
response |
to those |
visits |
understandably |
greater |
on the |
| [In 1907] |
several |
days before |
the |
of the |
cruisers, |
|
| the news |
of their |
future arrival |
had spread to all |
|
parts of Central |
|
| Java; |
thus, on |
the of |
their arrival, |
a great |
|
|
| had felt |
necessary |
to |
to |
from |
places |
in |
| order felt proud .69 |
to see the |
warships. |
the |
nearly |
every |
|
| In Batavia |
the |
ships |
a |
similar |
|
|
| association |
closed |
schools |
for |
to give |
the children |
|
| opportunity |
to visit |
the vessels. |
Perhaps |
the excitement among |
|
the |
| The two |
vessels |
were the Hai-ch'i |
'J^ |
y'J4,300 |
metric tons, |
built |
| Great |
Britain 1898, |
and the |
Hai-jung |
*-^ |
2,950 metric |
tons, |
| of 1897 and Co., |
construction. London, 1917, |
Jane's p. 479^ |
Fighting |
Ships, Sampson, |
Low, |
Marston |
.68
in
in 1 new. In
Dutch ban some de-
And in same
Chinese Dutch
Some decades ago it was many
In the it, show
were expected governments and.
show
them. The
many adopted
between and mainland. In 1907and
1909 two
Yang and Wang Ta-chen.
The was
coming two
day many Chinese
It come Semarang many
At time Chinese
were extended welcome. The THHK
Its two days an
,
in in-J^,
German
[163]
| Indies |
Chinese |
|
the imperial |
warships |
called |
increased |
by a |
| general |
realization |
require |
that Chinese the use |
of sea |
protection |
in an |
|
when was
government emer-
gency would power.
Diplomatic and Consular Leaders
The Republican government of China in its early years did not fol-
low the example set by the Manchus in the matter of commissioning
representatives to tour Netherlands India. This fact may possibly be
explained by the difficulties facing the new government; it seems more
likely, however, that the establishment in 1912 of the Chinese con-
sulate general at Batavia mode special missions less necessary.
Prior to the opening of the Batavia consulate general all diplo-
matic negotiations between the Netherlands and Chinese governments
were conducted at the ministerial level in the Hague or Peking. The
Chinese minister in the Netherlands, as the nationalist movement of
his compatriots in the Indies went forward, found himself evermore
deeply involved in the affairs of the overseas Chinese. In accordance
with standard practice, it was the duty of the Chinese diplomat to
transmit the introductions of officials sent by Peking to the Dutch col-
ony. It will be recalled that two of the emissaries to visit Indonesia
were members of the staff of the legation in the Hague. Also in keep-
ing with customary procedure, the Chinese minister was quick to pro-
test to the Netherlands government whenever it appeared that Chinese
citizens in Dutch areas had been unjustly treated.
Although the Chinese minister's legitimate functions are of no par-
ticular interest, his extralegal operations merit some attention. The
Siang Hwee, because of their quasi-consular role, were in close con-
tact with the minister. He was the channel through which the early
[164]
| Siang |
|
official |
approval |
for their |
statutes. |
|
| minister |
to |
Chinese |
subjects in |
Netherlands |
India register |
|
| citizenship |
through |
facilities |
set up by |
the Siang |
|
|
| by Indies Chinese |
in |
the |
provincial |
elections |
carried |
|
| out through |
the Slang |
|
the minister's |
supervision. |
|
later |
| diplomat |
|
in the |
91 7 elections |
91 |
2 search |
by the |
| police |
of the |
Siang |
Soe Po Sia |
establishments |
at Sura- |
|
| revealed |
that |
the minister |
long |
In direct communication |
|
|
| with those |
bodies |
through |
|
messages. |
Ciphers |
had |
| to be used |
|
the imperial |
legation in |
the |
|
that |
| the Netherlands |
authorities |
regularly |
intercepted |
mail |
cables. |
In |
| fact, the |
had |
unsuccessfully |
protested |
against |
this breach |
of |
| diplomatic |
usage. |
In his |
to |
Indonesia |
the minister was |
|
| quick both |
to the |
Siang |
that he |
tirelessly for |
the |
re- |
| peal of credit for |
colonial progress. diplomatic |
laws discriminating representative |
against |
at the |
to also |
claim in- |
| terested |
in other matters. |
|
to learn |
the |
|
|
| of the leaders |
of |
|
|
presented |
the association |
|
| of |
students the study |
in the Netherlands of |
with vigorous |
to in his |
be used efforts to |
to |
| Indies |
|
the |
of |
nationality |
Finally, |
|
| acting |
the orders several occasions |
of his |
the the |
against |
minister the sinister |
at the |
| tivities |
the revolutionaries; |
|
the |
|
early |
as |
Hwee obtained Chinese The
sought have
tVieir Hwee. Voting
1910 Chinese was
Hwee under A
was also active 1. A 1
Dutch Hwee and
baya had been
two means of coded
because Hague well knew
and
Chinese
communications
tell Hwee worked
the Chinese and
any
The Chinese Hague was
He sought names and incomes
THHK. The minister once
Chinese f. 2,000 en-
courage Kuo-yu. He was warn
Chinese against acceptance Dutch.
on government, Chinese
Hague on warned Dutch ac-
M first warning was made as
1906/^
The official link between the overseas Chinese and the Chinese
government was of course made more secure with the establishment of
f165]
. been
| the consulate |
general |
at Batavia |
That |
event had |
preceded |
by |
| several years |
of negotiation |
|
the |
|
of |
arxJ |
| the Netherlands. |
|
the |
Chinese consul |
at Singapore |
reported |
to |
| Peking that |
consulates |
ought |
be maintained |
in the |
Indies |
to protect |
| Chinese |
interests. |
|
out by |
the consul |
that the |
establish- |
| ments |
probably |
|
returns |
on the Investment, presumably |
|
|
| by collecting |
contributions |
from |
|
emigrants |
Chinese |
of |
| in |
1888, for |
|
had promised |
to remit |
funds to |
Peking for |
| naval construction |
|
in |
for consular |
protection. |
|
opposi- |
| tion to the |
|
of consulates |
to |
be fought |
by a Peking |
threat |
| to block |
the coolie |
traffic |
South |
|
Sumatra. |
|
| minister |
at the |
in 1891 in Netherlands India |
efforts |
to secure |
the right |
to |
| tried |
to obtain |
|
from the |
|
by again |
raising the |
| perennial curtly negative: |
of for |
coolie emigration the right |
of free |
Netherlands direct |
reaction was emigration |
of |
| coolies] |
to the important |
colonies, concession, |
the the |
Chinese |
of consular |
|
| establishments |
on |
|
Sumatra, |
a concession |
|
the |
| royal |
[Netherlands] |
|
not |
prepared |
to make.^'^ |
|
| part |
of his |
to |
muster overseas |
allegiance |
to |
the |
| dynasty, |
Ch'ien |
during |
his |
mission |
spoke |
|
| frequently |
in favor |
of |
consulates |
|
in the Indies. |
|
| to fix the |
issue firmly |
in the |
public |
|
textbooks |
Informed |
| the children |
that the |
|
consular |
relations |
|
states |
| fundamental |
to |
normal international |
|
intercourse. |
|
|
| issue |
of the |
citizenship |
of overseas |
|
held up |
a settle- |
| of |
the consular |
question |
until 1911 |
|
not necessary |
to go |
between governments China
In 1889
to
It was pointed
would pay double
wealthy. The
Manila example,
exchange Dutch
opening was
between China and The
Hague began open
74
Chinese consulates. The Chinese government in
1894 an agreement Dutch
problem. The
In exchange and [
Dutch government de-
mands an maintenance
Java and which
government is
As campaign Man-
chu Hsun 1907 widely and
opening Chinese And,
mind, THHK
maintenance o!^ among
was
The Chinese
ment. It Is
[166]
which
| into the |
points of |
international |
law |
underlay |
the citizenship |
|
| problem; fundamental |
a generation difference |
of |
lawyers |
has written |
on the Netherlands |
subject. |
| that the |
former insisted |
|
jus sanguinis |
the |
latter on jus |
soli in |
| the determination |
|
of the citizenship |
of |
overseas Chinese. |
|
|
| mise |
finally reached |
|
the |
governments: |
Chinese |
born |
| in the Indies |
|
to be considered |
Netherlands |
subjects |
except |
during |
| periods |
of residence |
or travel |
in |
they |
to be |
|
| as citizens |
of |
other |
words, |
the |
|
juris- |
| diction |
over the |
populatlonof their colony |
|
|
but |
unwill- |
| ing to |
involved |
in the |
task of extending |
consular |
protection |
to |
| Indies Chinese |
|
to |
|
|
|
|
| Ultimately, |
the |
right of the |
|
to establish |
consulates |
in the |
| Netherlands the following |
Indies statements: consuls |
grudgingly the Netherlands general, |
granted that consuls, |
by the signed vice consuls |
in 1911 contained consular |
treaty |
| agents |
of |
will be considered |
|
as |
agents, |
pro- |
| tectors districts. |
of the consuls |
of general, |
their nationals consuls, |
within vice consuls |
their consular consular |
|
| agents accredited |
are not through the to the immediately S^|invested with be intercession Chinese ^°^ served |
diplomatic addressed of the .7° broke both consul general in the |
character. to the Netherlands [Chinese] the spirit at Batavia, capacity |
the letter of Su at Singapore. |
this |
| In 191 |
after the |
signing of |
the |
consular |
convention, |
he |
| ordered |
to Batavia. |
|
outbreak |
of the Revolution |
obliged |
Su, |
Dutch
The between China and the was
upon and
A compro-
was between two
were
China, when were viewed
China. In Dutch claimed full
Peranakan were
become
who went China.
Chinese
was Dutch. The
between China and was
The and
China commercial
commerce
...
The and
any
Demands can only govern-
ment diplomatic agent
Hague...
The Chinese and
agreement. The first Jui-chao
(^^-^/f ^fsame
1, Sioo-Dutch
was The
[167]
| obviously |
a |
to |
|
principles, |
to submit |
his resig- |
|
| nation. |
delay |
resulting |
from that |
traditional |
gesture |
caused |
Su's |
| arrival |
in Batavia |
to be postponed |
until |
|
1912. |
But |
on |
| the job, tivities |
Su demonstrated to the protection the |
that of |
he |
no intention acts |
of limiting investigation |
his |
of a |
| report |
that a |
had died |
of unnatural |
causes |
during interrogation |
|
|
| by |
police. |
|
year Su |
|
by his |
|
to |
| take the |
lead in |
organizing |
voting by |
Indies Chinese |
in |
the planned |
|
| senatorial elections; |
|
in |
|
procedure |
|
repeated. |
|
| consul |
general |
soon |
responsible |
by |
Peking |
for the |
|
| eral supervision |
|
of |
education |
in Netherlands |
India. |
|
also |
| applied |
himself to |
a sales |
|
persuading |
overseas Chi- |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
80 |
|
| nese to |
invest in |
the bonds |
of the |
|
Republic. |
In short, |
|
| then, he |
|
to perform |
the |
great range |
of duties |
previously |
|
| carried |
out by the consul general's |
series of efforts |
visiting officials |
from to |
little |
appreciated |
|
| by the |
|
|
local |
press acidly |
|
|
that |
| "his door |
closed |
to visitors |
he |
kept himself |
fully |
|
|
| female |
house guests." |
|
likely that |
of |
this irritation |
with |
the |
| consular |
arose |
from |
hostility |
to |
Shih-k'al |
|
his |
| agents. |
Batavia to |
consul revolutionaries. |
general |
by later |
given the |
with unenviable |
the |
| chore of |
convincing |
the overseas |
Chinese |
that their |
|
|
|
| triots longed |
for |
a restoration |
of the |
|
in the |
|
|
| nection, |
he |
to |
inform Peking |
of the |
|
loyal |
|
|
|
81 |
|
|
|
|
|
| to |
Shih-k'ai |
|
fears that |
the consul |
general |
|
to |
| their detriment, exercise |
|
strong |
leadership |
over |
the Chinese community |
|
|
man devoted Confucian
The
79
August once
had ac-
Chinese commerce.
Among new consul general's first was an
Chinese
Dutch The same was ordered government
1917 roughly the same was
The was made gen-
Chinese He
campaign aimed at
new Chinese
was expected
China.
The seem have been
Chinese community. The complained
was and occupied with
It is some
head growing Yuan and
The 1914 was working
Dutch expose He was
mainland compa-
monarchy and, same con-
was ordered
names of those
Yuan. Dutch would,
[168]
Overseas
| had proven |
groundless. |
|
Chinese |
perhaps |
|
| suspicious dynasty |
of |
his servants |
than they |
had |
of the |
were even more
Yuan and
been Manchu
.
|
Reformer |
|
and Revolutionary |
|
|
|
| addition |
to |
the nationalist |
leaders |
|
from Indies |
Chinese |
| groups |
to those |
|
officials |
from |
there |
|
| land reformers |
|
revolutionaries |
involved |
in the |
|
under in- |
| vestigation. |
has |
long |
a matter |
of course |
for students |
of the |
| Chinese |
Revolution |
to mention |
that overseas |
Chinese |
support |
sig- |
| nificant. |
present |
writer |
does not |
dispute that |
but |
believes |
| that the |
revolutionaries |
|
far less |
than |
the local |
of- |
| ficial leaders |
in the |
creation |
of overseas Chinese |
|
nationalism. |
Perhaps |
| they merely |
exploited |
rather |
than furthered |
the |
under |
study. |
| also |
felt by of the Chinese |
the writer |
that the outside the |
subject scope of |
of the this effort. |
political |
| cern here |
with |
the birth |
of a particular |
brand |
of nationalism. |
|
| political |
struggles |
of China's |
revolutionary |
period |
|
|
| of national |
consciousness, |
|
not the sources |
of that |
consciousness. |
|
| nevertheless |
of |
limited |
usefulness |
to look |
briefly at |
the |
| nections |
|
the |
of Netherlands |
India |
|
|
| figures |
of the early |
twentieth |
century |
Chinese political |
scene, |
|
|
Sun slight significant to Southeast |
influence of brief than Asia |
the duration; Sun's in the during |
but, initial nationalist his years of |
nationalist early political |
date, exile; his |
| reputation |
as a scholar and reformer |
|
had |
|
him. 1903 |
|
In
and coming as
and
It been
The
were
It is
awakening is
is
is some
between Chinese
Yu-wei and Yat-sen.
K'ang Yu-wei's on
ment was and
was more
K'ang went
drawn
China were main-
movement
was
view
important and
movement
immense
The con-
The
were an outgrowth
It
con-
and two dominant
K'ang
Indies Chinese move-
coming at an it
awakening.
preceded In K'ang,
.
[169]
then resident in the Straits Settlements, visited Java. One report states
that he was urged to make that journey by Batavia's THHK. Another
and probably more credible source maintains that K'ang took the ini-
tiative in arranging to visit the Indies. In either case, K'ang was
hospitably received by the Batavia association, which made orrange-
82
ments for a Java tour of about two months' duration.
K'ang really achieved little in the Dutch colony. In Semarang he
addressed the leading Chinese of that city and is supposed to have in-
spired them to establish a THHK school. It must be remembered, how-
ever, that educational reform was firmly on its feet by the time K'ang
reached Java. Of course a number of teachers in the modern schools
were disciples of K'ang Yu-wei. On at least one occasion a Batavia
teacher was hired on K'ang's recommendation. It is recorded that,
although K'ang's visit was "the first contact THHK had with the intel-
lectual circle of China..., there is no evidence that he expressed
any kind of opinion [in Batavia]."Another report maintains, how-
ever, that K'ang did suggest to THHK Batavia that It place an altar to
go
Confucius in its building. This is the only advice he is definitely
known to have offered
Perhaps K'ang Yu-wei's most lasting contribution to the nationalist
movement lay in the fact that he became in official Dutch eyes a
mysterious figure on the Southeast Asian scene. Much political mis-
chief was blamed on K'ang, who thus unwittingly led the Netherlands
authorities off the trail of the genuine nationalist leaders. He was
credited with organizing the 1902 boycott of a great Dutch firm by
Surabaya's Chinese merchants. The authorship of a widely circulated
1909 pamphlet telling the Chinese to reject Netherlands citizenship
was supposedly his. And K'ang was eventually thought by some Dutch
.
[170]
in
| officials |
to be influential |
the |
secret societies. |
There |
appears |
to be |
| no basis |
in fact for |
|
fears. |
seems |
to |
little |
| than |
live politically |
the Southeast impotent. 84 the |
Asian Indies scene |
Chinese, late |
intellectually only |
re- from a |
| distance. |
stated |
in earlier |
chapter, |
the Soe |
Po Sia |
organiza- |
| tions |
established |
to serve |
Sun; a |
|
of |
teachers |
| his |
followers. |
Sun's support |
|
primarily |
from |
transient |
| or |
Singkeh groups, |
not from the |
settled |
overseas |
nationalists |
|
| der investigation |
here. |
Those |
|
Sun sought goals |
|
in China; |
| the Indies |
Chinese |
nationalists |
for |
security |
|
in |
| their local |
environment. |
Sun Yat-sen's |
direct |
contribution |
to |
the rise |
| of nationalism, |
a |
|
distinct from |
republicanism, |
|
small |
| indeed |
interested |
in the |
Putsch |
not in the |
slow construction |
|
| of a nationalist |
base. |
Sun |
not a |
|
with the |
pains- |
| taking |
of educational |
reform |
moral |
revival, |
the original |
|
| major objectives |
of |
the |
nationalist |
leadership |
in Netherlands |
|
| India |
mention |
of Sun |
in the |
archives |
of the |
|
| lonial |
|
in a |
|
from |
the Chinese |
minis- |
| ter at the |
stating |
that Sun's |
agents |
trying |
to |
bonds to |
| finance |
military adventures |
against |
the |
Theofficlal reaction |
|
|
| to that |
demonstrates the revolutionary |
leader |
little had never |
Sun |
in Indonesia, |
the time the |
| governor |
general |
ordered, among |
|
other things, |
|
|
| [Sun's] |
residence permit |
|
Batavia |
chapter |
of |
|
| hui |
established, |
but |
undercover |
|
attracted |
|
| public or |
police attention. |
|
following |
year Sun |
attempted |
to visit |
I.. 11.
these Dutch K'ang have done
more among
mote and¹
Sun Yat-sen appeared on and
As an
were and number THHK
were was derived
newer un-
who followed
worked and advance
development was
. He was,
was man concerned
work and and
Chinese
.
The first Yat-sen Dutch co-
government appears 1906 warning
Hague were sell
Manchus.
warning how known was cit
Although been
Dutch was "towithdraw
."In 1 907 a T'ung-meng-
was Its work was and little
The
[171]
|
|
which |
went |
|
|
|
|
the In |
he |
about |
|
characteristic |
Sun |
| called |
the Netherlands for |
consul be arranged |
general with the |
in Singapore governor general |
to request |
that |
| to |
the |
|
|
intrigues" |
but |
fearful of |
| incorporating |
his |
in |
a letter. |
|
permission |
to |
| enter the |
colony |
refused |
by the |
governor |
general, |
|
| not |
warnings |
against |
"agents of |
a friendly |
nation." |
|
| Sun never visited |
|
|
sometimes |
circulated |
that he |
did travel |
| there under |
his overthrow the overseas |
alias. of the Chinese, |
Dr. naturally but he |
to |
Sun's a symbolic |
prestige rather |
| than |
role |
in the nationalist |
|
|
Chinese |
asso- |
| ciations, |
including |
all Soe Po |
Sia, |
pictures of |
Sun in their |
|
| ing places; |
yet by |
|
reported |
that the public |
response |
to the |
| appeals |
of Sun's agents |
for funds |
|
indeed. |
To |
the Indies |
| Chinese, |
Sun |
|
a remote |
figure; |
he never |
offered |
| solutions |
to |
local |
problems. |
|
the |
|
| attempted |
to better |
than that. |
In these years |
Sun |
nearly a |
|
| either in |
exile or |
the periphery |
of |
|
not in |
a position |
| to extend |
the help and |
protection |
|
by the |
overseas |
Chinese. |
Java; way it was.
on
an audience him. He wished
warn Dutchman against "Japanese was
warning The audience and
were Sun who could
accept Although
Java, reports
85
Japanese Takano Ch5ei.
The Manchus enhanced
among came fill
an active movement. Many
hung meet-
1914 it was
86
was meager
Yat-sen was always
them their own Even Manchu dynasty
do was I ways
on power. He was
demanded
Recapitulation
The was a The Chinese
|
officer |
institution |
casualty |
of nationalism. |
|
|
|
| officers |
lost their |
leadership |
position |
|
in a sense, |
they |
never |
| really |
held installed |
Officers as leaders |
had served of the |
|
not Chinese, |
interests. by decree |
of |
| the Netherlands authorities, |
|
|
not by |
the will of |
their |
|
|
| rise of |
nationalism |
|
|
leadership |
for both |
functional |
|
because,
it. Dutch,
They were Chinese community
countrymen. The
demanded genuine
[172]
and were answer
| symbolic |
purposes. |
Individual |
officers |
|
able to |
the |
| nationalist dated the |
call; but 1911 Revolution. |
the officer |
institution |
collapsed. |
|
ante- |
| local |
leaders |
|
|
|
into |
by |
| the nationalist |
|
are |
the keys |
to this study. |
|
|
| possible |
to see the |
origins, |
the sources |
of |
the |
goals of |
| the overseas |
Chinese |
|
These |
formed |
a elite, |
able |
| to use |
in this |
case a |
for |
Western, |
techniques. |
Sig- |
| nificantly this |
elite |
free of |
the |
taint |
caused |
the |
| nese officers |
to be |
discredited. |
|
local leaders |
tended |
to be |
| the products |
of experiences |
in |
|
education, formal or |
|
informal, |
| to be |
|
had |
considerable |
success |
in the |
|
| cial world of the |
Indies Chinese |
|
|
or not they were |
Peranakans, |
|
| they identified |
themselves |
with |
the Chinese |
|
Netherlands |
|
| India; as |
|
they |
prepared |
to |
in long-term |
|
| efforts to |
elevate their |
people. |
Education |
soon |
wisely recognized |
|
| as the chief |
for |
the attainment of |
|
theirobjective |
Because |
their |
| basic goal |
so broad, |
they |
|
simultaneously |
to support |
|
| direct |
a |
|
|
|
variety |
of politi- |
| cal shades. their |
final actions. |
objective, |
not narrow |
partisan |
loyalties, |
deter- |
| various |
emissaries |
from |
imperial |
|
visited |
the Indies |
| of course |
acting |
in the interests |
of |
the Peking government. |
|
Either |
| for frankly acknowledged |
|
financial |
reasons |
or |
of a |
for |
| China's |
in |
the world, |
they sought |
to tie |
the overseas |
people |
| to the |
|
Indies |
Chinese |
able |
exploit |
these |
| nastic efforts flag, |
by using ships as symbols, |
the emperor's largely of |
person, |
representatives, |
|
rewards, |
Its decay
The who sparked and were pushed prominence
awakening Through them it
is power, and
movement. men new
modern, synonym
was Dutch which Chi-
The new
European
and men who achieved commer-
. Whether
community of
a consequence were engage
was
means.
was were able and
even number of nationalist associations of a
The
mined
The China who
were
because concern
prestige
homeland. The were to dy-
and Western inspiration, around which
[173]
| nationalist |
mobilization |
could |
be carried |
forward. |
|
also not |
| without |
value that |
Peking's |
interest |
in the emigrants |
implied |
a |
| ise of |
protection |
against the |
|
the revolutionaries |
|
enlisted |
| greater |
support, especially |
|
Singkehs, and |
|
the imperial |
agents |
| lost their |
initial |
glamour, |
preoccupation |
with local |
problems |
cost the |
| Ch'ing |
dynasty most |
of |
in |
the archipelago. |
|
|
| Diplomatic |
|
consular |
representatives |
of |
acted |
in |
| the |
|
imperial |
emissaries; |
the difference |
lay in |
the dura- |
| tion of |
the action. |
desire |
for a share |
of the wealth |
of the |
overseas |
| Chinese |
for |
international |
prestige |
seems to |
stimulated |
the |
| Peking |
|
in efforts |
to |
|
this channel |
to reach |
| the emigrants. |
|
consul |
general at |
Batavia, |
of |
personal |
| limitations |
|
of |
the overseas |
|
|
with local |
| problems, |
|
no position |
of leadership. |
|
he arrived |
ten |
| years earlier, |
the reformers |
situation revolutionaries |
might |
played a far |
quite differently. less significant |
role |
| in the |
nationalist |
|
than the |
writer once |
supposed. |
|
| fucianist |
revival |
in Southeast |
Asia obviously |
|
to be credited |
in port |
| to the |
inspiration |
provided |
by |
in |
the nineties; |
but |
| must also |
be viewed he in |
as a reaction the area, |
to the appears |
to |
missionaries. little |
but In- |
| nocently |
activate |
|
rumors of |
plots |
for revolution. |
|
| Sun |
|
figured not |
at all in the |
early nationalist |
|
of |
| the Indies |
Chinese, |
his |
later contribution |
|
largely symbolic |
in |
| nature. |
Unlike |
the local leaders |
or, |
to a limited |
degree, the |
dynastic |
| officials. |
Sun could |
not give |
the overseas |
Chinese |
support |
in the |
| solution |
of their |
problems. |
In the years |
studied |
never |
in a |
| sition of |
|
immigrants |
|
productive |
leadership |
|
It was
prom-
Dutch. As
among as
its backing
and China much
same way as
A
and have
government its work through
The because
and because Chinese concern
achieved Had
have developed
The and
awakening The Con-
is
K'ang Yu-wei it
work of Christian
When was K'ang have done
European Chinese
Yat-sen movement
and was
any
he was po-
power. The demanded and
,
[174]
| seem |
have |
been |
|
|
|
|
|
|
to for them. |
quick Sun |
to recognize rewarded |
that for |
a political his value |
outcast as a nationalist |
could |
| symbol; |
he |
not widely |
|
as a leader. |
|
|
|
| There |
was, |
then, |
quality |
held in |
by |
all those |
|
| filled |
leadership |
roles |
in the |
of |
the Indies |
Chinese. |
All |
| leaders, |
heads |
of the |
|
associations |
as well |
as certain |
|
| nastic |
officials, |
|
to |
for the |
|
of the |
entire |
| Chinese |
|
All |
nationalists. |
|
|
|
|
do little was
was accepted
one common who
movement
pan-Chinese dy-
appeared work common good
community. were
Notes to Chapter 4
|
de Roo de |
Faille, |
|
Road te |
Batavio en |
het door |
| dit College |
Beheerde |
Fonds" (The Chinese Council |
|
at Batavia |
and |
the Funds |
| Administered |
by That |
Body), Bijdragen |
tot |
de Taal-, Land-en Volkenkunde |
|
|
| van Nederlandsch-lndiS |
|
(Contributions |
on |
the Language, |
|
and |
| Ethnology |
of Netherlands |
India), |
Vol. 80, |
Martinus |
Nijhoff, the |
Hague, |
| 924, pp Beteekenis |
305-306; voorde Ontwikkeling van Zuid-Oost AziS, |
H. |
Sandick, |
buiten |
China, |
|
| landsch-lndi'^ |
(Chinese |
outside |
China, Their |
Significance |
the |
|
| ment of |
Southeast |
Especially |
Netherlands |
India), |
|
Beek's |
| Hofboekhandel, |
the |
Hague, 1909, |
pp. 144-145; |
|
|
Het |
| Regeeringsreglement |
|
van Nederlandsch-indi*^ |
|
(The Government |
Regulations |
|
| of Netherlands |
India), |
G. Kolff en |
|
894, |
Vol 3, pp |
79-80; |
| J.T.Moll, |
|
Nederlandsch-lndiS" |
|
(The Chinese |
|
Nether- |
| lands India), |
China |
Vol. 4, |
7 (July |
1929), p. 68. |
|
|
| 2. |
Henri Borel, |
|
Nederlandsch-indi'g |
|
(The Chinese |
|
| Netherlands |
India), eener Regeling vanden Privaatrechteliiken Toestand der Chineezen |
|
Amsterdam, |
1900, p. |
39; W. C. Cordes, |
|
| In Nederlandsch-lndiS |
|
(Draft of |
a Revision |
of the Private |
Position |
of |
| the Chinese |
Netherlands |
India), |
VIsser |
en Batavia, |
1914, |
p. |
| 3. |
Borel, Chineezen |
|
Nederlandsch-lndr(5, |
op.clt., |
p. |
35, and |
| "Het Chineesche |
Onderwljs |
|
IndlS" (Chinese |
Education |
Netherlands |
|
| India), |
|
(April |
15, 1906), |
p. 948; |
|
|
| Batavia |
to DIr. Jus. |
February |
23, 191 2; Off. Chin. Aff., |
|
Surabaya |
to Dir. |
| Jus., |
22, 1912; |
"Chineesche |
Offlcleren" |
(Chinese |
Officers), |
IG, |
| Vol. 36 |
(1914), |
1, pp. 885-886. |
|
|
|
|
| 4. |
Borel, "Het Chineesche Onderwljs, |
|
|
loc cit., |
948; "Chineesche |
|
| Officieren," |
IG, loc |
cit p 886; |
Borel, |
|
Nederlandsch- |
|
- F. la "De Chineesche
- L. W. van Chineezen Hunne
C. W. Margadant,
L.J.Veen, J.
Geography,
Speclaal van Neder-
in Develop-
Asia, M. van der
Co., Batavia, 1..
"De Chineezen in in
, No.
De Chineezen in in
Ontwerp
Law
in Co., 11.
De In
In in
Wl, Vol.2, No. 51 Ad. Jap. Chin. Aff.
,
March
No.
". p.
..,. De Chineezen In
[175]
Nio Joe Hoa Hwe
| jndiS, op.clt., |
p. 93; |
|
Lan, Riwajat |
40 Taon darl |
Tiong |
|
| KoQn-Batav?a Batavia, 5. "Chineesche Officieren en Wijkmeesters" (Chinese Officers and Zone |
(History 1940, p. 138. |
of Forty Years |
of |
Batovla), |
Drukkerlj, |
|
| Chiefs), |
IG, Vol. |
|
2, p. 1373; |
"Chineesche |
Officieren," |
|
| IG, loc |
cit p 885; |
J |
|
de Chineesche |
|
and |
| Around the Chinese Quarter), |
|
Landsdrukkerij, |
|
Batavia, 1929, |
p. 49; |
|
| Tek Hoay, |
"Atsal Moehiahnja Timboel |
|
Pergerakan Tionghoa |
|
jang |
di |
| Indonesia" (The Origins |
|
of the Emergence |
of |
|
|
|
| in Indonesia), |
Moestika |
Romans |
June 1936, |
p. 249. |
|
|
| 6. "Chineesche Officieren en Wijkmeesters," |
|
|
|
loc cit |
H. Fromberg, |
|
|
Beweging |
en het |
Koloniaal Tijdschrift |
(The |
Chinese |
|
| ment and |
the Koloniaal |
Tijdschrift), |
Zuid-Hollandsche |
|
Handels- |
|
| drukkerij, |
the Hague, |
1912, p. |
12; Joe |
Lan, Riwajat, |
op. |
cit., p. |
| 138; "Chineesche Officieren" |
|
(Chinese Officers), |
|
|
Courant |
(the |
| Hague), Vol. |
7, |
120 |
1, 1907); |
Boen Liang, |
|
met |
|
(Scales |
with |
|
Vol |
(Septem- |
|
| ber 91 2) |
p 22; |
van Sandick, |
op cit |
pp 50, 459; |
H. Fromberg, |
|
|
Beweging |
op Java |
(The Chinese |
|
Java), |
Uit- |
| geversmaatschappij |
Elsevier, |
Amsterdam, |
1911, |
pp. 16, |
35, 38; Loe |
Ping |
| Kian, "Enkeie |
Psychologische |
Beschouwingen |
|
over den Chineesche |
|
Student |
| Aanraking |
met het |
Westen" (A |
Psychological |
Considerations |
|
on the |
| Chinese Student |
Contact |
with |
the West), |
Vol |
8, |
2 |
| tober 1930), |
p. 35; |
Tek |
op. cit., |
|
1936, |
p. 912; |
| ibid ., |
1936, |
p. 937; |
ibid ., |
1937, |
487. |
|
| 7. "Chineesche |
|
Officieren," |
|
Courant |
cit A. |
G. de |
| Bruin, |
Chineezen |
ter Oostkust |
van Sumatra |
(The Chinese |
on the |
East |
| Coast of Sumatra), |
E.J. |
Brill, Leiden, |
1918, |
pp. 111-112; |
Fromberg, |
|
| Chineesche |
Beweging |
en het Koloniaal |
Tijdschrift |
op.cTt., |
pp. 12-13. |
|
| 8. "Een |
|
Boycot" (A |
Boycott), |
Bataviaasch |
Nieuwsblad |
|
| Vol. 20, |
133 |
10, 1905); |
Tek |
Hoay, op. cit., |
June |
1938, |
| p. 249; Henri |
Borel, |
"Dr. Lim |
Boen |
de Chineesche |
Beweging" |
|
| (Dr. Lim |
Boen |
on the Chinese |
|
DL, |
55, |
123 |
| 28, |
1906); |
Joe Lan, Riwajat |
op. cit., |
p. 138. |
|
|
| 9. Poster, |
|
91 2, |
arch |
|
Parts |
Realm. |
| 10. Asst |
Res., Batavia |
to Res |
Batavia, |
7, |
|
|
| Res. |
Semarang |
to |
June 26, |
|
|
|
| 12. Res |
Surabaya |
|
February 28, |
1912. |
|
|
| 13. Off. Chin. Aff., |
|
Surabaya |
to Dir. Jus., |
22, |
1912; Res., |
Su- |
| rabaya Jus., February |
February 23, 1912. |
28, |
91 2; Jap |
Chin Aff |
Batavia |
to Dir. |
| 14. "Chineesche |
|
Officieren," |
IG, |
cit., p. 885; |
Maleische |
|
| Pers" (The |
Press), |
IG, Vol. |
|
2, pp. |
1267-1268; |
|
| Chin. Aff., |
Batavia |
to |
3, |
1915; |
van |
|
| van het Bestuur |
over |
het |
Batavia |
|
the Transfer |
of |
G.G., November Memorie Overgave Gewest (Memorandum on
THHK-THHK
35(1913), No.
..,.. Moerman, In enOm Kamp (In
Kwee
Modern
the Modern Chinese Movement
,
..; P.
De Chineesche Move-
Boek-en
Nio
De Nieuwe
No. (May Ong "Meten
Twee Maten" Two Measures), China,. 11, No. 1
1, 1,...,. 1 P.
De Chineesche Movement on
in Few
in CHHTC,. No. (Oc-
Kwee Hoay, November
December "December p.
De Nieuwe, loc..;
De
De
,
Nieuwe New,
No. (May Kwee
Keng over
Keng Movement), Vol. No.
(May Nio,
March 1, 1 now in. Neth. Min. Ov.
.., March 1912.
1 1., G.G., 191 2.
., toG.G.,
March
toG.G., 1 Ad....,
1^. "De
Malay 37(1915), No. Ad.
,,
[176]
| the Administration |
|
of the Batavia |
District), |
prepared by the |
Resident |
for his |
| successor, |
February |
12, 1922, |
p. 8. |
|
|
|
| 5. |
Res |
to |
January |
907; Res. |
Semarang |
to |
| January |
22, 1907; |
Off. Chin. |
Aff., Surabaya |
to DIr. |
Ed., Relig., |
Ind., |
| February |
16, 1907; |
Res., Surabaya |
to |
20, |
1909; Res., |
Jog- |
| jakarta |
to August 21, 1909. |
27, |
1909; Off. Chin. Aff., |
Surabaya |
to Dir. |
Jus., |
| 16. |
Off. Chin. Aff., |
Batavia |
to |
August |
26, 191 0; |
Majoor, |
| Batavia |
to Asst. Res., |
Batavia, |
|
28, 1911; |
ibid February |
14, |
| 1912; Asst. |
Res. for |
Police, |
Surabaya to |
Surabaya, |
June 19, |
1911 |
| 17. |
de Bruin, |
op. cit., |
p. 109; Kapltein |
and Luitenant, |
Jogjakarta |
|
| to Asst. |
Res., |
|
1914; |
Semarang |
to Asst. |
Res., |
| Semarang, |
30, 91 5; |
5, 1914; Asst Res. |
Asst. Res., |
Semarang to |
Res., Semarang, |
|
| 1915; Majoor, |
Batavia |
to Asst. |
Res., Batavia, |
January |
21, 1916. |
|
| 18. (The Chinese), |
Joe |
Lan, Riwajat, Vol. 54, |
op. cit., |
pp. 10, 143; 12, 1905). |
|
|
| 19. |
Joe Lan, |
Riwajat, |
op. cit., |
94, 129, |
133, 143; |
|
| Rotterdamsche Courant 20. Chin. Aff., Batavia |
Off. Chin. Aff., |
January to Dir. Jus., |
4, 908, to |
29, 1912. |
|
For Aff. |
| 21 |
Neth. Min. Col. |
to Neth. Min. For. Aff., |
|
|
19, 1917. |
|
| 22. |
Liem Thian |
Joe, Riwajat |
Semarang, |
|
(History |
of |
| rang, 1416-1931), |
|
Drukkerij |
Misset, printers. |
|
publishers, |
|
| Semarang, |
[1933?], |
pp. 182-183; |
P. H. Fromberg, |
|
Indo-Chineesche |
|
| Familie |
en de |
(The |
Indies Chinese |
Family and |
the Enactment of |
|
| Law), Drukkerij |
van |
Grdfe, |
Delft, [1916?] |
pp. 17-18. |
|
|
| 23. |
G. Sumatra |
to |
February |
27, 1909; |
Chin. Aff |
|
| Batavia |
to Dir. Jus., |
|
16, 1910; |
Henri Borel, |
"Chineesche |
|
| eenigingen" |
(Chinese |
Associations), |
|
en Koloni'^n |
|
van der |
| Beek, the |
Hague), |
Vol. 12(1913), |
p. 27. |
|
|
|
| 24. |
Asst. Res |
Buitenzorg |
to Res |
January |
18, 1907; |
Res., |
| Pekalongan |
to |
February |
18, 1907; |
Asst. Res., |
Cheribon |
to Res., |
| Cheribon, |
February |
12, 1907; |
Res., Surakarta |
to |
|
18, |
| 1908; Asst. |
Res., Padang |
to |
|
February |
16, 1909; |
ibid., |
| February |
26, 1909; |
|
to |
February |
27, 1909; |
ibid., |
| 13, |
1909; Res., |
Batavia |
to |
23, |
1908; Res., |
Sura- |
| baya to |
|
|
1908; Asst. |
Batavia |
to Res., |
Batavia, |
| April 22, |
1909; Res |
Surakarta |
to |
April 29, 1909; |
Jap. |
Chin. |
| Aff., Batavia |
to |
June |
6, 1909. |
|
|
|
| 25. |
|
Hoay, op. |
cit., August |
1937, p. 316. |
|
|
| 26. |
to |
Neth. |
Col., |
29, 1908; |
Tek |
Hoay, |
| op. cit., |
August 1937, |
p. 316; |
"Een |
ten Gunste |
van Chineezen" |
|
| Woi^d |
Favor of |
the Chinese), |
IG, Vol. |
26 (1904), |
1, p. |
908; L. |
| Tiemersma, |
|
Roeping Tegenover |
het |
Huidige Streven |
der |
|
1., Madiun G.G., 1 0,1, G.G.
G.G., March
G.G.,
F.,
W.Cst. G.G., Off.. December Ver-
G.G.,
G.G., November
G.Sumatra W.Cst.,
G. Sumatra W. Cst. G.G.,
G.G., December 28, Res.,
G.G.,
G.G. Min. November Kwee
October
Gen. Sec.,
November.,
Res.,.
Mataram, November Majoor,
November to
December 1., Temanggung Res.,Kedu, December 23,
Nio "De Chineezen"
DL, No.T87lAugust
Nio pp.Nieuwe
,1 1 now inarch. Neth. Min..
Semarang G.G., November 25, 1912; Ad. Jap.
October
. October
1416-1931 Sema-
Ho Kim Yoe,
De
Wetgeving
Moederland (M.
.,., Batavia,
March G.G., November
., G.G., Ad.
Kwee Tek
Woord
("A in No.
"Onze Chineezen
.,
[177]
| in Nederlandsch-lndiS |
|
tot Herstel |
van |
het Confucianlsme" |
(Our |
Call to |
|
the Present |
Efforts of |
the Chinese |
Netherlands |
India |
to Restore |
| Confucianism), Overzicht |
|
van |
de Elfde Zending-Conferentie, |
|
|
te |
| Buitenzorg |
en te |
van 22 |
tot 30 Augustus |
1903 |
(Survey of |
the Elev- |
| enth Mission |
Conference, |
Held |
at Buitenzorg |
and at |
from |
the 22nd |
| through |
the 30th of |
August 1903), |
Albrecht |
en |
Batavia, |
1903, pp. |
| 141, 144; |
Asst. Res., Batavia |
|
to Res. Batavia, |
|
1912. |
|
| 27. |
Joe Lan, |
Riwajat, |
op. cit., |
pp. 5, 6, |
16; |
Tek |
| op.cit., |
1936, |
p. 872; |
|
1936, |
pp. 937-939. |
|
| 28. |
"Een |
ten Gunste |
van Chineezen," |
|
oc c |
|
| 29. |
Joe Lan, |
Riwajat, |
op.cit., |
pp. 83, 95, |
143; Majoor, |
Bata- |
| via to Asst |
Res., Batavia, |
|
|
191 Phoa |
Hek, |
President, |
| Batavia |
|
February |
24, 1912; |
Asst. Res., |
Batavia |
to Res., |
| Batavia, |
7, |
1912; |
Hoay, |
op. cit., |
August 1937, |
p. 316. |
| 30. |
Lan, |
Riwajat, |
op. cit., |
pp. 5-6, |
13, 16, 32, |
41-42, 80- |
| 82, 87-88, |
96, 98, |
124, 127, |
153; |
Tek Hoay, |
op. |
|
| 1936, p. |
872; ibid ., |
August 1937, |
p. 316; |
Baba, "Een |
Chineesche |
Inspec- |
| teur voor Onderwijs" (April |
27, 1906), |
(A Chinese p. 6. |
Inspector |
of Education), |
|
3, |
| 31. |
to Neth. Min. Col |
|
|
29, 1908; |
Tiemersma, |
|
| Roeping," |
crt.; |
Tek |
o£. |
|
1936, |
p. 872; |
| ibid., |
1936, |
pp. 911-912; |
ibid., |
August |
1937, pp. |
316-317; |
| Lie |
Hok, Hikajat |
Khonghoetjoe |
(The |
Story of Confucius), |
|
Kolff en |
| Batavia, |
1897; |
|
Lan, Riwajat, |
op.cit., |
pp. 5-6, |
|
| 19, 28-29, |
62, 81, |
113, 124-125, |
1^3^ |
|
|
|
| 32. tawi (Regulationsof the Association Hoa SiongTjong Hwe-Batawi in Batavia), |
Peratoeran |
dari |
|
|
|
Ba- |
| Siong |
Kiok, |
Batavia, 1908, |
p. 11; |
Lan, |
Riwajat, |
op.cit., |
| pp. 5-6, |
9, 13, 41-42, Hoay, op. |
64, 80, cit., |
93, 101, 1936, |
108, 123, p. 872; |
126, 130, ibid., February |
133, T43; 1937, |
| p. 58; ibid ., |
August |
1937, p. 316; |
|
Lan, |
Eigen Onderwijsvoor- |
|
| zieningder Chineezen" (The |
|
Private |
Provision |
of Education |
by the Chinese), |
|
| KS, |
January 28, 1911 |
1939, p. 82; |
Majoor, Batavia |
|
to Asst. Res |
Batavia, |
| 33. |
|
Hoay, op. |
cit., |
1936, |
p. 872; ibid., |
August |
| 1937, p. |
316; Res., |
Batavia to"G.G., |
|
31 |
1908; AsltT Res., Ba- |
|
| tavia to |
Res., Batavia, |
|
7, 1912; |
Joe Lan, |
Riwajat, |
op. cit. |
| pp. 8, 13, |
16, 25, |
40, 43, 46, |
65, 80, |
92, 127; |
Batavlalo |
Asst. |
| Res., Batavia, |
February |
14, 1912; |
Asst. |
Res., Batavia |
to Res., |
Batavia, |
| February |
26, 1912; |
Res., Batavia |
to |
February |
27, 1912. |
|
| 34. |
to Neth. |
|
Col., |
29, |
1908; |
Jap. Chin. |
| Aff., Batavia |
to Dir. Jus., |
|
29, |
1912; |
Joe Lan, Riwajat |
op. |
| cit., pp. |
13, 16-19, |
28, 62, |
125; |
|
op. crt.. |
1937, |
| p. 192; |
ibid., August |
1937, p. |
316; |
Joe Lan, |
"Chineesche |
|
| eenigingen |
in Nederlandsch-lndi"^" (Chinese |
|
|
Trade Unions |
in |
Netherlands |
G.G.., November "Onze [oc^. Kwee Hoay, ci_t., October
G.G.,
G.G. Min. November Ad.
Oppose In
Gehouden
Depok,
Depok,
Co.,
, March 7,
Nio Kwee Hoay,
October TbidTTDecember
Woord I. i t
Nio
. November 28,1; Keng
THHK toG.G.,
March Kwee Tek
Nio Joe
Kwee cit^., October
Wl, Vol. No.
1
November
Kim G.
Co., Nio Joe 9, 13,18-
Pakoempoelan Hoa SiongTjong Hwe-Batawi di
Hoa In Nio Joe
Kwee Tek October
Nio Joe "De
Vol.23,.,
November.
Kwee Tek October
October,
March Nio
Majoor,
October Nio,
Kwee Tek Hoay, May
Nio Vakver-
,
[178]
| India), KS, |
Vol. 24, |
January |
1940, p. 78; |
Res., Batavia |
to |
Feb- |
| ruary 27, |
1912. |
|
|
|
|
|
| 35. |
Peratoerandarl Pakoempoelan Hoa SiongTjong Hwe-Batawi, |
|
|
|
|
p. 11; |
| Off. Chin. Aff., Batavia rabaya to |
Atty. |
to Dir.Jus., |
191 |
5, |
91 0; |
Jus. Su- |
| pp. 90, 141 |
Majoor, |
Batavia |
to Asst. Res. |
Batavia, |
|
28, 1911; |
| Res., Batavia |
to |
February |
27, 1912; |
Asst. Res., |
Batavia |
to Res., |
| Batavia, |
7, |
1912. |
|
|
|
|
| 36. |
Lan, |
Riwajat, |
op. cit., |
p. 174; Liem |
Thian Joe, |
Riv^ajat |
| Semarang, |
op. cit., |
pp 74, |
196, 199; |
Chin. Aff |
Semarang |
to Dir. |
| Ed., Relig.TlndT, |
|
|
31, 1906; |
ibid., January |
26, 1907; |
Ibid ., |
| January |
27, 1907; ibid., |
February |
6, 1907; |
Off. Chin. |
Aff., Semarang |
to |
| Dir. Jus., ibid., April |
5, 28, 1909. |
1911; |
April 21, |
1909; ibid., |
April |
23, 1909; |
| 37. |
Off. Jus |
Surabaya to |
Atty. |
|
91 |
Res., Su- |
| rabaya to |
|
20, 909; |
Asst Res |
Surabaya |
to Res |
Surabaya |
| 24, |
1916; |
Chin. Aff |
Surabaya |
to Dir. |
Civ. Serv. |
25, |
| 1916; Lie |
Siong Hwie, President, Slang |
|
|
|
to Res., |
Surabaya, |
| September |
22, 191 |
Off Chin. Aff |
Surabaya |
to Dir |
Jus. |
|
| 1910; ibid., Surabaya |
January to Res., Surabaya, |
21, 1911; |
ibid., 9, 1916. |
22, 1911; |
Off. |
Chin. Aff., |
| 38. |
to Neth. |
|
Col., |
29, |
1908. |
|
| 39. |
Sir |
Staunton, |
To |
Tsing Leu Lee, |
Cadell |
and |
| Davies, |
London, 1810, |
section |
|
pp. 543-544. |
|
|
| 40. |
Godfrey |
Hertslet, |
Hertslet's |
China Treaties |
Vol. |
1, |
| Stationery 41 42. |
Office, Ibid., p. Ibid., p. |
London, 1908, 290. 556. |
p. 50. |
|
|
|
| 43. 30, 1906. |
Neth. Charge, |
Peking |
to Neth. |
|
|
April |
| 44. |
|
[Chinese |
language |
trainee?] |
to |
Pe- |
| king, August |
1896; |
H.J.Bool, |
Chineesche |
Immigratie |
naar |
Deli (Chi- |
| nese immigration |
to |
Deli), Landsdrukkerij, Kwestie |
(The Chinese Question) |
Batavia, |
Drukkerij |
p. 13; [H. Papy- |
| rus, Batavia, |
1913, |
pp. 36-37; |
H. van |
der Valk, |
"Indonesia |
en China" |
| (Indonesia |
and China), |
Schakels, |
60, |
|
1, 1952, |
p. H.J. |
| Bool, |
|
|
de Residentie |
Oostkust |
van Sumatra |
(Labor |
| Legislation |
the |
East Coast |
of Sumatra |
Residency), |
L.E.Bosch |
en |
| Utrecht, |
1904, p |
"Een Chineesch |
Rapport |
over de |
Behandeling, weike |
|
| de |
op Java, |
Australia |
en |
Elders |
|
(A Chinese |
| Report on |
the Treatment |
Found |
by the Chinese |
on Java, |
Australia, |
and |
| Elsev/here), |
IG, Vol. |
10 (1888), |
1, |
pp. 766-770; |
|
de |
| Koelie's |
Deli Behandeld?" |
|
the |
Coolies |
Deli Treated?), |
IG, |
| Vol. 9 (1887), |
|
1, pp. 595-597; |
"Chineesche |
Consuls" |
(Chinese |
|
| suls), Deli |
Courant, |
Vol. 3, |
96 (November |
30, |
1887). |
|
G.G.,
G.G.,
. 1 Off..,
G.G., March 1..,.,
G.G. Min. November George Thomas T. W.
E. P., H.M.
W. J. Oudendijk Neth. Min.,
M. No. November 9;
. 1 2;
November 1 Off.,
Gen., November 30,1; Nio Joe Lan, Riwajat, op. cit.,
;, November
March
Nio Joe
December
May 1^.,
.
, Gen., November 30, 1 1;
March Off..,, March
Hwee, Surabaya
1
;..,., December 1,
March
March
CCXXV,
.
Con. Gen., Hong Kong,
De
[ 1903?],
Mouw?], De Chineesche,
De Arbeidswetgeving in
in Zoon,
Chineezen in Ondervinden"
in
No. "Hoe Worden
in (How Are in
No. Con-
No.
| 45 |
|
Peking to |
Planters Committee |
Planters-Comite |
|
|
| dan, April |
25, 1891; |
Neth. |
For. Aff.to |
Neth. |
Col., |
15, |
| 1896; |
|
to |
|
Palace, |
July |
6, 1896; |
| Neth. Con. Gen., van Sandick, |
op.cit., |
p. 20. |
to Neth. Min. For. Aff |
|
February |
27, 1900; |
| 46. |
|
|
Col., September |
12, 1901 |
|
|
| 47. |
Neth. |
Peking |
to |
14, |
1907; |
op. |
| cit., p. |
37; |
Hoay, |
op. cit., |
1936, |
p. 938; |
Joe |
| Lan, Riwajat, |
op cit |
pp 80-81 |
Baba, |
loc cit p |
6; Chin |
Aff. |
| Batavia to |
Dir. Jus., |
|
16, 1910; |
Borel, "Dr. |
Lim Boen |
over |
| de Chineesche |
Beweging, |
loc |
cit. |
|
|
|
| 48. |
Res., Surabaya |
to |
January |
1907; Asst. |
Res., Billiton |
to |
| January |
15, |
1907; Off. |
Chin. Aff., |
Semarang |
to Res., |
Semarang, |
| January |
18, 1907; ibid |
January |
21, 1907; |
Off. Chin. |
Aff., Semarang |
to |
| Dir. Ed., |
Relig., Ind., |
January |
26, 1907. |
|
|
|
| 49. |
Asst. Res. |
for Police, |
Surabaya |
to Res., Surabaya, |
January |
20, |
| 1907; Off. |
Chin. Aff., |
Semarang |
to Dir. |
Ed., Relig., |
Ind., February |
6, |
| 1907; Asst. |
Res., Cheribon |
to |
Res., Cheribon, |
February |
12, 1907; |
Res., |
| Pekalongan |
to |
February |
14, 1907; |
Res., Surakarta |
to |
|
| 9, 1907; |
Lan, |
Riwajat, |
op. cit., |
p. 95; Off. |
Chin. Aff., |
|
| rang to Dir. |
Ed., Relig., |
Ind,, |
January |
1907; Lie |
Siong Hwie, |
Presi- |
| dent, Siang |
|
to |
Res., Surabaya, |
September |
22, |
1911; Off. |
| Chin. Aff., |
Semarang |
to Res., |
Semarang, |
January |
18, 1907; |
Tek |
| Hoay, op. |
cit., January |
1938, |
p. 33; Ch'ing-chi |
wai-chiao shih-liao |
|
ly^ |
|
Jil^X. "F^ |
(Historical |
Materials |
on Foreign |
Relations |
the Lat- |
| ter Part of pp. 19-24b. |
the Ch'ing |
Dynasty), |
Hsi-yin, |
Peiping, |
1932, |
Vol. 204, |
| 50. |
Chin |
Aff Semarang |
to Res |
Semarang, January |
|
18, 1907; |
| Off. Chin. |
Aff Semarang |
to |
Dir. Ed., |
Relig., Ind., |
January |
26, 1907; |
| Joe |
Lan, Riwajat, |
op. cit., |
pp. 88, |
100, 102; |
Asst. Res. |
for Po- |
| lice, Surabaya |
to Res., |
Surabaya, |
January |
20, 1907; |
Neth. |
Pe- |
| king |
February |
11, 1907; |
|
Tokyo |
to |
|
| ber 25, 24, 1907. |
1907; |
Sec. |
to Dir. Fin. |
and Res., |
Batavia, |
|
| 51. |
Chin. |
the |
to Neth. |
For. |
Aff., January |
22, |
| 907; Arthur |
|
ed |
Eminent Chinese |
of the Ch'ing |
Period, |
|
|
Printing |
Office, |
Washington, |
1943, |
Vol. 1, |
p. 305; |
| Chin |
Aff Semarang to Dir. |
to Ed Relig., |
Dir Ed Relig. Ind January |
Ind 3, 1907; |
Acting |
1906; Dir. Ed |
| Relig Ind |
to |
January |
6, 907; |
Chin. Aff |
Semarang |
to Dir. |
| Ed., Relig., |
Ind., |
January 27, |
907; Asst |
Res Buitenzorg |
to |
Res., Ba- |
| tavia, February |
26, |
907; |
Chin Aff |
Semarang |
to Dir. Ed., |
Relig., |
| Ind., February |
26, |
1907; Off. |
Chin. Aff |
Surabaya |
to Dir. Ed., |
Relig., |
| Ind., |
8, 1907; |
Res. Pekalongan |
|
February |
8, |
1907; |
| Chin. Aff., |
Semarang |
to Dir. |
Ed Relig., |
Ind., April |
1907. |
|
G.G.To"Neth. Min. Min., G.G., January Kwee Tek December ..,.;..,
G.G., 7,
G.G.,
G.G., March
G.G.,
1..,
G.G., Septem-October
U.S.
. Neth. Min., (
Min.
Li Hung-chang Queen Emma, Soestidijk
Hong Kong
December
".
,
.
Nio Joe
Sema-
26,
Hwee, Surabaya
Kwee
^ijs-
Wang
Off...,.,
.,
Nio
toG.G., Neth. Min.,
1st Gov.
Min., Hague Min.
1 W. Hummel,.,
Government D.C.,
Off...,..,,.,
1st Gov. Sec..,.,
.,. G.G., 1 Off.
1 Off...,
.,
March, toG.G.,
.
,
,,.
1179]
)
, Me-
Min. May
.,
.
[Mouw?],
Nio
. Off..
Keng
in
Min.,
December 31,
.
.,
1 Off
1 1,
- Ibid., April 9, 1907; ibid., April 11, 1907; Off. Chin. Aff., Su-
,
[180]
rabaya to Dir. Ed., Relig., Ind., May 16, 1907; Off. Chin. Aff., Sema-
| rabaya to |
Dir. Ed., Relig., |
Ind., |
16, |
1907; Off. |
Chin. Aff., |
|
| rang to Dir. 17, 1907. |
Ed., Relig., |
Ind., |
14, 1907; |
Res., |
Surakarta |
to |
| 53. Liem |
Thian Joe, |
Riwajat |
Semarang, |
op. cit., |
p. 191; Ch'ing-chi |
|
| wai-chiao |
shih-liao |
Vol .210, p |
10; Chin |
For. Aff. |
to |
|
| Peking, August |
29, 1907; |
Neth. |
Peking |
to Neth. |
|
For. Aff., |
| 10, |
1907; Off. |
Chin. Aff., |
Semarang |
to Dir. |
Ed., Relig., |
Ind., |
| April 23, |
1909; Off. |
Chin. Aff., |
Surabaya |
to Dir. |
Ed., Relig., |
Ind., |
| 24, 1909; |
Off. |
Jus. Surabaya |
to Atty |
|
|
1912; |
| "Chineesch Vol. 30 (1908), |
Bezoek aan |
IndiS" 1, p. 384. |
Visit |
to Netherlands |
India), |
IG, |
| 54. Chin. |
|
For. Aff. to |
Neth. |
Peking, |
August |
29, 1907. |
| 55. |
|
Courant |
(For January 14, |
the Chinese 1908; |
School Youth), Chin Aff |
Sura- |
| baya to Dir. |
Ed Relig. |
Ind |
June 1908; |
Off. Chin. Aff. |
|
Semarang |
| to Dir. Ed., |
Relig., |
Ind., |
1908. |
|
|
|
| 56. Off. Chin. Aff., Batavia |
|
|
to Dir. Jus., |
June 8, |
1910; Neth. Min., |
|
| Peking to |
Neth. |
For. Aff., |
4, |
1913; Neth. |
|
Peking |
| to pp. 10-14. |
February 4, |
1916; Ch'ing-
| wai-chiao |
shih-liao. |
|
Vol. 210, |
| 57. Chin. |
|
the |
to Siang |
Sukabumi, |
June |
9, 1909 |
| (letter apparently |
intercepted |
and |
translated |
by the N.I. |
authorities, |
|
| in arch. Neth. Min. For. Aff |
|
Res., |
Batavia |
to |
|
1908; |
| Res., Surakarta |
to 28, 908; |
Chin Aff |
18, 1908; Semarang |
Res., to Res |
Surabaya Semarang, |
to Janu- |
| ary 27, 909; |
Asst Res |
Padang |
G. Sumatra |
W. Cst |
February |
6, 909; |
| Res., Batavia |
to |
|
28, 1908; |
Res., |
Surabaya |
to |
| 20, |
1909. |
|
|
|
|
|
| 58. Ibid., |
|
28, 1908; |
Asst. Res., |
Padang |
to G. Sumatra |
|
| Cst., February |
16, 1909; |
Res., Batavia |
to |
|
|
cir- |
| cular [late Neth. |
1908?] supposedly For. Aff. |
drafted |
by |
|
Ky, |
arch. |
| 59. Res., |
Surabaya |
to |
20, |
1909. |
|
|
| 60. |
Aff., |
Batavia to |
Dir. Jus., April |
22, 1909; |
Neth. Charge, |
|
| Peking to |
|
13, 1909; |
Chin. Aff |
Pontianak |
to |
Dir. Jus., |
| 18, 1909; |
|
op. cit., |
p. 42; |
Off. Chin. |
Aff., |
Batavia to |
| Asst. Res., |
Batavia, April |
21, 1909; |
Asst. Res., |
Batavia |
to Res |
Batavia, |
| April 22, |
1909; Res., 1909; |
Surakarta Off. Chin. |
April Aff., Semarang |
29, 1909; to |
Res.,Kediri Dir, Jus., |
to April |
| 1909; ibid., |
April 23, |
1909; Off. Chin. Aff., |
|
Pontianak |
to Dir. |
Jus., |
| 18, 1909; |
Off. Chin. |
Aff., Surabaya |
to Dir. |
Jus., |
24, 1909. |
|
| 61 Chin. |
Singapore |
For. Aff. to to 1909; Res., Batavia |
Neth. |
Peking, to |
January 909; |
3, 1910; to 24, 1909. |
G.G.,
G.G., November G.G.,
1.., to., 1 1
G.G., November G.G.,
G.G., November 23, 1908;
G.G., March
G.G., March Off..,
G.G., May 11,21,
May G.G.,
May
... Min. Neth. Min.
Min., Min.
October
May,. Gen., November 30,
(Chinese
No.
Min. Min.,
"Voorde Chineesche School jeugd"
Nieuwe Rotterdamsche, Off...,
.
,,., 1,,
May 26,
Min. March Min.,
Min., Hague Hwee,
now
.); G.G., October 31,
December 1 Off...,.,
March
December W.
, Wang Kang now in
Min.
Ad. Jap.
May [Mouw?],
.,
toG.G.,
May
May
. Min. Min.,
Neth. Con. Gen., G.G., November 29, 1 G.G. Neth.
Min. Col., December 6, G.G., December
,
[181]
|
Min. |
|
Neth Min., |
|
|
|
| 62. |
Chin. |
For. Aff. |
fo |
Peking, |
|
30, 1911; |
| Asst. Res. |
for Police, |
Surabaya |
to Res., |
Surabaya, |
June 19, |
1911; Off. |
| Chin. Aff., |
Surabaya |
to Dir. Jus., |
April |
27, 1911; |
July |
14, 1911; |
| "Een Chineesch |
Regeeringscommissaris" |
|
(A |
Chinese |
|
|
| sioner), |
IG, Vol. 33 |
(1911), |
1, p. 89; |
Off. Chin. |
Aff., |
Batavia to |
| Dir. Jus., |
11, |
1911 |
|
|
|
|
| 63. |
Off. Chin. |
Aff., Surabaya |
to Dir. |
Jus., April |
27, 91 |
|
| 64. |
Neth. Min., Peking |
to |
|
19, |
1903; |
to Neth. |
| Col., |
|
29, 1908; |
Off. Chin. |
Aff., Semarang |
to |
Dir. Ed., |
| Relig., Ind., |
April |
1907; Off. |
Chin. |
Aff., Batavia |
to Asst. |
Res., Ba- |
| tovia, April |
21, 1909. |
|
|
|
|
|
| 65. |
Chin. |
For. Aff. |
to Neth. |
Peking, |
August |
29, 1907; |
| Off. Chin .Aff. |
Batavia |
to Dir |
Jus. |
16, |
91 0; |
|
| Riwajat Semarang |
og.cit., |
pp. |
192-194. |
|
|
|
| 66. |
Off. Chin. |
AffT, Surabaya |
to Dir. |
Jus., |
24, 1909; |
|
| Lon, Riwajat, |
op.cit., |
p. 144. |
|
|
|
|
| 67. |
Off. Chin. |
Aff., Batavia |
to Dir. |
Ed., Relig., |
Ind., |
January |
| 1907; Off. |
Chin. Aff., |
Semarang |
to Res., |
Semarang, |
January |
18, 1907; |
| Asst. Res. for |
Police, |
Surabaya |
to Res., Surabaya, |
January |
20, |
1907; Liem |
| Thian Joe, |
Riwajat |
Semarang |
op cit p |
92; Chin |
the |
to |
| Siang |
Sukabumi, |
July 6, |
1909 (letter |
apparently |
intercepted |
and |
| translated |
by the N.I. |
authorities, |
in |
arch. Neth. |
|
For. Aff.); |
| Chin. |
For. Aff. |
to Neth. |
Peking, |
|
20, 1910; |
Res., |
| Semarang |
to |
July 4, 1910; |
Fromberg, |
Chineesche |
Beweging op |
|
| Java, op.cit., |
p. |
32; Off. Chin. |
Aff., |
Batavia to |
Dir. Jus., |
11, |
| 1911; |
Aff., |
Surabaya |
to Dir. |
Jus., February |
19, 1912; |
Asst. |
| Res. Batavia |
to Res. |
Batavia, |
February 26, |
191 2; Res. |
Batavia |
to |
| February 27, |
1912; |
Chin. Aff te Batavia" (The Chinese |
Surabaya |
to Dir. Jus. Disturbances at |
|
Batavia), |
| Vol. |
8, 46 |
(March 3, |
1912), pp. |
1084-1085; |
"Officieel |
Relaas^ |
| van de Chineesche |
Opstootjes |
te |
Batavia en |
Soerabaja" |
(Official |
|
| of the Chinese |
Disturbances |
at Batavia and Surabaya), |
|
|
Koloniaal |
Tijdschrift, |
| Vol. (1912), |
p. 601; |
"Beroering |
onder |
de |
Nederlandsch- |
|
| IndiS" |
|
the Chinese |
Netherlands |
|
India), IG, |
Vol 34 |
| nese Disturbances |
at |
Surabaya), |
ibid., p. |
658; Res., |
Semarang |
to |
| June 26, |
1912; Fromberg, |
Chineesche |
|
B eweging en |
het Koloniaal Tijd - |
|
| schrift, op.cit., |
p. |
14. |
|
|
|
|
| 68. "NetFT. |
|
to to Dir. |
Neth. Min. For. Aff Jus., April |
22, 1909; |
Chin |
0, 1907; Aff Se- |
| marang to |
Dir. Jus., |
April 23, |
1909. |
|
|
|
| 69. |
Liem Thian |
Joe, Riwajat |
Semarang, |
op.cit., |
p. 192. |
|
| 70. |
Lan, |
Riwajat, |
op.cit., |
p. 127. |
|
|
| 71 |
Chin. |
the |
to Neth. |
For. |
Aff., January |
22, |
| 1907; ibid., |
February |
10, 1907; |
ibid., |
4, 1907; |
Off. Chin. |
Aff., |
(1912), p. 523; te Soerabaja" (The Chi-
G.G., December G.G.
G.G., De
G.G.,
. March
[bid.,
Government Commis-
No.
May.
1 1.
Min. November
'
1 1,
Min. Min.,
,., December 1 Li em Thian Joe,
,
May Nio Joe
1,
,..,. 1. Min., Hague
Hwee,
now Min.
Min. Min., December
May
Off ."Chin.
,,, G.G.
Off..,, March 22, 1912;
"De Chineezen-Relletjes
Wl, No.
Account
1 Chineezen in
(Commotion among in.
No.l, "DeChineezen-Opstootjes
De
Min., Peking., October 1
Ad. Jap. Aff., Batavia Off...,
Nio Joe
. Min., Hague Min.
March
1., Hague Neth
,,,.
[182]
| Batavia |
to Dir.Jus., |
September |
9, 909; |
Chin. Min |
the |
to |
|
|
8, 1910; |
|
the |
to |
For. |
| Aff., |
4, |
91 2; Chin |
the |
to |
|
Aff |
| January |
28, 1913; |
Chin. Charge |
to Neth. |
For. |
Aff., February |
28, |
| 1913; Chin. Min., the Hague |
|
to |
|
For Aff |
September |
19, 1913. |
| 72. |
Chin. Aff |
Semarang |
to Dir |
Ed Relig |
Ind February |
6, |
| 1907; G. |
Sumatra |
to |
|
3, 1909; Chin. Min |
|
the |
| to Siang |
|
June |
9, 1909 (letter |
apparently |
intercepted |
and |
| translated |
by N.I. |
authorities, |
arch |
|
For Aff.); |
ibid |
| July 6, |
1909; Asst |
Res., Buitenzorg |
to |
Res., Batavia, |
August |
20, 1909; |
| Res., Jogjakarta |
to |
August |
27, 1909; |
Chin. |
the |
to |
| Slang |
Sukabumi, |
|
9, 1909 |
(letter apparently |
intercepted |
|
| and translated |
by |
N.I. authorities, |
|
arch. Neth. |
|
For. Aff.); |
| Off. Chin. |
Aff. Surabaya |
to |
Dir. Jus. |
|
910; |
|
| Peking |
to |
For Aff |
February |
28, 91 7; |
Chin |
Aff Su- |
| rabaya to |
Dir Jus |
22, |
91 2; Ch'i ng |
Hsuan-t'ung |
ch'ao |
wai-chiao |
| shih-liao |
:-f-yl |
-I? ^i^ |
|
(Historical |
Materials |
on |
| Foreign |
Relations |
the Hsuan-t'ung |
Reign |
of the Ch'ing |
Dynasty), |
|
| Hsi-yin, |
Peiping, |
1933, Vol. |
5, |
Boen |
Sin Po (Surabaya), |
|
| January |
19, 1911, |
arch. |
Neth. |
For. Aff.; |
Lie Siong |
Hwie, |
| President, Borel, "Chineesche Vereenigingen, |
Siang |
|
to Res., loc. |
Surabaya, p. 23. |
September |
22, 1911; |
| 73. |
Joe Lan, |
Riwajat, op.-cit |
|
p. 143; |
|
|
| Hui, |
Herdenking |
van de |
Verjaardag" |
(Chung |
Hui, |
|
| ration of |
the 7th Anniversary), |
|
Vol. |
2, Nos. |
1-2 (October |
1918), |
| p. 56; |
to Neth. |
For. |
Aff., April |
16, 1909; |
Chin. |
the |
| to |
|
For Aff. |
|
1906; Chin |
Charge, the |
|
| to Neth. Neth. |
For. For. Aff., |
Aff., January |
20, 1914; 5, 1917. |
Chin. |
the |
to |
| 74. |
|
[Chinese |
language |
trainee?] |
to Neth |
Pe- |
| king, August |
1896; |
Sung, |
"A Brief |
Historical Sketch |
of the |
Chinese |
| Consulate |
General |
at Batavia, |
Java," |
|
|
|
| 75. |
Acting Netherlands |
Consul, |
|
to Neth. |
Peking, |
Janu- |
| ary 18, |
1894. |
|
|
|
|
|
| 76. |
Ch'ing-chI |
wai-chiao |
shih-liao, |
Vol 53, pp |
26-27; |
ibid Vol |
| 166, pp. |
l-9b; Asst. |
Res., Billiton |
to |
|
15, 1907; |
Off. Chin. |
| Aff., Semarang |
to |
Res., Semarang, |
January |
18, 1907; |
Fromberg, |
Chi- |
| neesche |
Beweging |
op Java, op.cit., |
p. 43. |
|
|
|
| 77. Valk, 78 |
Ibid., pp. cTt., p. Consular convention between the Netherlands and China concerning |
40-60; van 14. |
Sandick, |
op. cit., |
235-238; |
van der |
| the Netherlands |
possessions |
and |
colonies, |
signed at Peking, |
|
8, |
| articles pp. 9b-io. |
2 and Ch'ing |
Hsuan-t'ung |
ch'ao |
wai-chiao |
shih-liao, |
Vol 10, |
| 79. |
Sung Fa-hsiang |
|
|
|
tsung-ling-shih- |
|
W. Cst. G.G., March 1., Hague
G.G., Min., Hague
G.G. Min. Min.,
W. J. Oudendijk. Min.,
F. T.
. 1..,.
G.G., January
Min. For. Aff., July Chin. Charge, Hague Neth.Min.
November 1. Min., Hague Neth. Min. For..
Min.
Neth. Min...,
Off..,..,.,.,
Hwee, Sukabumi,
now in. Neth. Min...
.
Hwee, December
now in Min.
,, December 1, 1 Neth. Min.
Neth. Min..., 1 Off...,
.., March 1
X ^ ^ ^^
in Wang
pp.30b-31; Han
now in Min.
Hwee, Surabaya
" cjt^.,
Nio.,HanTiauwTjong, "Chung
Hwa 7e Hwa Commemo-
CHHTC,
Hague Neth. Min.., October 5,. Hague
Min. Min., Hague
Min. November
SPJN.
Amoy Min.,
De
pp.
[oc^.
.
May 1 1,
6;.
7~~
;^
^-^'^-P-^ i"Chu Pa-ta-wei-ya
,,
(183)
|
|
'^ M ^ |
^i fl |
|
- |
|
|
| kuon chlh |
yen-ko'' |
|
|
^^1 |
|
>t" |
|
| (History |
of the Consulate General |
|
at Batavia), |
|
Sung, |
loc.clt.; |
|
| Joe |
Lan, Riwajat, |
op.clt., |
p. 129. |
|
|
|
|
| 80. |
Chin. Charge, |
the |
to |
|
For. Aff., |
|
13, |
| 1913; Neth. |
|
Peking to |
Neth. |
For. Aff., |
|
19, 1912; |
|
| ibid ., February |
28, |
191 7; |
Jap. Chin |
Aff. Batavia |
to Dir |
Civ Serv. |
|
| February |
4, 1914; |
|
to |
Neth. |
For. Aff., |
April |
8, |
| 1915; ibid |
|
10, 1916; |
"Chineezen |
en |
Jappeners |
te Semorang" |
|
| (Chinese and |
Japanese at |
Semarang), |
IG, Vol |
37 |
5), |
2, p |
68 |
| 81 |
Jap |
Chin Aff |
Batavia to |
Dir Civ |
Serv July |
3, |
|
| Chin. |
|
Batavia to February |
4, 1916; |
Sec., ibid February |
16, 23, |
1914; Neth. 1916. |
|
| 82. |
"Onderwijs |
Tionghoa |
Indonesia" |
(Chinese |
Education |
in Indo- |
|
| nesia), |
|
Joe Lan, Riwajat |
op.cit., |
pp. |
5, 64-65. |
|
|
| 83. |
Liem Thian |
Joe, Riwajat |
Semarang, |
op. |
cit., p. 174; |
|
|
| Lan, Riv^ajat, |
op.cit., |
pp. 25-26, |
65,135; |
|
Tjlong, |
iauv^ |
|
| Perkoempoelan-perkoempoelannja" |
|
|
(Overseas |
Chinese |
and Their |
Associa- |
|
| tions), |
Kv\/ee |
Tek |
op.cit., |
February |
1937, p. 58. |
|
|
| 84. |
Off. Jap. |
Aff., Batavia" t
| |
Jus., |
1909; |
Off. Chin. |
|
| Aff Semarang |
to |
Dir Jus. |
6, |
909; |
Chin Aff |
Semarang |
|
| to Res., |
Semarang, |
January 27, |
1909. |
|
|
|
|
| 85 |
Chin |
the |
to |
For |
Aff |
5, |
906; |
|
Col^. to |
Neth. |
For. Aff., October |
|
11, 1^06; |
|
Fu- |
| luan |
^"^-^^ |
Hua-ch'iao yu |
|
|
|
|
|
| 1^-$ |
'^^ {The Overseas |
Chinese and |
|
the Chinese |
Revolution), |
The |
Asia |
| Press, |
|
1954, p. |
72; Neth. |
|
Singapore |
to |
|
| 21, |
1908; |
Sec. |
to Neth. |
|
Singapore, |
April |
4, |
| 1908; Off. Chin. Aff., |
|
Semarang |
to Dir. |
Jus., |
|
1910; Marius |
|
| Jansen, bridge, |
The Japanese and 1954, p. 19. |
Sun |
Yat-sen, |
Harvard |
University |
Press, |
|
| 86. |
Off. Chin. Aff., |
Surabaya |
to Dir. |
Jus., |
|
|
|
| Aff., Batavia |
to Dir. |
Civ. Serv., |
January |
3, 1916; |
Kapitein and |
Luitenant |
|
| Jogjakarta |
to Asst. |
Res. |
|
1914. |
|
|
|
. (1 91 No.. 1 1.
B. Cam-
.t-t Hf
SPJN; F. T.
Nio
Hague Neth. Min. March
Min., Min. December
Ad..,..
Neth. Min., Peking Min.
., November
. Ad....,..., 1 91 4;
Con. Gen., 1st Gov. December
Min., Peking toG.G.,.,
di
SPJN; Nio,
Nio Joe
Hoay " Hook dan
SPJN; Hoay,
March
.,., March 1 1 Off...,
.. Min., Hague Neth. Min..., October 1
Neth. Min. Min. Huang
"W, Chung-kuo ko-ming^ \\af-^ V
Hong Kong, Con. Gen., G.G.
March 1st Gov. Con. Gen.,
November 11,
March 22, 1912; Ad. Chin.
,
, Matorcm, November
AN EVALUATION
how good and how pleasant \f is
| Behold |
for brethren |
to dwell |
| together |
Psalms, |
|
in unity.
CXXXIII, 1
The Accomplishments of Indies Chinese
Nationalism
| After |
this prolonged |
discussion |
of the |
nationalist |
|
|
| Indies Chinese, |
|
appropriate |
to consider |
|
of the |
|
| of the |
|
to |
certain general conclusions |
|
from |
the |
| terial presented. |
|
record |
reveals that |
the nationalist |
|
|
| by |
large |
a success. |
prime |
goals of the |
early nationalists |
|
| realized: |
pride |
born of |
|
|
instilled |
in the |
| people; |
a |
of unity |
to |
bind the |
together; |
a |
| universal |
|
for the welfare |
of the |
entire |
generated |
a |
| spirit of |
|
the |
of |
other peoples |
|
These |
| attainments |
|
through carefully |
|
|
|
efforts in |
| education |
from |
the organization |
of |
|
associations. |
|
| the narrative |
sections |
of this |
the broad |
outline |
of this victory |
has |
| already |
presented. |
Before |
|
to a |
|
inter- |
| pretation |
of the |
|
studied, |
advisable |
to look |
briefly at |
| a later |
or, in |
a sense, peripheral |
|
|
of the nationalist |
|
awakening of the
it is some achievements
movement and draw ma-
The movement
was and The
were national consciousness was
new degree came Chinese
concern community
democracy; and respect was won.
came planned and executed
and pan-Chinese In
book
been moving on summation and
developments it is
few consequences
awakening.
| desire |
to provide |
their people |
with |
the facilities |
for practical |
| had |
guided |
the planning |
of the |
nationalist |
leaders from |
|
|
|
[1841 |
|
|
A
education an
[185]
| early time, and |
|
in the field of |
education |
that |
the Chinese |
gained |
| of their |
greatest |
triumphs. by the Chinese |
themselves; |
the |
authorities |
|
| obliged |
to |
schools |
|
children. |
the |
|
| lands authorities |
|
|
|
this |
direction |
In part |
| by philanthropy, |
they |
definitely |
pushed |
into |
taking |
relatively |
| speedy action |
by the |
|
that the |
independent |
schools |
of the |
| Chinese, |
outside of |
close |
scrutiny, |
|
producing a |
|
| eration of |
nationalists |
potentially |
hostile |
to |
rule. This |
threat |
| to |
interests |
soon |
apparent |
to the Indies |
colonial |
|
| istration. |
1908, |
a bare seven |
years after |
the establishment |
|
of the |
| pioneer |
school, |
the |
correctly |
schools |
for Chinese this official |
|
| cession as |
a conquest |
gained by |
their |
nationalism. |
|
|
| In |
the colonial |
regime |
had solicited |
the opinion |
of |
Batavla's |
| on |
the matter |
of |
education |
for |
Chinese |
children. |
| Three plans |
to |
be considered: |
existing |
|
schools |
|
| their |
doors to |
Chinese on |
a basis of |
equality with |
|
|
| official subsidies |
|
be granted |
private |
|
schools |
to enable |
| to offer |
Instruction |
in the |
|
|
certain other |
sub- |
| jects; or |
the |
|
establish, |
exclusively |
for the |
Chinese, |
| schools equal |
to those |
for Europeans. |
After |
lengthy |
debate, |
the |
| bers of |
Batavia |
|
sister associations |
informed |
the |
|
| that |
the to be the |
plan, free most satisfactory; |
entry of official |
to subsidization |
of |
schools, private |
| schools, |
though |
not preferred, |
|
also be |
acceptable. |
|
| Netherlands |
authorities |
discarded |
this opinion |
|
put the third |
plan |
| into effect; |
separate |
|
schools |
of the |
quality |
as those |
it was
one Not only was a school system established
which was operated Dutch
were open for Chinese While Nether-
may well have been prompted in
were
knowledge
government were gen-
Dutch
European was admin-
In
THHK first government were
opened. The Chinese community viewed con-
new
1906
THHK government
were European would
open Dutch children;
would Chinese
them Dutch language and
government would
mem-
THHK and its govern-
ment first Chinese European
appeared
Chinese would The
and
government same
[186]
were were
| of the |
Europeans |
established |
for |
Chinese. |
These |
the |
so- |
| called |
|
|
|
|
scholen), which |
|
|
| taught |
Chinese pupils |
in the |
|
language; |
they |
not, |
as the |
| suggests, |
schools Indies |
for both must |
be given |
Chinese credit |
children. for having |
2 provided |
the |
| pupils of schools, which |
the offered |
seven |
schools years of elementary training, |
with excellent |
educations. |
|
These |
| by Europeans |
|
fully |
as |
as the primary |
schools |
for |
|
| children. |
By |
there |
|
|
schools |
in the colony; |
|
| their 165 girls. 3 |
teachers |
serving |
|
Chinese |
pupils, |
1,318 of |
|
| Batcvla's |
of |
had perhaps the plan |
initially for the |
establishment |
motivated of |
to withhold |
|
| schools |
by the |
that |
|
schools |
suffer |
from |
|
| petition schools, |
true children |
that, after |
the |
from the |
of the institutions. |
|
|
| threat |
to Chinese |
nationalist |
indoctrination |
|
seen by |
at least |
|
| imperial |
emissary |
visited |
|
the |
|
schools. |
|
| order that |
they might |
both |
|
eat their |
cake, |
Chinese |
|
| perennially in both "unthinkable" |
suggested by |
that the the Batavia |
This |
|
schools offer regularly |
instruction |
as |
| addition |
to up to Chinese |
the children |
in 1908, |
schools, |
other facilities the |
ordered |
|
| that Chinese |
be |
to |
European |
schools |
on the |
basis |
as |
| natives, |
a |
of |
being |
the chief |
requirement. |
Further- |
|
| more, any |
Chinese |
parents |
|
after 1908, |
to send |
their |
chil- |
| dren to |
the |
|
|
schools |
for natives |
|
free |
Dutch-Chinese schools (Hollandsch-Chineesche
Dutch were
name Dutch and
The government
Dutch-Chinese
were staffed
and were good Dutch
1915 were 27 Dutch-Chinese
were 4,096 them
.,
THHK been
its endorsement Dutch-Chinese
knowledge its own would com-
. It is opening new government
some were withdrawn THHK A
was one
who some of Dutch-Chinese In
have and some
Dutch-Chinese
Dutch and Kuo-yu. scheme was condemned
4
government.
In Dutch-Chinese were
opened when government
admitted same
knowledge Dutch
who wished,
government Malay-language were
.
[187]
5
to do so. Wifhin seven years of the start of the campaign to educate
their children, the Chinese had achieved tremendous success. A pri-
vate schools/stem was in operation to provide Chinese language train-
ing; new government schools were being established to meet the needs
of the Chinese for European education; and the discriminatory restric-
tions on the admission of Chinese to the older governmant Dutch- and
Malay-language schools were removed.
The other demands of the Chinese were met more slowly by the
government. But the pass and zoning systems, trials before the courts
for natives, and unfair taxation were all abolished in the years fol low-
ing the period studied. When the Netherlands Indian government later
convened its popular assembly (Volksraad), the Chinese were given
representation. The Chinese did not achieve full social and political
equality with the Dutch, which would have been more than a little re-
markable In a colonial environment; but they came to enjoy far greater
security and consideration than any 1900 observer would have thought
possible
The victories of Indonesian nationalism in the past few years make
it appropriate to add here, as something of an historical footnote, that
the Chinese example contributed to the national awakening of the in-
digenous peoples of the Indies. Every writer on modern Indonesia at-
tributes the 1912 establishment of the first powerful native nationalist
organization, Serikat Islam ^ in part to the competitive pressure of the
Chinese on certain Javanese entrepreneurs. There were. In addition
to this familiar negative role of the Chinese in the Indonesian na-
tionalist effort, several positive Chinese contributions to the move-
ment. As early as 1904 an Indonesian noble, Roden Moehamad Oemar,
who was "a member of the Religious Council in Kendal," wrote THHK
[188]
its In 1910 another mem-
| Batavia |
to ask for |
information |
on |
activities. |
|
|
|
| ber of the |
local |
nobility, |
Radja Sabaroedin, |
|
at the time |
president |
of |
| the protonationalist |
|
Boedi |
|
a |
of the native official- |
|
|
| asked |
to be |
|
to attend |
a meeting |
of the Batavia |
|
in |
| order to |
observe |
the organizational |
|
techniques |
of the |
Chinese |
|
| 1911 Revolution |
|
in |
interpreted |
to the |
Indonesians |
by the |
|
| nese in |
their midst, |
reported |
to |
stimulated |
great |
interest |
in |
| native nationalist |
|
circles. |
Finally, a |
part |
of the financing |
|
of the |
| Indonesian |
nationalist |
press |
in the |
early years |
the |
Chinese |
|
| capitalists |
7 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Oetomo and member
dom, allowed THHK
. The
China, Chi-
is have
good
was work of
...
.
the
|
The |
Weapons |
of |
Chinese |
|
|
| Nationalism |
all |
too often |
gives rise |
to violence; |
thiswas |
ordinarily |
| not the |
case In the |
overseas |
Chinese |
under |
Investigation. |
|
| chief |
|
of the Indies Chinese |
|
in their struggle |
for social |
|
| political |
elevation |
simply |
their ability |
to present |
the |
with |
| the unified |
strength |
of their |
|
associations. |
|
|
| lands authorities |
quickly and correctly came |
|
|
to the |
realization |
that the |
| Chinese |
|
under |
their control |
no |
longer fragmented |
|
| Inarticulate. |
|
Because the |
threat of |
force |
implicit |
In the |
| growth of |
the |
|
associations, |
the colonial |
regime |
wisely |
| concessions |
force |
to prevent usually not employed |
|
Chinese by the Chinese, |
might. there were |
|
| a occasions |
|
vigorous |
group action |
by that |
minority |
used |
| to |
certain Such group |
ends thought endeavors |
unobtainable |
through took the form |
of boycotts. |
peaceful |
| great |
trading |
firm, Handelsvereeniging |
|
|
|
singled |
| out by the |
Chinese |
of Surabaya |
for special |
attack. |
The |
|
movement
The weapon and
was Dutch
pan-Chinese The Nether-
communities were
and seemed
pan-Chinese
made an open display of
Although was
few when was
achieve more
means. commonly A
Dutch Amsterdam, was
background
[189]
was commercial.
| of the boycotts against |
|
this |
firm |
|
rather than |
political |
|
| policy |
for the |
extension |
of credit |
by the |
|
to |
|
| nese retail |
dealers against this |
the |
chief source from |
of friction. to |
|
another |
in |
| 1908. |
earlier |
the |
bitter, |
especially as Handelsvereenig- |
|
|
|
| ing |
|
obliged |
to contribute |
|
to the |
Surabaya |
|
| to |
bring the |
boycott |
to end. |
no |
that |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
o |
|
| trading |
houses boycotts |
to be afraid less |
to fight spectacular. |
|
boycotts. |
of Siang |
|
| associations |
|
throughout |
the Indies, |
|
the |
threat |
of |
| boycotts |
feared |
than ever |
by the |
|
only other |
boycotts |
|
| to be considered |
|
here |
the |
action against |
the |
Luitenant |
at |
| Buitenzorg |
|
as already |
|
proposed |
a |
on |
|
| immigration, |
|
anti |
|
efforts. In |
various |
Soe |
Po |
| Sia urged |
that Japanese penetration |
goods in |
be boycotted |
as a |
protest against |
Russo- Siang |
|
| associations |
did not |
support |
this |
with |
enthusiasm, |
|
|
| complished |
little, |
although the Japanese |
|
consul at |
Batavia |
|
|
| to lodge |
a formal products |
complaint. in |
In as that |
a a by her aggressive |
successful of the neighbor. |
boycott notorious |
of |
| most striking |
aspect |
of the |
boycott |
that |
twenty years |
earlier |
|
| Japan's |
military |
defeat of |
|
passed almost |
unnoticed |
in |
the |
|
|
|
9 |
|
|
|
|
| Indies |
occasion |
the |
resorted |
to |
|
form of |
the |
| boycott, |
a cessation |
of all |
trade, |
in the |
Indies as pa |
|
|
| shih |
ip |
)/ or marketing |
|
This |
technique |
had |
long |
| used |
in |
as a |
protest |
against |
the |
|
In |
The Dutch concern Chi-
was Two boycotts were
waged company, one 1902 1904 and
The was more
Amsterdam was f. 25,000
THHK an It is wonder European
came Chinese
Other were The establishment
Hwee however, made
more Dutch. The
were 1905
who, mentioned, ban Chinese
and two-Japanese 1912
Japanese Manchuria and Mongolia. As the Hwee
campaign any it ac-
was obliged
1915 more
Japanese was conducted consequence
demands made on China year The
1915 is
China had
Chinese communities.
On one Chinese an extreme
known tsh'i (po-
^^strike.
been China means of government.
[190]
Netherlands India it was employed following the Surabaya riots of 191 2.
In that year, after the Dutch authorities had prohibited the display of
| the Chinese |
Republican |
flag |
during the |
celebration |
of the |
establish- |
|
| of |
the |
|
|
serious |
rioting broke |
out |
in |
| Surabaya. |
Batavia |
had a similar, |
though |
smaller, |
outburst |
Casualties |
|
| light, |
but the |
police |
than |
zealous |
in the |
|
|
| of their |
duties. To |
indicate |
their disapproval |
of |
the measures |
used |
to |
| restore order, |
the |
shopkeepers |
of |
Surabaya |
closed |
their doors. |
|
| virtually |
hazardous |
stagnation from |
of the official |
followed. point |
of |
situation as the |
|
| nese |
|
the retail |
trade in food |
supplies. |
|
to |
pro- |
| cure food, |
the native alarming |
population to |
the colonial |
to restless; administrators. |
nothing |
could |
shop |
| closure |
peacefully |
brought |
to end |
by negotiations |
|
|
the |
| Netherlands the colonial |
authorities |
by the the outbreak |
leaders in this of violence |
of Surabaya's instance at |
Chinese. Surabaya, |
impressed |
|
| essary to |
the |
surprisingly |
other |
occasions |
disorders |
|
took |
| place. |
|
the |
time of |
all the other |
recorded |
cases |
of |
| group violence. |
|
that turbulent |
year, |
at Surabaya, |
Cheribon, |
|
|
| Bangil, |
hostility |
Chinese |
|
residents |
flared |
up in |
riot- |
| ing; |
tin miners |
on |
staged a |
strike |
led to |
bloodshed; |
|
| there |
|
brawls |
Chinese |
|
natives |
in Balik- |
|
| in |
Borneo. |
|
considered |
that |
|
a time |
of |
| great excitement |
|
for Chinese |
|
the |
record of |
the Indies |
|
| Chinese |
not as |
black as |
might |
|
|
simply |
|
| not |
of the |
of organized |
Chinese |
nationalism |
in |
the Indies. |
|
ment new mainland government,
.
were were more performance
Chinese
A complete commerce The
was particularly view Chi-
monopolized Unable
began grow
have been more The
was an between
and the The
power demonstrated Chinese deeply
government.
Having mentioned it is nec-
list few when
The year 1912 was
In and
between and Arab
some Bangka which
and were some between and
papan When it is 1912 was
everywhere,
is it have been. Violence was
one weapons
.
[191]
explosions
| Isolated |
occurred; |
carefully planned |
demonst-ratlonsof |
brute |
| strength |
not a part |
of the |
the nationalist |
|
campaign of leadership.
were
Conclusions on the Indies
General
|
|
Chinese |
Movement |
|
|
|
|
point the |
reader |
will quite |
properly ask |
for conclusions |
on |
| the Indies Chinese |
|
nationalist |
|
as a |
expect an |
at- |
| tempt to |
relate the |
story told |
here to |
the general |
of |
minority |
| nationalism. for presentation |
There |
are a of the motivations |
|
generalizations the |
|
suitable |
| reveals |
of the |
circumstances |
favorable |
to |
the rise of |
minority |
| nationalism. |
|
Indies |
in |
had |
long established |
|
| overseas; |
they |
not a migratory |
people |
in search |
of temporary |
|
| vantages. |
Chinese the Netherlands |
colony. |
legitimate Nationalism |
interest |
a large of |
invest- protect- |
| ing that |
interest through |
the |
attainment |
of greater |
social |
political, |
| psychological |
|
security. |
|
|
residents |
of the |
| Indies |
no longer |
willing |
to |
inferior |
status, |
regardless |
| of |
that status |
|
imposed by |
the regime |
or |
out of an |
| inner sense |
of intellectual |
|
|
cultural |
homelessness |
|
| fact that |
the initiators |
of nationalist |
|
action |
those |
mostly |
| Peranakans, |
|
through contact |
with |
|
ideas |
methods, |
| most |
likely to the importance |
turn to |
nationalism of emotional |
to |
emotional in the |
turn to an |
| awareness |
of nationality. |
|
socio-political |
|
pressures |
on the |
| Chinese which resulted |
|
at the turn |
of the |
century from |
the inauguration |
|
| of the |
ethical |
|
doubtless |
the |
for nationalism |
|
At this
An examination
some
The
were
The
ment in
and
were
whether
who,
were
evidence of
Dutch
awakening whole and
problem
number of tentative
behind movement studied
Chinese 1900 been
ad-
had a and
was a means
,
The Chinese permanent
accept an
was grew
inadequacy and. The
were men,
Western and
meet an need is
demands
The new
program made need
[192]
| more seem |
immediate. |
The |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
rise of nationalism |
|
Chinese |
outside |
| of the |
Netherlands |
area suggests, |
|
that, |
as a stimulus |
to |
| tional consciousness, |
|
internal emotional |
|
pressure must |
be given |
at least |
| equal |
with attempt to |
external revive |
forces. |
born |
of experience |
with |
| Christianity. |
|
Confuclanist |
effort |
to serve |
as a positive |
re- |
| action |
to the |
of the missionaries; |
|
psychological |
factors |
are |
| seen to |
be of prime |
significance. |
Exposure |
to Christianity |
|
led |
| Chinese |
to look to |
the ancient |
cultural |
heritage of |
their |
for |
| reassurance |
that |
morality |
not a |
Innovation |
in |
Asia. To |
| Chinese, after |
|
all the |
|
of Christianity |
Implies |
a rec- |
| ognition |
of |
cultural |
superiority. |
In addition |
to fostering |
a |
| reaction |
against |
themselves, |
the missionaries |
furthered |
the |
Chinese |
| nationalist |
cause |
in other |
especially |
by their |
introduction |
of |
| certain |
techniques |
in education |
by |
their formation |
of associations |
|
| for the |
world climate |
of group of nationalism |
goals. half a |
century ago |
so |
obvious a |
| factor behind |
the |
|
of the Indies Chinese |
|
onto the nationalist |
|
| stage that |
likely that In another |
to be |
overlooked. |
seems did not think |
not unreasonable In terms |
to of |
| tions, no |
nationalist |
|
|
occurred |
in the Indies. |
|
| several |
prenatlonalist |
centuries, |
in fact, |
no such |
|
take |
| place. |
often |
discussed |
impact |
on Asia, |
bringing |
with |
| highly aggressive |
|
nationalism, |
must be |
as |
the basic |
cause of |
| the nationalist |
ferment |
In the |
twentieth-century |
East. |
|
|
| Finally, |
they lived, of Netherlands |
appropriate a course India. |
to ask, other than Since that |
the circumstances nationalism people |
had |
under to the |
among
however, na-
weight
The Confucianism was
The was
work again
some
homeland
was European
many, acceptance
Western
ways,
and
achievement
The is
emergence
It is It
assume age, when men na-
awakening would have Fo""
awakening did
The Western it
viewed
it Is given
which if was open
Chinese been unwilling
[193]
|
|
acceptance |
an |
|
and |
|
|
| to continue |
in the |
|
of |
Inferior |
Insecure |
position, |
|
| there |
only |
four paths |
from |
to choose: |
return |
to |
|
| assimilation |
to the |
|
|
|
by the native |
|
|
| tion, or |
nationalism. |
Emigration |
to |
|
|
|
|
| suicide |
for most |
Indies Chinese |
|
realities |
of in a |
colonial |
set- |
| ting |
impossible |
the |
|
of |
equality with |
the |
|
| ruling |
stratum of colonial |
society, circumstances |
aristocratic obliged |
group the Chinese |
jealous of to fear absorption |
position. |
|
| by the |
Indonesians, |
a people |
then |
Insecure |
despised |
|
than |
| themselves. |
|
only chance |
for the |
social political |
|
psychologi- |
|
| cal |
|
of the entire |
Chinese |
|
Icy In |
nationalism. |
|
| Resourceful |
individuals, |
such |
as |
Chinese |
officers, |
able |
to |
| attain |
a measure |
of security the security |
by clinging of oblivion |
to the |
fringes of theoretically |
the available |
|
| to those course |
Peranakans success of |
able the Indies |
to disappear to the |
into native nationalist |
society. mobilization |
reveals |
|
| that certain |
resources |
|
|
to that |
|
obviously |
|
| the |
|
|
size |
to |
struggle |
promising. |
|
| also formed |
a distinct |
population |
group; |
|
separateness |
|
the |
| Indies |
the foundation |
|
of the nationalist |
|
|
Chinese |
|
| had, |
of role, |
their feeling their peculiar |
of superiority cultural |
institutions, |
over the remained |
natives, |
their apart |
| during |
the centuries |
in Southeast |
Asia. |
|
their separateness |
|
as |
| a base |
launched |
to build This |
nationalism, fact |
no so self-evident |
as to |
be in |
could |
| of being |
Ignored. |
The Chinese |
|
|
the beginning |
of |
the |
| century |
split |
by internal |
divisions |
arising |
from provincialism |
|
|
were which China,
Dutch community, absorption popula-
China would have been economic
. The life
made achievement full Dutch
an Its
The same
more and
The,, and
emancipation community
some were
European
community. And was
Only one
was open, however, whole Chinese people— nationalism.
The Chinese
were available people. Most
community was of sufficient make its It
Chinese in
was movement. The
because
economic and
Without
on which Chinese movement
have been. is danger
community at
was and
[194]
loyalties to secret societies or other particularistic attachments. The
relative speed and completeness of the disappearance of the old, pre-
nationalist hostilities seems to indicate that therewas a greaterdegree
of cohesiveness in the Chinese community than the surface antagonisms
suggested. Pan-Chinese efforts could never have achieved rapid suc-
cess had the divisive forces been based on deep-seated resentments.
The financial resources of the Indies Chinese, especially of the
Peranakan element, were a great source of strength in the nationalist
movement. Educational reform is a particularly expensive means of
stimulating national consciousness, yet the THHK did not hesitate to
institute an ambitious school program. A section of the Chinese press
in the early years very probably was operated at a loss, public service
rather than profits being the goal of the publishers. Clearly the col-
lection of funds to be used for the benefit of China depended upon the
wealth and generosity of the Indies Chinese. The seemingly incessant
travel of various nationalist leaders must have entailed not inconsid-
erable expenditures. The power of the Indies Chinese to raise, even
through forms of taxation, the great sums demanded by their movement
is to be counted as one of their chief resources.
Skillful organization by the nationalist leadership was another of
the sources of strength behind the Indies Chinese movement. A new
elite, largely of Peranakan origin, was in possession of the organiza-
tional skills required for nationalist mobilization. The leadership had
mastered these skills as students or observers of Western, especially
missionary, activity in Asia. Associations designed to serve a whole
community, not merely a select portion of it, appear to have been
another innovation from the West. Universal education, for example,
was an ideal alien to traditional China. The nationalist leadership
[195]
| further |
helped |
toward |
success |
by the fact |
that |
|
|
| generally |
able to |
operate |
with clear |
consciences |
within |
associations |
|
| of varied |
political |
orientations. |
|
final goal, |
rather |
than narrow |
|
| loyalties, |
guided |
the leaders. |
Perhaps |
|
believed |
that the |
pres- |
| sure on |
the Chinese |
|
|
sufficiently |
to |
require |
|
| partisan |
support |
of any nationalist effort |
|
Selflessness, |
not opportunism, |
|
|
| indeed Circumstances |
seems to |
motivated |
the possiblea connection |
leaders. |
with China |
|
|
| ficial to |
the rise |
of overseas |
Chinese |
nationalism |
in Netherlands India |
|
|
| Dynastic |
officials |
on tour in |
Southeast |
Asia |
sometimes able to |
|
fur- |
| nish their in the organizationof community endeavors incidentally, |
emigrant of Western inspiration; |
scholarships |
with |
of the These not part of |
techniques contributions of the traditional |
necessary scene. |
|
| symbols |
attached |
to the |
official |
emissaries |
from China were of |
|
both |
| Asian |
|
origins. |
national |
flag |
the |
|
naval |
| vessels |
to |
|
definitely |
inspired |
by |
|
|
| personal |
interest |
of the |
|
in his overseas |
subjects, |
|
|
| ized by |
the tours tradition |
of dynastic of imperial |
officials, solicitude |
for the |
|
with both with |
the |
| ern notions |
calling |
for the |
protection |
of expatriates |
|
ranks |
|
| rewards |
|
on overseas |
Chinese |
|
completely |
into |
the |
| traditional |
Chinese |
pattern. |
demonstration |
|
by Peking |
of |
|
| cern for |
the welfare |
of the |
overseas |
|
useful |
tool |
to the |
| Indies nationalists |
|
in their |
struggle with |
the |
To the |
local |
pres- |
| sure brought |
to bear upon the colonial government |
|
|
|
|
the |
inter- |
| nationally |
recognized |
technique |
of |
diplomatic |
negotiation |
Probably |
|
| the most |
significant |
contribution |
|
to the |
Indies |
by the |
|
was Its members were
The
it was
community was heavy non-
.
have
making were bene-
.
were
countrymen some
. were,
chambers commerce, consulates,
and government were
The
and Western The and cruising
"show" it were Occidental example.
The emperor symbol-
was in keeping
Chinese people and West-
. The and
bestowed fit more
The its con-
Chinese was a
Dutch.
was added
.
made movement
[196]
grew
| visiting |
Chinese |
officials |
from |
the fact |
that their |
presence |
in |
| Southeast |
Asia |
substantial the Chinese |
proof cultural |
that overseas family. |
people shift |
in the |
|
| regime's |
attitude |
toward |
the emigrants, |
from |
unfriendliness |
to |
|
| thetic |
interest, |
useful |
to the overseas nationalists |
|
|
helped shape |
|
| the course |
of their |
|
does |
not appear, |
|
that |
the |
| Ch'ing |
dynasty |
to be credited Indies Chinese |
with |
a leading |
role in launched |
the nationalist well |
before |
| Peking, |
to |
meaningful |
extent, leadership |
turned attention did |
southward. not include violence. |
|
|
| Isolated |
outbursts |
of |
|
not planned |
by the leading group |
|
|
| threat of |
force |
implied |
by the unification |
of |
the Chinese |
|
prob- |
| ably recognized |
|
as a valuable |
bargaining |
tool |
to use in |
dealing |
with |
| the |
although |
|
to |
crude |
|
to mention |
|
| this resource |
|
fear, whether justified |
|
or |
not, was |
ally of |
|
| nese nationalism. |
|
But must |
also be |
recognized |
that the |
Netherlands |
|
| authorities |
very |
likely |
to their |
tolerant |
|
of the Chinese |
|
| in part |
rule last of the |
of their sources serving the |
but of strength Chinese. |
to to be for consideration Their |
humanitarian by |
principles. idealism. the system position |
of had |
| required |
the of information activity |
within had, in |
of habits the other words, |
facilities Indies furthered |
encouraging abroad. the |
the Prenationalist social mobili- |
|
| zation |
of the Indies |
Chinese. |
|
difficult to |
imagine |
the |
|
| Chinese |
effort |
could |
|
the early |
realization |
of |
goals |
| without |
the pre-existence |
|
of this |
|
network. |
|
was, |
| significantly, supported |
the led |
the nationalist |
|
largely |
in |
origin, |
|
was were wel-
comed back into The Manchu
sympa-
was and
movement. It however,
is
awakening. The movement was
any its
The weapons of the nationalist
mob action were.
The was
Dutch, few seem have been enough
. Dutch an Chi-
it
came more view
because own commitment
Dutch was despotic, it came tempered
The is
communications commercial
development and ex-
change and
economic
It is how pan-
have achieved its
communications It
commercial class, Peranakan which
and movement.
.
[197]
| Symbols |
are |
the Indispensable |
tools |
of nationalism. |
Those |
things, |
|
language, |
territory, |
history, |
religion, |
so on, often |
|
| merated |
as "the |
building blocks |
of nationalism, |
|
serve a dual |
func- |
| tion in |
the creation |
of national |
consciousness. |
|
indicated |
the |
| introductory |
section |
of this |
study, a people |
in possession |
of |
certain of |
| these assets |
likely |
to be |
linked together |
by |
|
of so- |
| cial |
|
These |
resources |
also serve |
as symbols |
the |
| process must be |
of nationalist fashioned the |
mobilization. of their |
|
they do not the Indies |
already exist, Chinese |
they not |
| particularly |
rich |
the required |
symbols; |
their |
|
in |
| education |
|
to |
this |
deficiency. |
fact |
of their |
| seporateness |
|
the practice |
of their |
|
had symbolic |
value |
| in the nationalist |
nationalism. |
|
Little culture |
available historical |
to tradition |
the of |
| in |
the form |
of reborn |
Confucianism, |
introduced |
into the |
Indies. |
| language |
useful seems to |
primarily |
as a symbol was regarded |
taught as having |
in the mystical |
value; |
| practical difficult |
usefulness to see local leadership |
to the of |
great majority the |
of those served |
studied their cause |
not only |
| through |
their direct |
efforts; |
they |
regarded |
as having |
also func- |
| tioned as |
symbols |
of Chinese |
modernity |
success. |
visiting |
|
| nastic officials |
shared |
this |
symbolic role |
had |
the |
appeal of |
| representing |
other |
symbols, |
the |
the |
of |
Chinese |
| culture. |
reformers |
|
revolutionaries |
with |
the Indies |
|
| nese |
in contact, |
through |
personal experience |
|
or hearsay, |
like the |
| local leaders, |
symbolized |
the firm standing |
for as symbols |
progress; of success. |
they |
did not, |
common and enu-
"
As in
is common channels
communication. can in
If
.
At opening movement, were
in extensive program
was needed overcome The
and own customs
awakening. else was meet
demands of The and China
were,
A new schools.
Kuo-yu have been some
its who it is
The movement
can be
and The dy-
and added
emperor and homeland
The and whom Chi-
came
hope Chinese
however, achieve K'angYu-wei,
[198]
| in addition |
to his |
contribution |
as a symbol, |
furthered |
the |
nationalist |
|
stimulating |
early |
intellectual |
activity. |
Sun Yat-sen |
|
| of almost rather than |
exclusively aid Indies Chinese nationalist mobilization |
symbolic |
usefulness, seeking, |
|
in fact, |
to exploit 91 |
| lution brought |
for a short |
period chaos than |
a stirring security. |
symbol, but |
soon |
seen to |
| This |
discussion |
of symbols |
highlights, |
to this |
writer at |
least, the |
| importance |
of education |
as |
the foundation |
driving |
force |
of over- |
| seas Chinese of |
nationalism the symbols |
of the |
Netherlands |
India. |
schools |
provided |
| history, and the schools |
a respect addition offered |
for Chinese cultural to these contributions pupils practical training. |
|
institutions to the sense of national |
|
all encour- pride, |
| English |
|
taught to |
needs |
arising from |
|
activ- |
| ity. Thus |
the reformed benefits. |
schools willingness |
sought of |
to provide the Batavia |
both emotional to |
cooperate |
| with the |
colonial |
authorities |
the |
planning of |
the |
|
| schools |
be token |
as |
of the |
fact that |
practicality |
ranked |
| alongside |
nationalism |
the |
educational |
|
provision |
of |
| schooling |
for girls |
by the |
schools |
seems to |
|
the sig- |
| nificance |
of the |
|
on |
the |
schools |
built. |
| Furthermore, |
|
leaders |
obviously |
recognized |
the fact |
that their |
| cause |
be well |
served |
both the |
mothers |
fathers |
of future |
| generations children. |
educational |
effort clearly |
to |
national consciousness to Indoctrinate |
the |
their children |
| for |
nationalism. |
Parents |
|
also likely |
to be |
|
| closely |
into the nationalist |
|
by |
the schools. |
requires |
|
movement by was
. The 1 1 Revo-
was it was
have more
and
in The
many movement; Kuo-yU,a knowledge of China's
were
aged. In
Mathematics, geography,
and were meet commercial
and
economic The THHK
in Dutch-Chinese
can evidence
In movement. The
new emphasize
Western example which were
THHK
would If and
were equipped instill In
The worked
ongoing were drawn more
camp It little
.
[199]
|
|
|
Chinese |
|
glowed |
|
| imagination |
to see |
that Indies |
parents |
must |
|
with |
| pride |
their children |
|
able to recite |
passages |
in |
|
| present |
writer can, |
from personal |
exhausting |
experience, |
|
testify |
| that the |
school play |
|
important |
part of |
Chinese |
education |
| in Indonesia |
|
that parental |
attendance |
at such |
performances |
|
have
when were Kuo-yU. The
and
is still an
and is
heavy
The THHK movement taught the Indies Chinese to cooperate effec-
tively in community endeavors. Establishing the financial base of the
new school system required extensive planning and public generosity.
Habits of working together to achieve ends in education later could
serve to unite the group for other nationalist efforts. The link with
China, particularly through the school inspectors, teachers, and Im-
ported books, was made more solid by the activities of the THHK asso-
ciations. Finally, the successful operation of an independent Chinese
system of education compelled the Netherlands colonial regime to meet
the demands of the Chinese for admission to government schools. The
granting of educational facilities to the Chinese by the government
opened the way for an abolition of the discriminatory laws which had
given rise to the familiar list of Chinese grievances. Education, then,
was the chief means for the nationalist mobilization and the social,
political, economic, and psychological elevation of the Indies Chinese.
Certain broader comments on the movement studied can also be
presented. The Indies Chinese were definitely not seeking to establish
themselves on a national territorial base. According to the record, no
statement was ever put forward to suggest setting up a separate nation-
state in Netherlands India or elsewhere as a haven for the overseas
Chinese. On the contrary, the commercial interests of the Chinese
minority in the colony demanded that free residence throughout the
[200]
be won. was
| archipelago |
|
Cultural, |
not geographic, |
|
separateness |
the |
| basis of |
the Indies |
Chinese claim these |
for national free |
identity. of territorial |
ambitions |
in |
| Southeast |
Asia; the ancestral |
great majority land |
could serve |
no interest as a spiritual |
in emigration |
to but, with |
| the exception |
of |
contract |
coolies |
a |
other migrants, |
most |
| of |
from the |
Possessions, |
|
seems |
to given |
|
| thought |
as a |
to |
reside in |
physically. |
Indies |
|
| tionalism |
not subjects of |
a sort of Far this investigation |
Eastern of |
Zionism. course |
thought |
to using |
| for |
the attainment |
of |
concrete goals |
as well as |
for symbolic |
pur- |
| poses. |
vaguely |
|
by |
Indies Chinese |
that |
protection |
| could be |
received |
from the |
Peking |
|
threat |
of outside |
| interference |
in the |
affairs of |
the |
possessions |
did indeed |
to |
| be taken |
into careful |
consideration |
by |
the colonial |
authorities. |
|
| diplomatic |
pressure |
|
to bring |
the |
|
|
| of Peking's |
interest |
in the |
emigrants. |
Indies |
|
|
| ing to |
the |
|
|
for services |
in this |
respect. |
| But the |
willingness |
to contribute |
financial |
support |
to official |
Chinese |
| enterprises |
seems |
to fluctuated |
in |
direct relation |
to China's |
|
| parent |
to |
results. |
|
the |
|
|
| of |
political |
place |
in the world |
or of serving |
the interests |
of |
| the Indies |
Chinese, |
overseas |
support |
of Peking |
fairly |
generous. |
| the |
Chinese |
|
|
internationally |
despised |
|
| ineffectual, |
as at |
the very |
of the |
dynasty or |
after the collapse |
of |
| cooperation |
|
|
Shih-k'ai |
the dedicated |
Republicans, |
|
| the flow |
of emigrant |
remittances |
to |
|
|
Similarly, |
| financial |
support |
for Sun |
seems |
to |
offered |
most |
Not only were Chinese any
showed
China. The home,
some and few
them Outer nobody have China
much home Chinese na-
was
The gave
China
It was hoped some
government. This
Dutch come
The
China managed on Dutch was evidence
The Chinese were will-
pay homeland government its
have ap-
power achieve When homeland seemed capable
winning a
was
When government appeared and
end
between Yuan and
China was diminished.
Yat-sen have been
.
[201]
liberally when the process of revolution was thought likely to make
China strong and respected. In other words, in the matter of the rela-
tions between political groups in China and the Indies Chinese, noth-
ing succeeded like success. A natural desire to obtain solutions to
their own problems, not a purely idealistic Interest in China's future,
appears to have been the motivating power behind many of the ac-
tions of the Indies Chinese. While loyalty to China as a symbol and
OS a potential ally developed, the realistic goals of the Indies Chinese
were never forgotten
Application to the Problem of Minority
National Ism
| minority |
people |
desirous |
of transforming |
|
itself Into |
a national |
|
| minority tional mobilization. |
must possess |
certain sufficient |
resources |
to be used |
in the process |
of the |
|
| nationalist |
|
symbols, |
financial |
|
intellectual |
resources |
|
| to |
as essential |
ingredients |
|
of minority |
nationalism. |
|
also |
| appears |
thata transient minority, with |
|
|
no |
in |
country |
|
| of residence, |
will |
be unwilling |
to |
the required |
Investment |
|
for a |
| long-term |
nationalist |
effort. |
|
despite |
having |
|
a |
| of |
assimilation |
to the |
majority, |
the minority |
must |
consider |
it- |
| self a separate |
|
distinct |
people |
wish to remain |
so. |
|
a |
| so |
|
to |
be denied |
a |
of the resources |
|
just |
| discussed |
will be incapable |
|
of achieving |
rapid |
nationalist |
mobili- |
|
| zation, a discrimination |
minority against |
doubtless |
turned |
to nationalism |
by to the majority |
a measure |
of |
| lessly |
reach |
or thoroughly |
distasteful, |
nationalism |
|
must |
|
| to the |
only |
for the |
betterment |
of the |
minority. |
Finally, |
|
A
na-
A number of participants in move-
ment, and and
come mind It
permanent stake its
make
Obviously, undergone
degree
and and Although
people downtrodden as minimum
any
is
it. Because assimilation Is hope-
beyond appear
be avenue if
[202]
| minority nafional ism |
|
to flourish, |
the majority population |
|
or the |
ruling |
| elements |
of a society |
cannot |
be willing |
able to |
measures |
|
| of extreme |
harshness, |
including |
|
to destroy |
the |
|
| slaughter |
or |
the exodus |
of refugees, not constructive |
|
nationalism, |
|
| follow |
under those history demonstrates, |
brutal conditions. |
the necessary |
conditions |
for the |
rise of |
| minority |
nationalism |
existed |
|
to exist |
in |
|
| tries. |
Nationalism for |
or evil |
subdivision, purposes. |
minority nationalism, Chinese |
nationalism |
be |
| in Netherlands |
India |
in |
early years |
brought great |
benefits |
to |
| followers. |
|
with the |
of colonialism |
in Indonesia, |
there |
a |
| feeling |
|
|
leaders |
of the country that |
progress |
|
| stability will |
|
|
the unification |
of all |
|
|
| Chinese |
nationalism |
obstacle |
to the |
realization |
goal |
|
| in |
|
electric with |
nationalism, |
the Chinese |
|
|
| to forget |
the techniques |
so |
effectively |
in |
early years of |
|
| their nationalist |
|
|
|
feel themselves |
rejected |
|
| as full |
|
independent |
Indonesian |
nation-state. |
Their |
|
| minority |
nationalism |
has provided |
security |
promise |
for too |
long to |
| be |
in |
a time of |
|
|
|
|
is
and employ
genocide, movement.
Mass
As
have and continue many coun-
and its can
employed good Overseas
its its
Now, end is
among many inhabitants and
and depend upon population groups.
is an of this. Yet,
an atmosphere cannot afford
mastered the
awakening. The Chinese now
members of the own
and
abandoned change and fear.
Notes to Chapter 5
|
Neth |
Min., |
|
|
|
Nio |
|
| ]. |
|
Peking |
to |
January |
14, 1907; |
Joe |
Lan, |
| Riwajat |
40 Taon |
dari Tiong |
|
|
(History |
of Forty |
Years |
| of THHK-Botavia), |
|
|
Drukkerij, |
Batovio, |
1940, p |
Res |
Batovio |
| to G.G., |
|
|
Res., |
Surabaya |
to |
28, |
1908; |
| Off. Chin. Aff., |
|
Semarong |
to Res., |
Semarang, |
January |
1909; |
|
| wijs Tionghoa |
|
Indonesia" |
(Chinese |
Education |
Indonesia), |
|
|
. G.G.,
Hoc Hwe Koan-Batovia
THHK. 1 1 2;.,
November 23, 1908; G.G., December
27, "Onder-
di in SPJN.
,.
[203]
NIo Joe.,.
| 2. |
Lan, |
Rlwajot, |
og cit.pp |
112-116. |
|
|
| 3. |
Brugmans, |
Geschiedenis |
van |
het Onderwijs |
Nederlandsch- |
|
| (History |
of Education |
|
Netherlands |
India), |
Wolters, |
Batavia, |
| 1938, p. |
331; |
|
van het |
Inlandsch |
Onderwijs |
|
| andsch-lndig/ |
Loopende |
over |
het Jaar 1910 |
(General |
Report |
on Native |
| Education |
Netherlands |
India, |
Covering |
the Year 1910), |
Javasche |
Boek- |
| handel en |
Drukkerij, |
Batavia, |
1911, p. |
122; |
Verslag |
van het |
| Onderv/ijs |
Nederlandsch-lndiS |
|
over 1915 |
(General |
Report on |
Education |
| Netherlands Vol. 1, |
India pp. 55-58. |
for 191 5), |
Drukkerij |
|
Batavia, |
1916, |
| 4. |
Tong's" |
(The |
Chinese Schools), |
IG, |
Vol. 32 (1910), |
|
| 1, p. 505; |
Res., Surabaya |
to |
|
28, 1908; |
|
Tjoen, |
| "Uit |
Opstellen-Schrift" |
(From |
Editorial |
Writings), |
|
Vol. |
| Report of |
|
HuI, 1916-1917), |
|
Vol. |
(1917), |
p. 84; |
| Dlr. Ed., |
Rellg., Ind. |
to |
February |
8, 1908. |
|
|
| 5. "Onderwijs |
|
aan Chineezen" |
(Education |
for Chinese), |
IG, |
Vol. 31 |
| Peril?), |
Stem van India |
Vol. |
12, 3 |
(January 16, |
1916), |
pp. 21-23; |
| H. Fromberg, |
|
|
|
Java (The |
Chinese |
|
| on Java), |
Ultgeversmaatschapplj |
|
Elsevier, |
Amsterdam, |
1911, p. |
36. |
| 6. Liem |
|
DistrlbueerendeTusschenhandel |
|
|
der Chineezen |
|
| op Java |
(The Distributive |
Intermediary Trade |
|
of the Chinese |
on Java), Mar- |
|
| tlnus Nljhoff, |
the |
1952, |
p 41 |
Victor Purcell, |
The |
Chinese In |
| Southeast |
Asia Oxford |
University |
Press, Oxford, |
1951, |
pp. 520-521; |
Lea |
| E. Williams, |
"Chinese |
Entrepreneurs |
Indonesia," |
|
Explorations |
Entre- |
| preneurial |
History |
Vol. 5, |
(October |
15, 1952), |
pp. 56-57. |
|
| 7. |
Jan Lan, |
Riwajot, op. |
cit.,pp. |
140, 198, |
199; |
|
| "Atsal Moehlahnjo |
|
Timboel Pergerakan |
Tionghoa jang |
|
|
|
| (The Origins |
of the |
Emergence |
of the |
Chinese |
|
Indo- |
| nesia), Moestika |
Romans, |
January |
1939, p. |
23; |
to Neth. Min. Col |
|
| 22, |
1912; S.S.J. |
Ratu-Langle, |
Serikat |
Islam |
Hollandia |
Drukkerij, |
| Baarn, 1913, |
p. 10; |
Llem Thian |
Joe, Riwajot |
Semarang, |
1416-1931 |
(His- |
| tory of Semorang, |
1416-1931), |
|
Drukkerij |
MIsset, printers. |
|
|
| publishers, |
Semarang, |
[1933?], |
p. 216. |
|
|
|
| 8. Dlr. |
Jus. to |
April 1912; |
16, 1912; van Houten, |
Off. Jus., |
Surabaya |
to Atty te |
| Soerabajo |
tegende Hondelsvereenlglng |
|
Amsterdam" (The Chinese |
|
|
|
| at Surabaya |
against |
the Hondelsvereenlglng |
|
Amsterdam), Wl, Vol |
|
|
| 29, |
1904), pp. |
4-7; |
Boycot der |
Chineesche |
Handelaren |
contra |
| de Hondelsvereenlglng |
|
|
|
(The Boycott of |
the Chinese |
|
| Merchants against |
the Hondelsvereenlglng Amsterdam |
|
|
|
Raised), |
Rot - |
| terdomsche |
Courant |
Vol. 62, |
|
28, 1905); |
"Links |
en Rechts" |
| (Left and |
Right), |
Vol. 51 |
297 (December |
19, |
1908); ibid.. |
Vol. |
(1917), p. 20; "Jaarverslag van Hui, 1916-1917" (Annual
(1909), 1, p. 381; "Het (The
I. J. in
G.G., December Yap Hong
G.G.,
P. De Chineesche Beweging op Movement
G.G..
G.G.,
. 1, No.5
Indi'^ in J. B.
Algemeen Verslag in Neder-
l
in
Algemeen
in
in De Verwachting,
"De Hak No.
Ons Our CHHTC,
1 Chung Hwa
Chung Hwa CHHTC, 1
No. J.Mulder, Gele Gevaar?" Yellow
, No.
Twan Djie, De
Hague,.;
,
in in
, No. 1
NIo Kwee Tek Hooy,
Moderndl Indonesia"
Modern Movement in
May,
Ho Kim Yoe,
Gen., November 30, J. B. "De Chlneezen-Beweging
Movement
(May "De
Amsterdam Opgeheven"
NIeuwe
, No. 179 (June
DL,, No.
,
[204]
|
|
|
Nieuwe Boycot" (A |
|
New |
|
| ^7, |
|
1908); |
"Een |
|
|
Boycott), |
| Bataviaasch |
Nieuwsblad |
|
|
|
|
|
| Chineesche |
Boycot-Geschiedenis |
|
op Java" |
(Story of a |
Chinese |
Boycott |
| on Java), |
IG, Vol |
27 (1905), |
2, p. |
1225; Fromberg, |
|
|
| Beweging |
op Java, |
op. cit., |
p. J L. |
Vieming, |
ed Het |
Chineesche |
| Zakenleven |
Nederlandsch-lndlS |
|
(Chinese |
Business |
Life Netherlands |
|
| India), Landsdrukkerlj, |
|
Batavia, |
1926, pp. |
8-9. |
|
|
| 9. Henri |
Borel, en Kolonl'^n |
"Chineesche |
Vereenlgingen" Beek, |
(Chinese the Hague), |
Associations), Vol. |
12 (1913), |
| p. 24; Off. |
Chin. |
Aff., Surabaya |
to Res., |
Surabaya, |
October |
21, 1912; |
| Japanese |
Consul, Batavia |
to |
|
|
29, 1912; |
Chin. |
| Jap. Aff., |
Batavia |
to DIr. Jus., |
|
6, 1912; |
Chin. |
Aff Su- |
| rabaya to |
|
15, |
1912; Off |
Chin. Aff |
Batavia |
to Dir. Civ. |
| Serv., January |
9, 1915; |
Protector |
of Chinese, |
Singapore |
to |
|
| 8,1915; |
|
Batavia |
to |
|
31 1915; |
"Chineezeh |
| en Japanners |
te Semarang" 2, |
(Chinese p. 1168. |
and Japanese at |
|
Semarang), |
IG, Vol. |
| 10. Off. |
Chin. |
Aff., Surabaya te Batavia" (The Chinese |
to DIr. |
Jus., Disturbances at |
1, 1912; |
[D.V.] Batavia), |
| Vol. |
8, 46 |
(March 3, |
1912), pp. |
1084-1085; |
Off. Chin. |
Aff., |
| Surabaya |
to DIr. Jus., |
February |
21, 1912; |
Res., Surabaya |
to |
Feb- |
| ruary 28, |
1912; Off. |
Chin. Aff., |
Surabaya |
to Dir. |
|
22,1912; |
| Indes |
N^erlandalses" |
|
the Netherlands |
Indies), |
La Revue |
Jaune |
| (Brussels), 365. |
Vol. 2, |
Nos. 8-9 (August |
15 -September |
|
15, 1912), |
pp. 363- |
| 11. Neth. |
|
Col. to Neth. |
|
For. Aff., |
|
1912; |
| Chin. Charg^, |
the |
to Neth. |
|
For. Aff., |
|
1912; |
| ibid., January |
28, |
1913; ibid ., |
February |
28, 1913; |
of Local |
|
| istration |
Hoofd van |
Plaatselijk |
Bestuur), |
Pangkalpinang, |
Bangka |
to |
| July 18, |
1912; A. G. de |
Bruin, |
|
terOostkust van Sumatra |
|
(The |
| Chinese |
on the East |
Coast of Sumatra), |
E.J. |
Brill, |
1918, |
p. 108; |
| to |
Neth. |
Col., April |
6, 1912; |
ibid., April |
11, 1912; |
|
| wondheid |
van de Chineezen |
|
IndiS en Elders" |
(Excitement |
of |
the Chinese |
| in Netherlands |
India |
and Elsewhere), |
|
|
|
2, p. 928. |
G.G., November..,
G.G., March
G.G.,
G.G. Min. "Opge-
No. 298 (December 21,
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New
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7;..,
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Moederland (M. van der
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November Off..,
Ad. Chin. Aff., G.G., October,
37(1915), No.
March,
"De Chineezen-Relletjes
Wl, No.
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Head Admin-
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IG,Vol. 34(1912), No.
...
GLOSSARY
Bat-avia The former name of Jakarta, capital of Indonesia.
Bultenzorg The former name of Bogor In West Java.
Cultuurstelsel Culture system, an arrangement under which Indonesian
peasants produced quotas of export crops set by the
Dutch colonial government in the middle decades of
the nineteenth century.
Ethische koers Ethical program, the progressive policy of the colonial
regime in the late nineteenth and in the twentieth cen-
turies. It called for increased Indonesian living stand-
ards, native education, and public health measures.
Kapltein Captain, one of the ranks of the Chinese officers who
served the colonial administration.
Luitenant Lieutenant, the lowest of the ranks of the Chinese of-
ficers.
Maloor Major, the highest of the Chinese officer ranks. Only
the largest centers of Chinese settlement were served
by men of this rank.
Outer Possessions All the islands of Netherlands India other than Java
and Madura, known in Dutch as Bultenbezittingen
Passenstelsel Pass system
Peronakan A Chinese, possibly of mixed ancestry, born in the
Indies
Politierol Literally, the police court docket, popularly a name
for the court for natives.
Raad Council, more specifically the Chinese Council at»Ba-
tavia, a semiofficial body advising the Mojoor of that
city.
[2051
.
[206]
Singkeh, Sinkeh A Chinese immigrant born in China.
Totok Same as Singkeh.
Wijkenstelsel Zoning system, the arrangement which obliged Chinese
to live in segregated areas of certain cities in Nether-
lands India
i.
SOME NETHERLANDS INDIES EQUIVALENTS OF
KUO-YU SURNAMES
Kuo-yu N.I. Equivalents Chinese Characl-ers
Chang Tchang, Thio, Tio, Tjo
Chan Tjian
Chao Chau, Tio, Jouw, Chow
Ch'ao Gan
Ch'en Tan, Tarn, Tjiauw
Ch'eng The
Chou Tjioe
Chuong Tseng
Fu Pouw
Han Han
Ho Ho
HsU Tschi, Tsi, Djie, Tjhie
[207]
[208]
Kuo-yu N.I. Equivalents Chinese Characters
HsU Khouw
it
| Huang |
Oei, Ng |
| Jung |
Yong |
| K'ang |
Kong, Kheng, Khang |
| Kuo |
Kwee |
^
Lao Lau, Lauw
Li Lie
i
Lian Liau, Liauw
Lin Lim, Liem
Liu Liu
Lou Louw
Ma Be, Bee, Beh
Pal Pe, Peh
Sun Soen
Sung Siong
1^
T'ang Tong J\:2
T'ien Dien^
[209]
Kuo-yU N. I. Equivalents Chinese Characters
Ts'ai Tjoa
^
Wang Ong, Wung, Honh i ii
Wei Goei
Ngo1i
Wu
Wu Gouw^
Yang Njo, Yong, Jo, Yo, Yoe Ice, Jang
Yuan Oan, Hoant
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^ W.Chung-hua min-kuo k'ai-kuo ch'ien
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| Vol. 62, |
179 |
(June 28, |
1905). |
|
|
|
| "Een Chinees |
over de |
Chineesche |
Beweging" |
(A Chinese |
on the |
Chinese |
|
Koloniaal |
Tijdschrift |
Vol |
912), |
p 667. |
|
| "Chineesch |
Bezoek aan |
IndlS" |
|
to Netherlands |
India), |
IG, |
| Vol. 30 |
(1908), |
1, pp. |
384-385. |
|
|
|
| "Chineesch 2, |
Bezoek op pp. 1097-1098. |
Java" (Chinese |
Visit |
to Java), IG, |
|
|
| "Een Chineesch |
Rapport |
|
|
de |
Chineezen |
op Java, |
| AustraliS |
en Elders |
|
|
Report on |
the Treatment |
|
1906); Vol. 55, 124 30, 1906).
J.
J. "De Chineezen Ons Werk" Our Work),
No.
No. (May
. Nieuwe New
Movement), DeOpwekker, Vol.68, No. 10 (October
No. 11 (November
Orgaan der Nederlandsche Zendingsvereeniging, Vol. No. 1 1 (No-
. "De Hoa Hwe Koan THHK
No. 1
"De Ambtenaren't
No.
. in in Neth-
Wl, No.
No. (May
. Moederland
.
. Keng over de
Keng Movement), DL, No. (May
No. (May
. in in
"De Am-
Nieuwe Rotterdamsche Courant,
No.
Movement),,. 1 (1.
(Chinese Visit
No.
Vol.34 (1912),
No.
overde Behandeling, weike
in Ondervinden" (A Chinese
..
[222]
In
| Found |
by the Chinese |
on Java, |
Australia, |
and |
Elsewhere), |
IG, Vol |
| 10 (1888), |
|
1, p. 766. |
|
|
|
|
| "Een Chineesch |
Regeeringscommissaris" |
|
(A |
Chinese |
|
|
| sioner), |
IG, Vol. |
33 (1911), |
1, |
p. 89. |
|
|
| "Een Chineesche 1372. |
Bank" |
(A Chinese |
Bank), |
IG, Vol. |
|
2, p. |
| "Chineesche (June |
Christenen" 15, 1897). |
(Chinese |
Christians), |
Insulinde |
Vol. |
2, 24 |
| "Chineesche |
Consuls" 1887). |
(Chinese |
Consuls), |
Deli Courant |
Vol. |
3, 96 |
| "Chineesche Vol. 57, |
|
Genootschappen" |
1908). |
(Chinese |
Secret Societies), |
|
| "Chineesche Geheime Vereenigingen" 37 (1915), |
|
1, p. 17. |
(Chinese |
Secret |
Societies), |
IG, Vol. |
| Chineesche |
|
en het |
Voorstel-De |
Vogel" |
(The Chinese |
Graves |
| and the |
|
Proposal), |
DL, Vol. |
b^, |
153 (July |
4, 1906). |
| "Chineesche |
en Inlandsche |
Bladen" (Chinese |
|
and Native |
Newspapers), |
IG, |
| Vol. 32 |
(1910), |
2, p. |
1538. |
|
|
|
| "Chineesche pp. 83-84. |
Japanners" |
(Chinese |
Japanese), |
IG, Vol. |
30 (1908), |
1, |
| Chineesche 2, |
Kwestie" p. 1286. |
(The |
Chinese |
Question), |
IG, Vol. |
37 (1915), |
| "Een Chineesche 34 (1912), |
Middelbare |
School" 1, p. 85. |
(A |
Chinese High |
School), |
IG, Vol. |
| "Chineesche p. 885. "Chineesche Officieren" (Chinese Officers), De Nieuwe Courant (the Hague), Vol. 7, "Chineesche Officieren en Wijkmeesters" (Chinese Officers and Zone Chiefs), |
Officieren" 120 |
(Chinese 1, 1907). |
Officers), |
IG, Vol. |
36(1914), |
1, |
| IG, Vol. |
35(1913), |
2, |
p. 1373. |
|
|
|
| Chlneezen" |
(The |
Chinese), |
DL, Vol. |
54, |
187 (August |
12, 1905); |
| Vol 54, |
93 |
(August |
|
|
|
|
| "Chineezen |
en Arabieren" |
(Chinese |
and Arabs), |
IG, |
Vol. 35 |
(1913), |
| 1, p. |
107. |
|
|
|
|
|
| "Chineezen 34 (1912), |
Botsing |
op Java" 2, pp. 1656-1657. |
(Chinese |
Conflict |
on Java), |
IG, Vol. |
No.
Government Commis-
No.
34(1912), No.
, No.
, No.
(November 30,
Geheime DL,
No. 305 (December 30,
No.
"De Graven
De Vogel No.
No.
No.
"De
No.
No.
No.
No. (May
No.
"De No.
. No. 1 19,1 905)
No.
in in
No.
(2231
"DeChineezen In in. No.l,
|
Deli" |
(TheChinese |
Deli), |
IG, Vol |
35 (1913), |
|
| pp. 107-108. |
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Chineezen |
IndlS" |
(The Chinese |
Netherlands |
|
India), IG, Vol |
33 |
|
IndiS" Vol. 12, |
(The Chinese 50 |
(December |
Netherlands 12, 1912). |
India), |
Koloniaol |
| "Chineezen en Japannerste Semarang" (Chinese |
|
|
|
and Japanese |
at Semarang), |
|
| IG, Vol. |
37 (1915), |
2, |
p. 1168. |
|
|
|
| "Chineezen |
op Java" |
(Chinese on |
Java), |
Handelsblad |
|
(Amster- |
| dam), |
76, |
23779 (July |
23, 903) |
|
|
|
|
Nederlandsch-lndi*6" (The Chinese |
|
|
|
Netherlands India), |
|
| IG, Vol. |
32 (1910), |
2, |
p. 1250. |
|
|
|
| Chineezen-Opstootjes |
|
te Soerabaja" (The |
|
Chinese |
Disturbances |
at Su- |
| rabaya), |
Vol. |
34 (1912), |
1, pp. |
658-659. |
|
|
| Chineezen-Politiek" |
|
(The Chinese |
Policy), |
Koloniaol |
|
Vol |
| 6, |
48 |
29, 1906). |
|
|
|
|
| Chineezen |
te Soekaboemi" |
|
(The Chinese |
at Sukabumi), |
IG, |
Vol. 29 |
|
Hui Hioh |
Pan" (Chung |
Hui |
Study Fund), |
|
Vol. |
| de Groot, |
"Heeft |
Bezorgheid |
voor Overgrooten |
|
Toevloed |
van Chi- |
| neezen |
|
KoloniSn |
Bestaon?" (Has |
|
the Concern |
over |
| the Immense |
Flow |
of Chinese |
to |
a Right |
to Exist?), |
In- |
| disch |
|
(the Hague), |
[1896?] |
|
|
|
| de Faille, |
de Roo. |
Chlneesche |
Road |
te Batavia |
en het |
door dit |
| College |
Beheerde Fonds" (The Chinese Council at |
|
|
Batavia |
and |
the Funds |
| Administered |
by That |
Body), |
Bijdragen |
tot de Tool-, |
Land-en Volken |
- |
| kunde |
Nederlandsch-lndi'^ |
|
(Contributions |
on the |
Language, Geog- |
|
| raphy, and |
Ethnology of Netherlands India) |
|
|
|
Martinus |
Nijhoff, |
| the |
1924. |
|
|
|
|
|
| D. V. |
|
te |
Batavia" |
(The Chinese |
Disturbances |
at |
| Batavia), |
Vol. |
8, 46 |
(March 3, |
1912), pp. |
1084-1085. |
|
| "Een en Ander |
over de |
|
Nederlandsch-lndi'^" |
|
|
Thing and |
| Another on |
the Chinese |
Netherlands |
India), |
|
|
64, |
| Nos. 7-12 |
(July-December |
1919). |
|
|
|
|
| "Faillissementen |
van Chineesche |
|
en Arabische |
Handelaren" |
(Bankruptcies |
|
| of Chinese |
and Arab 1895), p. |
Merchants), 237. |
Indisch |
|
Vol. 18, |
18 |
(1911), 2, p. 1271
(1907), 2, pp. 1604-1605.
(1917).
J. J. M. naarOnze Rechtvan
"De in in.
No..
"De Chineezen in in
Weekblad, No.
No.
Algemeen
~
Vol. No. 1.
"De Chineezen in in
No.
"De
I G, No.
"De Weekblad,.
No. (November
"De
No.
"Chung Hwa Hwa CHHTC, 1
Our Colonies
Genootschap.
la F. "De
van
. Vol.80.
Hague,
"De Chineezen-Relletjes
Wl, No.
Chineezen in (One
in DeOpwekker, Vol.
Mercuur, No.
(May 4,
..
[224]
Fokkens, F. "Afschaffing van Pachten op Java en Madoera en in Verband
Daarmede Verscherping van het Toezlcht op de Beweging der Vreemde
|
Verscherping |
van het |
Toezlcht op |
de Beweging der Vreemde |
|
|
| Oosterlingen" |
(Abolition |
of Revenue |
Farming |
on Java |
and |
|
| That |
Connection |
the Sharpening |
of the Supervision |
|
of the |
|
| of Foreign |
Orientals), |
Indisch |
|
(the Hague), |
[1897?] |
|
| Rassenhaat" 768. |
|
Racial Hatred), |
IG, |
Vol. 18 (1896), |
|
1, p. |
| H. "Chineezen |
Nederlandsch-lndiS" |
|
(Chinese |
in Netherlands |
|
India), |
| Vol. |
5, |
|
6, 1908), |
pp. 667-669. |
|
|
| Tong's" 505. |
(The |
Chinese Schools), Hui, |
IG, Herdenking |
Vol. 32 (1910), van de |
7e Verjaardag" |
p |
| (Chung |
Hui, |
|
of the Seventh |
Anniversary), |
|
|
| Vol. 2, |
Nos. 1-2 |
(October 1918). |
|
|
|
|
| "Een Netherlands |
Pleidooi India), |
voor de ibid. |
lndiS"(A |
Plea |
for the Chinese |
|
| Hazelhoff, |
"Het Onderwijs |
voor |
de |
te Batavia" |
(Education |
|
| for the pp. 100-103. |
Chinese |
Neerlandia |
Vol |
|
8 (August |
1903), |
| Heijting, H. |
G. |
Kwestie" |
(The |
Chinese |
Question), |
Tijd- |
| schrift |
voor het Binnenlandsch |
|
1897, |
15. |
|
|
| Tjiong. |
|
Perkoempoelan-perkoempoelannja" (Overseas |
|
|
|
|
| Chinese |
and Their |
|
|
|
|
|
| Chineezen |
|
Scholen Betalen" |
|
the Chinese |
Finance |
Their |
| Schools), |
IG, Vol. de Koelie's |
34 (1912), Deli |
1, pp. Behandeld?" |
816-817. Are |
the Coolies |
|
| Deli Treated?), |
IG, |
Vol. 9 (1887), |
|
1, p. 595. |
|
|
| Huizer, H. |
D. |
|
Nederlandsch-lndiS" (The State |
|
|
|
| 380. |
Netherlands |
India), |
|
28(1906), |
pp. |
360- |
| "Jaarverslag Hui, |
van 1916-1917), |
Hui, |
1916-1917" Vol. (1917). (The Most |
(Annual Recent Disorders |
Report of on Java), |
|
| Koloniaal |
|
Vol. 12, |
50 |
12, |
1912). |
|
| BlanTie. |
|
Chineesche |
|
lndonesi"4" |
(The |
Chi- |
| nese Youth |
|
Indonesia), |
|
Vol. |
5, |
(August |
926)
L. Chineezen in Batavia),,. 7, No. "De Chineezen
P. "De Opium-Regie in Opium
Madura and
in Movement
Genootschap.
"Geen (No No.
In
Wl, No. 33 (December
"De Hak No. 1,
Han TiauwTjong. "Chung Hwa
Hwa Commemoration CHHTC,
. Chineezen in
in
Bestuur, No.
Hoay "Hoakiauw dan
Associations), SPJN.
"Hoe de Hun (How
No.
"Hoe Worden in (How in
No.
Monopoly in IG,Vol. No.l,
Chung Hwa Chung
Hwa CHHTC, 1
"De JongsteOngeregelhedenop Java"
Weekblad,No. (December
Khouw "De Jeugbeweging In
Movement in CHHTC, No. 1
1
.
[225]
Kwee Kek Beng. "De Chineesch-Malelsche Pers" (The Chinese-Malay Press),
|
Vol. 5, |
2 |
|
1926). |
|
|
| Tek |
"Atsol di Indonesia" |
(The Origins |
Timboel of the |
Pergerakan |
Tlonghoa of the |
jang |
| Chinese |
|
Indonesia), |
Moestika |
|
September |
|
| January |
1939. |
|
|
|
|
|
| "Links en Rechts" |
(Left |
and Right), |
DL, Vol |
57, |
(March |
1908); |
| Vol. bl, |
Nos. |
|
19, 21, |
22, 1908). |
|
|
| Loe Ping Kian |
"Enkele Psychologische Beschouwingen over den Chineeschen |
|
|
|
|
|
| Student |
Aanraking |
met het Westen" |
(A |
Psychological |
Considera- |
|
| tions on |
the Chinese |
Student |
Contact with |
the West), |
|
Vol |
| 8, |
2 (October |
1930). |
|
|
|
|
| Maleische 1264. |
Pers" |
(The |
Press), IG, |
Vol. 37 |
(1915), |
2, p. |
| Meijer, |
"La Condition |
Politique |
des Chinois |
aux Indes |
Neerlondaises" |
|
| (The Political |
Situationof the Chinese |
|
the |
Netherlands Indies), T'oung |
|
|
| Poo (E.J. |
Brill, Leiden), |
Vol. |
4 (1893), |
pp. 1-32, |
137-173. |
|
| Minister |
over de |
|
|
Nederlandsch-lndi*^" |
|
(The |
| Minister |
[of Colonies] |
on the |
Chinese Agitation |
|
Netherlands |
India), |
| IG, Vol. |
34 (1912), |
2, |
pp. 926-927. |
|
|
|
| Moll, |
|
Nederlandsch-lndiS" |
|
(The |
Chinese |
|
| erlands |
India), China |
Vol. 4, |
July 1929. |
|
|
|
| Mulder, |
"Het Gele Gevaar?" |
(The |
|
Peril?), Stem |
van |
Vol |
| 12, |
3 (January |
16, 1916), |
pp. 21-23. |
|
|
|
| "Nature isatie |
van Chineezen" |
(Naturalization |
|
of Chinese), |
IG, |
Vol 30 |
| Nederburg, |
A. "Afschaffing |
van |
de Wettelijke |
Onderscheiding |
|
der Be- |
| volking |
van Nederlandsch-lndiS |
|
naar Rassen |
en Klassen" |
(Abolition |
of |
| the Legal |
Differentiaticnof the Population |
|
|
of Netherlands India |
|
|
| ing to |
Races and Classes), |
|
en |
KoloniSn |
(M. van |
der Beek, |
| the Hague), |
Vol. |
17 (1918), |
3. |
|
|
|
| "Het |
Indisch |
|
der Toekomst" |
|
(The Indies |
Chinese |
| of |
the Future), |
|
Vol 2 In IndiS In |
898?] |
|
|
| van den |
Stoat en de |
Belangen |
der Inheemsche |
Bevolking" (Our |
|
Chinese |
| Policy |
in Netherlands |
India |
Relation to |
the Dignity |
of the |
State and |
| the Interests pp. 145-157. |
of the |
Native Population), |
|
IG, Vol. |
34 (1912), |
1, |
(1908), 1, pp. 400-401
J. J.
J. T. "De Chineezen in in Neth-
J. Yellow Indi'^, No.
I. No..
1.
CHHTC, Vol. 5, No. 2 (October-November 1926).
Kwee Hooy. Moehlahnja
Modern Emergence Modern
Movement in Romans,1936-
. No. 69 21,
297-299 (December
.
in Few
in CHHTC,.
No.
"De Malay No.
in
"De Chineezen-Woelingen in
in
No.
,
Accord-
Moederland
No.
. Chineezen-Recht
Law Wet en Adat,. [1.
. "Onze Chineezen-Politiek Verband metde Waardlgheid
in
No.
[226]
| Nieuwe |
|
New |
|
|
|
|
| "Een |
Boycot" |
(A Boycott), |
Botaviaasch |
Nieuwsblad |
|
Vol 20, |
| 133 |
10, |
1905). |
|
|
|
|
| "Bene |
|
Boycot-Geschiedenls |
|
op Java" |
(Story of |
a |
| Chinese 1225. |
Boycott |
on Java), |
Vol. 27 |
(1905), |
2, pp. |
1222- |
| Chineesche |
|
Etiquette" |
Chinese |
Etiquette), |
IG, |
Vol. 30 |
| Lan. |
"Chineesche Vakvereenigingen |
|
|
in Nederlandsch-lndiS" |
|
(Chi- |
| nese Trade |
Unions |
Netherlands |
India), |
KS, Vol |
24 (1940), |
|
|
Eigen Onderwijsvoorziening |
|
der Chineezen" |
|
(The Private |
Pro- |
| vision |
of Education |
by the Chinese), |
KS, |
Vol. 23 (1939), |
|
|
|
Tiong |
|
|
(The |
|
IG, |
| Vol. 56 |
(1934), |
|
|
|
|
|
| "Officieel |
Relaas van |
de Chineesche |
Opstootjes |
te Batavia |
en Soerabaja" |
|
| (Official |
|
|
|
Batavia and |
Surabaya), |
|
| Koloniaal |
Tijdschrift |
Vol |
91 2) p |
601 |
|
|
| "Onderwijs |
aan Chineezen" |
(Education |
for Chinese), |
IG, |
Vol. 31 |
(1909), |
| 1, |
p. 381 |
|
|
|
|
|
| "Onderwijs Tionghoadi Indonesia" (Chinese |
|
|
Education |
|
Indonesia), |
|
| Boen |
Liang. |
met |
|
(Scales with |
Measures), |
|
| China |
Vol. 11, van |
(September de |
1, 1912), in |
p. 21 en Elders" |
(Excitement |
of the |
| Chinese |
Netherlands |
India |
and Elsewhere), |
IG, Vol |
34 91 2), |
|
| 2, pp. |
928-929. te Batavia" |
|
Farm at |
Batavia), |
Insulinde, Vol |
|
| 2, |
24 (June en Regie" |
15, 1897). |
and |
State Monopoly), |
Tijdschrift |
|
| voor Nederlandsch-lndiS |
|
Vol. |
5 (1901), |
p. 176. |
|
|
| "Pacht of Regie" pp. 136-137. |
(Farms |
or State |
|
|
Vol 2 |
(1893), |
| Passen |
der Chineezen" |
(The |
of the |
Chinese), |
Insulinde |
Vol 2, |
| 24 |
(June 15, |
1897), p. |
186. |
|
|
|
| "Het Passenstelsel |
voor Chineezen" (The |
|
Pass System |
for Chinese), |
Insulinde |
|
| Vol. 2, |
23 |
(June 8, 1897). |
|
|
|
|
| "Het Passenstelsel |
voor |
|
Oosterlingen" |
(The Pass |
System |
for For- |
| eign Orientals), |
|
Indisch Mercuur, |
Vol. |
20, |
52 (December |
25, |
(1908), 1, p. 86.
1897).
,.
No. (May
Nieuwe Chineesche New
IG, No.
"Nieuwe (New
No.
Nio Joe
in. No. 1.
. "De
No. 1.
. "De Hoa Hwe Koan-Beweging" THHK Movement),
No. 1.
Account of the Chinese Disturbances at
,. 1 (1,..
No..
in SPJN.
Ong "Meten Twee Maten" Two
, No. 1.
"Opgewondheid Chineezen Indi'd
in. (1 No.
"De Opiumpacht (TheOpium.
No.
"Opiumpacht (Opium Farming
,
Monopoly), Opium-Vloek,.
"De Passes,.
No.
,
No.
Vreemde
No.
..
[227]
| "Pen-pao |
erh-shlh-wu |
nien" |
'^^ |
-i -^ |
(This Newspaper's |
|
| Twenty -Five |
Years), |
|
|
|
|
|
| "Periodieken |
voor |
Chineezen |
en Inlanders" |
(Periodicals |
for Chinese |
and |
| Natives), |
IG, Vol. |
31 (1909), |
|
1, p. 96. |
|
|
| Pont, A. |
G. Maclaine |
"Het |
Fiasco van |
den Burgerlijken Stand |
|
voor Chi- |
| neezen" Vol. |
(The Fiasco 8 (1924), |
of the 2. |
Vital Statistics |
Register |
for Chinese), |
|
| "Raadoverzicht" |
(Survey |
of the |
Council), |
DL, |
220 |
(Septem- |
| ber |
906) |
|
|
|
|
|
| "Het Request |
der Chineezen" 122 |
25, 1905). |
(The Request |
of the |
DL, |
Vol. 54, |
| S. "Chineesche |
Dobbelspelen" |
|
(Chinese Gambling) |
|
|
Tijd A. |
| Fortuijn, |
Amsterdam), |
Vol. |
8 (1903), |
9. |
|
|
| Schaank, |
H. |
Kongsi's |
van |
(The |
of Montrado), |
|
| Tijdschrift |
voor |
Indische Tool-, |
Land-en |
Volkenkunde, |
|
|
| Siem BIng |
Hoot. "Het |
Chineesch |
Kapltaal |
lndonesi'6" |
(Chinese |
Capital |
| Indonesia), |
|
Vol. |
8, |
(June 1930). |
|
|
| Sim Ki |
"Chinese |
Racial and |
National |
Consciousness |
the |
Dutch East |
| Indies," |
|
Vol. 13, |
Nos. |
(July - |
1935). |
|
| Stelnmetz, |
|
Rassenkwestie" |
(The |
Racial Question), |
Gids |
N. |
| van |
en |
Amsterdam), |
|
Vol. 25 (1907), |
1, |
p. 104. |
| Sung, at Batavia, |
"A Brief Java," |
Historical |
Sketch |
of the Chinese |
Consulate |
General |
| Sung Fa-hsiang |
|
|
Pa-ta-wei-ya |
|
|
|
| chih yen-ko" |
|
.J! |
|
/^l |
|
|
| (History |
of the Consulate |
|
General at |
Batavia), |
|
|
| Tan Ping |
le. "Kweekschool |
voor |
Chineesche Onderwijzers" |
|
(Normal School |
|
| for Chinese |
Teachers), |
|
Vol. |
(1917). |
|
|
| Tan Tjoen |
Hay. "Ter |
Inleiding" |
(By |
of Introduction), |
|
Vol. |
| Thung Djie |
Leh "Het |
Chineesche Vereenigingsleven op Java" |
|
|
(The Chinese |
|
| Associational |
Life on Java), |
|
|
Vol |
2 (April-June 1933) |
|
| Thung Tjeng |
Hiang. |
"Cultureele |
|
de |
|
Indonesia" |
| (Cultural 3 |
Questions |
1926 -January |
the Chinese 1927). |
Indonesia), |
|
|
| "Een |
Stukje |
Indo-Chineesche Cultuurgeschiedenis" |
|
|
(A Bit |
of Indies |
| Chinese |
Cultural |
History), |
|
|
|
|
(1917).
J..
S. "De Montrado" Kongsis
S. R. "De De (P.
F. T.
/^—I
SPJN.
No.
KS,
No.
Vol.55, No.
21, 1
Chinese),
No. (May
, De Nieuwe (J.
No.
Vol.35 (1893).
in
in CHHTC, No. 1
Ay. in
CHHTC, 3-4 December
Kampen Zoon, No.
SPJN.
^ 3^-^"f• "Chu tsung-ling-shih-kuan
^t jt M S i^-|l^ :& t
f
SPJN.
CHHTC, 1
Way CHHTC, 1
.
CHHTC,. 11, No.
Vragen bij Chineezen in
among in CHHTC, Vol.5,
No. (December
.
SPJN.
..
[228]
| Tiemersma, |
"Eenige |
Vragen omtrent |
de onder |
|
|
|
| brulkelljke |
Plechtigheden" (Some Questions on the Ceremonies Practiced |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Chinese |
on Java), Overzicht |
|
van de Elfde |
Zending-Confer |
- |
| entie, |
|
te Bultenzorg |
en te |
van |
22 30 Augustus |
|
| 903 (Survey |
of the |
Eleventh |
Mission Conference, |
|
Held at Buitenzorg |
|
| and at en |
Batavia, |
the 22nd 1903. |
through the 30th of |
August |
903) |
Albrecht |
|
Roeping |
Tegenover |
het Huidige |
Streven |
der Chineezen |
|
| Nederlandsch-lndiS |
the Present |
tot Herstel Efforts of |
van het the Chinese |
Confucianisme" Netherlands |
(Our India |
Call to to Re- |
| store Confucianism), |
|
ibid |
|
|
|
|
| Tio Bing Tik. |
"Het Onderwijs |
der |
Chineezen |
op Java" |
(The Education |
of |
| the Chinese 956-958 |
on Java), |
|
|
44 (February |
24, 1907), |
pp. |
| van der Valk, M. H. 60, van Houten, |
"Indonesia |
en China" (Indonesia 1, 1952. |
|
and te Soerabaja |
China) tegen |
Schakels |
| vereeniging |
|
|
|
|
|
the |
| Handelsvereeniging pp. 4-7. |
|
Amsterdam), |
Vol. |
1, |
5 29, |
1904), |
| Vereeniging |
Soe |
Po Sia" (The |
Soe Po |
Sia Association), |
IG, |
Vol 34 |
| Vermeer, A. |
het |
|
Indeed |
te Vereenigen to Be United |
met het with Christian- |
Chris- |
| ity?), |
1906), |
Nederlandsche p. 171 |
Zendingsvereeniging |
|
Vo! |
46, |
| "Het Verslag |
der Javasche |
Bank |
over de Chineezen-Beweging" |
|
(The |
Report |
| of the 2, pp. |
Bank on 1197-1198. |
the Chinese |
|
IG, |
34 |
2), |
| "Voor de Chineesche |
Schooljeugd" |
|
(For the Chinese School |
|
Youth), |
|
| Rotterdamsche |
Courant |
January |
14, 1908. |
|
|
|
| "VreemdeOosterlingen" |
|
(Foreign Orientals) |
|
|
|
Cour- |
| ant. Vol. |
62, H. G. |
137 "De Chineesche |
17, 1905). Beweging" |
(The |
|
|
| Koloniaal |
Tijdschrift |
Vol. |
(1912), p. |
593. |
|
|
| Williams, |
"Chinese |
Entrepreneurs |
|
Indonesia," |
Explorations |
|
| Entrepreneurial |
History |
Vol .5, |
|
(October 15,1 952) |
pp |
34-60 |
| "Een |
ten Gunste |
van Chineezen" |
(A |
Favor |
of the |
Chinese), |
| IG, Vol. |
26 (1904), |
1, |
pp. 908-909. |
|
|
|
(1912), 1, p. 91; Vol. 35 (1913), 1, p. 383.
L. deChineezen opJavaGe-
J. B. "De Chineezen-Beweging deHandels-Amsterdam" (The Chinese Movementat Surabaya against
among the
Gehouden Depok, tot
1
Depok, from 1.
Co.,
. "Onze in
Oppose in
.
Wl, Vol.3, No.
,,
No. November
Wl, No. (May
"De.
No. No.
"Is Neo-Confucianisme wel
tendom?" (Is Neo-Confucianism
Orgaan der,. No.
11 (November.
Java Movement), Vol. (1 91 No.
Nieuwe
,
, Nieuwe Rotterdamsche
No. (May
Walbehm, A. J. Chinese Movement),
,1
Lea E. in in
,No. 1,.
Woord Word in
No.
[229]
|
"Uit |
OnsOpstellen-schrift" (From Our |
|
|
Editorial |
Writings), |
|
|
Vol. |
(1917). |
ten |
van |
Genootsc happen |
|
|
| of Broedersc happen |
|
onder |
de |
|
de Straits-Settlements |
|
en |
| Nederlandsch-jndi"^" |
|
|
(Laws with |
Regard |
to the Secret |
Societies |
or |
| Brotherhoods |
of the Chinese |
|
the Straits Settlements |
|
and |
Netherlands |
|
| India), |
Tijdschrift |
voor |
Nederlandsch-lndiS, |
|
Vol. 19, |
(April |
|
1890).
Yap Hong Tjoen.
CHHTC, 1
Young, I. W. "De Wetgeving Aanzien Geheime
Chineezen in
in
in in
No. 1
NDEX
| Bangka, |
10, 190 |
|
|
Consular |
operations, |
Chinese, |
43, |
| Banking, |
26, 156 |
|
|
96-97, |
100, 112, |
150, 152, |
156, |
| Be |
loe, 143 |
|
|
160, |
163-168, |
173, 195 |
|
| Billlton, |
10 |
|
|
Courts of |
law, see |
Justice, |
admin- |
| Boycotts, |
65, 103, |
105, 128, |
169, |
istration |
of |
|
|
| 188-190 |
|
|
|
Culturalism, |
14-15, |
58 |
|
| Burial associations, |
of |
110 see |
Siong |
Culture system Cultuurstelsel |
(cultuurstelsel), see |
Culture system |
23 |
|
Siang |
|
|
Decorations |
and honors, |
Chinese, |
|
|
|
158, 161 |
|
144, |
151, 154-155, |
159-161, |
|
| Ch'en Pao-ch'en, |
|
153 |
|
195; |
see a so Officialdom, |
|
Chi- |
| Ch'ien |
Hsun, 151-153, |
161, |
165 |
nese |
imperial |
|
|
| Chi-nan |
hsUeh-t'ang, |
see |
|
Diplomacy, |
Chinese, |
90, 92, |
96- |
| study |
|
|
|
97, |
139, 147, |
149-151, |
153, |
| Chinese |
Association, |
see |
|
155-156, |
161, |
163-166, |
170, |
| Chinese |
Council (Batavia), |
|
37, 78, |
173, |
195, 200; |
see also |
Consu- |
| 125, |
140, 142 |
|
|
|
operations, |
Chinese; |
|
| Chinese |
Employees Kie |
Bond (Tiong |
|
ernment, Chinese, practices |
|
policies |
and |
| Chinese officer system, |
|
31 |
37-38, |
Diplomacy, |
Netherlands, 46, |
|
92, 97, |
|
|
124-136, |
138,141, |
163, |
165-166 |
|
|
| 145, |
156, 159, |
|
|
|
Boe Tjong |
|
85-87, |
| Christian |
missionaries, 76, |
104, 112, |
63, 138, |
Dutch-Chinese |
140, 143, schools, |
150-151 see |
Educa- |
| 140-141, |
145, |
173, 192, |
194 |
tion |
|
|
|
| Christianity, |
30, 47, |
56, 62-63, |
2, |
|
|
|
|
| 156, |
192 |
|
|
Economic |
conditions, |
6, 12, |
15-16, |
| Citizenship, |
97, 156, |
164-166, |
169 |
23-24, |
39, 80-81, |
112, |
190- |
| Confucianism, |
44, |
|
|
191, |
193-194, |
196, 199 |
|
| 74, |
112, 137, |
139-141, |
167, |
Education, |
17-18; seealso Nanking, |
|
|
| 169, |
173, 192, |
197 |
|
study |
|
|
|
|
|
|
231 |
|
|
|
|
Kwat
,
Chambers Commerce,
Hwee; BoeTjong Hwee
Chao Ts'ung-fan,
I
Nanking,
in
THHK
lar Gov-
Hoa
Keng Hwee), 110, 142
9,,
40,65, 108,
171-172,193 Djawa Hak Hwee,
56-57, 90,94,
69-70,72,
1 1
54-63, 69-72,
in
,
232
| Education |
(continued) |
|
|
see also |
Officialdom, |
Chinese |
|
| Chinese government support of, 79- |
|
|
|
imperial; |
Missions |
to N.I., |
of- |
| 80, |
|
|
|
ficial |
Chinese |
|
|
| Chinese traditional, 37, 66-68, 74, |
|
|
|
|
|
policies |
and |
| 78 |
|
|
|
practices, |
7-9, |
24, 33-36, |
82, |
| Dutch-Chinese |
schools, |
83, |
185- |
|
108-109, |
112, |
124- |
| 186, |
198-199 |
|
|
128, |
131, 133-135, |
141, |
169- |
| English-language, |
|
71-72, 76, 93 |
|
171, |
185, 187-188, |
190-191, |
|
| female, |
68, 75-76, |
198 |
|
196, |
200 |
|
|
| inspectors |
of, |
101, |
150- |
|
|
|
|
| 154, |
199 |
|
|
History of |
N.I., 6-7, |
11-12, |
23, |
|
|
37, |
186- |
124 |
|
|
|
| 187 |
Chinese |
teachers, |
44, |
|
Tie |
|
see Tie |
| 59-60, |
73-77, |
84-85, 88, |
104- |
Siong |
Tjong |
see |
Siang |
| 105, |
109, 155, |
169-170, |
199 |
|
Batavia |
|
|
| N. government support of, 36-38, |
127,185-187, |
|
199 |
Hollandsch-Chineesche see Education, |
|
scholen Dutch-Chinese |
|
| private |
European, |
37 |
|
schools |
|
|
|
| reform |
of, 68-78, 88-89, |
101, |
112, |
|
|
|
|
| 139, |
143, 145, |
|
155, |
Immigration |
and emigration, |
|
10-12, |
|
184-187, |
194, |
197- |
106, |
146-149, |
165, 189, |
193, |
| 199 |
|
|
|
200 |
|
|
|
| Elections, |
Chinese, 97-99, |
102,105, |
|
Imperialism, |
6-7, 44-48, |
100, |
150, |
| 107-108, |
111, |
134, 144, |
164, |
189, 192 |
|
|
|
| 167 |
|
|
|
Import-export trade, 6-7, |
|
30-31, 42- |
|
| Emigration, see Immigrationand emi- |
|
|
|
43, |
143 |
|
|
| gration |
|
|
|
Indonesian |
nationalism, |
187-188 |
|
| Emperor, |
Chinese, |
96, 133, |
145, |
Inspectors, |
educational |
see |
Educa- |
| 172, |
195, 197 |
|
|
tion, |
inspectors |
of |
|
| English-language |
education, |
|
see |
|
|
|
|
| Education |
|
|
|
Justice, administration |
|
of, 28, |
30, |
| Ethical program (ethische koers |
|
|
23- |
32-36, |
109, 125, |
127, 187 |
|
| 27, 29-30, 32, 34, 3971T, |
|
|
191 |
|
|
|
|
| 195 |
|
|
|
K'ang Yu-wei, |
45, |
55, 58, |
|
|
|
|
|
81, 83, |
141, 143, |
150, |
168- |
| Flags, 129-130, |
132, |
140, 142, |
158, |
170, |
173, 197-198 |
|
|
|
|
195 |
|
Fan, |
105-106, |
137, |
141- |
|
Chinese, |
policies |
and |
142 Siauw |
Eng, 137, |
142 |
|
| practices, |
80, |
86-87, |
|
143; see also |
|
|
|
| 95-96, |
107, 144, |
146-150, |
156- |
Kuomintang, |
133; see |
also |
|
| 160, |
167, |
195-196; |
|
sen |
|
|
|
I., 69,71,78,
89-90,92-93,95, 195
Government, N.I.,
86,91-92,
84-92,
Malay-language schools,
Hoa Kiauw Yok Hwee,
"modern" Yok Hwee
Hoa Hwee,
Hwee,
150-152,
169-170,
81,96,
,
),
73-74,
161-162,172,190, Khoe A
Geography, 5 Khoe
Government, KianGwan, 102-103, 105-106,111,
89-93, Oei Tiong Ham
SunYot-
172-173,
233
Kuo-yU,
|
69-70, 73, |
75, 84, 93, |
104, |
195; see also Government, |
|
|
Chi- |
| 39, |
64, 86-1 87, |
97-1 99; |
see |
nese, |
policies |
and practices; |
|
| also |
Language |
|
|
Missions |
to N.I., |
official |
Chi- |
|
|
|
|
nese |
|
|
|
| Language, |
12-13, 15-17, 38-40, |
|
54, |
Officials, |
Dutch, 28-29, |
33-34, |
37- |
| 61-62, |
69-70, |
lb, 92-94, |
102, |
41, |
46 |
|
|
| 108-109, |
126, |
129, 137-138, |
|
Officials, |
Indonesian, |
8,34, 38, 188 |
|
| 185-186; cation, |
see also English-language |
|
Edu- |
24-27, |
126 |
|
|
| Lee, H. |
Teng-hui), |
71-72, 76 |
|
Pass system |
(passenstelsel), |
26, |
28- |
|
44, |
149 |
|
31, |
33, 39-41, |
127, 131, |
154, |
| Liang Ch'i-ch'ao, 45, 5b, 58, 74 |
|
|
|
187 |
|
|
|
| Lie Hin Liam, |
137, |
141 |
|
Passenstelsel |
see Pass |
system |
|
| Lie Hok, |
57, 137, |
140-141 |
|
Peranakan |
identity, |
10-14, |
16, 18, |
| Lie Siong |
Hwie, 144 |
|
|
60-65, |
94, 102, |
105-106, |
108, |
| Lim Boen |
42, |
55-56, 73, |
84, |
125, |
129-130, |
144, 166, |
170, |
| 128, |
151 |
|
|
191, |
193-194, |
196 |
|
| Lin Lu-ts'un, |
153-154 |
|
|
Phoa |
Hek, 57, |
137-140 |
|
| Liu Shih-chi, |
88, |
150-151 |
|
Police, 35, 41, Politierol |
164, see Justice, |
167, 170, administra- |
190 |
| Merchants, |
rural Chinese, |
|
26, 30- |
tion |
of |
|
|
| 31 |
|
|
|
Population |
figures, |
5, 9-12, |
28, 36, |
| Missions |
to N.I., |
official Chinese, |
|
39 |
|
|
|
| 81, |
92, |
131, 135-136, |
|
Press |
|
|
|
| 143, |
148-161, |
163, 172-173, |
|
Chinese language, 44, 56, |
|
|
59, 06, |
| 186, |
195-1 97; see also Official- Chinese |
imperial; |
|
194 |
130, |
143, 158, |
167, |
| ernment, Chinese, |
|
policies |
and |
Dutch language, 41 |
|
|
|
| practices |
|
|
|
language, |
|
56, 59-61, |
106, |
|
|
|
|
|
130, |
141, 143, |
158, |
|
in, |
83, 85, |
89,92- |
167, |
188, 194 |
|
|
| 94, |
101, 152, |
195 |
|
Princes and |
sultans, |
Indonesian, |
8, |
| Nationalism, |
Indonesian, |
187-188 |
|
157, |
160, 188 |
|
|
|
|
100, 144, |
154, |
Provincialism, |
63-65, |
69-70, |
111, |
| 157-158, 195 |
162-163, |
165, |
172, |
130, |
194 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
40, 65, 130, |
134 |
|
| Tiong |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 143, |
145 |
|
|
Road Chinese (Batavia), see Chinese |
|
|
|
| Officers, |
Chinese, |
see Chinese |
of- |
Council |
(Batavia) |
|
|
| ficer |
system |
|
|
Racialism, |
16, 24, |
38-41, |
47, 58, |
| Officialdom, |
Chinese |
imperial, |
85, |
64, |
129, 158, |
193 |
|
| 87, 89, |
93-94, 96-97, |
103, |
28, |
Reform, educational, see |
|
Education, |
|
| 135, |
149, 152, |
|
172, |
reform |
of |
|
|
T. (Li
1 1 1 1
Kuo-yU; Opium,
Li Hung-chang,
,
Kim
Keng,
Keng
,
87-88,
1
108-109,
dom, Gov-
Malay
108-109,
Nanking, study
Navy, Chinese, 78,
Queues,
Oei Ham, 102-103, 105, 134,
,
1
159-161,
,
234
| Religion, |
13-14, 16, |
60-61;see also |
|
Semarang, |
|
|
|
| Christianity; |
Confucianism |
|
|
Surabaya, |
105, 107, |
109, 130, |
144, |
| Remittances |
to China, |
80, |
93, 99- |
164 |
|
|
|
| 101, |
106-107, |
131, 143-144, |
|
Song |
Siang, 42, |
55 |
|
| 149, |
|
|
164- |
Study |
China, see |
Nanking, study |
|
| 165, 201 |
167, |
194, |
200- |
Su Jui-chao, |
166-168 |
|
|
| Republic, |
Chinese, 90, 94, |
|
98-100, |
|
45, |
56, 74, 100-101, |
|
| 105, |
107-108, |
129-130, |
132, |
104, |
|
|
144, |
| 140, |
142-143, |
155, 161-163, |
|
168, |
|
|
197- |
| 167, |
190 |
|
|
198, |
200 |
|
|
| Revenue 126 |
farming, |
24-27, 29, |
31 |
Tan Hoa, |
90-91 |
|
|
| Revolution, |
1911 Chinese, |
|
40, 65, |
Tan |
Bo, 138 |
|
|
| 74, |
90, 92-94, |
104-107, |
129- |
Tan |
San, 137-138, |
140 |
|
| 130, |
132, |
153, |
158, |
Tan |
Say, 111, |
142-143 |
|
| 164, 198 |
166, 168, |
|
188, |
Tan Tjong Taxation, |
Long, 138 24-25, 27-29, 80-81 ,111, |
|
|
| Rioting, |
see Violence, |
acts |
of |
187, Teachers, |
194 "modern" |
Chinese, |
see |
| Schools, |
see Education |
|
|
Education |
|
|
|
| Secret societies, |
22, |
64, 107, |
110, |
|
90, 94-95, |
105, 150-152, |
|
| 170, |
194 |
|
|
155-157, |
160-161, |
165, |
167, |
| Siang Boe |
Tjong |
103 |
|
184-187, |
198-199 |
|
|
| Siang |
95-99, |
101-103, |
105- |
Bandung, |
80 |
|
|
| 108, |
112, 134, |
152, |
|
Batavia, |
85-86, |
88, |
|
| 160, |
163-164, |
189, 195 |
|
133-134, |
137-142, |
153, |
163, |
| Batavia, 65, |
97-98, |
100-103, |
105, |
169, |
185-188, |
198 |
|
| 111, |
132, 141-142, |
156 |
|
as center |
of pan-Chinese |
|
|
| finances |
of, |
|
|
ment, |
82-83, |
86-88 |
|
| Semarang, |
98, 102-1 03, |
109, |
134, |
establishment |
of, |
57, 64, |
133, |
| 143, |
156 |
|
|
139-141, |
172 |
|
|
| Surabaya, |
98, 100, |
102-103, |
109, |
finances |
of, |
|
132, |
| 144, |
156, 164 |
|
|
141 |
|
|
|
| Singapore, |
|
|
73, 84, |
Cheribon, |
153 |
|
|
| 96, |
104, 140, |
150, 152, |
160, |
finances |
of, 77-81, |
85, 95, |
100- |
| 165, |
171 |
|
|
101, |
104, 194, |
199 |
|
| Singkeh |
identity, 10-14, |
16, 63-65, |
|
Kediri, |
88, 91 |
|
|
| Too, |
102, 105-106, |
125, |
129- |
Semarang, |
76-79, |
83, 86, 90, |
143, |
| 130, |
144, 170, |
173 |
|
154, |
169 |
|
|
| Soe Po Sia, |
103-109, |
112, 130, |
134, |
Surabaya, |
83, 189 |
|
|
| 170-171, |
189 |
|
|
Surakarta, |
133 |
|
|
| Batavia, |
105-108, |
110-111, |
131- |
Tie |
110-111, |
143 |
|
| 132, |
142 |
|
|
Tiong |
|
see |
|
105,107-109,143
Ong
152-156, 158-160, in
170-172, in
SunYat-sen,
106-108, 132-133,
170-171, 173-174,
Kim
Kim
140-144, Kim
170-173,
THHK,
Hwee,
Hwee,
154-158, 90,110-111,
move-
99-100
76-81,88,95,
42-44, 54-56,
Yok Hwee,
Hoa Hwe Koan, THHK
235
Tiong Hoa Keng Kie Hwee, see Chi-Wang Kang Ky, 155-157
nese Employees Bond Wang Ta-chen, 157, 160, 162
| nese |
Employees |
Bond |
|
|
157, 160, |
162 |
| Tiong |
Tjong |
83-85, |
89- |
|
157-158 |
|
| 91; |
see also |
|
Boe |
Wijkenstelsel, see Zoning |
|
system |
| Tjong |
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Tjoa TJoe |
56 hui, 56, |
7A, 170 |
|
Shih-ch'i, Tjai Siang, |
154-155, 56, 63 |
162 |
|
|
|
|
Shih-k'ai, |
99-101,107, |
132- |
| Violence, actsof, 41, |
|
129-130, |
158, |
134, 144, |
167-168, |
200 |
| 161-162, |
188, |
190-191, |
196 |
Zoning system |
(wijkenstelsel), |
28, |
|
|
88-91 |
|
|
39, 127, 187 |
|
Hoa Hwee, Wang Yl-wai,
Djawa Hak
Hwee
Koan, Yang
T'ung-meng Yoe
Yuan
Wang Fung Cheang, 31-33,
COLLEGE LIBRARY
1
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