Contents of Naar de Republiek

Indonesia

Introduction to Indonesian Edition, i Preface to Canton Edition, iii Clarification on Tokyo Edition, v Introduction, 1 Chapter 1, The World Situation, 5 Chapter 2, The Situation in Indonesia, 11 Chapter 3, Objectives of the PKI, 17 National Program of the PKI, 20 Short Clarification Concerning the Program, 24 Tactics and Strategy, 28 The Level of Offensive and Initiative, 31 Concentrating strength in an advantageous place and time, 32 Level of Consciousness, Will, and Discipline, 34 Strategic Blow, 36 The Indonesian Consultative Council, 44 Thunderbolt to clean the air, 49

Notes, 52

Introduction to Indonesian Edition

Some time has passed since this publisher obtained the works of the late Tan Malaka, especially those printed and distributed abroad during the time of his expulsion from Indonesia by the Dutch colonial authorities.We are thus fortunate to have also received a copy of Naar de Republik Indonesia. The first edition appeared in Canton in April 1925. The second edition appeared in Tokyo in December 1925. The book was deliberately written in Dutch for the ben- efit of Indonesian students in the hope that it would be well received and motivate them in their struggle for their coun- try's independence. The contents of this book offer clarification on political matters and set down certain directives relating to the revolutionary struggle for the Indonesian Republic. If the sense of this book is that the PKI struggle demands the support of the student class it is because, at the time of writing, Tan Malaka was the Canton-based representative of the Comintern in the Far East. We intend to popularize this book in Bahasa Indonesia as well as in other languages of the region to bring alive the aspirations and knowledge of a leader who became a victim on the way to realizing his goals. It is hoped that this publication will serve to contextualize the revolutionary struggle in Indonesia as well as to serve Murba Party as well. Jakarta, 1 January 1962, Yayasan "Massa"

book as a tool. Wherever are found sufficient revolutionary factors, and wherever, I surmise, attention begins to be paid to the revolutionary movement by intellectuals, then works like this will be for me simply like taking a rest. Certainly, this kind of work is more appropriate to this place, especially given the publication opportu- nities that exist in China. Working by "taking a rest" will some- times be my means and my respected readers should prepare them- selves to read even more books in the future. To be sure, I will be preempted from executing activities like these should his Excellency the Governor General involve himself deeper in humanitarian activities. This is the opposite of what I can assume, because of health and exile. It is appropriate that I offer profound thanks to my Chinese friends who have offered me as much assistance as possible. Objectively speaking, I truly owe thanks to, or, that is to say, thanks have been "necessitated" by Governor General Dirk Fock1 who stimulated this small book

Tan Malaka, Canton, April 1925

Clarification on Tokyo Edition

We were concerned when we dispatched the Canton edition of this book to customers in Indonesia because of its less than beautiful appearance, otherwise offensive to the artistic sentiments of the intellectual literati who usually only read Dutch works. But this is good for the intellectual awareness of our younger brothers as they are not small minded about simple appearances. Numerous requests for this book show clear proof that we have won their hearts. This encourages us to reprint Menudju Republik Indonesia. Even though police supervision is very strict in the land of the geisha, beauty, and flower arrangement, underground opportuni- ties exist, namely a place where we can print this small book in attractive format with fewer spelling mistakes and malapropisms. This owes to the development of a burgeoning workers' revolutionary movement. In this preface we have already set down our apologies con- cerning problems with corrections and printing, even if they still exist in this new edition. Our new readers can be informed of the difficulties we expe- rience in improving upon our printing and proofing. With this we also want to demonstrate to our Indonesian readers that all acts to suppress our aspirations will be futile. Furthermore, it is with a sense of satisfaction that, in com- menting on the international and national situation, we have found no need in this edition to make any changes or additions. We have only found it necessary in this edition to add a new chapter to offer clarification on the idea of a Permusjawaratan National or National Assembly, while also setting down conditions and ac- tions. ν iv

Furthermore, it is necessary to explain our opinions concern- ing students in other countries. Without doubt, students in China have proven themselves in the past to be more active than their Indonesian counterparts. Less than a month after our book went to press, more than 5000 students in China immediately left their school benches and joined in the strike actions and demonstra- tions by peasants and workers. 2 On the national front the sickening attitude of the "Indonesian fascists" causes us to hold our stomachs, even though they are falling over each other to a greater degree than we observed in the past. Even so, we must gird ourselves against the enemy tactic of turning culture against us in the endeavour to eliminate the revolutionary movement of the Indonesian people, just as in the dark ages when village people would happily witness robbers strug- gling to free themselves from the hangman's noose. All of this just as if Louis XVI and Tsar Nicholas II had never lived. History repeats itself It cannot be disputed that over the past few months the political struggle has sharpened political consciousness and the revolutionary activities of the Indonesian people of all strata have grown to an extent never witnessed before. "Padi tumbuh tak berisik (rice grows soundlessly)". Tokyo, December 1925

Introduction With the utterance "La etat c'est moï" the French Sun King acknowledged the meaning of the state in full consciousness. At this juncture the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) can state that "the revolutionary movement is me". It is the intellectual faction with their familiarity with non-Indonesian languages who have this awareness, and who thus serve as leader of all revolutionary peoples in Indonesia, and who encourage the popularization of the program and tactics to all sections of people.

The Indonesian Communist Party and the Sarekat Rakyat 3

embody the wishes of the revolutionary people in their struggle, having seriously shown their strength and understanding of the difficulties stemming from lack of revolutionary strength at that time. However, it is not our intention to refuse help from the intellectual classes. On the other hand, we acknowledge all help received with gratefulness, because they recognize our revolutionary basis. What motivates us to launch a special appeal to- wards the intellectual class who, at this time of crisis, otherwise raise questions on every occasion? On which side should one stand? As a leader of the revolutionary Indonesian people who has expe- rienced the suffering of all people, we cannot marginalize the large or small social groups. Dutch imperialism already worked to achieve this from afar. Accordingly, our small intellectual group, having reached a high status in the social and ideological fields, found that they could no longer make contact with the people. Being educated in a foreign language, they ruptured their link with the Indonesian masses, lost touch with the thoughts and aspirations of the people, and, accordingly, the ability to lead them. We will provide you with a ladder so that you can descend to the people. It is not our intention to make Dutch the language of vi

You intellectuals must be aware that the Indonesian people, at ence there is no other choice as firm and true as taking our side. donesia there is absoutely no national capital with the possibilitymise with the colonizer always fails. miliation. Accordingly, if you wish to unfurl the flag of independ- worker). In other colonized countries, wherever a strong elementof national capital is found, national authority is not as strong asand suffering. Of course in other colonized countries a compro-of creating an economic compromise, mainly because each de-mand on the part of the colonized to create a political compro-least those who are objectively and subjectively revolutionary, willmark each political compromise with colonialism as a clear hu-Naar de Republiek Indonesia Sarekat Islam becomes the prime mover of an aware mass revolu-that they can resist the strongarm tactics of the reactionaries and, India, and the Philippines, wherever the native peoples are giventhe possibility' to improve their livelihood in the social and cul-nesians), are strengthened with class authority (capitalist andin Indonesia where 90 percent of the population live in povertymise exists between imperialist capital and national capital. Eco-nomic compromise is a reality and this leads to compromise be-tween foreign colonizer and colonized. It would seem that in In- is because of this that the National Indische Patij 5 has been takento the edge of the grave. Insufficient class consciousness, organi-zational ability, and moral revolution are the main factors pre-venting an upsurge in work potential in the mass movement.tionary movement. The Indonesia Communist Party, SarekatRakyat, 6 and Workers Union, under their influence are all basedon class consciousness, although, in the matter of organizationand quality, do not fulfill our desires. Last year they demonstratedby so doing, have proven the way to life and growth. Merciless,narrow-minded, and reactionary Dutch imperialism has created anational and social opposition which does not permit peace, un-like even that in other colonized countries of Asia such as Egypt,tural fields. In Indonesia, the national authority (Dutch and Indo-Naar de Republiek Indonesia In every revolutionary movement the intellectuals play an Indonesia is no exception in this matter. Similarly, the first cry Notwithstanding this attitude, the cry ofthe Indonesian masses Nevertheless, the work to create such an organization is not 2 the people but only to provide you with the means to understanding Dutch newspapers. the people better than you have hitherto achieved through read-important role. The core of the French revolution was shaped bythe intellectual classes. In France, and other European countries,it was the students who assumed the role of leader of the bour-geois revolution in opposition to feudalism otherwise badly shakenup. The revolutionary movement, pioneered and led by revolu-tionary students, opposed the cruel authority of the Tsar. In colo-of the national movement. claimant for nationalism. However, while under colonialism, someand crass attitude. nial Egypt, British India, China, the Philippines, and elsewhere, itwas the intellectuals schooled in imperialism who became leadersfor national independence was heard in the high schools whenthey established Budi Utomo, 4 the people's organization andstudents supported the banner of independence in the revolution-ary movement while, over a long period, other students and intel-lectuals of Indonesia isolated themselves by adopting a passiveceived help from the intellectual class but rather from the working becomes more urgent as time passes. Nevertheless, very few re-classes, peasantry, and town dwellers. Through hard work they,too, can also create organizations even though these will in timeattract the attention of the authorities.always smoothe and easy. Because of the lack of awareness andexperience of the Indonesian leadership, otherwise made moredifficult by the Dutch politics of imperialism resulting in the ex-pulsion of outspoken leaders from the country, it is very difficultfor the Indonesian masses to create a revolutionary organization.Budi Utomo to become a "Party for people without hope". And it It is this lack of awareness and experience which caused even

Chapter 1 The World Situation

While countries such as France, England, and Italy collec-Soon after the end of the war, the defeated countries suffered From an economic perspective, the 1914-18 World War di-1. The defeated countries such as Germany, Austria, Hun-

2. The countries which won the war, namely France, Italy,

curred by the Tsar amounting to the sum of hundreds of millions.Over the past few years, however, we know that the money whichhas flowed from America to Europe has increased over time. Thethreat of economic crisis in Austria has already been staved off byMorgan,7 one of the kings of capital in America. The Dawes Plan,8which commenced operations at the end of last year, has pledged the Bolcheviks inherited an empty treasury, a disordered trans-ferent than in the countries which lost the war. Only the possibil-ity of rehabilitating the economy was far better than in the case ofthe losers especially as the Bolcheviks did not redeem debts in-Agreement compelled Germany to pay up yearly to the Alliedpowers hundreds of thousands of gold marks in war reparations.tively won the war, they nevertheless also incurred shortages ow-ing to huge outlays necessary to prosecute the war. Russia underport system, and run-down agriculture and industry not much dif- power in the economic field.the United States, and others.greatly from shortages of food and manufactured goods, and capi-tal and raw materials for industry. Additionally, the Versailles vided the world into two parts.gary and Turkey. Also Russia, wherever the working class holds

Because of the war, and because Germany lost all its colo-The circulation of capital from rich countries like America to We cannot answer the question simply with a yes or no. It Naar de Republiek Indonesia to believe that capitalism will collapse. But, because there are victors of the war. Only a government like that in Germany today War (World War 1914-1918).nized lands along with its markets for factory produce and sourcesof raw materials for factories, in addition to the liquidation ordestruction of its merchant marine, it is extremely difficult for itAmerica. On the other hand, at least for the moment, Germanyclarity that the influence of America in these countries has beenextensively developed.countries which either won or lost the war (Europe), and to semi-colonized countries (Asia), wherever capitalism is at an initial stage,and, wherever there remains a possibility of it developing more last century?"(This would mean that the collapse of capitalism peace still exists. On the other hand, there exists sufficient basis and international politics, Germany must bow to the wishes of thecan work within the Dawes Plan. The Dawes Plan not only guar-antees the size of the payment of debt towards the Allied coun-tries but also seeks to kill German industries and trade. Germanycannot be permitted to produce trading commodities better orcheaper than those of the Allies as was the case before the Great to reconstruct its industry without external help, especially fromdoes not appear to offer competition to the Allied countries insuch colonies as Indonesia, and India, or in such semicolonizedcountries as China, Persia, and Turkey. Now we can state with extensively, and while capital is allowed to circulate increasinglyin countries that suffer shortages, raises questions of a revolu-tionary nature: "Is it possible that these years of crisis will besucceeded by a time of peace (Pasifistische periode), that is thepeaceful development of capitalism as happened at the end of thewould not necessarily happen now but more likely within the nextten to twenty years).was along these lines that Trotsky clarified that the possibility of Naar de Republiek Indonesia It is certain that Morgan would not object to lending moneyThis conviction would soon be realized if these loans were This control extends to the spending and financial activities of The economic servitude suffered by Germany is matched by 6 a 800,000,000 gold mark loan to Germany. Not only the coun-tries which won the war, but also those who lost, worked to ob-tain big loans from the kings of capital in America in order torecover from their economic crisis. Millions have been lent toPoland. According to the latest reports, France is already deliber-ating on a big loan. Many other countries seek to follow this ex-would eventually be returned to his pocket three fold or more.willingly and capably repaid with interest. A declining Austria has ample. amounting to many millions if he was convinced that the capitalalready become a half-colonized and economically dependentcountry and, because of it, certainly not capable of mounting achallenge. Germany, not trusted by the Allied countries, is nowbound down. Germany has already obtained 800,000,000 goldmarks in exchange for surrendering its economic, political andmilitary independence. Germany has also become a semi-colony.In defeat, German militarism now survives under the soles of thefeet of the Allies. The Allies now strive to contain the Germanmilitary problem, identified by the former as large and of highquality. the Allied countries in either directly or indirectly influencing in-come and circulation of German money. It is established fact thatThe balance from income already removed from circulation must income acquired from taxation must be greater than circulation.be transferred to the Allied countries. The National Bank, cur-rently an influential bank in Germany, remains under the supervi-sion of a board of Directors headed by an American. The Germanrail system, nerve centre of the modern economic life of the coun-try, has already been internationalized, that is placed under themanagement and supervision of the countries who won the war.political oppression, meaning that in both the areas of domestic

The moving force behind impending war-imperialist war-is It cannot be denied that the current attitude of the world pro-

Because of its numerical strength and solidarity, the world

Naar de Republiek Indonesiadifferent imperialisms sharpens. Japan, which feels itself threat-markets, habitually raise up the prospects of world war. The con-ing for the eventuality of a war between America and Japan. Thehasty development of the Army and Navy in Japan all serve to thing new. ened by the British-US alliance, has already fallen into the em-brace of its foremost enemy, the Soviet Union. 10 Conflict be-tween capitalist countries, both within Europe as well as in Asianstruction of the naval base in Singapore by the British Conserva-tive government not only illustrates the state of war preparationsgoing on in the Pacific Ocean but reveals the growing coopera-tion between the American, British, and Dutch navies in prepar-national rivalry among various capitalist countries in the world,carries the seeds of irreconciliable conflict between the bourgeoi-proletariat is now organizationally stronger than the bourgeoisieinto class wars. letariat in facing the possibility of world war is different now thanEven in a time before an outbreak of world war, a closely organ-ized communist party has been developed, while the Third Inter-country in the world. At present, the working class of WesternEurope under the leadership of the International Union of Work-ers, Amsterdam (Social Democratic stream), is still holding discus- strengthen our assumption of the recurrence of a world war inthe Pacific, even more terrible than the last war.and not national conflict as such. The development of capitalismsie and the working class. Class struggle will both bring down thecapitalist system and, upon its overthrow, replace it with some-of the world, and is far better prepared to turn imperialist warsin 1914. At the end of the day, the Social Democrats, who in thepast delivered up workers to the bourgeois class as canon fodder,are no longer capable of deceiving and betraying the working class.national currently hosts an international section in almost every

Naar de Republiek Indonesia

If we now draft up a political balance sheet, we can say that Weighed against the evidence suggesting a reign of peace, are It cannot be denied that economic and political conflict among

8 prognostications. hundreds of possibilities which variously confirm and defy pre-diction of a time of peace, we must never lose ourselves in suchthe possibility of success in dealing a blow against world capital-ism is no better than during the initial years after the Russian Revo-more of a defensive than offensive position. In October 1923, forexample, we passed up the opportunity to strike and crush Ger-an attack against our party forcing us to work underground. Also Conservative Government under (Stanley) Baldwin. Whatever theworking class does in the interim, it must retreat against reaction. deeper than what it appears on the surface. lution in 1918-20. It is clear that at the present time we are inman power. Contrariwise, the German bourgeoisie later launchedin Italy, where fascist terror is still being exercised, our party mustwork underground. In England, where our party was still young,we finally obtained success after several years but (James)McDonald's Social Democrat Government was replaced by theIn India, dependent in life and death upon British imperialism, thenon-cooperation movement led by Gandhi between 1920-22, oth-erwise capable of rallying thousands of oppressed people to asingle demonstration, has now has become a passive parliamen-certain developments threatening to crush such dreams of thepacific development of capitalism. One such force threatening tocrush world capitalism is competition among various capitalistcountries. Conflict between British and French capitalism is fartwo imperialist countries will lead to a new war. Germany, whichinternal conflicts. In the Far East as well, competition between tary movement alongside the Swaraj Party. 9 has now become a half colonized and oppressed country, natu-rally hopes that it can utilize every good opportunity to free itselffrom the shackles that binds it. This opportunity can only beachieved if the unity between the Allied countries is broken through

Chapter 2

The Situation in Indonesia

We Indonesian communists cannot hang our political hopes If we describe capitalism as one structure and the countries of

on the prior collapse of the capitalist countries of the world. Ifcolonial capitalism in Indonesia collapses tomorrow or the day political wave which swamped the whole world at the end of the

pant world proletariat ready to deliver a death blow, a hand-maidenfall of the edifice of capitalism with the support of the workingclass and to give an opportunity to the bourgeoisie to repair thebuilding if possible. The collapse of capitalism in Russia was notfollowed in other capitalist countries. However, the repair workundertaken by the Social Democrats will not be able to preventthe eventual collapse of the whole rotton edifice. the world as piles supporting the edifice, then Indonesia appearsas only one of these props. We already know that sooner or laterthe structure will eventually collapse. However, only practicecan determine the shape and extent of the collapse and the way itcollapses. It is very possible that all props will immediately falland, along with it, the whole edifice. However, it is also possiblethat the props will not fall immediately, but in succession. Eachtime a prop falls part of the building changes. The economic andworld war almost toppled the weakened world capitalist edifice.Mouldering Russian capitalism was one such pole which could nolonger support itself and, as a consequence, gave way. This rea-lignment almost caused the collapse of the whole edifice. How-ever, when a nervous world bourgeoisie was confronted by a ram-arrived in the form of the Social Democrats ready to prevent the Naar de Republiek Indonesia

Just when world capitalism will collapse, cannot be predicted

We communists are never overly eager to ponder problems as

It is an obligation for us to shape the direction of the Commu- sions with the International Union of Workers in Moscow. Fromthis meeting will emerge a union of the two Internationals in the

even more certain than already. form of one world body, hitherto unseen in the world. If thisunion takes shape, then the collapse of world capitalism will be

and neither is this prediction necessary. Communists prepare them-selves for struggle and activate this struggle, not because theybelieve in communism as a mysterious world, but because, in linewith Marx' dialectical materialism, class struggle must result inthe advancement of a very primitive socioeconomic level to anadvanced capitalist level and to an even higher level, that is com-munism.

to the probability of peace. Sentiments of, respectively, pessimismor optimism could easily take us towards opportunism.

the suffering masses under our leadership, and, finally, to strengthen

respective task. 10

nist Party (Party of the Working People), to strengthen it, to takeinternational bonds and loyalties. If, when the time to act arrives,then each communist and each Third International section, at boththe national and internal level, must know how to perform its

For more than 300 years Dutch imperialism exercised a threat-Because, how can Dutch imperialism ameliorate the wrongs Already the power holders are discussing the method to elimi- already blithely perpetrated down through the centuries? In Brit-ish India, for example, whenever for many years there has beenstrong national industry, for the first time a bridge can be createdbetween British capital with national capital, later linking the gap-ing divide between imperialism and national politics. But fromthe beginning Dutch imperialism has crushed small industry andnational trade, especially in Java. In so doing Chinese capital cally that the holders of authority cannot step outside their nar-row bureaucratic environment. Naar de Republiek Indonesia souls of children and ... for ever". ground then the Dutch will drown". Ways will also be discussedto improve the economic situation of the people. Similarly, thepossibility of giving more political rights to the certain Indonesiangroups will also be discussed. However, knowing the socio-eco-nomic structure of Indonesia, we communists can state emphati-Aceh, 13 Toli Toli, 14 and others cannot be compared with whatlong time became a crutch for peoples lives, did the people ofPeriangan rebel, but because of clear rights and consciousness asobtain their rights. So we are not surprised at this time if the au-thorities say to themselves: "Indonesian people cannot any longerbe threatened and repressed". We can only add farewell to thenate the sharpening conflict with the Indonesian people. Becausemore than ever before, the cry of Moltatuli16 will be heard toreverberate in their ears: "If all the people of Java spit on the such as occurred on 1 February of this year. Rebellions haveoccurred in all parts of Indonesia for 300 years and have takenthousands of Indonesian lives, the rebellions of Diponegoro,12happened in Periangan and Madiun. 15 Not because of oaths, tal-ismans, magic voices, or dark symptoms of feudalism which for ahuman beings, they were encouraged to sacrifice their souls to ening policy of repression. Never before had politics like this beenreceived with coolness and awareness by the Indonesian people Naar de Republiek Indonesia Dutch colonial capitalism grows weaker with time. European The contradictions between the Indonesian people and Dutch The sweet talking ethical voice has now been changed for a The mask of reaction has already slipped. The Indonesian peo- 12 disciplined Indonesia. without hope of support. after, we must be capable of creating a new, stronger, and moreIn colonial lands like Egypt, British India, and the Philippines an and American capitalism is supported by the Social Democrats.unstable imperialism is supported by the national bourgeoisie.However, in Indonesia, Dutch imperialism remains vulnerableimperialism sharpens with time. The suffering of the masses deep-ens. The hopes and desires for independence increases with thepeople's suffering. As time goes on more and more of the Indone-sian people are swept up with revolutionary politics. The sharp-ening conflict between the governing and the governed causes theformer to become more brutal and to exercise oppressive meas-ures. Tjamis and Sidemuljo, Dutch imperialism has already surpassedtorture beyond the bounds of humanity and are striving after their rubber stick and germerintjng sword, In Bandung, Sumendang,the limits ofthe Ethical policy. 11 The implementation of the policyof bludgeons and guns has been officialized by the blood and soulof the proletariat. The Indonesian people are under threat andbirthrights, rights long since recognized in Europe and America,but which Dutch imperialism answers with uncivilized measures.an advancing people retreat.ple are now already convinced that they cannot hope for anythingfrom the imperialist government. We know, however, that the re-actionary class welcomes the repressive actions of GovernorGeneral Fok and that the authorities return to study, discuss, andask the question: "Why is the public attitude now different com-ment?" It is clear that rubber sticks and pistols are not capable of making pared to several years ago?" "What policies must we now imple-

For all these reasons, Dutch imperialism will not offer the Marx stated: "The proletariat have nothing to lose but their Naar de Republiek Indonesiacessful results to the fullest degree, like in oil and rubber. Nowa-days, however, we find overproduction of rubber, and, accord-ing rubber, we recall that Colyin 17 already transferred all oil tanks ingly, America already controls sufficient rubber in Indonesia, soit is unthinkable that it would open more rubber estates. Concern-monopoly. in Jambi to British and Dutch oil companies, that is as a colonialIndonesian people political and economic concessions, but, willexecute the old fashioned uncivilized policy, a legacy of the DutchEast Indies Company (Ost Indische Compangnie). In this logic,the army and navy must be strengthened. These are the kind ofresponses made to the ever-suffering Indonesian people albeit suf-ficiently enraged to fully defend their rights. case. Here non-proletarian demands live in suffering as with in-lose property. In Indonesia we can declaim to all the people "Youhave nothing to lose but your chains". chains". This sentence is even more applicable to the Indonesiandustrial workers, because here there is no national industry ornational trade. In the likely clash between Dutch imperialismand the Indonesian people there is not one Indonesian who will Naar de Republiek Indonesia Nevertheless, while it is clear that Dr. Morgan wishes to pay It is already clear that America would like to sow capital in 14 emerged as an instrument to separate the Indonesian people fromwas killed off soon after Dutch imperialism was established in theEast Indies. With the death of industry, so died the Javanese spirit,initiative, and ability, necessary for building a modern national Dutch people. All industry in the hands of the Javanese peopleindustry based on competition and private property. Dutch impe-Indonesian people. Political compromises on the part ofthe Dutchwere just as abstract. Connected with that, each compromise inpolitics would appear as abstract, something not clear. Increasing rialism did not seek to obtain any economic compromise with thethe number of members of the Volksraad with two or three moreIndonesian members, or giving more political concessions to theIndonesian people, is like one more drop of water on hot steel. Itis clear, then, that the Indonesian crisis is not only a political crisisas in Egypt, British India, and in the Philippines, but especially isalso an economic crisis, an economic crisis from which Indonesiawill not recover for many years.homage to Dutch imperialism by giving them money loans, thequestion remains as to whether he is capable of raising himselffrom his sleeping place. Indonesia is not Austria, Poland, or Ger-many, where Morgan has shown admirable resourcefulness. Theabove-mentioned European countries only need capital. Other-wise, the factories, machines, skilled, and unskilled workers aresufficient. In Indonesia, by contrast, which has a literate popula-oppressed and exploited, and with the social importance of thewise required to create new industry (metal and textile) capable tion of only 5 to 6 percent, which for hundreds of years, has beenpopulation totally ignored, it would certainly not be possible toraise the technical power even in the space of several years other-of successfully entering into competition with Western trade goods.Because of this, Morgan will only lend such money to Dutch im-perialism. Indonesia, but only in operations which can quickly obtain suc-

Chapter 3 Objectives of the PKI

The objective of the communist parties of the world is to

Soviet countries have not actually attained communism. To

Under the authority of proletarian dictatorship, big industry, change the system of capitalism to communism. Until the demiseof capitalism and, along with it, the bourgeoisie, communism can-

will exercise domination over the world bourgeoisie otherwise

Soviet state will end as a state, that is as an instrument of oppres-

eliminated or transformed to become worker members of a com-

or at least concentrated industry, will be nationalized. This means

the nationalization ofbig industry, personal property will no longerexist but will be transformed into communal property. And thus,anarchy in production will be eliminated, that is to say, the pro-

capitalist society. According to the new rationalization, produc- period. In this interim period the proletariat will exercise dictator-ship over the bourgeoisie. This means that the world proletariat

nation. Oppression by the bourgeoisie of the capitalist countries,however, has been changed with the advent of Soviets. The pur-

sion of the proletariat, if the bourgeoisie as oppressor is already

munist society.

that this industry will be transferred to proletarian countries. With

duction of daily necessities of no use value, such as occurs in not emerge. Between capitalism and communism is a transitional

seeking to reclaim its lost political and economic power and domi-

pose of the Soviets is to eliminate capitalism and to prepare thegrowth of communism.attain communism is a journey of scores of years. The commence-ment of pure communism means the end of the Soviet state. The

To guarantee the economic livelihood of Indonesia in the The New Economic Policy, as it is so-called, will not only be Indonesian capitalism is still in the initial stage of develop- proletariat, would easily enter into opposition against the small-sized Indonesian working class.eventuality of national independence, the non-proletarian popula-tion must be given an opportunity (within a limited scale) to initi-to increase their production. Undoubtedly big industry will haveto be quickly nationalized. Only then can the economic activitiesof the people be developed without raising the future anxciety of 75 percent of the population are working class, and where the it is forcefully implanted by a Western imperialist country into anship-building, and even industry to satisfy the needs of the peoplelike textiles has still not been created. Related to this is the factthat the Indonesian proletariat remains at a lower stage than theWestern European and American proletariat. A genuine dictator-ship of the proletariat would endanger the economic life of Indo-nesia, all the more if the world revolution does not occur. As aconsequence, the larger part of the population, that is the non-ate private property with capitalist enterprise. More than that, thecountry must give then both material, as well as moral assistance, Naar de Republiek Indonesiaamong peasants and small enterprises is currently allowed, and,given coordination between bureaucracy and economy, Russia canproceed more smoothly. In the final analysis, this shows the wis-dom of this policy especially as peasants can be attracted to sup-port the Negara Buruh or Worker's State.limited to backward Russia. It also applies in purely capitalistcountries such as Germany, England, and America, where aroundcreation of private property and trade by the small bourgeoisieand rural class becomes a certainty. Especially in Indonesia, theNew Economic Policy carries very great meaning. Indonesian capi-talism is colonial capitalism and does not grow in a regulated wayfrom Indonesian society itself as with capitalism in Europe. Rather,Eastern feudal country for the benefit of Western countries.ment. Big industry like the machine industry, locomotives, and Naar de Republiek Indonesia What is analysed above is the theory of communism which, With the elimination of conflict, the politics of imperialism If imperialism no longer remains, so imperialist wars will be tion of private property and anarchy in production, oppressiondistinctions, namely between the proletarian and bourgeois classes. for more capital. tion of goods will be according to social needs. With the elimina-will also be eliminated. Related to this is the elimination of classwill no longer obtain, that is to say, the politics of capitalist coun-tries using bank capital to assert control over such countries des-tined as markets for surplus factory production and, consequently,using these countries to obtain raw materials for industry as seedeliminated. In a word, communist society will eliminate the crea-tion of private property, anarchy in production, conflict, class,production planning, voluntary production and internationaliza-tion, will come into being, while peace, international cooperation,and fraternity, will unite the races of the world.however, will become a reality if world capitalism simultaneouslycollapses as almost happened in the first years after the Bolschevikof the revolution, quickly formed the basis of pure revolution.Unquestionably, however, it was the Social Democrat betrayalwhich has, until now, prevented the general collapse of capitalismand forced the Bolsheviks to create steps to retreat as in 1921?Steps towards retreating must be understood in the context ofeconomy and tactics. In the economic context, the Soviet stateerwise comprising 80 percent of the Russian population, and, tothe small bourgeoisie in the towns and, along with that, has al-these steps are necessary because small factories do not yet havenationalized bureaucracy. Because private property and trade 18 imperialism, and imperialistic war. Instead, communal property, revolution in Russia. It was the Soviet Union that, from the outset has legalized the return of personal property to the peasantry oth-lowed trade in goods produced on the basis of capitalism. Clearly,sufficient technical and administrative centralization and also, inthis initial stage, because of the growth of an excessively large

1. A minimum wage, a seven hour working day and improve-
2. to eliminate the remainder of feudal land and private land 1. the speedy and unconditional independence of Indonesia.2. the creation of the Federal Republic from the various is-3. the speedy convocation of a national meeting represented4. the quick conferral of full political rights on the Indonesian
3. to divide uncultivated land among unemployed and landless
4. to nationalize forest resources and modern agricultural3. to nationalize communications and transport systems.4. to nationalize banks, company partnerships and big trading 6. to create cooperation between people with the help of7. to render help to the peasantry with cattle and implements8. to transfer big population groups at State expense from
5. to electrify Indonesia by building new industry with the
   ment in working hours and workers' livelihood. lands of Indonesia.by all peoples and religions in Indonesia.people, both men and women.C. Social digo and tapioca. cheap credit from the state. Java to the outer islands. and divide it among the poorest peasantry and the proletariat.B. Politics companies. for the construction of ships. tural stations. peasants as well as offering financial assistance to work the land. Naar de Republiek Indonesiaworks like sugar mills, rubber, tea, coffee, cinchona, coconut, in-help of the state, such as machine factories, textiles, and slipwaysto improve agriculture and to build state experimental agricul_ Naar de Republiek Indonesia Whenever a balanced economy is achieved, then a political Whenever the national and economic balance is obtained, then 1. to nationalize factories and mines like coal mines, tin, oil, 20 other classes or groups. Only then can an economic balance be-tween the proletariat and non-proletariat be achieved andstrengthened. balance will automatically follow suit. Necessarily, the Indone-sian working class cannot advance very far in either the economicor political arenas. Even if the working class achieve the most inthe coming national independence struggle neither can they ne-glect the non-proletarian elements. This is even more the case ifthe non-proletarian elements in the struggle obtain stakes as largeor larger so that even an interim pure Soviet system in Indonesiacannot yet be planned. Of course we must always remember thatthe quality and quantity of the working class is low, while non-proletarian elements, even larger in size, are objectively revolu- tionary, with the exception of all those classified as small landowners. Because in Free Indonesia, the non-proletariat peoplemust be given an opportunity to express their voices. However, ifin the likely forthcoming national independence war, the workingclass creates a pioneer force from all the people, then big industrywill fall into its hands along with political power. The politicalbalance with non-proletarian elements will easily be obtainedwherever it is most important for Free Indonesia.it follows that Indonesia will develop in the economic and politi-cal field. The speed towards the direction of a pure Soviet, and National Program of the PKI following that, to communism, depends on the international situ-ation and more so on the development of industry in Indonesiaitself. A. Economy and gold.

d. forbid press publication.
a. exile any person considered a danger to the state.b. forbid strikes.c. forbid and dissolve meetingse. forbid the giving of lessons and the full acknowledge-
Police and Justice

1. The separation of the pangreh-praja (civil service), Police2. Granting of full rights to all accused to offering them pro-3. Each case which possesses a basis in law must be com-1. Demand a seven hours working day, minimum wages, and2. Recognition of Workers' Unions and the right to strike.3. Organization and peasant's economic and political rights.5. The elimination of laws and regulations which oppress po-6. Demand rights to demonstrate: mass demonstrations 7. Demand to eliminate the Volksraad, Raad van Indie dan

2. Elimination of poenale sanctie. 18
   F. and Judiciary. accused in 24 hours if proof and evidence is perfectly clear.G. Action Plan better working conditions and livilihood for workers. where will be chosen an implementing body responsible to theNational Assembly.
   tection against the courts in the face of justice and freeing thepleted in a period of five days following general procedure. litical movements, such as governmental power to: ment of independence movements.throughout Indonesia in opposition to political and economicoppression like: taxation, the quick release of political prisoners,and the return of political exiles, mass action must be strength-ened with public strikes in opposition to the government.Algemeene Secretaris 19and create a National Assembly from Naar de Republiek Indonesia Naar de Republiek Indonesia

3. Creation of a workers council in big industry. 1. Compulsory for all Indonesian children up to 17 years of 1. Elimination of the imperialist army and creation of a peo-

4. Attention to the working environment with the recognition 7. The nationalization of big homes and the construction of 2. Elimination of the current system of education and creation 2. Elimination of military cantonments and all regulations which3. Granting of full rights to soldiers to create organizations
5. Division of profits among workers in big industries.5. Separation of church and state and recognition of freedom6. Granting of social, economic, and political rights to Indo-3. Improvement and increase in the number of schools for
   domicile, while offering them better and higher wages. of the workers' right to strike. of religion. nesian nationals both men and women.new houses to be allocated to workers in state enterprises.D. Study and Education with English language as the principal foreign language.of a practical system linked to the present and future needs ofIndonesia. ministrative field. age in Indonesian language as the language of communication agriculture and trade experts and improvement and increase inthe number of schools for high officials in the technical and ad-ple's military to defend the Indonesian Republic.restrict and regulate such aspects of a soldier's life as place ofand meetings.

E. Military

Then, after having obtained independence, we can also de-We have the courage to say this, not because we want to prom-If we can execute this program in an independent Indonesia, the fullest support from the proletariat of the West, then this pro-gram can be used as a strong basis to shape the communist edi-fice. If, in the near future, we are forced to wage the national ties, both international and national. If, sooner or later, world capi-talism collapses, and the Indonesian people succeed in obtainingstruggle on our own, then this program includes sufficient ele-ments to raise up and concentrate the energy of the still slumber-ing Indonesian people, precisely the energy needed in order toobtain national independence.fend it better. With the energy found in Indonesia in the immedi-ate aftermath of the winning of independence we can quickly makesteps towards international communism and with greater hopes.and this independence is clearer than so-called independence inmany countries of the modern world, then Indonesian workerswill own big industry and will exercise good authority in the donesian industry (textiles and machine factories, shipyards, and Naar de Republiek Indonesia economy as well as in the state politics. Exploitation and repres-sion, such as currently suffered by the workers of Japan, America,and England, will no longer remain. The social links between slav-ery and employer will give way to equality and independence.Profits amounting to millions, now flowing into the pockets ofthe usurers of Zorgvliet (Den Haag), will be used to advance In-hydroelectricity plants). These profits, in turn, will be used to as-sist financing peasants, small traders, and small industry as men-tioned. In short, our program not only covers workers in the nar-ise paradise to all men, but to stress their independence. Theimportance of independence strongly suggests that non-proletar-workers nationalize big industry. Because national capital is verysmall, and because of the anxieties created by fear of workers' row meaning of the word, but almost all of the Indonesian people.ians among the peasantry, small traders, small industrial workers,and intellectuals must also be given a share of the economy if the Naar de Republiek Indonesia Additionally, the PKI cannot yet organize what it really wants We think, that our program is in accordance with the Indone-There is still not a single political party in Indonesia which has As proof we can take one example; Budi Utomo, Nasional The revolutionary movement in Indonesia always remains. If clearly analyse the path to be followed (tactics). Short Clarification Concerning the Program tool of capitalism. organize revolutionary goals. Without question, leadership anddiscipline caused the ruin of these parties, although the principalthis movement wants to obtain results-and the time is ripe-thenwe must organize a national program and give it wide publicity.our demands, without damaging ourselves. In other areas we can-not retreat one step. This program well accords with all possibili- gone as far as clarifying its program, although the two parties ofintellectuals, namely, Budi Utomo, and Nasional Indische Patij, aswell as the mass-based Sarekat Islam, can at short notice, drawcrete analysis of the Indonesian economic and social situation.As a result, they cannot achieve their program. A program cannoteconomic foundation of the country. the time when imperialism is crushed. It is already locked into thepresent. A program can't cover everything. No, there can be nomeaningful revolutionary program, without a revolutionary move-ment. Nevertheless, any revolutionary movement which does notpossess a clear theoretical basis and firmly organized revolution-ary goal or program will not achieve success and will become aIndische Patij, and Sarikat Islam. Inevitably, in the initial stages,the three of them were revolutionary, yet not one of them couldreason was failure to clarify their goals (program), and failure to sian economic and social situation. We can, accordingly, step up up economic and political demands. They also hold firm to thesame word, independence. However, they cannot achieve a con-be just a "wish list", but must be based on the specific social andto achieve, either in this present juncture under imperialism, or, in

Also, after national independence is achieved, strong coop-A situation like this has to be guarded against so as not to let It is an historical imperative that the PKI must assume the Naar de Republiek Indonesia merous-is the class capable of organizing the economy and poli-organization and workers' unions capable of crushing the political class, then national independence will only give new life to na- revolutionary leadership. Wherever national capital is lacking, theindustrial working class-as the class most closely linked and nu-tics strongly and with clear and specific aims. Because the non-proletariat of Indonesia do not constitute a fixed class, it is ex-tremely difficult to form a class orientation, otherwise giving firmleadership to the Indonesian people. This is proven by the failureof non-proletarian parties like Budi Utomo, National Indische Patij,and Sarikat Indij. If the non-proletarian people of Indonesia wishto struggle to achieve independence then they will have to achieve eration between proletarian and non-proletariat is an absolute con-dition. If this cooperation is ruptured, and, if increasingly, non-first good opportunity. As long as Indonesia is firmly united andas to rule over them). Indonesia consists of many islands existingat various levels of civilization, offering a good field for interna- the support of the industrial workers with awareness of politicaland economic apparatus of the imperialists. proletarian elements become enemies of the industrial workingtional slavery. Not so far distant from Indonesia can be foundsuch agents ofinternational plunder as British, American, and Japa-nese imperialism poised to launch their imperialist attacks at thein solidarity, they postpone their attempts to seize Indonesia. Butas soon as internal dissension sets in they will soon seek to imple-ment a divide and rule policy (splitting the people into groups sotional plunder. The areas outside Java, otherwise revealing pettybourgeois characteristics, could easily be set up to oppose Javawhich is very proletarian. A situation such as in China, Mexico,and South America, will be experienced by Indonesians, that isplaying one off against each other in a situation of chronic orperiodically errupting civil war. Naar de Republiek Indonesia Whenever they become aware of this, they will willingly sur-It is already clear at this juncture, that the non-proletariat in If this economic process, that is the investment of small in- proletariat and non-proletariat is more possible. With the building nationalization, and because more than 90 percent of the popula-tion live in suffering and misery, then cooperation between theof industry and more State cooperation, and with more state as-sistance for the non-proletariat, then slowly will disappear all ob-stacles to creating big industry on a higher technical level; all forone, and one for all. Small industry must be made aware that staterender themselves to the State enterprise and will leave their smallenterprise. an independent Indonesia, then the politics of the small bourgeoi-sie will give way to the politics of the international working class. sider people who are not proletarian as not fighters. For Indone-sia there are signs of optimism, in that non-workers submit to thedeeply, and where small bourgeoisie have a certain role, non-pro-general and does not neglect the importance of the non-prole- industry can achieve success, faster, better, and cheaper than theycan. dustry into large-scale State industry can work in the context ofIndonesia, while revolutionary in appearance, are narrow nation-alists in their politics. They only seek to wipe out imperialism, notto eliminate property. However, the Indonesian working class con-Sulawesi, and in other places. Gradually, the Sarikat Rakyat must tariat, then they will surrender themselves to PKI leadership. 26 leadership of the workers (formed into the PKI). Cooperationbetween proletariat and non-proletariat alrea dy reveals itself as aliving force. In Priangan, where capitalism has not penetratedletarian elements under the leadership of the communists haveshown bravery and resourcefulness. To the PKI falls the task ofraising up the albeit sleeping masses in Sumatra, Kalimantan,become organized [against] all imperialist enemies. If the popula-tion in the big towns of Java and outside of ava are made awarethat the PKI program seeks to raise the secu rity of the people in

One example of a tactical action was the VSTP strike in 1923 A decisive strategic strike can guarantee greater hope if, in If we can commence to launch a strategic struggle it won't automatically, the time to launch a strategic blow will be delayed.
Additionally, it should not be viewed as a strike which stands on when to fight hard, and how to achieve victory wherever one ofdemonstrate enough skill, discipline, consciousness, will, andturned into a strategic struggle.only depend on the quality of our organization but our economicand political situation, both inside and outside the country. How-ever, the strategic strike will stand a better chance of success ifevery economic and political action of ours is launched with suc-cess. This means that if we fail to obtain full success then we canat least prevent a defeat that may well weaken the organizationover a long period of time (but not preventing the strugge.....).Of course, the political or economic struggle in a capitalist soci-ety is relative. Moreover, if even one of our organizations is de-feated, rendering it out of action over a long period of time, then
strength for a limited objective. A strategic strike, by contrast, isvictory, to break the enemy organization and then to crush it.little evidence of consciousness in this event. A pure tactical strikemust be exercised with greater awareness and better preparation.its own but as a preparation or as a part of a strategic strike. Atactical strike in Indonesia must serve as a prelude to a strategicstrike. launching a tactical strike, we display bravery, skill, and persever-ance. But this does not necessarily mean that we should fight tothe end. Rather, we must know when to take a step backward,our sections is knocked out. Necessarily, our political organiza-tion in the PKI, the Sarikat Rakyat, and Sarikat Sekerja, mustcontinue to struggle, until the general staff of the PKI can plan thestrategic strike. If our political and economic organizations canmotivation, then, at a later juncture, every tactical struggle can be a final action where we mobilize all our strength to win strategicand the protest meetings in Priangan. 20 Even so, we witnessed Naar de Republiek Indonesia Naar de Republiek Indonesia The final question is, whether or not we are capable of seizing Of course, aside from our program, the success of our revolu-The question is whether we have the right to undertake a pro-Tactics and Strategy egy determines our operations for the duration of the revolution- it happen! But not with high-flown and empty doctrine. Only aprogram which is really directed to the struggle for material ben-efits of the whole people and carried out with justice can create aloyal group otherwise capable of crushing imperialism. But notonly that, a group is needed to distance itself for a time beforefinally pioneering the way to international communism.gram like that. We can only reply with several words. For over300 years Indonesia has been trampled over and extorted end-lessly and with thousands of souls sacrificed for Dutch imperial-ism. Hundreds of millions of guilders have flowed into the pock-ets of the clippers of Dutch coupons. And Dutch capital in Indo-nesia as mentioned in our program on nationalization only repre-sents one part of what was exploited in Indonesia over 300 years.So we still cannot change the souls of the peasants and workersof Indonesia, whether in Aceh, Java, Jambi, and in such otherplaces which have already protested against the robbery and kill-national independence and defending it. We can reply to this inseveral words. If we are capable of attracting fifty million of theIndonesian population to our program and if, following this, thePKI and the Sarikat Rakyat possess sufficient consciousness, anddiscipline, then the way of the people's movements which havebeen oppressed for 300 years will not be neglected. tion actually depends upon our tactics and strategy. The meaningof these two words cannot be separated. We can say that tacticsare part of an overall strategy. It is tactics which links our revolu-tionary operations in any given place at any given time. But strat-ary struggle. To deploy a tactical strike is to use part or all of our ing. 28

1. The level of offensive and initiative. In every kind of struggle, initiative is an important principle.
2. Concentrating strength in an advantageous place and time. If we in the revolutionary struggle do not first sieze the initia-The end of the struggle that takes initiative is offensive. Those
   offensive that is carried out defensively. Even if our aim is no less well as points of difference. The following laws that hold in thecase of a strategic war also hold for a revolutionary strategy: The Level of Offensive and InitiativeThose who take prior initiative have certain advantage which can-is obliged to await the attack of those who take the initiative.desires and actions so that we are forced into a crippling passivesituation. If, for example, the enemy sought to crush one amongcertainty because we would not know how and when it will act. who attack first have initiative and overcome the plans and con-duct of their opponents. But the shape of a good offensive is anby the situation to launch an attack in a defensive form. We pre-Naar de Republiek Indonesiarevolutionary struggle there are still many points of similarity as not be resumed by their opponents. Because they are the first toinitiate action they can create a new situation for their opponents.Because ofit, their opponents cannot think of a new plan by them-selves, however tied they are to the situation just created. In thisway their plan awaits to be crushed by those who take the initia-tive. Besides this, in overcoming wishes and actions, the passivetive, then our opponents will gain advantage in winning over ourothers of the Sarekat Sekerja or our national groups and it al-ready took prior initiative then we would feel pressured and un-However, if we seek to avert this situation by taking prior initia-tives then we will also obtain, besides moral advantage, the edgein overcoming our opponent's schemes already under way, possi-bly also being able to crush them. than the elimination of imperialism and capitalism, we are forcedpare our attack after being threatened and attacked. Against the Naar de Republiek Indonesia Even if a conventional war is in many ways different from a Such a war strategy is not the same as a revolutionary strat-From the outset, revolutionary forces have to calculate their Because revolutionary forces are subject to more of a fluctua-On the other hand, if even one of our organizations achieves aThen, belief in the leadership, confidence in final victory, and will experienced. If, for example, the PKI at the present can rally 50,000shelter behind the communist flag, especially if we know how to physical strength as well as that of their opponents in any futurecount the moral situation than the case of the general staff of aconventional force in a conventional war as this is an importantmatter indeed for a revolutionary force. 30 tactical victory, then not only will the victorious organization winadvantage, but so will the revolutionary movements in Indonesiato struggle will increase.egy. In a war situation both the quality and the quantity of forcesis constant although this changes somewhat in the case of revolu-tionary forces. In the latter case, both the size and kind of forcesundergo a high tide and an ebbing. This rise and fall is governedby the economic and political situation of the country. If all thepopulation lives in a situation of extreme suffering, such as thecase in Indonesia at the moment, if the measures taken are crueland exercised narrowly, then the wave of revolutionary spirit willrise up all over the country so that the General Staff of the revo-lution will spontaneously attract forces of a size never beforeeconomic pressures begin to bite, then the entire people will takeand position. tion than conventional forces, then the general staff of a revolu-tionary force must have far more planning and foresight than thegeneral command of a conventional force.contingency. Besides, tactics have to be fine-tuned along with thefluctuating situation and must, accordingly, be sufficienty flex-ible. Revolutionary forces also have to take much more into ac- members, then as soon as the Inlansche Verpendin 21 or otherassiduously sow propaganda and vigorously defend our program

If we consider the matter carefully, then we arrive at the con-From what has been mentioned above we can draw the con-Malang, and Aceh, then we can attack or successfully defend theBengawan-Solo valley as the basis for an Indonesian Republic.Increasingly, if our voice and influence can sway the Army andBengawan-Solo valley will surely be heard by the workers of Asia,Europe, and America and foreign imperialism will not easily at- forces and select the place that is most important for our victory.clusion that the most advantageous place for us to storm wouldthan in Batavia and Priangan. In the Bengawan-Solo valley arewho will contribute the energy, not only for the seizure, but alsoBatavia or Priangan political or military victory would be difficultcause of the lack of technical and economic conditions necessaryto defend the seizure. Political or military victory in Batavia orSolo valley, because of the lack of technical or economic factorsbe defended if we possess the basic conditions of economic power,factories, industries, transport corporations, and banking institu-clusion that we must mobilize our main forces to the Bengawan-Solo valley so that our revolutionary offensive can confirm ouroverall strategy. If we can maintain our position temporarily inthe Bengawan-Solo valley, and also make an attack on other cen-tres of economic power such as the east coast of Sumatra,Palembang, and east Kalimantan, and also in such centres of eco-nomic and military power, as Batavia, Bandung, Magelang,Navy forces, then Dutch imperialism cannot easily deploy its mili-tary power. The enthusiastic voices of workers from the several centres, we too must accordingly divide our revolutionarybe the Bengawan-Solo valley. Clearly, we have a greater hope ofseizing economic and political power and defence in this localeconcentrated industrial workers and poverty-stricken peasants,as a technical and economic condition to defend this seizure. Into obtain and defend compared to the Bengawan-Solo valley be-Priangan would be more difficult to defend than in the Bengawan-[as mentioned]. A modern political and military victory could onlytions. Naar de Republiek Indonesia Naar de Republiek Indonesia However, because Dutch imperialist power is dispersed over Where else can a revolutionary offensive already in advanceIf military, political, and economic strength is centred in one The aim of every offensive is to attack and overwhelm theOur main struggle organization, the Sarekat Sekerja Politik,If we consider Indonesia as our battlefield, then we will find Of the final determining blow, we can only obtain victory if tion in advance of launching a first revolutionary offensive. If ourplans prove successful there, then other parts of Indonesia would-more or less-automatically fall into our hands. imperialists is not centred in one place, but dispersed. Militarysay, in the residencies of Yogjakarta, Solo, Madiun, Kediri, andnies, banks, and other concerns, are concentrated.preparation obtain such great success?town, as often happens in Europe, then it becomes our obligationto enter the town beforehand to plan our revolutionary organiza- can inflict upon the enemy the greatest disaster, namely wherethey concentrate their main forces.that the military, political, and economic strength of the Dutchstrength is centred in Priangan. The political centre now in BataviaPriangan really do not have an economic base. We only find thissituation in the Bengawan-Solo or Surakarta valley, 22 that is toSurabaya, where industry, including factories, transport compa-Concentrating strength in an advantagous place and timedefences of the enemy with large forces with the intention to breakits organizational link and to finally crush it for ever.should, if the time is ripe, be rapidly deployed to a place where we may later may be shifted to Priangan. However, both Batavia and we also take defensive initiative so that the final determining blowcan shape our aims. Beginning from now, the Sarekat Sekerjaand our other political organizations, must possess offensive spirit. actions of our reactionary opponents, we base agitation, protest,or action which brings us closer to our final aims.

Revolutionary consciousness must be matched by revolution-In matters of organization, tactics, and strategy we cannot PKI will be forced to prosecute more underground actions. How-ever, in all these circumstances, it cannot and must not lose itscourage and ideological direction. On the other hand, we are con-vinced that it will be more active, more experienced, and morebrave. Tthe PKI understands that the downfall of Dutch imperial- nesian people, enslaved for 300 years, cannot prevail in a singleday against one imperialism undoubtedly assisted by otherimperialisms. There is no question that in some places the PKIwill experience setbacks. It is also possible that in some places the different. Such differences notwithstanding, people cannot forgetthe necessity of working together because both non-proletariangoals and the ultimate goals of the industrial proletariat will onlybe exercised after the crushing of imperialism. The tactics of thePKI against non-proletarian elements is to raise up their materialimportance so that they are very flexible. They must be capableof raising up revolutionary energy and potential within the non-proletarian elements. They must also be able to coordinate theirforce with proletarian force. If it succeeds, then Indonesian inde-pendence can said to be confirmed.ary will. Consciousness alone is not sufficient. Clearly, the Indo- the other hand, they seek more property themselves. However,vis-a-vis imperialism, they have a revolutionary attitude. They seekthe creation of a national government and national independence.Because of that, their objectives are revolutionary.involve both industrial workers and non-proletarian elements.Such a conflation will not bring strength but only simply andsolely bring weakness. Even if the above elements both struggleto oppose imperialism, their basis and aims for struggle remain tionary when they not only seek to eliminate political power butalso economic power by means of the elimination of private prop-erty and a capitalist system of production. But subjectively, thesmall property holders are not revolutionary because they do notwish to eliminate private property and capitalist production. On Naar de Republiek Indonesia Naar de Republiek Indonesia Although the Bengawan-Solo valley is ideal for our victory, A victory in Priangan, Aceh, and Ternate, seen from the tacti-Connected with the importance of the Bengawan-Solo valley In every movement consciousness plays an important role. dissatisfaction and raise the level of revolutionary consciousness.cal perspective, is very important and can lead the way to strate-gic victory. The strategic victory that we will then launch in thefor Indonesian independence is our revolutionary duty to give moretariat and peasant class and to train them for continuing action to dialectical materialism. Following Marx, we can determine thatcurrently almost all the Indonesian people possess revolutionaryspirit. But there is a big difference between the revolutionary stateof industrial workers and the state of small owners like peasants,traders, and small producers. Subjectively, the former is revolu- tack and kill the Indonesian workers. Besides, the Third Interna-tional will work to call to a halt the killing by the imperialists.places like Priangan, and especially Aceh, and Ternate, are vitalfor the creation of diversions designed to mislead the enemy. Whenwe have made a successful attack on these places the enemy willbe forced to divide its strength otherwise concentrated in Javaand obliged to send part of it to the remote areas. For the revolu-tionary movement matters like this are inevitably important formorale. Besides, if Dutch imperialism continues to repress revo-lutionary resistance with force so then will the cost increase forthe imperialists. Consequently, it will be forced to raise even highertaxes from the suffering peoples. This will only further stimulate Bengawan-Solo valley will appear as a sword of Damocles hang-ing over the head of Dutch imperialism.prominence to economic centres than hitherto. It is our revolu-tionary duty to organize and coordinate the mass industrial prole-seize economic and political power.Level of Consciousness, Will, and DisciplineBy revolutionary consciousness we take our lead from Marx's

We must recognize that our propaganda and agitation in areas Thus the second condition is not yet fulfilled. It is very clear Currently, only the PKI is capable of operating in any place Each revolutionary decision can only be taken with precision exerts great strength.throughout the islands. Yet, it cannot be said that it has organizedall layers of people and taken them under its leadership. It is stillnot enough even if all the oppressed Indonesian people hold outsympathy to the PKI. Nevertheless, when the time comes, mil-lions of the oppressed will follow the call of the PKI. Not only invictory but also in defeat, loyalty and obedience to the PKI as thepeople's revolutionary party must be fixed and unchangeable. that the PKI is currently one among other parties that can be saidto be a party of the Indonesian people. Budi Utomo, Pasundan,Perserekatan Minahasa 24 and other small parties can, with diffi-culty, defend themselves within narrow boundaries. But a partycan only become a national party beyond narrow boundaries, if it ing he has the right to defend his opinions as strongly as possible,and, as a member or leader, he must carry it out with obedienceand dispatch. If this does not happen, it is not possible for themass. A Party where each member holds strong to his own opin-ion and sabotages the decision of the Party cannot be tolerated. diers to understand orders which are given, in the case of a Revo-lutionary General Staff, the first conditions are that membersmust really understand decisions that have to be undertaken. Thisjust doesn't mean only decisions but that all members must alsounderstand absolute obedience in the implementation of deci-sions, even if the decision conflicts with their own opinion.after considerable discussion. In each discussion every memberpossesses full rights to advance and defend his opinions and op-pose or support the opinions of other people. After the final vot-so that he can exercise all spiritual influence over the Party's deci-sions. But if the majority make a decision conflicting with his own,and he does not agree with it, then he must bow to that decisionrevolutionary strength of the Party to act outside as a harmonized Naar de Republiek Indonesia Naar de Republiek Indonesia The final strategic blow will succeed if the following condi-If the first condition is not fulfilled, we cannot uphold secrecy. Revolutionary discipline has a similarity with military disci-

1. The Party possesses iron discipline.2. The Indonesian people remain under the leadership of the3. Enemies both inside and outside the country are divided.
   Consciousness and will can be exercised locally if the PKI dauh). While a military General Staff does not expect its sol-It is often the case that a responsible member follows his ownexercises his opinion while still knowing that it conflicts with therevolutionary struggle not only endangers the concerned leader-ship and section but also the whole movement.ever, one is different from the other in this matter: namely thatrevolutionary discipline is not only a desire to surrender (sebelum Strategic Blow tions are fulfilled: opinions without waiting for the central decision making. Or, hecentral opinion. An undisciplined attitude or character in a truepline at this point: namely that decisions have to be taken. How- firm social economic analysis of Indonesian society. The conflicterned in Indonesia will strengthen the struggle.the PKI must carry out decisions of the centre, honestly, and ac-tively. One section must rally to help another section in adversity.It must advance if the leadership views it necessary, and retreatbackwards if the struggle orders it to do so. A struggle can onlyobtain success if the General Staff can have full confidence in allthe army. PKI. ism and the revolutionary power of the Indonesian people doesnot simply rest on the Djojo Bojo myth 23 or other peddlers ofdjamu (nostrums), but, rather, its beliefs are grounded upon athat ruptures the peace between the governing body and the gov-possesses discipline. All members, sections, and organizations of 36

The economic and political conflict between Japan and America Even if in short time the party can be disciplined and the larger However, enemies outside the country (imperialism) British, constraining the peace in East Asia has already repeatedly occuredBritain will stand with America so that the Japanese armada willcompared with the American fleet, be at a ratio of 3:10. Onequestion of importance is, which of the three mentioned imperial-American, and Japanese, confront Indonesia in a disunited fash-elements of unity and solidarity. Sooner or later, these twobetween Japan and America. and requires no analysis here. It certainly can be affirmed that sion and reaction, the PKI will be nicely assisted.part of the population placed under our leadership, we must stillknow beforehand the situation in the enemy camp, both amongthose in the country and outside, before we can launch a decisivestrike. The more shattered the situation of our opponents, themore advantage for us. We can say that the opposition by Dutchimperialism in the country succeeds in confronting the Indonesianpeople. The case is not the same as in Europe. The bourgeoisie,formed into the Conservative Party, the Liberal Party, and otherradical parties, in confronting revolutionary workers, appear tobe unified, but in fact deep divisions appeared among them. TheSocial Democrats vacillate between the bourgeoisie and the Demo-crats. The division between the European bourgeoisie in Indone-sia, especially as they spring from a different race than the localworking class, are not large in number, so the Indonesian peoplecan obtain more meaningful benefits in their division. No matterthe temporary solidarity of the Dutch bourgeoisie in the face ofthe Indonesian people, the unity of 100,000 is nothing alongsidethe solidarity of 50,000,000. ion. Between American and Japanese imperialism there are noimperialisms must defend their power in the Pacific ocean witharms. Still no one can predict with certainty the outbreak_of war lion people even though oppressed for hundreds of years will needtime. Nevertheless, precisely because of the ever rising oppres-Naar de Republiek Indonesia Naar de Republiek Indonesia If we, in areas outside Java-also in Java as well-wish to not be built in a day, then educating and organizing some 50 mil- at this time will disappear after the elimination of imperialism. Ifnon-proletarian elements, mostly outside Java, become aware thatin national independence, they, and not only industrial workers,will profitably produce material goods, then they will join withthe proletariat in the struggle to oppose imperialism. If Rome could We have to be capable to clarify that all obstacles experienced bysmall traders, peasants, and small producers, in areas outside Java with the local situation with all its differences throughout Indone-sia, more so than we have already achieved. We have to influencethe people of Jambi, Banjar, and Aceh, who are more or lessunder the sway of religion. If we still cannot join up with themthen we cannot speak of revolutionary leadership. It follows thatwe must then show that our program seeks to uplift material life raise up the levels of energy to the level of the revolutionarymovement, then propaganda and agitation must be harmonized areas we still have not won influence among the peasantry. Notonly have we run into reaction there, but we have scarcely pen-etrated the difficulties of living of these nationals and their way ofthinking. agriculture like tea, and rubber, still have not experienced change.Bandjermasin and Aceh, where fanatical wars are waged underthe banner of Islam are still foreign to us. In the above-mentioned minded, in the dark, and still not grouped with the rest of Indone-sia. Big mining operations, such as gold mining, tin, oil, coal, and our revolutionary power is still concentrated in Java and our ac-the majority in areas outside Java appear to us as country bump-kins or adolescents (Jambi and Palembang), self-satisfied, child- insuffiency of strength and tools, an insufficiency of knowledgeconcerning the regional situation outside Java is the main reasontivities are still limited to Java. Even if, here and there, communistpower has already blossomed (Ternate, Aceh, and in other places) outside Java and also inside Java itself is still not concrete andstrong enough and, because of it, not sufficiently penetrated. An

Similar difficulties will be confronted by Indonesia if after more It is apparent that intra-imperialist conflict is beneficial to us.Because we know in advance that an impending Pacific War It never easy to obtain independence right off During the last while the Dutch fleet and the Singapore Navy base are set up as thrown out. Dutch fleet. an encircling force, now is likely to be the right opportunity forIndonesia to demand national independence. This opinion is also mada is being prepared. For Indonesia, it is still not an easy prob-Indonesia and will consider any disturbance as an enemy of peace. than ten years the Singapore Naval base 26 and the Dutch navaldefences will have been completed. The connection between Sin-gapore and Australia will become clearer and the defence of In-donesia by Anglo-American imperialism will be entrusted to theHowever the problem is this: should we have to await the out-break of war or should we now claim national independence anduse all our devices to obtain it it now?may still not bring independence, and because we cannot wait Naar de Republiek Indonesiastill does not possess power and unity that is desired to dare tooppose itself against world authority like America and England atthis time. war we know that not one of the colonized countries (FrenchIndochina, British India, and Egypt) wished to sacrifice their strug-gle for independence. For Indonesia likewise, it also cannot beasserted that even in the eventuality of a Pacific war we can ob-tain a good opportunity to claim independence. Precisely the mat-ter depends upon the problem, who will win, and how long thewar will endure? But it is clear that in the meantime in the seassurrounding Indonesia the British, American, and Dutch naval ar-lem to speak about independence, much less to seize independ-ence. Anglo-America seeks absolute tranquility and security inMore than that because the British seek to defend the link be-tween Singapore and British Australia they will take advantage ofthe first opportunity to occupy Indonesia if Dutch imperialism is Naar de Republiek Indonesia Of course there is one certainty, that America will prosecute In the Kingdom of Japan itself there are those who oppose the class who hate and fear the onset of a new war on the basis of theslogan that Japan "seeks peace with whomever". The above-men-tioned economic and political pacts show that internally Japan militarist clique that holds authority over the entire political andmilitary apparatus in Japan is obliged to give many political con-cessions. According to news from early this year the parliamen-that the number of voters will increase from three to twelve mil-lion. In creating it, the militarist clique does not wish to create anew war (in this matter the militarist clique can defend the autoc-racy against the liberal middle classes). Late last year Japan al-ready reached an agreement with the Soviet Union. Even if thisagreement is directed against the Anglo-American alliance, it isalso used to win the blind loyalty of the working class and middle 40 on the new world war? will bring danger, namely, that the international working class underthe leadership of Moscow will transform world war into classwar. imminent Japan-America war. The natural disaster caused by anearthquake in 1923 caused great damage to the Japanese economymeans that it will require great effort and long time before it caneconomically recover to a level prior to the disaster. The move-ment to democratize Japan from an autocracy led by the middleclass and assisted by the entire working class continues. This move-ment is strengthened because unemployment in the country in-creases (according to the latest news more than three million)including many victims from the middle classes. By appearances,the movement to democratize takes a dangerous form, so that thetary system in Japan is modernizing and creating voting rights so ist powers will examine the current international situation and bringits policy of Pacific Penetration wherever it achieves victory ineconomic competition. A new world war is not essential for theUnited States to extend the area of influence, but this problem at least as can be seen from the outside. 25 That disaster for Japan

Viewed from the perspective of trade and strategy the situa-If Indonesia presently becomes a colony of Anglo-America If we conclude as to the situation of the enemy, both inside Moreover, Anglo-America will not permit Japan to occupy not a single large imperialist power that dared to carve up ChinaPrecisely at this time in China, civil war flared up such that bigingly, runs into conflict with its enemy in making its pitch. Be-Naar de Republiek Indonesia and occupy it even though they had the opportunity to do this.foreign capital interests in China suffered bankruptcy. Only thefear of intra-imperialist war caused them to stay their distance.Every player seeks to occupy the best part of China and, accord-cause each imperialist seeks to occupy prime position in China,the result is that none takes anything.tion of Indonesia in the Pacific is very important, indeed, suchthat there no imperialist power would allow it to be occupied byby the imperialist powers would quickly lead to disagreement andwar. Even more so, if Indonesia itself does not just remain passivebut exploits the division of its enemies.then the hopes of Japan to spread its influence to South and WestAsia will permanently fail. The Japanese aspirations for an "Asiafor the Asians", that is Asia under the heel of Japan will be futile.Japan, already forbidden access to America and Australia, will bepermanently isolated in East Asia.any point in Indonesia. Yeseboru Takakoshi, 27long-time mouth-piece (terempet?) of the Japanese militarists, wages a major war,and shook the imperialist world when he showed just how impor-tant were the Sunda and Malacca Straits. However, these twoStraits, each of them strategic points in Indonesia, if occupied byJapan, would mean a pistol in the chest of the British government.and outside the country, then we can say: "Fortress Holland in aneconomic and political sense". It remains in a clear adversary situ-ation apropos the revolutionary people. If, besides this, they don'twin, then they will strike tomorrow. Foreign imperialists remainin a troubled and divided condition and in the future years it will any other strong country. Every endeavour to divide up Indonesia Naar de Republiek Indonesia

3. We have not yet reflected as to whether immediate Indone-
4. There is a possibility that the Japan-America war will not
5. We cannot make our revolutionary tactics entirely depend-
   nesian independence. Last year we saw in China that there was dependence could cause an outbreak of the Pacific War. How-ever, it cannot be said that the world powers out of fear of socialrevolution will delay the outbreak of war for long. In fact, thiswould advantage rather than disadvantage the possibility of Indo- anarchistic actions (anarsistis). Of course in their disatisfactiongrowth of this revolutionary direction.sian independence would endanger peace in the Pacific. Such in- then there is a possibility that we will lose our leadership role overthe Indonesian people. Because of it our Party will remain miredwould lead to the outbreak of local rebellions or individual orIndonesian people will follow our revolutionary leadership as longas possible at least while the leadership manifests itself as an out- our actions dependent upon world war and the world revolutionin dogma while the masses will take their own path. This path we now strive to advance our goals and be prepared to face theconsequences of our revolutionary agitation.transpire and that a periode pasifistis or period of peace mustprecede the social revolution throughout the world. If we make Only if our revolutionary agitation is based on clear suffering ex-perienced by the people under the authority of Dutch at this pointin time, will we be capable of convincing the masses of our propa-ganda, so that the dissatisfaction of the masses will change tobecome a mass desire and mass actions. Following on from this strengthened on the following basis: would be opportunist and dangerous. There is no people that canendure long in a tense situation with imminent threats. Increas-ingly, if in two or three years the threats still do not become areality, then psychological tension will automatically become wide-spread. Revolutionary tension will become a way of life if it isbased on material conditions actually experienced by the people. 42 ant upon the outbreak of a Japan-America war. Tactics like that

We do not want to specify that there is any clear similarityBut in Indonesia it is not only the aristocracy that exploits, Under Governor General Dirk Fock and the Dutch capitalists Will Dirk Fock suceed in creating an exalted financial class to cal struggle, can then be convened. However, the nobility andclergy who feel their authority and special rights threatened willexpress their wishes to the king to have the gathering of repre-sentatives dissolved. The historic words of Mirabeau which wereeffective measures at the time "don't flinch until the bayonet isthrust upon you", truly brought us to a turning point in French asissued French independence and the aspirations of the Republic. much as world history. From the National Consultative Assemblybetween pre-revolutionary France and Indonesia at this time. Whatis really true is that both contain many important economic andpolitical similarities. circles. That is why the situation here is excessive. While the moneyscattered around all over the place in Versailles still occasionallytrickled down to the French people in various forms, ofthe moneythrown around in Zandveert and Scheveningen, not one cent everreaches the pockets of the kromo (small peasantry).nances in 1923 rose to a thousand million florins. Budget esti-Necker was incapable of doing anything because, until the end,onto their extraordinary economic and political rights. In the wordsstand over the brown coloured (berkulit sawo mateng) people of Naar de Republiek Indonesia lives luxuriously, and doesn't pay tax, but also Dutch financial based in Bogor, Indonesia faced financial bankruptcy. State fi-mates for the year 1921 showed a deficit of 285,500,000. In otherwords the expenditure for the year 1921 showed a deficit amount-ing to 285,500,000 over returns. Like Necker 29summoned byLouis XVI to improve the state finances, so Dirk Fock appearedin Indonesia to rescue the state finances from financial bankruptcy.the French nobility and clergy were stone-headed enough to holdof the Dutch villagers, pay tax even if the people are allowed todie from hunger. Indonesia? Naar de Republiek Indonesia Peasants, workers, and bourgeoisie, under the above-men-To ask the question, when is the right time to mount political In contrast to the pessimism enshrined in the writings of The way of life of the nobility and kings and their luxurious Now is the time for the PKI inside the country to struggle to tioned leadership, will one day join themselves together as one toclaim radical political changes. The creation of a "National Con-sultative Council" representing the whole people speaking for thenation, itself the successful culmination of the determined politi-The Indonesian Consultative CouncilVoltaire, d'Alembert, 28 Rousseau, and others, the French aris-me, the deluge"expenses on full display to the miserable people as if the worldwas created for no other purpose, except for them to pay tax.Misery, illness, and hunger, are found everywhere. And becauseof it the dissatisfaction of the masses increases. will be heard by the other conquered countries of Asia as well asby the shackled workers of Europe. tocracy preceded by spendthrift kings and even more spendthriftqueens led an extremely luxurious life. It appears that there wasno other view of life than that contained in the assertion: "After create its own organization, one possessed with sufficient cour-age and strength to seize and defend national independence. If,presently, after many small and large quarrels here and there, nowSarekat Sekerja, we can show consciousness, will, wisdom, am-bition, then we can finally strike our revolutionary blow, one that risking world war.actions for unlimited and complete independence, we must reply:"Now and not later". If at a later date we are not presented withsuch a moment, then we must say, "we allowed an opportunity to using political organizations, then using organizations of the 44 not be possible for them to meddle in Indonesian affairs without pass".

46 Naar de Republiek Indonesia

The earlier formulated plan to compel the sugar enterprises to guarantee better living and working conditions by expending some of the sugar capital was cancelled after he arrived in Indonesia. When he wanted to impose taxes on oil there arrived the well- known threat from Colijn, "Lift this regulation or else we will be close down the oil wells". Doctor Fock, obliged to nurse to health the otherwise sickly state finances, then turned to use a new instrument that even Necker lacked the courage to use. The first stage was to enlarge the navy and police forces and to raise the wages of the high officials. The second stage was to release the working class and decrease their wages, take back more from the suffering people and decrease the expenditure from people's schools and people's health. Thus he calculated the balance of output and the imports can be improved. Thus it was a measure exercised by a courageous state official otherwise usually exercised by political donkeys and sellers of nostrums at a time of hopelessnesss. How can the financial circles in Zorgvliet and Den Haag be satisfied with this? Variously, the imports and exports of such commodities as sugar, tea, matches, oil, and textiles, attract taxes, yet capital outlay can safely be re- couped from the burden imposed upon the consumer, ie. by easily raising the prices of people's daily necessities. The government pawnshops and the salt monopoly adds to the heavy economic burden on the shoulders of the kromo until they are pushed be- yond the limits of their capability. It is no exaggeration to say that an adult Javanese is burdened with one of the highest tax rates in the world. In the true sense of the word a Javanese owns nothing "except the air that he breathes". Is there any hope that the economic crisis can be overcome? Certainly not as long thousands of rupiah as dividends yearly en- ter the pockets of the Dutch capitalists in Holland. There is no other colonized land that is as financial drained as Indonesia, because in other colonized countries like Egypt, India,

47 Naar de Republiek Indonesia

and the Philippines, or in semicolonised countries like Persia, and China, inevitably part of the profits that remain in the pockets of the bourgeoisie will in whatever way be used domestically. Even if America or any other country is willing to lend millions of rupiah in capital to Indonesia, still the economic crisis cannot be overcome. Because millions of rupiah that have to be acquired annu- ally are squeezed from the Indonesian working class as remit- tances abroad. The economic future for the Indonesian people is even darker than that of the French people before 1789. Every Governor General sent to Bogor by the Dutch usurers, such as the case of Dirk Fock, was incapable of creating anything new except new taxes. There will not be a single Governor General capable of wiping out the deficit while the Dutch userers seek dividends. Because of this we are rapidly approaching a political crisis. The objective of all the conditions remains. The capability to or- ganize ourselves, political morality, and absolute consciousness belongs to us alone. But our path does not pass through parliament. That is pre- cisely what happens in British India, Egypt, and the Philippines, where a strong native bourgeoisie is found, where the importance of their economy is the same as the imperialist economy and because of it political authority proceeds peacefully. Thus, although there is no certainty, national independence in India, and Egypt, will more or less proceed with the support of the masses via a "dominion" or national parliament. Our path is outside of parliament. Our path is through the politics of the Sarekat Sekerja. The Indonesian National Assembly must be convened by ourselves and not with the consent of our enemies. The Indonesian National Assembly will undoubtedly be created at a time of vio- lent physical, economic, or political clash like local revolt, general strike, and mass demonstrations. This will become the climax of all our labours. The creation of an Indonesian National Assembly is a life or death problem in our struggle for merdeka (free- dom), a matter of "to be or not to be" in our fight against the

Heavy it appears to carry out its work of education under an You, the government, creators, givers of divine inspiration, But we do not hope for a utopia as if our road is short and Heavy is the work of educating the masses who for centuries At the time of writing this brochure, comes a report that our Mussolini, a man of absolute wickedness and reaction, inevi- sticks, from both our ruling class and a foreign ruling class, masseswho are obliged to cringe and beg as if that was a normal thingare reduced to utopian thinking and slave mentality. smooth going. The land is dark, difficult, and full of poison, that isheard the whispered messages of sceptical friends. How can wecontinue? have experienced nothing else but humiliations and blows from of character? Thus is the creation of a period of fascism.creations can crush us? Similarly, with prisons, exiles, blows withsticks, bullets, and other instruments from a dark world, your fas-cism will disappear like a snow drift in the rays of the sun.!!the road to independence. From left and right we have already disperse, except at the end of a bayonet".Thunderbolt to clean the airparty is threatened by "wild dogs". Peasants and unemployed areorganized and dispatched to beat our members into line with sticks.Such officials that have already committed murder several timesover are paid off and dispatched to make attempts on the lives ofour responsible leaders. These demonstrations from the dregs ofthe Indonesian people are organized to create fear, to humble andto provoke our members. Now Injo 30 is the name of Indonesianfascism.tably creates revolutionary instruments according to one princi-ple and principles for one political end. However, what principledoes the Sarekat Injo hold to except desperation and debasementintellectual planners, creators of this gloom! You think that your Indonesia. We must be convinced, if necessary to repeat "don't Naar de Republiek Indonesia Naar de Republiek Indonesia With the increasing suffering of the Indonesian people, mass This matter can be problematized if we are convinced that By convening the National Consultative Council we will dem-It is certain that we cannot take this important decision if we When Mirabeau uttered his courageous words, he actually to face the threat of machine guns and airplanes. economic and political actions can erupt at any time. If our eco-nomic and political organizations already attain the quality andquantity desired, if peasants, workers, traders, and students, re-ally desire a new and better life and clearly promote themselves,only then can we convene the National Consultative Council of holders of political and financial power.possible retaliatory measures by our enemies can be defended andcrushed with success. This problem, if not confronted beforehandby convening the National Consultative Council, will present thepower holders with an ultimatum.onstrate that the dominant powers that be are not capable of han-dling our problems, that we have confidence in wielding our ownpower, and that we can answer back to the retaliatory measuresof our opponents successfully. Accordingly, we wish to governour own domestic and external problems according to our ownviews and without the mediation of others, and that on this basisthe power holders must give us our place. The Dutch administra-tive and technical cadre, both military and political, can continuethey are prepared to work under the new Indonesian administra-and Sarikat Rakyat has to be stengthened beforehand so that allsections along with the Sarekat Sekerja will truly constitute a mili-tant force, prepared for our clarion call for action, and preparedknew that these words would reverberate among the extremelyactive workers in the towns facing Paris. If Louis XVI really used 48 to reside in Indonesia albeit under fixed conditions, so long asare not supported by the whole Indonesian population. The PKI bayonets, he certainly would have been faced with a general re-volt. tion.

China, April 1925 The time of hunger, suffering, and pariahs, such as the op-Fear of hunger, contagious diseases, and fear of extraction ofAnd the new era is breaking wherever the torch of commu-If, in the near future, we can hold out hope for your help in In the atmosphere of an independent Indonesia, intellectual Indonesia, to rise up to claim rights and independence, then thereaccumulated by the labour of Indonesians will remain in our taxes, police, and prison, also belongs to the past.Independence, Culture, and Happiness for all Mankind. know the Indonesian masses in all their capabilities and weak-There you will become aware how delicious it is to carry outsocial work and to struggle for and with the masses. There youtowns and villages, on the beaches and extensive mountains ofrevolutionary typhoon. country. Knowledge, otherwise controlled and distorted for thebenefit of Indonesian society. Art and libraries will find new groundon which to take root. Even more certain, Indonesia will soongrow in the field of economics, intellect, and culture.pressed castes of India, belongs to a past dark century.nism will lead the young Indonesian people to a final direction: nesses. There you will come to obtain an opportunity to use yourmoral and intellectual capability to launch the path of revolution.will understand the silence of life as an individual in a capitalistsociety. is no enemy in the world capable of opposing the wave of theand social energy will blossom faster and better". Great wealthbenefit of the Dutch capitalists, will soon blossom for the use and Naar de Republiek Indonesia Naar de Republiek Indonesia Also your class will not be free from suffering. There will Will you delay even longer while independence is seized by In the whirlwind of the coming revolution you will come to Heavy it seems to be to carry on the struggle with an unarmedBut truth is power, our truth is a struggle between those in Suffering, still deeply endured, and increasingly ill-informedWe call to the intellectual class! Haven't you heard the increasingly strident cry of the Indone- instruments of violence, an authority with exceptional powers us-force, void of strength, and surrounded by traitors, waging a strug-instruments of repression. throw and give victory to the strong. tion, will endure for a long time. You must also agitate like atellectual proletarian class". striding forward in the great struggle?them so that they alone will taste the delicious fruits of victory.No, such a low and feeble response does not befit you. Becauseof it join yourselves into our force. But quickly, so that your classcan also soon say with pride: "I will follow to help seize inde- themselves, trampling on the rights of people, and crudely usinging modern instruments of repression on a compliant Asian peo-gle against forces commanding gold, hirelings, and various otherauthority and those subordinated, which is the dialectic of thegrowth of capitalism, is the stimulus in our revolutionary strug-gle, and the force which rises up (incites) and inspires to over-reaction, will strengthen our forces in short time and sap away atthe enemy. come a time when colonial capitalism, now able to use your en-ergy will throw you away like a discarded fruit that has lost itssweetness. The capitalist disease, that is a crisis with no protec-thousand of your brothers in Japan and British India for the "in-sian masses for independence? Haven't you noticed that they are pendence". authority not averse to untruths, violating laws which they makeple.

23. The Djojo Bojo myth, given currency by the Japanese occupation of
24. This is a reference to the Volksraad or colonial parliament.21. Inlansche Verpendin; land tax for natives.
25. Multatuli was the pseudonym of Eduard Douwes Dekker whose17. Hendrik Colijn was the Prime Minister of the Netherlands who had18. Loosely, poenal sanctie involved a labour contract penalty leading20. VSTP stands for the Railway and Train Labour Union.22. The economic centre is translated as Surakarta valley in chapter five
26. The so-called Ethical Policy with its concept of "Debt of Honour",11. This is a reference to the Japan-USSR Treaty of 20 January 1925, 14. The Toli Toli revolt refers to the murder of a Dutch Controleur in15. The events of Priangan and Madiun are no doubt a reaction to the
27. The Diponegoro revolt, after Pangeran (Prince) Diponogoro (1785-13. The Aceh revolt in this part of northern Sumatra took the form of a
    of "Political note concerning the Indonesian Communist Party". See Harryversity, Ithaca, New York, 1960, pp.116.the Dutch East Indies, held that the "orang putih" would be driven out by a

J. Benda and Ruth J. McVey, The Communist Uprisings of 1926-1927 inIndonesia, Modern Indonesia Project, Southeast Asia Program, Cornell Uni-
leader of the Sarekat Islam. literary form but also a satire of a "certain type of Dutch bourgeoisie" whotheir wealth (see Vlekke, Nusantara: A History of Indonesia... pp.303-05).offered up a proposal, albeit rejected by the government, for a limited meas-ure of self-government for the islands of Sumatra, Java, Borneo, and theeastern islands. A repatriate from Indonesia, Colijn held key positions insuccessive cabinets between 1930 and 1941.to arrest and prison and forced labour on plantations for violators.

1855), engaged the Dutch in central Java in the 1820s. An undisputednational hero against Dutch colonialism. north Sulawesi in May 1919 just after a speaking tour in the region by athugs who, encouraged by the Dutch administration, attacked and intimi-dated PKI and Sarekat Islam meetings, especially in Priangan.book, Max Havelaari was, in part, a criticism of Dutch colonial policy inblatantly ignored the conditions under which Indonesians toiled to produce
represented, according to Legge, "an official attempt to foster as well as tocontrol the direction of social change". See John Legge, Indonesia, Prentice-Hall, New Jersey, 1964, pp.8-9.inter alia, establishing diplomatic relations between the two countries andrequiring Japan evacuate from the northern part of Sakhalin island.war against the Dutch in 1873-74. Still ongoing against rule by Jakarta,.rebellions in Aceh are strongly founded in Islamic solidarity. actions of the so-called Sarekat Hijau (Green Union) or gang members and

1. Under the "ultra-conservative" governor generalship of Dirk Fock, 3. The Sarekat Rakyat (People's Union) emerged in February 1923 out 4. Founded in Java in 1908, Budi Utomo was a pre-political organization5. Founded in 19ll by the radical Indo-European E.F.E.Douwes Dekker,6. Indonesia's first mass organisation, Sarekat Islam, was founded in7. A reference to the interests of the Morgan conglomerate in the US. 9. Swaraj Party; the political movement in British India advocating self-
2. The actions by students in China in May 1925 include anti-Japanese 8. The Dawes Plan refers to the scheme whereby post-World War One
   toward the nationalist movement was inaugurated" (see. B. H.M. Vlekke, uprising of December 1927. 1914-1939: Documents of European Economic History, Edward Arnold,1929 put a halt to this circular flow of payments. along with his successors, De Graeff and De Jonge, and strongly supportedNusantara: A History of Indonesia, V. Van Hoeve, The Hague, 1965, p.367.boycotts led by students in Shanghai, and the strike-boycott by the All-ChinaFederation of Trade Unions/Hong Kong Seaman's Union affecting a quarterof a million workers in the Canton delta, an important prelude to the Cantonof a split between the PKI and Sarekat Islam. At the end of 1924 the Partycalled for the Sarekat Rakyat, and its predominant peasant following, to liq-uidate itself and to concentrate all work in the hands of the more revolution-catering to the sons of the lesser nobility.the National Indische Partij proclaimed an "Indies" nationalism and calledfor independence. The government, however, refused recognition of the party1912. While having its origins in Indonesian trader's solidarity vis-a-visChinese competition, it was only notionally Islamic from the start and, upuntil February 1923, entered into a relationship with the PKI.Germany was obliged to transfer reparations to the European victors. In fact,these sums were then transferred to the US as loan repayments and interest,investments. As two economic historians have written, "Germany exchangedher obligations under the Peace treaty for obligations to American inves-link reparations with Germany's capacity to pay. Only the financial crisis of 52 Notes by conservative Ministers of Colonies in The Hague, "a policy of repression ary working classes. and banished its leaders. which, in turn, found their way back to Germany in the form of Americantors". [See Sidney Pollard and Colin Holmes, The End of the Old Europe,London, 1973, p.260] Following a review in 1924, an attempt was made torule.

54 yellow race.

24. Pasundan organization was formed in 1914 as a near counterpart to
    Budi Utomo, but for Sundanese. Jong Minahasa refers to the Young Minahasa Party of Sulawesi founded in 1918.

25. The Kanto earthquake of 1 September 1923 led to the deaths of an
    estimated 175,000 people in the Tokyo-Yokohama region and the destruc- tion of two-thirds of the urban area.

26. The Singapore Naval base was voted by the short-lived Labour gov-
    ernment of McDonald, which came to power in Britain in 1924 as a way of getting around the terms of the Washington Agreement preventing the con- cerned powers from building up a Far Eastern fleet. Construction proceded slowly under the Conservative government, was suspended by the incoming Labour government in 1929, but accelerated as the danger from Japan in- creased, especially with the Japanese occupation of Manchuria and with- drawal from the League of Nations the following year. See C. M. Turnbull, A History of Singapore, 1819-1975, Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1977, p.163.

27. The identity of this Japanese figure (Yuzaburo Takekoshi) remains
    obscure even in the Japanese translation of this book.

28. Jean le Rond d'Alembert (1717-1783) was an eminent Parisien
    mathemetician and philosopher, author, inter alia, of Precision of the Equi- noxes. Tan Malaka's Naar de

29. Jacques Necker was French minister responsible for economic re-
    forms in the 1770s. Republiek Indonesia:

30. This is a reference to the Sarikat Hijau, elements opposed to the pro-
    A Translation and Commentary communist forces. 平成8年3月25日発行（非壳品） 著者 Geoffrey C. Gunn 長崎大学東南アジ7研究所 発行所 長畸市片测4丁目2-1 印刷所三行宝印制市 長崎市幸町4-28