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  1. https://archive. 0 rg/details/cultureecologyliOOtani
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
the Tinombo Region of Central Sulawesi
Tania Li
with the cooperation of Sulaiman Mamar
Environmental Management Development
in Indonesia Project (EMDI)
EMDI
The Environmental Management Development in Indonesia Project (EMDI) is designed to upgrade
environmental management capabilities through institutional strengthening and human resource
development. A joint project of the Ministry of State for Population and Environment (KLH) and
the School for Resource & Environmental Studies, Dalhousie University, EMDI supports IG^H's
mandate to provide guidance and leadership to Indonesian agencies and organizations responsible for
implementing environmental management and sustainable development. Linkages between
Indonesian and Canadian organizations and individuals in the area of environmental management
are also fostered.
Currently in its third phase, EMDI has received generous funding from the Canadian International
Development Agency at each stage. CIDA provided C$2.5 million to EMDI-1 (1983-1986),
C$7.7 million of EMDI-2 (1986-1989), and is contributing C$31.1 million (base budget) to
EMDI-3 (1989-1994). Significant contributions, direct and in kind, have been made by KLH and
Dalhousie University.
EMDI-3 emphasizes spatial planning and regional environmental management, environmental
impact assessment, environmental standards, hazardous and toxic substance management, marine
and coastal environmental management, environmental information systems, and environmental
law. The opportunity for further study is offered through fellowships and internships for qualified
individuals. Within the publications program. The Ecology of Indonesia Series is supported.
Linkages with NGOs and die private sector are encouraged.
EMDI supports the University Consortium on the Environment comprising Universitas Gadjah
Mada, Universitas Indonesia, Institut Teknologi Bandung, the University of Waterloo, and York
University. Included in EMDI activities at Dalhousie University are research fellowships and
exchanges for senior professionals in Indonesia and Canada, and assistance for Dalhousie graduate
students undertaking thesis research in Indonesia.
For further information about the EMDI Project, please call or write:
EMDI Project
School for Resource Proyek EMDI
& Environmental Studies Kantor Menteri Negara
Dalhousie University Kependudukan dan Lingkungan Hidup
1312 Robie Street or Jl. Medan Merdeka Barat 15
Halifax, N.S. Canada B3H 3E2 Jakarta 10110
Tel: 902-429-3632 Indcxiesia
Fax: 902-429-3728 Tel: 62-21-380-7566 or 62-21-380-2183
Cosy: EMDIHFX Fax: 62-21-380-2182
Telex: 019-21863 Cosy: EMDUKT
Envoy: SRES
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
the Tinombo Region of Central Sulawesi
©
printed on recycled paper
EMDI Environmental Reports, 6
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
in the Tinombo Region of Central Sulav^esi
by
Tania Li
with the cooperation of Sulaiman Mamar
Environmental Management
Development in Indonesia Project (EMDI)
Jakarta and Halifax
Environmental Management Development in Indonesia
EMDI is a joint project of the Ministry of State for Population and Environment, Government of
Indonesia, and the School for Resource and Environmental Studies, Dalhousie University, Halifax,
Nova Scotia, Canada. It is funded by the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA).
EMDI Project
School for Resource
and Environmental Studies
Dalhousie University
1312 Robie Street
Halifax, Nova Scotia
B3H 3E2
Proyek EMDI
Menteri Negara Kependudukan
dan Lingkungan Hidup
Jl. Medan Merdeka Barat 15
Jakarta 10010
Indonesia
© 1991 Tania Li. All rights reserved.
Published 1991
Printed by Atlantic Print, Halifax
Author
Tania Li, Ph.D.
Social Anthropology, Dalhousie University, Halifax, Scotia, Canada.
Contributor
Drs. Sulaiman a faculty at Universitas
Sulawesi, Indonesia.
Nova
is Assistant Professor and Canada Research Fellow, Department of Sociology and
Nova
Mamar, M.A. is member Tadulako (UNTAD), Palu,
Canadian Cataloging in Publication
Li, Tania, 1959-
Culture, ecology and livelihood in the Tinombo Region of Central Sulawesi
(EMDI environmental reports, ISSN 1 181-6457; 6)
ISBN0-7703-0463-X
Tinombo Region -
conditions. (Indonesia) Social Indonesia Region.
Indonesia Region. Dalhousie University. School for Resource and Environmental
Studies. Series: Environmental environmental reports 1991 307.72'09598'4 Indonesia
  1. conditions. 2. Tinombo Region (Indonesia)- Economic 3. Land tenure--— Tinombo4. Rural development—
  • TinomboI. II. Management Development in (Project). III. Title. IV.
EMDI;6.
HN710. T56L5 C91 -097648-1
ABSTRACT
The study addresses the issue of livelihood security in the context of agrarian transformation in the
uplands of Central Sulawesi, Indonesia. has the practical goal of describing the which
livebhoods are obtained, and identifying ecological, economic and political/legal constraints to the
attempts forms of production such as of uplanders to their livelihoods agricultural based cash farming which radically production, and considers the secure. implications of between
population and environment by redefining the social relations of access to land and labour. Based
on detailed Indonesia and the region. local describes research, historical the study examines issues of relevance to and contemporary patterns of livelihood other upland areas three distinct agro-
ecological zones: the coastal zone, the middle and the inner In each case, current trends
are examined from explores cultural, political and economic aspects of the interaction between the three zones in the perspective of their potential to enhance or reduce livelihood security. Part
the broader context of the uplanders, the operation of local government, proposed development programs, and trade linkages and the wider economy. These include perceptions of the
within the with the regional and world Part Three presents
recommendations for consideration by and local government. analyses
household survey strategies and case pursued study data the area. each of the zones, demonstrating the diversity of
uplands of Central Sulawesi, Indonesia. It has the practical goal of describing the ways in which
make more adequate and The study analyses
optional and changing systems of new
tree alter the relationship
field many
in
Pan One in
hills hills.
Two
state official
hills and economy. some
national The Appendix
from
Uvehhood in
ABSTRAK
Studi ini bcrhubungan dengan masalah jaminan matapencaharian dalam konteks perubahan soal-
soal yang bcrhubungan dengan pertanian dataran tinggi di Sulawesi Tengah, Indonesia. Tujuan
praktisnya adalah menguraikan cara mendapatkan matapencaharian, serta mengidentifikasi kendala-
kendala ekologi, ekonomi dan politik/hukum terhadap usaha-usaha dari penduduk di dataran tinggi
tersebut untuk mengubah matapencaharian mereka menjadi lebih baik d^ lebih lerjamin. Studi ini
menganalisis sistem yang tradisional dan sistem yang berubah-ubah dari produksi pertanian, dan
memperhatikan implikasi-implikasi dari bentuk-bentuk baru dari produksi, seperti usaha-tani tunai
yang didasarkan pada pohohn-pohohn yang diusahakan, yang secara radikal mengubah hubungan
antara populasi dan lingkungan dengan mendefmisi uland hubungan-hubungan sosial dari akses
terhadap lahan dan tenaga kerja. Berdasarkan penelitian-penelitian lapangan secara lokal dan terinci,
studi ini mengamati masalah-masalah yang bcrhubungan dengan daerah dataran tinggi lainnya di
Indonesia, dan di daerah Sulawesi.
Bagain pertama menguraikan pola-pola sejarah dan kontemporer dari matapencaharian dalam tiga
daerah agroekologi yang berbeda; daerah pantai, daerah pegunungan bagian tengah dan daerah
pegunungan bagian dalam. Dalam tiap daerah tersebut, kecenderungan-kecenderungan masa kini
yang ada diamati dari potensi perspektipnya untuk mempertinggi atau mengurangi jaminan
matapencaharian mereka. Bagian kedua menyelidiki aspek-aspek budaya, politik dan ekonomi dari
hubungan di antara ketiga daerah tersebut, dalam konteks keadaan dan ekonomi yang lebih luas.
Hal ini mencakup persepsi resmi dari para pemukin dataran tinggi, sistem permerintah daerah,
program-program pembangunan yang direncanakan, dan hubungan perdagangan antara daerah
pegunungan dan dengan ekonomi daerah maupun dunia. Bagian ketiga menyajikan beberapa
rekomendasi-rekomendasi untuk bahan pertimbangan bagi pemerintah pusat dan daerah. Lampiran-
lampirannya menganalisis survei rum^tangga dan data dari beberapa studi kasus dari masing-
masing daerah, yang menunjukkan adanya keragaman dari strategi-strategi matapencaharian yang
dijalankan di daerah tersebut
V

5.

J
Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2015
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https://archive. 0 rg/details/cultureecologyliOOtani
  1. Introduction 1
    1.1 and
CONTENTS
Abstract V
Illustrations xi
Acronyms xiii
Acknowledgments XV
Part One
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood

History Culture 7
Interhousehold 13
Functioning 13
1.2.2 Interhouschold 15
16
Location, Livelihood Strategies 16
1.3.2 17
1.3.3 19
1.3.4 Plain 19
Foothills 21
1.3.6 Other Opportunities the Coastal 2k)ne 24
1.3.7 of Strategies 25
1.3.8 Patterns of 25
Hills 26
Location, Strategies 26
1.4.2 the Hills 28
1.4.3 Intensification of 29
1.4.4 to the Introduction of Tree 32
1.4.5 Use: of 33
1.4.6 Allocation: of the 34
1.4.7 of Class Differentiation 35
1.4.8 Issues the Hills 36
12 Households and Exchanges
1.2.1 Household Form and
1.3.1 Land Use and The Sea and SeaShore The Mangroves The Coastal
1.3.5 The
1.4 The Middle
1.4.1 Land Use and Livelihood The Swiddcn Cycle in Middle

Exchange
13 The Coastal Zone
Wage in
Combination
Consumption
Land Use
Background Crops
Changing Land The Displacement Food Production
Changing Land The Displacement Poor
The Emergence
Gender in Middle
vii

Hills 37
1.5.1 Location, Strategies 37
1.5.2 39
1.5.3 Forest 41
1.5.4 42
1.5.5 Interaction the Hills 42
1.5.6 Class 46

1.5 The Inner
2. Introduction 51
2.1 Cultural Distinctions 51

Land Use and Livelihood
The Farming System
The and Its Resources
Land Rights
with Other Lauje in
and Social Differentiation
Part Two
Linkages Between the Zones in the Wider Context
Culture, Politics and Economics
The Role of the State 53
Land Tenure Land Development Schemes 53 56 58
Trade and Exchange Non-Market Exchange Market Exchange 62 62 63

22
2.2.1 Local Government
2.2.2
2.2.3
2.3.1
2.3.2
3.1 Effects of National Laws and Policies

23
Pan Three
Recommendations for Consideration

Policy Considerations: 71
at the Local Level
3.1.1 Indigenous 71
3.1.2 Taix 71
3.1.3 71

People
Laws
Tree Crops
33 Programming Considerations: Development Approaches 72
Appropriate to Local Diversity
Appropriate to Local
Coastal 72
3.2.2 Hills 72
3.2.3 Inner Hills 73

3.2.1 Zone Middle

viii
Project Delivery Considerations: Reaching 74
Beneficiaries
3.3.1 3.3.2 3.3.3 Households: Groups: Authorities Voluntary and or Elites: Inclusive 74 74 75
Conclusion 77
.Appendix 79
Bibliography 112
3J tlie Intended
Women, Men and Children
Open Information and Incentives
IX

FIGURE 1 Transect Through the Zones 5

ILLUSTRATIONS
MAP 1 Indonesia xvii
MAP 2 Central Sulawesi xvii
MAP 3 Research Areas xix
XI
ACRONYMS
BAPPEDA Provincial Development Planning Board
CIDA Canadian International Development Agency
EMDl Environmental Management Development in Indonesia
KXN Student Work Program
KLH Ministry of State for Population and Environment
LKMD Village Development Board
LMD Village Council
PBB Land and Property Tax
PKK Family Welfare Education
RK Sub-sub-village division
RT Neighbourhood Unit
SRBP Sulawesi Regional Development Project
UNTAD Tadulako University, Palu
Xlll
Funding support for research has been provided by the
of State for Population and Indonesia project. a joint project of the University, Halifax. Indonesian Ministry
for Resource Funding provided by the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA). Studies the implementing unit Dalhousie University. for
the Indonesian collection translation University, research Palu. Drs. of also supported being Sulaiman the preliminary analysis of the findings. by CIDA. undertaken has collaboration together with the provided by with author on parts of the data the Sulawesi Universitas His ongoing participation Regional
the research research greatly appreciated. process. of and the assistance of LIPI, and facilitated staff are the
gratefully acknowledged. Special thanks are to Dr. Jennifer for allowing her
unpublished dissertation to be quoted, to Albert Schrauwers for providing copies of
archive material, and to the Missionary families Ogoalas for sharing the
through long experience the mountains. Dr. Muslimin Drs.
from and Lise Tonelli from Dalhousie University provided valuable assistance in the
Dr. Shirley the contributors Dr. Robert manuscript to Clark of helpful the present Dalhousie editorial study are the University, advice. people of the Dr.
area, the villagers the local and gave their time hospitality,
patiently intention that this study will enhance the answered questions, and carefully explained understanding of environment and development issues their views. the author’s
the area, of Indonesia. and contribute to the effort to improve conditions for rural people region
Canadian Social Sciences
and Humanities Research Council, Dalhousie University, and the Environmental Management
The School
at
Funding
Development Project (SRDP) of the Indonesian Directorate General of Regional Development
Tadulako
The Indonesian Research Council (LIPI)
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
this
Development in (EMDI) EMDI is
Emironment (KLH) and Dalhousie
and Environmental is
is
this document been
and Guelph
The is in
(UNTAD), Mamar worked
and collaborated in
in is
The support KLH EMDI,
due
at
in Tinombo
UNTAD
field. Conover and
Babcock of SRDP reviewed and gave
The most important
and district officials, who
in
SRDP UNTAD
Nourse
Dutch
knowledge gained
and Muhammad
and Tim
Tinombo
and
It is hope and
in this
XV

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Part One
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
INTRODUCTION
The research reported here has two goals. The first is an immediate practical goal: to analyse
livelihoods are obtained in the area, and to
how make recommendations
livelihoods are which obtained those livelihoods the area, could and to be to appropriate parties secure. research
area one of the poorest regions of Central Sulawesi,
are both minimal and precarious, and issues of survival present themselves a daily basis.
Livelihood security Ecological: which livelihood e.xpanding prices for Political/legal: obtained, Personal/conumuxity: acquiring education livelihood has several ensuring obtained, and where needs of current labour and securing legal and options, both components: the biophysical and diversity of livelihood products which rights from fear maintaining and of as an individual sustainability possible future generations. sources, are sold to land of eviction health kinds that and of the increasing as well the market. or displacement. and the permit the cooperation natural resource productivity to as stable to pursuance of a with others. base work, as range of well as
Experience has that simple solutions introducing to the problem a crop, of livelihood providing security credit such plans are
limited conception that has and execution, built and around the their impact notion of sustainable often negative development, or of limited with a focus benefit.
livelihood security, recognizes that necessary to begin the place where the poor are now,
with the resources they currently control, and the that they already have
(Chambers, 1988). steps, such as policies, programs and projects that do more harm
than to the poor, perhaps by displacing from their land and resources, have to be
avoided. Progress institutions, non-government a slow, collaborative organizations, and step-wise national fashion. or foreign Indonesian development
workers are to the development process, they require information
already there. This research a contribution to that information base.
institutional context which research being carried out favourable to the serious
use of research policy and programming. the Ministry of
State for Population population and devising approaches to for monitoring the sustainable interactions development in
the context of spatial planning. This study provides "on the ground" material against which
general approaches and policies can be tested. Funding for the research has been provided by
a project that supports the Ministry. the the area
has been selected by the Provincial as the focus of
rural development development research provides under an institutional data of strengthening direct relevance to the project (also design supported delivery of by rural
to appropriate parties
on ways in
made more adequate and The
is where the livelihoods of the population
on
from
is its meet the
Economic: ensuring a demand and fair
in
and other resources from which livelihood
is freedom
good ability
skills all full
in
shown do not exist:
moving people somewhere else, new-all
in is
Consensus up on
it is in
knowledge and skills
Backward
good them
comes about in If
government and
facilitate good on what is
is
The in this is is
and analysis in At the national level,
and Environment (KLH) has responsibility
between and environment,
CIDA At regional level, around Tinombo
Development Planning Board (BAPPEDA)
initiatives
CIDA). The and
initiatives.
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
The second goal of the research is to advance the state of knowledge regarding the processes
in upland areas. In particular, the research focuses
social organization of access to productive resources, including labour.
access rights responsibilities exercised through a host of social institutions
ranging from the family to the central issue concerns land tenure, which at the
heart of the interaction undergoing very rapid change, both planned and unplanned. in an agrarian system. physical
environment being transformed by the to plant tree crops of people, both local residents and outsiders. signiHcant in the long run are the
social relations that in the context of agricultural intensification, commoditization and
environmental degradation: sets of relations parents
children, less their hinterland population, Research reported affluent neighbours, traders, here, villagers as a extended over lenders and their clienteles, village in relation to the a period of time, monitors these
transformations they negotiate and shape their social and material world according to their understanding. outlined seeks to identify above are not only closely linked. villagers react to outside experienced forces, but rural
people obtaining secure livelihoods relate as to the configurations of
social relations in which their lives are as they direct material limitations (lack
of land, understand and address social issues roads, seed, credit the level of the household, the village and the state are solutions to material problems that to
unlikely to reach their goal. in the realities of everyday in the ongoing attempts to solutions of which are rural people to
and mechanisms of agrarian transformation in upland areas. In particular, the research focuses
on the changing Such
depends on and
state. A lies
between population and environment
The Tinombo area is The
is activities
The rush is one example. Even more new
emerge
new between men and women, and
more and money
elites and and whole
market and the
state. and
and how how
own knowledge and
The two goals The difficulties by poor
in and adequate much
embedded do to
soil, etc). Proposed fail
at
On the positive side, such analysis can lead
grounded life, and
improve their lot.
The Study
lie Tinombo
Six villages {desas) that near the border between the subdistricts (kecamatans) of
in Donggala, Central Sulawesi point along are the the peninsula, of the in the present coastal plain study. only villages are in or
kilometres wide, mountains reach almost to the sea. coastal settlements
accessible by dry season road only in 1980 the
opened. areas are accessible only footpaths which are often steep
slippery, rivers a result, the area considered remote by
outsiders. indigenous people of the study area, comprise the majority of
inhabitants, speak a language as Lauje, as the Lauje people.
transect the coast inland through the mountains in the traverses three
distinct agro-ecological zones, each with characteristic patterns of resource (see
Figure natural characteristics (such as slope and altitude), natural characteristics subject to change due agro-ecological zone used here to refer to a combination of unchanging
to vegetation) thus includes bio-physical typical patterns social of resource components, and focuses upon use that people are
historical processes of change in the relationship

1). The term is

and Tomini site The
Dongkas, Tinombo, Lombok, Dusunan and Tibu Kecamatan Tinombo, and Bobalo
Kecamatan Tomini. At this is one two
and The became
when still unpaved trans-Sulawesi highway was
The mountain by and
and require fording and streams. As is
The who its
known and refer to themselves
A from Tinombo area
management
human activities (soil, and the
engaged in. The concept and
between population and environment.
FIGURE
1:
TRANSECT
THROUGH
THE
ZONES
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
The zones hills
identified for the purposes of this study are (1) the coastal zone, (2) the middle
the three zones here correspond to local perceptions of the Lauje land,
people practices can distinguished. zone presents a set of opportunities
constraints for although diversity
to the resources physical characteristics of the resource base and the they are able to access the strategies they of social organization through which pursue. In each zone, the
resources are accessed significant, rapid transition.
Part of this paper describes the history of the area, the nature origins of the
cultural distinctiveness that characterizes each of the three zones. Physical resources,
characteristic sources issue of land Part transitions tenure. explores cultural, political and economic aspects of the interaction between the three of livelihood, and associated in process in each of the zones social are explored, organization are described. together with the
zones in the broader context of the implications of the view held by officials that the area, state people and their forms of production discusses the origins
are backward. This perception colours operation of local of
projects intended to "develop" the people and the local economy.
three zones with the regional are also explored, since these are
important material links local endeavour and the broader context.
Part takes a practical look the prospects for people in the area to obtain
adequate constraints, possibilities secure livelihoods than are presented, summarized in a series of recommendations majority enjoy. opportunities
put forward data provide support for the generalizations for consideration analyses data by both national household local surveys government. carried out Part about the characteristics of each in each of the zones.
zone, as well as demonstrating that households within each zone have unequal access to
resources, diversity of livelihood strategies. Selected households were studied in
detail, providing also describes
a transect through the three zones, indicating the differences interaction

(3) the inner refined distinctions micro-zones could

and hills. Although more between be
made, named way
and be Each and
making a living, there is
between households, according both
and
modes
and managed are undergoing
One and and
modes of
The major criticed
Two
and the wider economy. It and
its
the government and the design
Trade relations between the
and and national economy
between
Three at more
and the now Both and
and pitfalls
and
The Appendix from These
made in One
and pursue a
some added depth and quality of information. The Appendix
and between them.^
^The exchange rates at the time of research were approximately US$1 = Rpl,800 and CanSl
Rpl,500.

l.l HISTORY AND CULTURE

and economic in Tinombo is
Piecing together the history of cultural difference the area a
task, since historical records, whether wTitten or oral, are purposefully constructed
by an author, and are intimately related to a specific place, time audience. This point
central to the thesis of Jennifer Nourse, which shows both the interpretations of
Lauje history, the importance of such interpretations to political issues.
following Nourse’s work, discussion with the missionaries, inter\iews with Lauje elders account the author’s interpretation of history and cultural difference, based upon various locations
throughout the area, and analysis "no", of contemporary and not developments. or the term to refer
be used as a form of self designation by, the people living the
claim to originate from the area between Taipaobal (about the coast)
coastal judging from the exhausted state of the land, has been settled and farmed for the longest period This the area which, according to accounts
of time. Taipaobal an inscribed rock lying the center of the world", called Pola
Irandu, which figures that they are versions of Lauje one trunk", with a origin myths (Nourse 1989:74). although their ways of
are diversified, with the inner near center of the peninsular,
others the middle nature of the and similarities others and differences on the coast. that history characterize told by the as a people. Lauje focuses Although
there a sense which the Lauje have a history, their history,
and the place of various groups within differ markedly.
Originally, Lauje lived the because they were afraid to coast,
were vulnerable to attack by pirates. to the coast to
(Nourse 1989:74). While the diversification of economies occurred, so
that one group, to the inland side, focused hunting, the collection of forest
products for trade, and the production of root crops small forest gardens.
an mostly on secondary forest land. date, adopted the cultivation This division of labour of rice and corn, shifting cultivation pre-existing
cultural/ethnic choice, preferred differences individuals a relatively inland group referred the to by those two groups, agriculture. the or middle simply forest, a matter while others of
bela. term bela to related be familiar, to a verb, to help each other out various ways, to befriend including providing to
food relationship hospitality, political support or coastal people and families in the interior. case of a quarrel. used to describe the carries
positive connotations of mutual help reciprocity. point time, the term bela
acquired sources or referring to statements of informants derogatory reason, the connotations term bela of primitiveness, be avoided inlanders study, except consider the term. offensive. written
"inner people" to refer to the inland people, are not Muslim,
exhibit other signs of language, dress, that distinguish
people indicated by the purposely vague designation "more inland", and also by the them. designation "inner people" certainly a fact relative term, that adherence as
complex all
and is
diversity in
and present The
is
in
The term Lauje means it is known when how came to, and
in Tinombo hills. The Lauje
hill 15 km from and the
foothills. is of migratory movements, and
Near is "at
in many
The Lauje consider "all common origin,
life now some living in hills the
in hills, still The
on the them
is in common
interpretations of that
it,
all in hills live on the where they
They made occasional expeditions make
salt living in hills some
living more on
in The other group,
at unknown practicing
may have been based upon
between it may have been
some and small family-based groups preferring life in the
more sedentary form of
The more is in hills and on the coast by the term
The is membembelan, which means and get
know someone, and in
and and in It is
between certain middle hill It
and At some in
and some it
For this will in this
when quoting from
who themselves used Here the term
hill will be used more who and
who and lifestyle
them from the middle
hill below The hill is
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
to Islam, styles of dress and linguistic patterns vary by degrees, and not along clear cut physical
social boundaries. of variability is an additional reason to avoid the term bela,
and The range
which can give a misleading impression of boundedness, as the people so designated were a
distinct people". ethnic group. different interpretations of the inner people, origin of the differences asked, themselves simply "the Lauje living in
the inner living the middle interpretation that the difference
based location agricultural specialization. In the past, the groups frequently
intermarried, status
younger siblings" to "Children, generations year each other. the bela communities our ancestors in fed from, both communities oral history have Taipaobal Taipaobalers obtained by Nourse existed fed the the other have married each other for decades." for a long bela communities part of the part of the (1989:99) time... year. states:
alternative explanation offered by an elder in Taipaobal that there division
the Lauje living in the before the coming of the Dutch. escape Dutch rule,
ran off into the inner they were unable to
so to rely for food Taipaobalers, living the middle people for rice corn. into the inferior Their
younger siblings (Nourse 1989:68, 94). also considered that the inner
people exclusively wife-givers, that residence ideally patrilocal: Taipaobal
married the daughters of their trade partners, interpretation, the considers that there were to in differences Taipaobal.
the people living in the inner the other dwellers living in the
middle before missionaries either the consider Dutch, the differences or the arrival of Islam, which occurred people
the middle people to be very deeply rooted. are differences in vocabulary,
intonation distinguish the language used in the inner that used in
the middle coast, although they are mutually differences in
physique are notable: of the inner people are smaller, and have paler skins and curlier
hair than people in the middle although others are physically indistinguishable.
possible that or under the distinct Lauje label, groups rather than co-existing group the mountains have differentiated, as
informants claim.
Certainly, food exchanges based on differences in climate,
long been significant, close to the forests of the inner are identity. suitable for growing taro, which the
staple food of the people living there. grows continuously, without seasons, and, according
to the inner people those living the middle "never to finished". a
result, the people from the middle that specialise in rice
are vulnerable to pests, rely farmers to see through hard times.
to the inner communities to ask for food, either as a or in return for goods such as
coconuts, clothing, or tools which the middle people acquire during better times. According
to the informant quoted above, the inner people also asked for corn rice certain
which can give a misleading impression of boundedness, as if the people so designated were a
The hill when call
There are
between the people
hills and those in hills. One is is
on and two
and there was no
asymmetry between them since they are "both older and
An
For many
and the bela the The men
and women
An is was no among
hills To one group
hills. For fear of being discovered,
grow food and
began on in hills, and
dependence upon the generosity of the middle hill made them
The same informant hill
were and was men
women coming live
Nourse favours the former and between
hills and mountain below them
hills, coming of the
much later. The also
between the inner hill and
hill There some
and usage which hills from
hills and on the intelligible. Some
many hill
hills, It is
two more in
merged or been
merged one becoming some
soils and agricultural practices have
and are part of the definitions of cultural The more moist and
fertile soils hills is
It
and in hills, it seems be As
hills and corn, which have seasons and
on the inner hill them They
go hill gift,
hill
hill and at
History and Culture
times of the year, although, for reasons to be described below, that pattern is no longer
common.
in more
Before the coming of the Dutch the early nineteenth century, a definitive split occurred
the mountain people, of the group went to permanently on
the coast, converted to Islam, Kaili
Gorontalo. versions of Lauje oral history focus division (see
Olongian, supposedly on loan for a period of seven generations. office of Olongian
adopted attributes to other petty coastal Sulawesi, including an elaborate
set of roles for aristocratic based the royal court 1989:5, 76).
mountain people and coastal Lauje communities along the bay were required to
give tribute to the Olognian the form of rice and corn, a practice to the
1950s. In return, the Olognian, usually a undertook rituals to ensure the success of
their harvests, specialists agricultural villages (Nourse 1989:387n21).
also provided fresh corn seed to mountain people when needed (Nourse 1989:4).
coastal Lauje aristocrats them.selves as superior to the people,
dependent on the Olognian’s intervention to secure their harvests,
not clear whether the people the inner did not
lived very far from the coast, involved these exchange relations: quite likely they
not, others. since they see themselves, travelled to the area wrote day, as 1892 that people a tribe not to be ruled the mountains, by
regarded as an under group, and referred to by the coastal people as aboriginals. called
themselves the "Lado-Lado" actually the of an settlement in the
mountain although they were feared by the coastal people for their poisoned darts. west of Taipaobal). 10,000 considered peaceable,
themselves coastal disputes linked (van Hoevcll, into regional 1892:354). trade networks as early as the seventeenth century,
producing cinnamon stopped by the enforcement of Dutch spice trade
(Nourse 1989:87). part of a wider polity and trade system described by Dutch
visitors principalities in early the the region in the 1820s, recognizing a nineteenth century. signed agreements with coastal
claimed that a vassal state to his own. relate that as long ago as
(Nourse 1850, 1989:77). a major marketplace, dominated by immigrant traders (Bugis, of the products exported the area in large
quantity, for the region even the eighteenth century
(Nourse 1989:372n20). Forest products such as rattan also significant, linking
even the traveller forest noted as into early as 1892 the regional to cultivation (see of corn, rice 1989:353n3). tobacco,
and even some cocoa and coffee, over the there can be seen the signs of overcultivation
by these people" (von Hoevall 1892:345). referred to the foothills that can be
seen the coast, since he of hiking inland.

90). group that went dowTi to the coast took with the highest office, that of

among when some members live
and intermarried with neighbouring groups such as the and
Many on this Nourse 1989:75 and
The it ritual
The
common kingdoms in
officials at in Dusunan (Nourse
The Tomini
in some continued up
woman,
and placed in ritual in hill
She and rice
The saw mountain who were
ritual and who were animist.
It is in hills, who
grow corn and rice, and who
were in ritual
were this who do like
A Dutchman who in in was found in
They
(this is name inner hill
They numbered about and were
They seldom involved
in
The Tinombo area was
until monopoly on the
Tinombo was
in The Dutch first
Mandar sovereign based in Moutong, who
Tinombo was Dutch accounts
Tinombo was Mandar etc.)
Tobacco was one hill from
and this Tinombo was known around in
and resin were
most remote dwellers economy Nourse
The Dutch that, due and
"all hills
He most likely
from made no mention
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
The Dutch became a more prominent
force in local coastal politics at the turn of the twentieth
century, they conquered the Tomini region, instituted indirect rule via a series
of Bugis installed in a palace in Tinombo, just across the river
the politics ordered people down from the Lauje Olognian’s court the direct cause of the second Lauje diaspora, to the coast to plant coconut trees, (see 1989 for a detailed account in various of the as they
other forms Lauje remained permanently on the coast and of forced labour, building houses, roads adopted Islam. (Nourse 1989:93).
present coastal Lauje of coconuts, while others, slowly selling off their trees, dwells under coconut trees they do not own. population, of aristocratic prospered through the cultivation the landless labouring class that Lauje from
with the 1989:356nl, majority of 357n8). coconut trees, as well as with particularly at Baina’a wet rice fields developed with
After a few years, the people were starving because they had not been able to
the to return to their hill territory (Nourse 1989:93). Several of the middle
hamlets surveyed reportedly founded after an enforced period on the coast, in the 1910s. could or, either have as claimed by
the descendents, coastal in origin (and possibly Muslim), but
ran to the to escape dwellers rejected domination the by the Dutch. to to the coast, refused to submit to Dutch
authority, into the mountains. of being discovered by the authorities, and earlier patterns of trade were reinforced at this stage or the authority independent. of their submitted by the proxies, 1920s (Nourse 1989:7, 91). as noted above, afraid to plant gardens for fear resisted
as the inner rice Since 1920, the boundaries between the three groups of Lauje described here have people dwellers in order to obtain
blurred Differences forms of production have
blurred. gain their livelihood exclusively hunting, extraction of
forest products, cultivation of forest gardens of root crops. vestiges of the old forms
of exchange remain. In the 1980s, observed that "The bela trade
products, such as taro, rattan mats, roofing materials in exchange for Taipaobal rice
corn. Taipaobalers knives often (1989:62). ecological basis offer of the former patterns of exchange these exchanges. give have been undermined, cloth sarongs,
as the majority of people the inner corn, as well
as cash close to the forest frontier
cleared have a advantage food production over their erstwhile trading
partners in the middle land has, since the 1960s, declined sharply in productivity
as has for (Nourse 1989:61, to into 95). inner Access to land resources
forest frontier, reversing the earlier pattern of patrilocality (Nourse 1989:96).
of trade between the zones have changed: the inner people produce garlic, or
prepare rattan strips for they tend to take directly to lowland traders,
when Bay and
and Mandar Rajahs, who were
from at Dusunan Nourse
of this period). The Dutch were
hills
and to engage
and bridges
Some
They are the ancestors of the
commoner some whom
became
The
Dusunan ended up
the
Dutch
encouragement further along the coast to the west,
and Sidoan (Nourse
grow food, and
These been
is
Dutch allowed them
hill were
founded or refounded by returnees,
founded by ancestors who were
hills from
Many hill Dutch order move
Mandar and Bugis
Many had
may have remained They were,
hill depended upon trade with the middle
and corn.
more and more distinct. in
Fewer households now
and
still mid Nourse
and
market products in
and clothes"
The economic and
in hills now grow some
crops such as garlic and shallots. Those who live
gardens marked in
hills, whose
it become overworked and infertile
makes it attractive some middle hill men marry
Modes when
sale, them
and by fleeing further
The most remote
hill
become both
become more
from
Some
bush
and
They
and many grow rice,
on newly
hill communities closer to the
hill
where they get
History and Culture
hill who once
the best prices, by-passing the middle people served as intermediaries (Nourse
1989:62). middle people however, rely the taro by the inner
people to see through hard times caused by drought, pests,
harvests. since they either grow the inner people themselves, buy are maintain production of taro and cassava, their staples. with the proceeds of the sale of cash crops to ask for corn rice return,
dynamics of current patterns of non-market exchange between the zones are described in
detail inner Part communities, such as those a further aspect of ecological Lado-lado and Ogoalas, are transition, should be noted that secondary
forest people grassland that conditions have become identical the deeper distinct to those forests, most of them farming secondary forest land. are those based on religion. the middle inner 1950,
the pedple the middle began to convert to Islam, an act which they see as closely
connected with submission to coastally-based authority other aspects of
citizenship the 1989:60). to Islam are
the inner dwellers primitive, referred the to by both coastal pale. middle people and middle converts are those converts as bela, pains to
emphasize both their social distance from, and derision the inner people, ignoring or
hiding the ago. relations of descent and marriage that linked closely, barely a generation
Wild pigs are an important of economic element exchange between the and non-Muslim groups. cultural and ecological transitions, Since the midhill
Lauje converted to Islam, wild pigs have
the growing of root crops such as cassava almost impossible. highlanders
terms with inner people sometimes ask to help guard fields for a few
nights, and take with a harvest of pork. also ask to
gardens crops to plant cassava for and times taro that between gardens, but be relatively corn harvests, safe especially frequently, since they are said from pigs, the as an shallot
to be able to sense of transition in the difference cultural between styles pig eating and forms of production non-pig eating households. subtle
the designation bela or trade partner applied, say, to dwellers the past,
styles of production place of residence were, to a large extent, matters of choice not
descent Islam occurred from rigidly defined and Taipaobal, distinct as a result ethnic categories. of close links between an elder of that In the mountains, conversion to
the communities to the Rajah during east, such the 1920-50 as Patinke, period Polumele, (Nourse 1989:17, 91). hillside
communities to the west of Simoie and Taipaobal did not missionaries
believe that the religious divide has simply been superimposed upon the older distinction
that already division Since 1975, existed has proven a Christian to be quite mission has been the two groups, durable, particularly with the the hills at Ogoalas, Lado-lado line This social
further inland, to the north and west of the cultural and religious dividing line at Simoie and
Taipaobal. Interestingly, Christian residents of Lado-lado, farm in overworked
grasslands similar to those at Taipaobal, indicated that they would not like to go off and clear
The hill still, upon grown hill
them and waiting periods between
It is hill who now less likely and in
it it or, most
commonly, do without, as they still The
more
in Two. As it some
hill at now farming in
and in hills below them. Few
hill now live and farm in
The boundaries more From about
in hills
government and
in new Indonesia (Nourse Those who have not converted
hill now hill
meaning beyond The hill most at
of, hill
them very
in combined and in
new forms Muslim
become rampant, destroying corn fields and making
Muslim on good
hill them come and their
home them They
borrow a corner of inner
hill some will
emergency food store difficult in when
fail. Wild pigs also attack inner hill much less
and
The process is
and complex, since
some all hill in and
and
first in community
and in Tinombo Other
and Simoie converted subsequently. The
become Muslim. The
new
between boundary at Simoie.
in Lombok.
at work in and districts
all
some who
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
primary forest, or live near the forest people who are "different", besides which they like the
convenience of proximity to the coastal market. This suggests that the Christians have
developed their own sense of superiority in relation to those occupying the forest border zone,
a hierarchy based on degrees of civilization and primitiveness similar to that adopted by the
Muslims of Taipaobal towards all the people who live inland of them. For this reason, the
Christians object particularly strongly to the designation bela, since they see themselves as "the
Lauje people", not primitives, adhering to a "modern" world religion as good as any other, and,
they consider, more advanced in health, education, and farming than the Muslims in the middle
hiUs below them.
In the forest frontier region of Bobalo, where the cultural and religious dividing lines seem to
be less embedded than in Lombok, a somewhat different form of transition seems to be
occurring. In Li and Mamar(1990) the dynamics on the frontier were interpreted as a process
of movement and displacement, as the inner hill people clear forest land, then move further
inland while Muslim middle hill people fill in from below. From an ecological point of view,
this interpretation is correct: the forest along the frontier is cleared, and gradually becomes
more heavily farmed and settled; the people living there are unwilling to shift long distances to
allow lands to fallow properly, and, over a period of decades, the productivity of the land
deteriorates. From a cultural point of view the interpretation needs to be revised. It is not that
the Muslims from the middle hills displace the inner hill people: instead, some of the people
in the frontier zone choose to stay put, and gradually fill in the land with generations of their
descendents, while others choose to move off to other areas further inland, pushing at the forest
frontier, or to other distant places inland where they have kin and long-fallowed gardens. The
latter pattern is the one considered by coastal and middle hill people to be typical of those who
live in the inner hills: always on the move, and always in the forest. In fact, this image can be
misleading.
The communities in the inner hills are not highly mobile. Some communities have been settled
for many generations in one area, slowly adding to their stock of land at the forest frontiers,
and farming mostly on secondary forest land, commonly fallowed for five to fifteen years. As
they reach the boundaries of the available land resources in a particular valley, they have a
range of strategies open to them. They can begin colonizing a new forest area, ideally a
neighbouring valley, in order to establish a longer cycle in which they can move between the
two areas, allowing the forest to regenerate thoroughly during the fallow period. Another
strategy involves some members of the group becoming pioneers and moving off to quite new
and distant areas to establish a new settlement, although still maintaining rights to their old
secondary forest lands, which are borrowed in the meantime by those who stay behind. The
third alternative is to accept a shorter fallow cycle and, as population pressures increase, the
slowly declining productivity of their lands and/or a transition to a different form of farming,
with a different range of crops possibly more similar to those grown by the middle hill people
below them.
Those who stay for many generations in an area often do so because of a desire to remain
within reach of the coastal markets, and because they have become comfortable with the idea
of government authority. Those who convert to Islam, and begin to define themselves as
"village people" {prang kampon^, claim an affinity with the cultural and religious attributes of
the coastal villages, including the fact that their lands are more densely settled and farmed, like
a village, rather than being dispersed in the forest, as is the case with some of those living deep
in the inner hills. Having converted to Islam, and adopted a coastally oriented life-style and
identity, it is more difficult for them to move off deeper into the hills and become pioneers
Households and Interhouseholds Elxchanges
feel To move would
should they the need to expand their land resources. off entail living
the pork-eating "primitives", from they seek to establish a social distance.
Moreover, they have indeed lived for several generations delimited area,
e.xperience incapable of clearing of undertaking the huge the task. trees the primary or secondary forest, feel
Although zones, often between close relatives, clearly a factors the cultural religion involved and economic history described here are well known elsewhere an apparent the choices cause of the social expressed. that have set of political, social occurred the Southeast Asia; frontier
long-standing products, exchange and others specializing relations between agriculture; the conversion of diverse indigenous groups into people specializing the extraction of forest
coastally oriented, Muslims, associated with form of court based
the of ethnic group boundaries, such that a the "Lauje", does not coincide
with a (Rousseau distinct social 1989). group clearly defined by descent, language, or other characteristics
understanding of history and cultural difference essential to the analysis of contemporary
forms of livelihood. provides a perspective from which to ask (and ask repeatedly,
as positions change): are these people, are they here, help explain
practices and conditions that are observed? These questions are addressed detail in the
description 1.2 of the coastal, middle are undertaken and inner by individuals, zones. households small groups. Before
proceeding to the analysis of livelihood strategies each of the three zones, appropriate
to describe characteristics of the social organization of production. Variations
specific to each of the three zones are described further the sections below.
FOIUM
household being however, about used as the jointness the focus of description or coherence of the the present household economy. study. assumption relations
between genders married couple work and relations within generations the household follow a pattern familiar elsewhere together, within the especially household the production of staples, to support themselves need to in Southeast Asia.
their children. a sexual division of labour for tasks such as clearing
and planting, require. but wife not very rigid and there cash crops such as shallots substitutability separately (on separate circumstances or
separate either case, the proceeds from sections of the the sale of the crops tend to be divided equally between husband or they can produce these crops as a joint venture. In
wife, or wholly by the wife behalf of the couple. thus have a
considerable which are degree key elements of the hillside cash oriented economy. production, especially shallots garlic

1.2.1 HOUSEHOLD AND FUNCTIONING The is in No is made, The

among whom
if in one many have
no in deep and
is rifts in
more complex and economic
is in made and affiliations Three prominent themes in
in
in
in
Malay speaking, some elite;
and fluidity name,
An is
life and It
who why and how does this
in more
hill hill
HOUSEHOLDS AND INTERHOUSEHOLD EXCHANGES
Economic activities and
in it is
some general
in
be analysed explicitly.
Economic
A in
and There is some fields
it is is some where
Husband and may produce fields
same field),
and managed on Women
autonomy in and
in
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
women
In principle, married are entitled to keep to themselves the money they earn from their
"sideline" such as growing shallots, vegetables or groundnuts, weaving mats,
raising chickens wife’s (and children’s) "private" production often quickly absorbed by the household’s day to day needs. relationship trade. Hill side fields often In practice, married have sections set aside for described the economic the profits are
traditional to have begun planting new trees under their inherited coconuts, as their right value the independence and security lazy maintain to in farmwork. control over assets their earn separately inheritance, nevertheless gives them, especially such as coconut very important their trees. to the coastal investment
separate their better husband, this way, others in case he marries another". expressed a desire to same. in the
have begun to divorce, plant their trees, likely that others will entitled to equal shares of assets acquired also wish to so.
during the marriage, since they have laboured together. This does not always out in
practice, the area particularly to rejoin other with relatives. assets such as fenced fields cocoa trees, the wife leaves
Accurate to obtain. registry in
records a total of only divorces and abandoned 1-2 divorces per village over encountered the in the year period course of household interviews, 1985-89. the
clear this figure under-reported. costs of registering marriage, Rp25,000,
divorce, Rpl5,000 the extent of reporting low. Divorce has traditionally
recognized fines not casual. Single adult the people of the inner Elders divorced, attempt to resolve conflicts their
account. in separate households, especially age, with or without they are elderly children, or have are children to likely to
with a parent, their assets sibling or other relative. distinct part of complex households, although
have joined. themselves and their children. or earn working alone grow the whole range of crops familiar independently, in an attempt to support
in the labour, should corn, be necessary to clear forested land, some rely upon the assistance of tobacco, shallots, groundnuts and vegetables. In order to access relatives;
others enter into arrangements with neighbours: an a land-
short neighbour remaining half for her. to use half her plot of well-fallowed land for a year in return for clearing the
children are expected to help with domestic tasks, especially the care of siblings. Hill
people in the vicinity of the hinterland schools noted that there has a in the
division to care for of household their the younger labour husbands to the ones. since children fields started until the attending afternoon school, preventing the older children return
own activities,
and goats or petty
activities. women’s
A woman
between husband and wife as one where you "Work separately but eat together."
The own and is
women, who it if husband tends
gamble or be
Women own Some
women own
from and do the As one woman
warned "it is Some married women hills
own and it is do
Upon husband and wife are considered to be
work
new and if
statistics on divorce are hard The Muslim marriage Tinombo
five From
number of women
it is is The and
may keep been
by hills. fairly, and
impose and other sanctions upon the offending party so that divorce, although common,
is
women, whether unmarried,
abandoned or widowed, farm on own
Some live if
accompany them. Those of marriageable more live
They thus form
and sources of livelihood are often
from those of the household unit they
These women farm income
Women
hills: rice, male
it
example is widow who allowed a
Young
new been shift
women from
accompanying when
Household and Interhouschold Exchanges
work and
Older children as labourers, plant engage trade as early as they wish
are able, and their considered their personal property, not to be pooled with that of
their parents. Girls as as ten to sell the market or school.
fourteen both boys and girls their which they plant shallots,
or other cash crops. not generally plant staples, the provision of which
the responsibility of the parents. In the case of girls wishing to plant cash crops, their father
helps to clear a or allocates a section of the parents’ for the daughter to plant
independently. sisters help a
return for their efforts the cash after the that
children their labour to their parents as repayment for their upbringing, nor they
necessarily contribute to the daily consumption expenses of the household which they reside,
even while earning cash. Parents appear to encourage early independence rather than seek to
maximize access to their children’s labour order to achieve collective family goals.
Children choose to ask their to save their for them, asking for
they wish to buy clothing or other goods. the middle
try to accumulate sa\ings for their since they are expected to contribute a
major share of the cash to the bride’s family the area being Rpl-
500,000). Parents have the ultimate responsibility for the payments, however, have to
provide cash or suffer arrangements as planned. Other
relatives of the also contributions to the In the inner
service than a large bride price: the couple with or near the
bride’s family for a period of time, helping with the farming of her parents while
turn receiving help as the couple to establish an independent bride
price paid with traditional exchange items, brass and ceramic platters, which have circulated
the for generations. of the emphasis on the economic independence of children that their labour and
capital are not freely available that of parents struggling to provide food
education to younger siblings, or wishing to undertake major projects such as developing
land. children of the poorest people on the coast or the lower are least likely to
be around outside. to help, since they are the ones leave the village
Parents seek to treat their children equally in terms of inheritance. Assets such as coconut
trees are not passed on until the parent’s death. Other productive assets, such as farm land,
are lent to children for use, but usually not distributed until the parents’
death. This practice changing, with children wanting more definitive rights to their parents’
land an earlier stage, order to be able to plant trees

e.xtra embarrassment if do not go groom make assist young couple. hills,
1.2.2. Interhousehold exchanges

fields, in and
income is
young make snacks in at From age
may have own farms in ground nuts
Unmarried youth do
is
them field, field
Mothers and may
boy to weed, but expect some consideration in
when comes in harv'est. There is no suggestion
owe do
in
in
sometimes mother money it
when Young men in hills and on the coast
wedding expenses,
payment (common sums in
and
groom is more common lives
activities in
try economic base. The
is
in hills
An outcome is
to augment still and
new
The in hills
who seeking wage opportunities
all
hill
when needed finally
is
at in on it.
other activities,
There and
are three distinct forms of labour exchange for farming such as
housebuilding. mendulo, which to help voluntarily without direct
recompense, out of of kindness. often close relatives
neighbours, ideally the notices to help out. the other likelihood that by a large the party receiving assistance will task, shows
help in turn not stated or calculated: see daughter
having go over and help her".
One is means and
a spirit It occurs most among and
when one overwhelmed and up
unannounced at field The is
on another occasion, but this is "when I my
is difficulties, I

1.3.1 LOCATION, LAND USE AND LIVELIHOOD STItATEGIES The zone described here

Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
The second form of labour exchange is mendunduluan, which means mutual help, and refers
to a definite agreement among a group of people, usually kin or neighbours, to work for a day
on each others farms in turn, until the cycle is complete. Two to ten people commonly
cooperate in this way, men and women forming separate groups. The tasks undertaken can be
diverse, fencing on one farm, clearing brush on another, according to the task that most
urgently needs to be done.
The third form of exchange is mesug, which involves inviting ten to twenty specific households,
some perhaps from further away than the immediate neighbourhood. They are called to work
for a day on a large task such as planting rice or shallots, or clearing land. Food must be
provided, preferably a sweet snack and rice with fish, although cheaper substitutes are also
offered. The cash outlay prevents many households from engaging in this practice. There is
an expectation that labour given in a mesug will be returned at some future date, although
records are apparently not kept, and the importance of return is not stressed, since a return in
the form of food was provided at the time. It is the household that is invited to participate, and
husband, wife or working aged child can represent the household. In both the mesug form of
exchange and mendunduluan, the worker is expected to be able bodied: not too young or old
to do their share.
Apart from labour, food is the most significant item exchanged between households, particularly
those in the hills. When corn or rice is harvested, up to one third is given away within the first
few days to kin and neighbours who come to help with the work, or who are invited specifically
to come and collect a share to take home. Reciprocity is expected, but not calculated: the
family will in turn taste the harvest of its neighbours and kin, the amount they receive
depending on the success of the harvest and their own needs at the time. Root crops are not
harvested at any specific time, but when requested are given freely among kin and neighbours.
These forms of food sharing act to ensure a continuous supply of staple foods in between
harvests, and a security net should a harvest fail. It also provides some security for those
unable to provide for themselves for whatever reason. People claim that there is no shame in
asking for food from kin and neighbours if yours is not ripe, but also feel that free-loading, or
expecting others to provide for your family all the time, is unusual. As one farmer stated "if
I did that, these eight children would never have grown big."
Food exchanges between people in the different zones are also highly significant in the local
economy. They were described briefly above are explained in more detail in Part Two.
On a day to day basis, households are autonomous in their economic activities, endeavouring
to meet their own needs for food and for labour, and asking for help from others only in
certain circumstances. Changing social relations of production, both within and between
households, will be the focus of further intensive research.
13 THE COASTAL ZONE
and the nearest
includes the sea, sea shore, mangroves, coastal plain,
foothills to about one hour’s walk inland.
the Tomini Bay, stretching along the coast from plain in this area the village of to Bobalo. in a few places there are river
facing the coast up The research area curves around
Dongkas The coastal
is seldom more than a kilometre wide, although
The Coastal Zone
hundred
valleys comprising a few meters of Oat lands that extend the coastal type of land use
pattern as far as two or three kilometres inland. river valley land prone to flooding.
Sia\'u Important stretch of road linking the stores of the zone rather than the middle of this land. River flooded for seriously rice cultivation. because 1989, distinct washing from other locations along the coast foothills are predominantly the coastal dwellers trees, livestock, traders at the here as part of the coastal foot of the an to the in having use
are usually pursued a combination. of gaining a livelihood differentiation, the based mainly upon the ownership of the coastal zone, several of which are
coconut whole coastal population. groves, quite associated marked, following subsections describe the patterns of use, allocation and with each so that not important strategies resource, are accessible the characteristics or desirable of for the the group
incorporating the resource into livelihood strategy.
1.3.2 SE-\ SF.^VSHORE
Since they descended Gorontalo area further to the coast, to the east. fishing population, but they consider that the originated from the
of the villages play has a small sea fishing percentage or of households the processing (5-15%) marketing involved of fishing. so
discussion relates primarily to the of men. in a
range of of which arc joint ventures with their husbands (such as
seasonal side farms) solely and others, on fishing such as for their source petty trade, of income. they pursue significance independently. of fishing in
their overall their fishing livelihood equipment. strategy depends large part on their capital resources as reflected in
expect to gain higher returns. seasonal hillside corn farming, which
by their standards an of low productivity, but are investing tree based cash
crops they can obtain access to suitable land. Line fishermen, a boat
(perahii) claim that fishing provide only "enough to with
a day to order to a few kilograms of rice perhaps a
average Because of monthly and seasonal cycles daily return about Rp2,500, the fishing patterns, equivalent of a day’s as well as the unpredictability of the for labour.
weather, line fishing cannot be relied as a principal source of income. regarded
instead as a side-line. favoured season June to September, the winds
onshore, while oar-powered boats out the size to of the catch considered sea. and the distance dangerous of the as winds village the west can
sold twice daily market. village by foot or bicycle, find that their fish or sold instead the spoils
or to they arrive after a long paddle against adverse winds. few
well capitalized fishermen and entrepreneurs invested outboard motors to
pull a group undertaken by of ten perahus for line fishermen. a daily fee of Rp2,000 warrant, each. Salting the species caught not
The is
The in away homes and
Lombok hills
Tinombo market. The Tinombo area is
no land suitable wet The described
hills it is who make
There number of modes in
in Class
is all
The
management and
its
THE AND
some Lauje have become fishers,
skills, and possibly some of the ancestors of the present
Each five in
Women little role in in and fish, this
activities The wives of fishermen are engaged
economic activities, some
hill which
No men depend The
in
Those who have more expensive and more productive equipment can
They seldom engage in is
activity some in
if some of whom own
their activities fish eat", some over on
good sell in buy and
bag of sugar. The
is wage manual
in
upon It is
The is when blow
September December is from
blow the to
Depending on home from Tinombo, fish
may be on the beach, peddled around the at
Tinombo fish Fishermen from Dongkas sometimes
fails sell if late in Tinombo A
in Tinombo have in
and drying of fish is
If quantities some of from off-shore
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
rafts (rompong) can be dried, but only one relatively highly capitalized fisherman preserves fish
for sale in other markets as far along the coast as Parigi. The majority of the fish caught is
sold and consumed immediately, since there is no refrigeration. Several fishers consider the
localized nature of the markets to be a limitation on the profitability of fishing, and a
disincentive for further investment in the fishing sector. Some fishers note a decline in near-
shore fish stocks since the destruction of the mangroves (see below).
The fishing equipment in common use and its approximate capital costs and returns is as
follows:
Rompong: a bamboo raft, anchored to the sea bottom by means of a weighted rattan
line about 1 km long, and positioned 2-5 km from the shore. It acts as a "fish
aggregating device", the fish actually being caught by lines or nets (see Zerner, n.d.).
Cost estimates vary from Rp50-250,000, depending on size and how much of the rattan
is purchased rather than being collected directly from the forest. It lasts at most a year
before the lines rot and the raft is lost in a storm. It is sometimes owned by two or
more people in partnership, because of the large capital investment, and the necessity
to check the device daily. Fishermen estimate that they have a major catch, valued at
about Rp30,000, at most twice a month. The men line fish on the way to inspect the
rompong, a task that must be undertaken daily.
Pukat: a seine. Two types are in use. A large beach seine, used near the shore,
requiring a specialised large perahu manned by a crew of eight men. The cost is
estimated at Rp4-600,000 for the net, and Rpl50,000 for the boat. The catch is
divided, half to the crew, and half to the owner of the equipment. A small seine,
measuring one meter by one hundred meters, is set by one person along the edge of
the mangroves. The cost of the net is Rp25,000, and the total set is Rp60,000 including
weights and lines. The expected return is Rpl-5,000 per day.
Milkfish nets: these are made of green nylon mesh on a triangular bamboo frame, with
an area of about six square meters. They are pushed along the sea bottom near the
shore to catch the minute, transparent milkfish used for cultivating in fish ponds. The
nets, which cost Rp25,(XK) are owned by a dealer, and loaned to fishing families who
receive Rpl5, rather than the market price of Rp25 per fish. The dealers appoint a
local fisherman to act as an agent, in return for a ten per cent commission. The peak
season is during the monsoon from the east, when families can earn Rpl,500 to
Rp30,000 per day, men, women and children taking it in turns to use the net
continuously. Households whose production is insufficiently high find their net
withdrawn by the dealer. This form of fishing has occurred only during the past five
years.
Perahu: a wooden canoe made locally by specialists. The price of a new two-person
perahu is Rp60,000 and a one-person perahu Rp35,000.
Baskets: without boats or nets, large groups of women catch anchovies {nike) in the
river mouth when there is no moon, and dry and salt them for sale and for their own
consumption. Men sometimes use the large beach seine for the same purpose, and can
catch up to 35kg of the fish in one night, valued at Rp750 per kg when dry.
Vie Coastal Zone
River fishing: the river further inland, people for small
diverting the water flow then searching beneath rocks using goggles
glass a spear a sharpened bicycle spoke.

1.3.3 THE NLANG ROVES

at mouth and fish prawns by
and made from
and bamboo, and made from
been on open
have traditionally used an access basis as a source of house
building poles and fuelwood for local domestic use. depletion began in the early 1980s,
the opening of the coastal road the forest accessible to passing trucks,
which to Palu, to fuel serious
depletion took place 1986 1988 during the rattan extraction the
forested inland areas. rattan brought to the coast, undergoes a sealing
process invobing being dipped hot kerosene. kerosene heated metal
cauldrons suspended over properties, used
to heat the rattan dipping plant located on the edge of the former
from the western section of Desa Silabia land has through designated of for the development of fish
ponds, 1-5 hectare allocated free of
charge. Subsequently, undeveloped plots have been changing hands for Rpl50,000- Rp300,000
per hectare, although have yet to be issued. information the
application successful applicants were government opportunity advertised, applied, or local dignitaries any unofficial costs involved.
local families acquired rights through process, and the new owners have begun to enforce
exclusionary such as forbidding fuel gathering the formerly access
land.
cost of developing a fish the range of Rpl-2,000,000 per hectare. are
various stages of development, but few the Dongkas-Silabia area are yet production.
lack of standing even the acquisition undeveloped land, although some new shoots can be seen. of development credit.
labour digging out the ponds using shovels scoops undertaken by
younger men. strenuous work paid at a rate of Rp5,000 per cubic metre (1-2 days work),
averaging Rp3,000 per day per worker.
Several local fishermen mentioned the loss of mangroves as factor in declining stocks,
although others to be of any association. pre-or post-development
impact 1.3.4 studies have been undertaken.
coconut coastal land. trees planted the decades of often thought of in connection with trees. the century occupy the majority of the
are land in existence, but the of documentation the
registration of sale and purchase of trees (Acte Jual-Beli). written up to
apply to particular trees, In the past, metres surrounding them, or to a apparently set of trees distinction
versions. the rising for coastal land for house construction, tree crop
plantations either under or in place of the old coconut trees,

The mangroves

Some
when made mangrove
if empty when returning would stop fdl up with wood. The most
between and boom in from
The is down where it
in The is in huge
pits. Mangrove wood, which has good burning is
oil, and during the height of the rattan boom large quantities were being consumed
daily. A is
mangrove area which runs
Tinombo at much Desa Dongkas.
About 40 hectares of former mangrove been
and allocated to applicants in lots. The land was officially
titles There is no on how
was how many
Many officials and from Tinombo. Few
this
rights, wood on open
mangrove
The pond is in The ponds
in in in
The titles hampers There is little mature
mangrove left on the
Wage in fish hand and is
It is
a fish
seemed unaware No
THE COASTAL PLAIN
The in first still
Ownership of coastal land is still There
some titles most common form is
The document can be
and the five
and the land
in between them. many vendors made little
between the two
With demand and new
smart buyers try to insist on the
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
latter version, and look out for coconut trees that are distantly spaced, thereby acquiring more
land for the price of the trees.
ownership thousands of trees by having their agents look out for trees going on of basis. coconut trees estimate that one Chinese entrepreneur, not evenly distributed. individuals have in
although he lives bay. in Palu, in each village typically the coconut 1-500 trees trees per family.
households that have inherited 10-20 trees, not to their livelihood
but to secure of people living on rights to the land the coastal plain, along the their house shore, along the road,
paths up through the trees to the foot of the are built. underneath coconut trees that belong to others. to build temporary houses of wood and bamboo, and they are permitted their houses
to plant short term crops such as they wish to plant tree crops under
the old coconut trees, an agreement can
trees half each once they into production. fenced their house lots and planted
house gardens. Others state that the land poor sandy, insufficient so
not worth pigs, goats the labour that would need to be invested fencing or guarding the crops from
Labouring the coconut sector are a major source for of the non-
coconut owners coastal plain. All the tasks are paid basis, the
fees varying with the level of specialised involved, also with the price of copra.
tasks are: climbing the trees to knock the picking up the fallen
bullock cart; transporting the by cart; processing the copra cutting back the
undergrowth from the trees. given permission for people to live under the
trees, they expect return that the land be kept clear of undergrowth the trees
guarded from are as follows: picking coconuts copra processing picking up/loading cart transporting clearing undergrowth fees coconuts by bullock per per tree, range 10 day process cart Rp3.5 tree, average for coconut related labouring (not per Rp2,500 per day time), Rpl2,000 activities for 2,000
tree harvested every three months, but there are seasons as such. In theory, the
coconut workers could be employed continuously, as they harvest trees, then
another, rotation. at their In practice, specialized there are task only about ten days per month. for their work, a few owners
that skilled workers often take loans from their employers, a factor that can be reflected regularly, so that an open labour market scarcely In in the piece
rates that they receive for their work. copra prices from in
1988 to processed. with few trees kilo 1990 decide has led to to use a reduction the for other purposes rather the sector, than having as
land for the price of the trees.
The is A few amassed
sale, and buying them up
on a piecemeal Some
who was born Tinombo
now owns 75% of all
and coastal land around the
Tomini The elite own There are many
enough make much impact on
enough them upon which is built.
The majority and along
hills, do not own the land upon which
They live They obtain permission
from the land owner
banana and cassava. If
sometimes be made with the owner to share the new
come Some have
is and and has rainfall,
it is in
and cattle.
activities in income some
who live on the
on a piece rate
skill and The
down fruit; fruit and loading the
fruit and
Where owners have
in will and
fire. The and estimated daily returns
-Rpl50-175 per Rp2-7000 per day
-Rp6 fruit, full
fruit
-Rpl fruit
-fruit
-RplOO per
Each is no
first one owner’s
in more labourers than demand and
most work Most have
call them exists. between harvests, the
The slump in Rp500 per kilogram
Rpl90 per in in work opportunities in
owners may fruit it
The Coastal Zone
Anyone is coconuts fall in between and this
entitled to pick up that harvests, resource forms
the basis of the coconut processing undertaken by the majority of poorer
living limitation the coastal plain. Children usually villages gather the the absence of a grinding mill to shred the coconut and to the
for processing. can be seen walking from Silabia to back, seven
kilometres, to use the mill there since they do not have one of their own.
an average of three bottles each per week. price per bottle has dropped with the price of
copra: each bottle now Rp25). most for Rp450, leaving a profit of after incurring a cost of plain.
capital resources largest engaging trade derive trees from or the area, a Chinese relate closely to holdings originated of coconut
the owTier of the rattan extraction the shallot and processing business mentioned above. and garlic trade, bulking scale
the region. Smaller scale owners with perhaps trees and a partially concrete house built
on their land are able to use their land, trees and house as collateral to obtain credit to engage
such capital enterprises mostly wives as village dry goods of fishermen stores or labourers, specialise purchasing mountain women’s produce, such as as kios). farms, smallest scale traders operate are with
vegetables, small quantities of shallots and ground nuts. account of
men’s TIIE FOOT11I1.1.S trading found Part Three.
foothills support three types of economic firewood collection, grazing,
seasonal farming. predominant vegetation growing on the lower foothills a variety of
leucaena, which has been spreading steadily inland, mixed with other brush and grasses.
vegetation provides good fodder for livestock richer villagers, cattle
graze freely the species, especially leucaena, are cut for firewood for
domestic use and also to the cubic meter to households food
Firewood collection households whenever no more lucrative opportunities are available. a low status providing minimal returns, but by poor for Rp2,000
per cubic meter. cubic meter can be carried stacked over days, giving an
estimated return from of Rpl,000 per day. In form, collected by truck or
cart for a return the roadside. of Rpl,500 not including the costs or labour of transporting the can Alternatively, seen the transporting sold headloads of ten bundles per the road to to town. day,
foothills the area a rain shadow, missing out on rains from the north and
west. data are available for the area around the nearest
measuring station different rainfall patterns being Sidoan, about from Tinombo, and the measurements taken there certainly along the coast. Sidoan experience
bear relation to rainfall the of the interior, which experience a range of micro-
climates. According to local experience, the foothills around only be farmed once
a year, leucaena enriches the during the rains from land the and groundnuts. cycle, fallow for covering just one season, does not exhaust the or years. July. relatively yield reported since for the the the
foothills a fairly consistent ratio of 1:50; 100 ears of corn yield 5,000 ears. This compares

1.3.5 The main activity: and

oil activities women
on fruit sell them women. A
on this activity in some is
Women Tinombo and
The women process
The
sells Rp300 Rpl50
(sL\ fruit at
Trade is commonly undertaken by people who live and work on the coastal The
for in
trees. The
owner of coconut in who from Tinombo,
is Medium
owners often engage in
and handling the main exports from
fifty
in (known The
women, who have no and who
sums of Rp5-20,000. They in
fruit and A fuller women
and activities is in
The is
in The
owned by whose goats and
on hillsides. The woody
sell by and stalls in Tinombo.
is activity is engaged in
The wood sells
One cut, and two
this activity this it is
at wood is at Rpl50 per bundle,
wood Tinomobo.
Women sometimes be wood along
The in Tinombo lie in
No official rainfall Tinombo,
at 20km may
somewhat
no in hills
Tinombo can
east. The farming season begins in June or Corn is
main crop planted, with some shallots The land is fertile
soil and the farming
soil. The is commonly left five more The
is i.e.
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
hills
favourably to yields in the middle which range from 1:15-1:50 depending on the length of
fallow, 1:80 which often to 1:100. short. forest lands are reported to be capable of yielding
of the very poor households living the coastal plain not farm in the
despite the attractiveness of the land resources there. Apparently more people farmed there
in the past, but the practice has been declining. for
issue relates to the allocation of labour Clearing, fencing and planting hillside
land requires intruding animals. an investment coastal dwellers find that the labour invested labour, the In the meantime, the crop has to be returns which are then not worth the returns, delayed for three
which will at staple for the family. Others consider
that the dependent on obtaining cash on a daily basis to meet food needs, having no capital reserves or returns are worthwhile, but they are unable to the since they are totally
food stocks of any kind. In other cases, the household usually does farm on the
but the labour required to clear fence the
land absent earning wages outside for coastal families to join in groups of 3-7 households to establish the village the crucial time.
fence of guarding fields pigs. of these groups
based year as individual but they households assess their best options. are loosely structured the to
estimate of male labour required for preparing a typical 50x50 garden in the foothills
five days Full days are to to clear; twenty days (10 per crucial day) to fence, to earn other income, so the process can take to hillside using leucaena farming. stakes found cleared nearby. planted.
fenced the land, by women. This frees in fishing at have savings, the rest of the tasks, to engage in labouring activities within or outside the village. nights, joining their wives at the hillside perhaps from including guarding the their coconut fields farm for a few hours each day. production at night, in the non-farming season, are undertaken
these farm. tide the family over for the few weeks required to establish the
extremely limited, since they do not undertake any of the paid tasks in the coconut sector nor
general vegetables for sale in the market as well as corn to meet staple food needs for a period of time. vegetable hillside production farm permits a constrained to by a lack of good seed stock, since
production highly seasonal the seeds have to be purchased.
short farming season in the foothills year round. This activity has to be combined with other livelihood strategies oriented towards that hillside farming
the coastal in such a way that day to day needs are met, while higher productivity plain. possible. Labour, time, in preference to lower productivity ones, capital, food stores and other resources have such as firewood collection, to such as fishing
Access to land for farming annual crops the hillsides does not to be exclusive. In
areas, villagers assert that original claimants of the land, so
is Newly cleared
from
Many on do foothills,
There are a number of reasons this. The
main and time.
of from
months while the corn grows.
weeded and protected from
Some is
be most two month’s supply of corn as a
do work
still hillsides,
sometimes misses the season if man whose is and
is at
It is common one perimeter
and ease the problem from The composition is
on kinship ties, and members change from year
An m is:
m
seldom worked because of the need
up two months, by which time weeds have begun to sprout even before the corn is
The deployment of women’s labour is Once men have and
all
men Some
men engage
If women oil
may when men’s labour is
Apart from coconut oil production, coastal women’s income generating opportunities are
manual labour, A woman augment her income by growing
Women’s is sometimes
is and
The means no family could survive on
be managed
activities,
and farming, are pursued
whenever
on seem
some no one knows who were the
The Coastal Zone
who may do
that any Laujc from the local area wish to farm there so. In other areas, the
descendcnts of the original claimants freely give permission to land. grassy
areas the foothills have a similar status. are not actively claimed by the
descendents of those cleared the land, even known, since their productivity so low
that they are considered virtually worthless except as grazing. finds
worthwhile to attempt to plant crops there to situation different a
further inland, inxperaia and other grasses grow well considered
regularly farmed, claims to being well defined.
tree crops have yet been planted the either the forested or grassy
areas, although the possibility has to attract attention. traditional land claims
the introduction of tree crops lead to the exclusion of those are currently able
to to plant food, thus narrowing their livelihood options.
basis of traditional rights land and the impact of the introduction of crops
discussed extensively in the next on the middle since there that both problems
potentials arise most acutely. Official views of land tenure status are discussed in Part
Part which the land could be developed for the benefit of
the poorer also to the people of the possibility of establishing coastal that faces coastal zone. workers tree gardens. as they establish seasonal corn gardens applies
proposed tree garden schemes for coastal dwellers are located inland, requiring
people to give up their current (fishing, firewood, coconut etc) which provide a
livelihood, minimal. Officials to appreciate the stringencies
by a daily hand-to-mouth existence. Again, the deployment of women’s labour to the
household’s to their participation contemplate by dividing improving their forces. through such schemes. Families expect to that the wife will
and the on the coast. inland garden, Others plan while the that the husband wife maintain his her coconut fishing or production
the coast as a source of essential income while the husband establishes the garden inland.
design of tree discussed garden schemes and further Part the implications of the gender based division of labour are
further resource found the should be mentioned here: the wild root crop ondot
(Diascorea Hispida) harvested as an emergency food, in
both river and sea water. out, both the tubers the having been forested harvested while too young. but "There
are people than faced by coastal the foothills For non-owners, ondot," people. or on the plain are the a the returns to farmer, indicating individually fronds, or the the owned, mostly through inheritance. the the region of the of Rpl-2000 per day.
Chicken raising an important of income, especially for the time of the
survey in June and July, their there had entire stocks, averaging 5-20 fowl chickens along the coast, per person. epidemics occur
almost every year certain seasons, and the have not yet received any assistance in
preventing the loss of a significant source of income saving. In 1990, for the time.

e.xist, may who borrow land The to tree is

borrow The bald
in They generally
who first if is
open Anyone who it
is welcome try. The is little
where land on which is fertile,
and is it
Few in foothills, in lightly
begun Where
section hills, it is
and
Two. Three proposes some ways in
The labour squeeze
hillside These problems are magnified when
some distance
activities oil
however sometimes fail imposed
is crucial
ability its lot
manage Some have planned live
work on new maintains wage earning
activities will oil on
The
in Two.
A in foothills
is and processed by extended soaking
Ondot grows in lightly
and the grassy foothills,
in some areas has been eaten
more commented severity economic
difficulties
Sago palms in
Owners make roofing materials from palm sell raw materials to others who
do the work. work are in
is source women. At
been an epidemic killing and most
women had lost Such
at women
and first

1.3.6 OTHER WAGE OPPORTUNITIES IN THE COASTAL ZONE Wage There are many more

Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
buyers from Palu visited the area regularly looking for chickens, and any increased production
could very easily be marketed.
opportunities within the villages described here are very limited.
willing workers than there for labour. daily for unskilled
Rp2500. Older usually poor seek coastal families in their migrate village out of the or close by, area. while in
construction investments such as Parigi and Kota Raya. the roads or in the transmigration Others load produce on the coastal trucks, or work areas receiving infrastructure
as general labourers their other villages that opportunities for young are better resources, are restricted often to service marrying in
food or private the middle Palu. experience the coast shortfalls in food production, for so that the pool of
workers available very large the midhill area chance that wages or conditions also migrate for village improve. a short
term basis, but a pattern for midhill dwellers for families or groups of families
to migrate permanently to better agricultural land for full-time farming.
Rattan extraction processing, which boomed during the period 1986-88, continues at
a reduced coast. Extraction organized by entrepreneurs, including some village leaders and others from for living three zones, including the
outside the region. provisions to a labourer, agrees
to obtain a certain rattan within an agreed period of time, to be sold a previously
agreed price. provisions, the form of rice are to maintain the family while
the forest in groups of kin away, for to take with into the forest. for about ten days before returning Typically into the
to rest. In cases, cash also advanced. credit supplied, which perhaps helps a poor
coastal family an food tempting for many, but the price of
supplied debtor. kind, few cases were heard of individuals not being able to repay their debt selling price of the rattan, reflect the position at the end of of the
a month’s work, to return to the forest for another of collecting even
other attractive opportunities for or off farm presented themselves.
Estimated returns to rattan collection are as follows: 2-400 kg can be collected in a period of
ten days, the deduction selling of the general agreement that to the an average price cost of supplies. workers have declined steadily as they have to go further of the easily accessible 10,000 per 100kg, yielding afield in order to
find stands. haul the rattan to collection points the coast or to a
point in transportation wherever possible, but the the interior above Sidoan there extremely strenuous and tractor access. Rivers are used claim they to aid
are incapable rattan processing plant in of of the rattan exported the area, directly near the mangroves to the west of Desa Tinombo. the area with local processing.
for plant are recruited the plant from 1985-86. the nearby hamlet of Silabia. ten, depending on the amount as sixty
is demand The average wage work
is men work own some young
men and women from Young men work
on large
in endowed with
away from home village. The women
stalls homes in Men on compete wage opportunities with
men from hills who
is and there is little will
Some young men from
work outside the on
more common is
and still
level, and provides a source of income men in all
is
The entrepreneur advances cash and who
amount of at
The in and sugar,
man is and him him the men go
and neighbours, and stay there home
some is The
meet immediate crisis, is goods
in and the weak bargaining
A
and being forced round
when more on work
at Rp Rp2-4000 per day before
There is all
mature rattan has now been extracted,
and returns
new The workers down on
where is
work is many men
it.
Much is from no There is one
Workers
this mostly As many men
were employed at in There are now around
The Coastal Zone
in. Workers are paid on a piece
of rattan being brought rate basis for different tasks (grading,
dipping, bundling, loading).
from the Silabia This form had previously of as labourers significant the port of 1920s
or possibly earlier, and continued the opening of the highway 1980. Close to Tinombo,
three generations been accustomed to as their livelihood.
lucrative exists harvesting rice from the irrigated along the coast
from Sidoan southwards. Harvesting work paid with one-fifth of the rice harvested. Because
of prized nature, the generally given to relatives of the owners. In the case of the
villages under here, the village either rice fields in other
villages, or have connections with rice owners, and their sons are likely
to be called to the harvest.
Teachers are the only salaried government as center, has a of other of the villages studied. of these of salaried
individuals, including teachers, into farming as the introduction of tree
crops has agriculture appear profitable. Others are developing ponds.
have been schemes. 1.3.7 Although households exercise some choice buying land, or acquiring through the range of livelihood strategies they pursue, they approved land development
are strongly constrained by the of assets that they control. Indicators of relative wealth are
assets such as goats, fishing boats and coconut trees. with these assets
seldom or never engage of tow status collecting and poor rattan, returns, engaged the poorest coastal dwellers, since firewood only and by those for with very since these limited often difficult are options.
for to access male labour to clear hillside land to farm and they are not employed as daily
labourers, 1.3.8 PATTER.N.S so their production range of strategics their limited providing than that of a living or minimal standards. married
Coastal dwellers purchase the majority of the food they consume. desired pattern
of consumption of working-class people includes rice least once a day, coffee with
sugar, soap for bathing and laundry, and kerosene for lighting small lamps, pressure lamps
being only on festive occasions. to these standards, depending instead on
cheaper substitutes, such as corn or cassava as staples, and eating only occasionally.
following sample budget a derived able to find from household the survey average daily data of coastal families. Rp2,500 four days in the
week, and his wife the sale of coconut a family of two adults and four
children with a weekly income 1,000 typically purchases the following items:
Men same community at worked in
Tinombo, before the road was built. employment was from the
until in
have wage labouring
main means of
A wage opportunity in fields
is
its work is
six discussion it is elites who own
km field it is who most
work
officials in five The town
Tinombo, kecamatan number officials. Many
have recently branched
made more fish They
it government
COMBINATION OF STRATUGIES
in
set
cattle, Households
in bamboo sale,
activities in
Widows and abandoned women are among it is
them
is more men women.
Coconut oil is main activity, at
OF CO.NSUMPTION
great The
and fish at
lit Many fail meet
fish The
is on
Assuming man is work at wage
makes Rpl,000 from oil,
of Rpl
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
litres@
Rp Rp6,300
21 10 sticks 1 of corn (3 of cassava per day) 300 500 Rpl,000 500
1 milk 1packet of tobacco 400 500 400 500
2 bottles kerosene 400 800
laundry/bathing soap 4 strings of (not daily) 500 250 500
Total that leave nothing over for school or medical
expenses, require 1.4 1.4.1 clothing, that the savings or foothills in other incidentals. the a rain shadow, missing out
rain a result only
possible to cultivate corn once a year. Since the foothills cannot support year round agriculture,
families their there, of the people exploiting the land so in
combination with wage or fishing coast.
area referred to here as the middle zone begins the point altitude
(approximately 2-300 above sea level) with attendant possible the
cultivation of two or year. the middle
the area their permanent are to farming as a way of
farmers the zone are self-sufficient in staples. This factors, including
limitations to overworked, insufficiently fallowed
sub-soils are red-yellow podzolites, which are not highly in
of the farms surveyed, 20-30’, devoid with even of organic steeper slopes matter being brought eroded. into slopes cultivation being in cases. are
Shortfalls in the production of staples are through the production of cash crops
(tobacco, shallots, groundnuts), the extraction coast. sale of natural Therefore, resources such as
strategy their further inland maintaining access to markets and
labouring opportunities the coast. In earlier periods, today to extent,
shortfalls in production or gaps between harvests were trade with the inner
people. In sense the area truly a livelihood "middle" zone, options. which a balance struck
cultural historical population was described earlier.
recapitulate; the middle people originated from Taipaobal returned to their hillside
farms after a brief period of enforced residence century; those lower in
the Tibu, parts of Bobalo, claim to have into the the
coast land the 1910s to escape Dutch domination.
@Rp Rp
kg sugar@Rpl,000
tin measure of coffee@Rp Rp
@Rp Rp @Rp Rp @Rp Rp
fish@Rp Rpl,000
Rpll,000
These are very minimal standards of consumption,
festivals, A more adequate minimum would
Rp20,000 per week.
THE MIDDLE HILLS
LOCATION, LAND USE AND LIVELIHOOD STRATEGIES
It was noted above Tinombo area lie in on
from over the mountains across the peninsula to the north and west. As it is
few make homes and most do
activities on the
The hill at where
m its dew and rainfall, make
more corn crops per Households farming in hills make
home and committed life. However, few
in is due to a number of
rainfall, soils, and the ravages of the wild pig.
The fertile. The top soil is, most
and The farmed
commonly some
made good
and bamboo,
and through occasional wage work on the
an important element of farmers’
and limitation on movement is
on and still some
made good through
hill this is in is
between two more extreme lifestyle and
The and background to the middle hill To
hill who
on the coast early this
hills, in Dusunan and moved hills from
and began clearing hill in A few mentioned
Vxe Middle Hills
money hillside and
earning to pay taxes by clearing land for coastal dwellers to plant their rice
corn. These people linked to the coastal by of tribute to the Olognian
Dusunan. considered inner Others further inland, people previous generations, but are such as those Silikohong, could perhaps oriented towards the have
social and conditions. system of the of the middle coastal zone, population to Islam, their positive Ihang quite densely orientation towards settled coastal
authorities, their desire to as sugar, coffee purchased in the
market, the distinction they the inner people, provide
further based disincentives to migration to the forest fringe further inland. This
cultural orientation accounts for the of wild pigs that crops, the
overworked condition of the land, which can seldom be to fallow the to ten years
required for a surprisingly are regeneration heavily settled, very rough estimates, based on of the although densities are population to determine accurately. data supplied by the village
authorities, and land areas estimated according to a compiled by the author through
observation and with input from Tibu has about 559 of 1121 population living
the but there real hinterland since cut off by the borders of
Bobalo. majority of the population between about 2 inland, the
village measures only across. density land, ignoring slope, therefore
36 per square kilometre. Taking the area of another example, using the
distances estimated by the camat (sub-district chief) for a the
distance from the beginning of the middle area from the main highway), to the edge
of the inner forest Silikohong only about part of the that
Bobalo side of the Bobalo-Eeya border total
living there are 30 registered Alau, and 10 from Eeya. therefore
to 40 families, or 200 people, with a density of 37 per square kilometre. third the
area by the Ponus, Ogoalas and Siavu where, according to the 1990
census, households or 625 people are located. estimation of the land area covered by
that census subdistrict square kilometre. 5x4km, disregarding slope. density therefore 31 per
Since the middle area not visible from the coast, and government rarely ever
climb into the conditions of and work there are seldom observed by outsiders. Access
by foot to walk from the coast, through the middle to the edge
of the next, inner mountain, area zone heavily cultivated, about with three hours land under corn, Bobalo, hours shallots, groundnuts, and,
recently, tree-crops such as cocoa, Fallows are short, usually two or
three years, and the middle individual plots are surrounded by the dry foothills an fences of gliricidia. ecological niche suitable for tobacco
production, where the moister Beginning farmers specialising areas to area 1987, tree corn. undergoing a major transition crops have crop use the dry side the relations of the for tobacco and land.
simply addition to the farming system, but a potential source of transformation.
were elite payment at
at been
hill in now Muslims
political and in farmed and
The adherence hill
consume foods such and dried fish
and make between themselves and hill
culturally
abundance damage and
left five
good soil.
The area is difficult
The follownug some
map
villagers. its in
hills, is little it is Lombok and
The hill live and 7km and
3km The in 3x5km of is
Alau Bobalo as and
new road (marked on Map3),
hill (2km
at is 3km. The Alau hill lies on the
is at most 2km wide. The number of households
in The 3x2km area is home
A example is
in Lombok bordered rivers,
125 An
is The population is
hill is officials if
hills, life
is trail. The time taken hills,
is in six in Lombok.
The middle hill is rice,
more cashew and kapok.
many live At the border
between hills and is
in this hill
grow
The middle hill is in
between people and
in been planted by many farmers. These trees represent not
cui its The
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
swidden cycle, the intensification of land use, and the implications of the adoption of tree crops
for resource use, allocation and the security of livelihoods are the issues explored below.
for resource use, allocation the security of livelihoods are the issues explored below.
1.4.2 IN that enter into farmers’ decision HILLS which are related to the length of the fallow in regard to cropping patterns.
period, cash. the availability of seed and fencing, and the farmers’ immediate priorities for food and
In conditions forest that fallow for about seven years. farmers consider ideal, an area of land in the middle can then be re-opened and used intensively for up to will under five
years. crops. cycle followed years, the field can be used for progressively to producing bumper less
harvests. for shallots, "small stones" appear a cash crop which has been integrated into the swidden system of the area for over the drainage improves and suited
forty years. portion of the field favoured for shallots, again because of drainage
"cool breezes" that prevent and can the
remainder of the field to food needs. consecutive crops of shallots can be
in are sometimes intercropped with corn. year. nuts can be grown for cash Following as an addition or alternative to the forth year of cultivation, two corn shallots,
harvests can the year, the regarded as thin, suitable only for
cassava. should then be to fallow again.
Variations only been fallowed for two or three years, no rice harvest will be attempted, the cycle beginning this cycle are many. significant ones are outlined the land has
instead with shallots, corn. reasons for not growing even the
land every year) and the absence of neighbours growing rice to "share the birds" (the main rice pest). suitable, are lack of a current seed stock (since not grow the crop
the farm family has access to shallot sets to plant (their own, borrowed, share-cropped
or purchased), they cannot plant profitable crop. capital Involvement in shallot production claim a never to
have grown staple foods in shallots. years, leaving Disease households has affected without the shallot sets have become impoverished and hungry as a crop in to plant the entire without ready cash in the to result.
THE SWIDDEN CYCLE THE MIDDLE
There are many factors making
These include the conditions of vegetation and soil,
hills be left
It
The cropping is one which moves from more soil-
demanding For the first two hill rice,
As in soil, its it becomes well
The upper is
and dampness rot. Corn meanwhile be grown on
meet Two grown
one Ground and
this, in
be achieved. By fifth soil is and
It left
on Some here. If
ground nuts and Other rice, if
is many households do
If no
this is
good barometer of the household’s current liquidity. Some households
Tinombo area
last two new and buy
between corn harvests. Many
Fencing is a significant element in the swidden strategy. Fencing is not usually considered
essential for rice, since the pests affecting this crop are birds, which can only
main monkeys and
essential for rice, since the pests affecting this crop are birds, which can only
kept at by constant guarding as the rice ripens. Shallots also be
fencing. to depredations by the wild
the farm family has the resources to establish a strong gliricidia fence, they can rest at
night. Otherwise, a constant necessary, particularly during the after the
corn planted, harvesting. a non-living fence guard
needs to maintained. In the latter case, the after the corn
harvest, since the returns cassava
labour guarding the crop. Vegetables such as tomato, egg-plant
in the continue to yield for time after the longer cultivated or
guarded, for
be bay can grown without
Corn and cassava are the crops most vulnerable pig. If
live
vigil is most first week
is and the last month before If is built, still
be field may be abandoned last
from and other vegetables do not warrant the investment of
in and chili sown by women
field may some field is no
and are harvested sale.
Vie Middle Hills
If is needed may
Farmers’ short term priorities are also important. food quickly, farmers
choose to for a takes corn harvest to eight rather months. than great since advantage corn harvested of growing in just the three land
sufficiently since a harvest can the family grain store for
a year or more. can be to stored for grind, and to nine quite unpalatable. outdoor Conversion of corn to racks, although flour
for further storage very labour intensive, undertaken. a of a
large corn harvest to be sold or given away. food needs through a
harvest of rice or corn, the farm family can diversify into other forms of production, such as
shallots, use the proceeds for building up assets, rather than buying staples.
Ideally, farmers pursue a of strategies on different plots of land. of plots
currently being per household (including the separate plots of
unmarried children and well as plots jointly) ranges from to eight. extent of
land available to farmers, and location, determines plots they have use
simultaneously. or portion of a plot the farmer has a large of contiguous
land, be a different phase of the three to year land-use cycle.
concurrently have plots of corn and shallots different stages of maturity, since
rainy seasons are not well defined. Location important because of the necessity to guard
crops. plots are scattered cannot keep several active simultaneously,
not persist to intensive phase of the cycle, the root crops, their
requires guarding some only distance by farmers away. specialising crop, close to the dry foothill
zone. cycle takes eight to ten intensive labour,
other crops are the harv'ests tobacco as their lands are farmers or close to the dry zone, where they have often corn, but
to stay to tend the Their livelihood strategy depends
the sale of the tobacco harvest to see through the long of the next tobacco
growing season. are involved stages of tobacco production, and, necessary,
maintain operations while seek on the coast. also produce tobacco
alone. eighteenth 1.4.3 century area 1989:372n20). reported to have for tobacco as early as the
Seven year fallows are now very rare Vegetation succession generally only reaches the stage of grasses or the middle area. Fallows of two to three years are
are a of distinct reasons for
Population growth a favoured explanation for the intensified use of land. extent
timing of population increa.se the middle area attempt to
determine that from previous decades. by comparing data disaggregated in the area, since education, sub-village levels immunization, from the 1990 census with in mortality should have services are not
available favour of coastal wage work in order to benefit from to household interview data, infant and child mortality remain insufficiently the complete few farmers have to be quantified. taken the step of abandoning provided on the coast. significant, though the results are time farming According in
go first, rice, is
months while rice sL\ The rice, if
is fertile, is its storability, bumper fill
Corn up months on it
becomes so hard it is difficult it
is and seldom As result, much
tends With its met good
and
mix The number
worked women, men and
worked one The
its how many field in
Each plot, if area
may in five Farmers may
two or more at
is
Farmers whose and they
may the less if new corn field
Tobacco is grown in this who live
The annual production months of fairly and no
grown in fields. Tobacco grow some
seldom obtain abundant in
tobacco. upon saving enough cash from
them months
Women in all if
men work Some widows
The Tinombo is been famous its
(Nourse
INTENSinCATlON OF LAND USE
in hill
more common. light brush.
There number this.
is The and
in hill is unknown. An will be made
this at
There are no obvious reasons why a drop
been achieved
and general health
in hills, and full
facilities
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
some good on the extent of
Outmigration significant in areas of the middle but data
such movements are not easily obtained. Tibu halved population 1979 1990,
during which period out the middle sought farmlands elsewhere
along the coast, particularly in the vicinity of transmigration
land accessible. Crises such as prolonged droughts in 1981-2 1986-7 have caused both
is hills,
its between and
many moved from hills and
sites where new roads had made
and
temporary and permanent outmigration.
Inequality of access to land a feature determining the intensity of land use, since
intensity is not only a factor of the quantitative relation between population and land, but also
of the social relations according to which land rights are distributed. Families with insufficient
land are land are forced to use intensively, in the process. even the productivity clear that
have access to plots of land than others, are able to leave land fallow for
longer, thereby obtaining consistently higher yields. In part, unequal access to land a
consequence of inheritance: descendents of the founding families of the large areas
cleared by their their parents, the area potentially have access to marriage patterns are also ancestors. Since both significant. land, Families in which both spouses since they can acquire rights to
sets of ancestors. fencing the advent of tree crops are strongly exacerbating
inequality of access to land, a explored in detail below.
declining productivity of land effects the intensity of use. access to land
limited, assuming that major innovations are incorporated into the farming system,
farmers are forced to use necessary over-use the land they have available, in order to
produce to their subsistence needs. traditional swidden
cultivation maintaining yields and the regenerative potential of the of yields and area, which have been cultivated for several generations. systems quality to involving appears to have been taking place in the middle small populations the century are large areas indefinitely, areas of the middle in productive of land a gradual decline both use now, ninety years can of the stable,
although grassy areas, particularly in the lower middle the fallow vegetation mostly imperata of other grasses. are bald considered
too poor to be worth cultivation particular of cotton during the Japanese occupation, with no fallows, which farming, slopes are they were apparently in productive use reported to have placed by force under years continuous partly account ago.
for their depleted state (Nourse 1989:358). generally, in the perception of farmers, the
land in the middle has too much", both too frequently for too long,
this has population inhabiting the middle caused corn harvests has been able to derive a livelihood from the land for so the years. the dense
long can be considered something of an the soils the steepness depletion of the of the quantity accomplishment, given slopes. quality of does not the necessarily intrinsically decrease the of land’s
potential for generating a livelihood, adjustments are to the farming system.
incorporation of shallots into farming system as a cash crop an innovation that has
enabled to of thinner hence better drained including
those that have succeeded corn harvests to to grasses, other generate shortfalls. farmers to purchase unable staples to participate in in
shallot production, however, the declining productivity of their land requires to intensify
their efforts in contribute to further long term deterioration.
is critical
it if and regenerative potential of the
damaged Household interview data made some households
many more and
is
make use
first women and men
farm land from
come from
more draw upon the resources of both
Land and
factor more
The its Where new is
and no
and if
enough meet minimum While
and be
soil
soil hills Tinombo
Some hills which
were said be heavily forested early in still
later, is and Other and
hills Lombok and Dusunan, now
although fifty
These hill been
may
More
hills been "used and and
to become more meagre over That fairly
hills
low fertility
and
Gradual and soil
if made The
the is
some farmers make good use and soils,
and enough income
between and make up For
them
ways which Examples observed
The Middle Hills
in one
the area include recultivating severely eroded, stony land after only year, for lack of
alternative and need bringing to into cultivation adjustments steep to their slopes which land use practices previously order to avoided. restore
degraded lands and re-establish the sustainability of the farming system.
Fencing another innovation practised by farmers the middle which has
permitted the useful and productivity of a swiddcn to be extended, thus allowing other
swidden plots to be fallowed for a longer period. a strong protective fence, a variety of
root crops and vegetables can be grown which supplement corn rice as staples. Losses of
corn to wild pigs are reduced or eliminated. This situation contrasts with the extreme waste
of labour and soil resources that occurs the not eventuality that an unfenced and
insulTjciently guarded corn ruined by pigs, producing nothing.
families that are able to establish fences tend to be those whose ancestors settled
the area. families enjoy two advantages: their better land produces abundant
harvests, freeing up labour to invest long-term projects such as fences. Also, in cases,
their parents’ generation lopped to increase had the themselves established fenced area. contrast, a few fences, other from which fence posts can households have to purchase
fence posts with scarce a diversion cash, and redirect afford labour from to make. short-term Location also significant; or food generating while pigs are
a serious throughout the middle only the areas closer to the coast have
fencing, due to the proximity of fence poles. to carry poles three or four
hours inland prohibitive. farmer (also the school teacher) Silikohong paid
Rp50,000 1990 for materials to fence 0.75 ha, purchasing the fence posts
coast resolve having issue of intensification. carried up to the mountain. established live fences three or four years that fencing does not in
ago have watched the productivity of the decline, and, without guidance
sustainable forms of intensive cropping, they too must leave the land to fallow.
integration of cash crops such as shallots into the swidden cycle, and the establishment of
fences, standards to represent be maintained or successful innovations cases that have intensified land increased. use living
long term decline the intrinsic of the that has occurred the middle over
the decades as organic matter has been depleted through insufficient fallowing and top loss
through erosion. Both innovations, however, require capital investments that some households
are unable to make, universally adopted. for established shallot
farmers, the shallot disease has a depletion of planting sets other reserves,
everyone threatening Since the middle considers their livelihood. that the farmers have for pig problem has years been unable to meet their subsistence needs progressively severe, seriously
through rice and corn production, and are faced with raiding wild pigs and disease their
cash crop, they clearly need to innovate further in order to survive. crops have popular, hundreds of thousands being planted by farmers in the middle in this context that tree
area, particularly and allocation since of land 1987. resources. tree crops have wide ranging implications for the usage
sites, were
Farmers will make new in
is some in hills
life
With
and
in uncommon
field is
The live first
These more
in some
now be By
income
activities, many cannot is
problem hills, live
The labour required
is A at in Bobalo
in gliricidia from the
and them Note also itself
the Farmers who first
soil on more
The
live and permitted
in some These innovations counterbalance the
in fertility soil in hills
soil
and they have not been Even
meant and and
become more
hill many
in main
It is
become hill
These

1.4.4 BACKGROUND TO THE INTRODUCTION OF TREE CROPS V

Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
Repelita plans for the national expansion of the estate crop sub-sector, in order to increase
non-oil exports (Stickings 1989:50, 77). local government, chief
(Bupati), advocating the introduction of tree cash crops in the Kecamatans of seen as a cause of forest destruction and land degradation. of officials, with the backwardness, poverty and ungovernability of sub-district chiefs an environmental one. (camats) village Shifting cultivation chiefs {kepala desas), as practised also associated, in the practitioners, have perceptions strongly hillsides
which are discussed further local in including village heads Part below. in the area, the farmers in the hills
are "not really planting anything," just "moving around". fact that they have been able to
develop a farming system capable of providing subsistence for hundreds not thousands of
years, recognize that the while also adopting innovations populations are very stable, appropriate, having lived for generations in their present noted.
locations, re-using secondary forest land, shifting very In the view, the
introduction of tree crops will have three major advantages: encourage the hillside
farmers to settle permanently in place, close to their trees, instead of will
turn Strategies used into serious, property and other taxes; "modern" farmers, producing principally the cultivation of their of annuals. personal help tree crop to stabilize plantations not exclusively for the market, steep slopes where in the area tree as an cover villagers, to
others. requiring hillside farmers to Village have used these approaches, a certain a further strategy trees before of
the village registration. will entertain requests for such as those required for marriage
Despite the enthusiasm of government for the planting of tree crops in the area,
extension services have provided. This reflects the limited capacity of
agencies to provide services in locations; their of expertise
appropriate input "packets" for hillside farming; the belief that any tree planting, of
whatever type quality, an the shifting cultivation system being
practised, since the latter of the lack considered of extension to have services virtues. that the trees planted are often poorly
selected in relation to the land’s potential, derived from poor quality seed,
inappropriately spaced, lacking in shade and cover crops, unfertilized unpruned. Their
yields, not surprisingly, are very low, cases roots are already exposed as a result
of erosion of the bare earth surrounding the trees. risks of disease, especially in
cocoa, have not into consideration, nor has research to
assess the tree crop the planting tree crops, and potential.
expect terms of yields, prices, tree life-span. exhortations this
their that neighbours the to plant a
few experimental trees are deriving a cash income, previously they
The most notably the district
and been
Tinombo and Tomini. The
main rationale used is on the
is It is minds
its
Two
According to officials, who live
The
if
where is little Nor do officials
hill
and seldom far. official
it will
one moving around; it
them if
who pay and it will is
more appropriate than
by the camats to promote the planting of tree crops include lectures to
and development own example
heads two and added
show evidence of having planted number of
head official letters,
officials no
been government
remote and difficult lack and
and
and is improvement over now
is no
The consequence is
immature and
and
and in many
young The
been taken market been undertaken
mix with most secure long term
The farmers have no previous experience in
do not know what they can
in and They are nevertheless adopting new
form of production with great rapidity and enthusiasm, based both on the officials’
and own judgment. They observe
who were among first
now where
may have had
77ie Middle Hills
They note little many
none. that tree crops require labour once established, and yield for years,
offering the for children, providing an old
age, and a productive inheritance for descendents.
of the benefits of adopting tree crop production to be real and others
major transformation land use and land access progress which will have far reaching
effects the livelihood. middle area, of the dimensions of this transformation are in an
area already densely farmed and settled. analysis of these early trends,
future developments, CILA.NGING are provided USE; THE; here.
Tree crops such as cocoa, (which produces a cotton-like fibre used
mattresses) have spans of several decades, period alternative uses of the
are precluded. production, are displaced and must be abandoned or practised Previous uses of the land, particular for food and intensively (and potentially short-term cash crop
destructively) the remaining, constricted, areas of land. often the better,
level areas of land that are converted into tree gardens, leaving the steeper
slopes for annuals. While theory food and crops can be integrated into agro-forestry
systems which use land intensively sustainably, meeting a variety of food, cash, fuel
needs, these have not the area. Instead, tree crops are being planted
over the plot either simultaneously with annuals or after annuals have
harvested, replacing the and expect fallow stage that by and thereby breaking the time their tree crops swidden they cycle. produce sufficient
to replace the of food and annual cash crops grown under the previous swidden
system. Risks incurred by tree crop farmers to the probable low productivity of the
trees planted, the reduction diversity and of land use, vulnerability to price
fluctuations noted above. queried, farmers acknowledge that prices not
stable, but they consider trees to be better than none, especially where the
labour are perceived as relation to the returns expected. worst, the trees
could be down, and the swidden cycle not an eventuality
farmers envisage, since they place the productive form.
For farmers with adequate land resources, perhaps ten swidden the conversion of
plots to tree crop gardens represents a diversification of livelihood strategies.
the to ten years required for the trees to they can continue with the cultivation of
annuals as before. plots are eventually planted to trees, the remaining plots
be sufficient to other needs without land degradation or yield depletion,
least the term.
Other farmers, less well land resources, face serious obstacles they
attempt to plant trees. lacking sufficient land, they are danger of finding themselves
with to their two or plots are covered with trees. quite
displace providing cash to replace the value of food and other crops previously grown on the land. themselves from food production. to wait for their trees to
Several instances trees reported planted which farmers on order to forced to their land, the In
such instances, attempting to plant trees, farmers risk

1.4.5 LAND DISPLACEMENT OF FOOD PRODUCTION

hope of meeting monthly school expenses income in
leaving
Some may prove illusory.
A in is in
on social structure and on Some
becoming evident in hill where large numbers of trees are being planted
An and a projection of
cashew and kapok in
life during which soil
in
more
on more It is more
more vulnerable
in tree
and and
wood been introduced in
entire field been
the
Farmers hope yield, will
income value
related
in flexibility and
were When may be
some income from
demands light in At
cut recommenced, although this is
much hope in new
plots, some
While waiting
five yield,
Even if five five
will meet serious at
in medium
endowed with two when
First, in
no place grow food once three They
literally They are unable
yield,
were in had been sell and
two or three year old it, in
meet short term consumption needs.
in becoming poorer.
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
Lack of time make
to to plant year. Since long term tree crops. they tend investments their also to of labour inadequate food needs from lack other also an obstacle for poorer farmers land resources their assets, such obtain as shallot only a sets to plant, they
are not well placed to obtain cash to purchase staples in result, they
are often dependent on such as firewood, coast, or other time consuming and low productivity or rattan for sale in order to daily
subsistence needs. investments in tree crop gardens, which need to be cleared, fenced, planted, and weeded while leave insufficient time to significant labour
the returns are delayed for several years.
has been noted here that for some groups of farmers, particularly those of production presents serious risks of making their livelihoods are poorer, the less adequate
secure. displacement of food production to more marginal and less productive lands, and the necessity risks derive the instability of prices, vulnerability of trees to disease, the
to wait for to ten years for trees trees to occupy, into in severe production, cases, being forced to losing access both land and to
trees to in the allocation survival of needs. rights of access to land are occuring in response to the
opportunities and constraints presented by the of production. risk adding
to the 1.4.6 faced by the poorer farmers.
the introduction of long term tree crops fences, claims to land are
privatized exclusive. traditional establishing rights to land to clear an area
of primary forest. Rights thus obtained are passed to a person’s descendents.
these means, rights give families have inherited rights to more extensive the advantage of always being able areas of land to farm land than that has others.
sufficiently fallowed to produce good yields with a investment of labour.
these traditional land rights are not exclusive. individual has inherited rights to
large areas of land to "borrow" under strong for a social pressure to food land available to neighbours and kin needs.
have not yet established definitive claims through inheritance, or those of any age
to
to plant annual crops. parents lend the land, allowing their children
temporary use rights but not yet wishing to give up their claims. Grandparents, uncles,
aunts and other distant relatives are also likely to for
of has traditionally to refuse requests. rent or share exacted in
these agreements, although those borrowing land generally express their gratitude with of
produce of nominal and unspecified quantity.
In cases, those lend land for the production of annuals do see the loan as a sacrifice,
since reduces the fallow period used by
the owner. In other cases, use of the land by others seen as an advantage, since prevents
the regeneration of heavy forest, making easier for the farmer to clear after a few years.
relative advantages disadvantages of lending land pressure land
length of fallow: forest frontier, plentiful
land to keep in cultivation once every ten years has very different consequences from lending
is
who wish Those with low yields from
overworked soil, and are able to meet own production few
months per
between harvests. As a
wage work on the
activities gathering bamboo meet
These activities them with make
It who
new form and
The from
five come meanwhile
income from the land the or, sell
meet short term
Changes
new form These too
difficulties
CHANGING LAND ALLOCATION: THE DISPLACEMENT OF THE POOR
With and live becoming
and The means of is
on Through
some
These them been
minimum However,
fully An who
is make
who wish it few seasons to meet and cash Young farmers who
who come
from families that are not well endowed with land resources, are generally able borrow land
It is sometimes who
alt own
more be approached to tend land, and all
them it been difficult No is
gifts
some who
it and hence the productivity of the plot next time it is
is it
it more
The and depend on on and
on the where land is
and fallows are long, lending out
it
The Middle Hills
out land which is being used on a three year fallow cycle, where imperata grass is already taking
Since land has to be fenced or planted to tree crops, rights to land have taken
a quite different, long term and exclusive aspect. Planting of trees has traditionally
considered a "hand indicating in a visible and durable way that the land claimed by the
individual or routine, however, and the cleared or that person’s majority of swidden plots contain no dcscendents. tree planting has trees not they
are to fallow. that and land the middle being planted to long
term tree crops, as exclusive property. the government’s
perception of a person are locally of the land’s acquired recogrri/ed. ownership land status (discussed through clearing or inheritance below Part Two), the definitive rights
noted above that planting tree crops the land precludes for food crop
production. Neither are able to the household continue planting annual crops with prior rights there. to the land, land nor others taken out of the swidden wish to
production cycle and planted to trees, both regard to uses
accessibility to potential to plant thus users. long term unable to Farmers without tree crops, enter into strong claims since that the to of production sufficient to a transfer of land are unable which so to are
placing their hopes. serious, perhaps, the that progressively less land
available to borrow', even for short term uses, since the parties previously have lent
land claim that they "plan to plant cocoa there."
farmers with loan land noted of land that borrowing land .sometimes for food on the basis production of a by the
borrower to plant cocoa trees there for the owner.
his or her land cleared and planted with a minimal investment of labour capital.
normal procedure for the parly provides the land and seed to divide the trees equally
with the parly provides labour. precise terms of such agreements vary with the kin
connections parlies involved. land for food production becomes
scarce, be able to drive hard bargains return for the loan of land for short
term cultivation. arise the middle for the time, as
families find themselves as shallots and groundnuts have unable to secure even DIFFERE.NTIA'nON temporary rights to been produced use land the middle to for decades. food.
are integrated into the production cycle with no significant disruption the of
access to plant, but land or other also by the availability of labour, since resources. size of shallot neighbouring farmers, with access to their gardens limited by the cost of sets to
land for food and cash crop production, are generally not available as labourers. Share
agreements bctw'een those have access to land, shallot sets labour are
not involve the three shallot cycle. Although not
able to participate form of production, to lack of capital to purchase sets to
plant or suitable land, farmers have impoverished by
introduction of tree crops raises a different set of trees provide a
for displacing farmers from their land, and excluding others formerly could

u.se on
1.4.7 THE EMERGENCE OF CIVVS.S Cash crops such They
i.ssues. The mechanism

been
is
Such been
fruit when
in hills is
Whatever
in
and subsequently planted trees
on its u.se
who may
As is
is lost in its and its
would amount permanent
new form in many
is fact is
who would
is becoming more
made commitment
Through such an agreement the owner has
and The
As
in
in hills first some
grow
hold.
begun
print,"
who first It,
common
left Now more more
it is becoming marked
who
It was
borrow it,
fie.xibilily
borrow land
rights. They are
Even more
now
Some less
difficult. The is now
is who
who The
and circum.stances of the
more owners will
True landlessness may aLso
The
who
do commitments beyond
been in this
no been
The
some own
in hills
in mode
is
own
wage
and common, but
month many have
due
it.
who

1.4.8 GENDER ISSUES IN THE MIDDLE HILLS Under the cultivation system traditionally practiced by the Lauje, the rights of women and men to access land do not differ significantly. Both sexes inherit lemd rights from their parents. They acquire temporary use rights or "borrow" land from their parents or other relatives or neighbours. Depending on a married couple’s location of residence, they use either the husband’s, or the wife’s, or both sets of social connections in order to obtain access to productive resources. If one side of the family is much better endowed, the couple may follow that side exclusively. If both families have similar sets of resources, they may alternate, keeping both sets of social ties strong while maintaining flexibility to move their household periodically to wherever the best land is available. Whichever side of the family has provided the land currently being farmed, a married couple work together in the annual farming cycle according to a defined but flexible division of labour. Men are responsible for clearing forest or undertaking the heavy work of preparing grasslands for cultivation. Women assist in both tasks. Women and children clear fields covered by light

Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
obtain temporary use rights. They also provide, for the first time, an incentive to more affluent
and successful farmers to accumulate large areas of land through purchase, just as their
neighbours, encountering hard times, are becoming willing to sell. The advantage of tree crops
for larger scale owners, is that they require little maintenance once established, so that
managing large areas is feasible, and the limitation of labour scarcity typical of swidden
cultivation systems is overcome.
For better off farmers intent on serious profits from tree crops, the middle hill area has a
limited potential because the land is already heavily settled and claimed, and only occasionally
available for purchase. Since the soils are already in various stages of depletion, only cashews
or kapok can be grown in most areas. Cocoa is frequently planted, but does not thrive because
of thin top soil, the lack of shade and humidity due to the absence of larger trees. These
farmers are attracted to the inner hills. For reasons described in the next section, a move to
the inner hills requires significant capital resources. Poorer farmers facing a land shortage in
the middle hills are seldom able to move further inland, and they are forced instead to turn to
labouring opportunities in the coastal zone in order to make up for production short falls and
meet their survival needs. Out migration is another option, although it, too, requires capital.
for cultivation. in both tasks. clear fields covered by
brush, such as that which springs in the harvest the next
planting, although help they are not outside the
children, in planting, although are the experts
varieties, planting distances patterns. are mainly responsible for weeding,
harvesting, drying, bundling and other post harvest processing, although often help.
are responsible for are consulted, negotiating with the entire middle proceeds for the sale price of the sale of a harvest are generally of shallots, but to for
safekeeping for sale their participate account. in the cultivation married of tobacco. shallots garlic
their account, in a separate or in a subdivision of a field also being used for
private production by their their older children. Single
unmarried, divorced or widowed, grow shallots, tobacco for cash, as well as
a range of staple foods. a variety of for gaining access to
clear
up few months between one and
men will if away working village. Women,
and men participate women
on seed stocks and
and Women
men Men
men
women and handed them
and budgeting. Women Most women
grow vegetables on own Many women grow and
on own field,
husband and perhaps women, whether
ground nuts and
They use means male labour if it is
needed to fields.
The Middle Hills
Some changes in and household
patterns of access to productive resources, division of labour,
form the context of the introduction of tree crops.
dimensions of these changes are not yet apparent, but anticipated.
crucial over time, a matrilineal or patrilineal bias that tree crops require the area of a long term of husband and develop. to wife a particular less by both place. Flexible and,
that entitled to of any trees upon divorce in recognition of their
labour but not practice as the trees are physically located
derived husband, from either desire to plant or by the couple jointly. the husband’s trees of their or the wife’s own, separate family. from For these those other reasons, their
Registration of land and trees, which are only just being introduced in the hillside
area, raise related issues. According to village responsible for the registration, the
land trees are being registered men’s names, even the land trees are
recognized by the to belong to the wife. This process, allowed to continue,
inevitably as parents law. affect unwilling to give rights case of divorce assets to daughters only to have them taken over by sons-in- or dispute, and may even affect inheritance,
In the long run there will take principal be changes responsibility the sexual for division the tree of labour. crops, not yet clear whether leaving to focus
maintaining the annual production cycle, or whether absent themselves often
from types of farm their major distinct task, the clearing of land for cultivation,
longer or only seldom being undertaken. of these questions can yet be answered,
although important to raise the issue of the differential impact upon
of the major land tenure and production transformations currently process.

1.5.1 LOCATION, LAND USE AND LIVELIHOOD STRATEGIES

and functioning can be expected in The full
some elements can be A
fact is commitment
movements between origin may become common,
may It was stated
men and women
husband and wife are each 50%
inputs, this may work out in on land
and many
women owned and managed by
and ta.xing
officials all
and in when and
husband if will
women’s in
may be
in It is
men will on new women on
men will more
all work once
is no Few
it is likely
women and men
in
THE INNER HILLS
hills is hills.
The area The
referred to here as the inner the zone inland from the middle closer
edge of the inner zone can be reached after walking four to hours from the coastal plain.
Settlement extends inland the point the high peaks and ridges the center of the
peninsula around Sojol present obstacles for habitation cultivation.
After crossing the center point, Lauje settlements are again encountered the to
the western coast. secondary forest, most of which regularly forest fallow
rotation cycle of about five to ten years. Primary forest restricted to a few frontier areas,
to areas that have been considered unsuitable for farming over the centuries that people have
lived the area: very steep slopes, rocky terrain, and river banks (although the latter are
being cleared places). difference
not in the characteristics of the natural environment and resources, but the
resource practices of the populations that live there.
by the cultural religious traditions that distinguish the people of the inner
the population the middle
hill sbt
until where at
Mount and Ogomas and
all way down
The main vegetation is is
farmed under a
is and
in now
in The main
between the inner hills and the middle hills lies
in economic and
management These practices are informed
social, and hills from
in hills below them.
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
There if
are few, any, large areas of primary forest that are suitable for conversion to tree
plantations. have never visited the area, believe that This should stressed because in village area there are plentiful of
Their misconception both to a lack of good information the state of the land
population densities, to their failure to appreciate the importance of forest fallow to the
sustainability of the traditional agricultural system. This issue explored in in Part
be and kecamatan officials, most whom
this unused land resources.
is due on and
and
is more depth
Two.
The hill non-Muslim Lauje
missionaries estimate that there are 5-7000 inner people or in the
hinterlands of Palasa. proportion of these people are not registered
in any village, identity cards. are reluctant to acquire these cards,
since the religion "Islam" village without the people’s
Lombok, Bobalo and A
and do not possess Some
is sometimes written on them by officials
knowledge or consent.
The population hills is Some
of the inner surprisingly dense. estimates are presented here,
based population figures the 1990 census, with the intra-village census
boundaries (which tend to use rivers Slope as borders), has not land taken into areas derived account any of the the author’s land area
estimates. the population density estimates serve as a useful point of
comparison the middle According to these estimates, the
population density in villages included the inner the as great study with inner or even greater populations than are that in the living middle Bobalo.
the Ogoalas Sojol the center peninsula, This a land
area of approximately 8x6km, yielding a density of 30 people per square kilometre, not
less than that in the middle According to the census, there are 479 households
(about people), living in the census by the Malabi, Siavu
rivers, the border, an area of about 4x8km. This produces a density of 74 per
square kilometre. Part of this area, up to Taipaobal, the inner population inland classified of the Bolo by the author as middle that the
headwaters of the Nogaat, Beneti inland to the center of the peninsula,
there are 270 households, or 1,350 people, a land area of about 3x6km. This produces
a density of about 75 per square kilometre. majority of the latter belong
administratively to Bobalo, but were enumerated for census purposes in according to
an agreement between of the villages third example,
the inner population census the area which includes
inland to the borders of 1035 people. (or possibly This as far an approximate land over as the
area of 3x6km, producing a density of 57 per square kilometre.
Despite these high population densities, the are generally forested than the
middle reasons for are the system that practiced, the conscious
preservation issues are of forested discussed areas, the availability of a forest frontier for expansion.
on from matched
and from
hand-drawn map (Map 3). been in
Although approximate,
between hills and inner hills.
hills is hills.
The two in hill Lombok and
According to the Lombok census, there are 292 households (about 1,460 people) between
river. Mount at of the
and the Nogaat. is
much
hills. same
2395 district bounded and Nogaate
and Bobalo
is hills.
Taking only hill mountain lives around
at and Babong and
in still
The group
Lombok
officials two and two kecamatans. As a
hill in Bobalo in Tengke Ulu and areas
up Lombok, Ogomas, and Ansibong
boundary of Palasa) was 207 households, or about is
inner hills more
hills. The this farming is
and These
below.

1.5.2 THE EAR.\1ING SYSTE.M The is When is first

The Inner Hills
farming system centered around root crops, particularly taro. a garden
cleared, planting taro, cassava and corn the state planted. of the garden. the pattern of
a garden has just been cleared from primary or very old secondary forest, be
covered with large tree trunks that failed to burn due to their huge size frequent rainfall
during the drying period. planting pattern then consists of taro, corn
cassava between the wherever space available. the to be harvested and
so essential to the farm family’s survival the but does not yield well in the
overgrown conditions. rich and moist shady conditions are good for taro.
used pattern for two to three years, and then to fallow again.
a garden has been fallowed for a period of ten or fifteen years, ideal conditions exist for a
corn harvest, since the burnt vegetation enriches the but the trees are small
that they will burn thoroughly, leaving a clean In case, a large proportion of
the garden aside for corn or more rarely abundant harvest means food security
for months. the capacity to be generous to kin neighbours have
helped the family on pre\aous occasion.s, or future). also the possibility
of acquiring significant trade goods such as knives and clothing, recently cash, from
middle farmers hear about the harvest. After the corn or rice harvest, corn planted
again intermixed with root crops. cassava harvested from to nine after
planting. taro takes a year to mature, but then yields continuously for years with
minimal tending, as the .secondary forest grows back up around
the garden has been fallowed for years, taro usually already established, as the roots
survive the clearing burning process, and the leaves resprout. taro
tended and harvested continuously during the fallow, so that the productive throughout
the cycle, even while the forest regenerating. Because of the
taro, farmers have to search carefully for a small area of the that relatively free of taro
which they can plant corn. taro competes for space with corn, a second corn
harvest not attempted in the spot; possible, a taro-free patch cleared from
the forest the edge of the to fallow after the corn
harvested, garden and the taro continues to yield while the farmer’s attention to a
In order to taro. For plant shallots, they look for a well-drained slope with thin soils that will not waterlog. farmers select an area that has a free
slopes are harder to find the inner than lower the farming pattern keeps
the "thin” and well suited to shallots. inner farmers have
cash crops for least twenty years, but or none. Unlike the middle
farmers rely cash crops to for shortfalls staple foods, the inner
farmers able to their staple food needs from their requiring cash only
for "extras," such as kerosene, and dried
Inner corn or rice nurtured under the regenerating forest cover, although these gardens require farmers generally time. garlic have or shallots or have an plots additional of land fallow gardens separate actively being worked maintenance. for that
are The proportion of each crop and
depend upon
If it will still
and
two-month The and
in logs, is Corn is first
is in new garden, it
The soil The garden
is in this left
If
good soil, still
enough field. this
is set rice. An
many It means and (who
will do so in It means
or, more
hill who is
The is six months
The many
it.
If five is
and The may have been
field is
is abundance of well established
field is
in The and
is same where new is
at field. The field is left
and cassava have
been shifts new
plot.
garlic, good deep top soil and is from
Such
in hills down where
soils Some hill
been growing these
at many grow little hill
who upon make up in hill
are meet own produce,
salt, fish.
hill one at most two
at one They frequently have a number of where taro is still
little
Only farmers with plot. The farmers note
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
they differ in this regard farmers, as as eight active
plots simultaneously. plots per household, the inner farmers are able to fallow
their fields for a longer period. further difference in farming styles that middle plots
are kept clear of weeds, with bare earth surrounding the growing corn or shallots,
for as as tree or consecutive or logs, harvests, covered with while the spreading inner taro leaves, farmer’s plot soon planted permitted in to
regenerate to forest. practices the inner tend to conserve forest
resources better than a household those the in the inner middle using a garden cut primary, heavy or light
secondary forest depends upon short-term options, long-term strategy in relation to
the cycles role. of resource use and which each of these forest types plays a distinct
Clearing primary forest has few short-term production advantages, since the frequent rainfall
throughout the year a thorough burn abundant rice or corn forest the exception
rather than the rule. heavy: on an average x plot, takes
about thirty days to cut the trees, days to clear the smaller trees shrubs,
then, after a for the logs to dry, day to burn days to pile
reburn the sized charred logs littering the rains too during the
drying period, the plot to entirely for years until the big trees have
rotted harvest of corn the secondary the logs, but forest the yield can be burnt. small, as After described above. a partial burn, crops produces are planted in a
so the short term risk factor high.
household cannot think of investing labour a primary forest plot does not have good
reserves of food derived secondary forest garden plots. reliance
these food sources to clear a plot a great distance the current
one, hence the pattern of clearing land the vicinity of existing gardens, not
directly their edge. farmers prefer locations deeper inside the forest, which have
fewer weeds, but run more risks they cannot tend their old garden while establishing the
one. there the pioneer forest the asking to vicinity that can be used the as a starting-point, person cleared this
not his own. Should an attempted forest clearing not succeed, the family returns to
a plot in secondary forest that can quickly be cleared brought into production to
provide food, especially taro already there. heavy secondary forest garden,
available, provides the best of an abundant harvest the reserves necessary for
expansion into the primary forest. distinct types of forest their respective
farming patterns are essential to the system as a whole.
long-term advantage of clearing primary forest that increases the land area in the
cultivation cycle, so permits other fields to be fallowed for longer retain their
productivity. social that clears land
are an increase their production food security over the long term,
pass adequate reserves of land on household would move off to a new area, perhaps with some close a kin-based territory. to their descendents. Subsequent generations added previous generations, to the land a strong relatives, area along the
edges, to the land needs of the growing population. to intermarry.
from middle hill
some of whom have many
With fewer hill
A is hill
sometimes
many five six hill is
amongst stumps and
The farming in hills and soil
in hills.
Whether hills is from
its and its
management in
makes and
The labour investment is 50m 50m it
man huge five and
two month wait one and five up and
medium still field. If it much
may have be abandoned five
and
between is A good burn good
and other crops, but happens, according to farmers, only two times out of five,
is
A in if it
from its and old taro The on
makes it difficult new at from
common new in if
from Some
if new
If is some secondary in
will be opened first,
borrow the land from who it, if
it is new
light and
if is A if one is
hope and
Thus the three and
all
The is it
and and
The and economic advantages enjoyed by the household
in and and the capability to
Among
and capable farm
and establish
keep up with They tended
Jl%e Inner Hills
If became
keeping the land within the extended family. the land area cramped, a few would
off as pioneers and repeat the cycle. the inland communities today are kin based
groupings controlling an area of land inherited from their ancestors. difference
today that there very land the forest frontier that suitable for conversion to
gardens, so that few pioneers, and the majority farm a fixed area of secondary forest
land which generation they have the inner been using rotation for three or cleared primary forest, and generations. those that have done the present
so count a of five or plots over a lifetime.
5.3 .AND ITS
are slopes, but farmers are extremely
aware of the danger of landslides. only places that are taboo are a few sacred trees on
tops and river banks which are the resting place of although the land
can be cleared. clear the choice locations, such as relatively level land, close to
a water source. Other desirable locations are cleared either by the pioneers or
by their descendents. cultivated the pattern of clearing promotes the quick not restoration linear, of forest cover. forest pressure standing
resources increases, clearing steep land previously marginal avoided lands almost complete be the middle brought into production.
very primary In the inner land rivers other
steep or rocky lands, has original forest cover.
Besides their concern to avoid landslides, inner households rely forest for
a of important resources. not see the forest as unused, but as a
reservoir find things that they need for use or sale. forest items used
are poles, bark and for building houses, and wild and vegetables as supplementary
foods. staple foods. Sago, Pioneer farmers recalled that they had eaten onaun for three months continuously and a wild root locally called wubi used to be processed as
while waiting for the corn harvest a remote Lauje recognize that
onaun, sago and hunting were the sources of livelihood ancient times, before the ancestors
learned recently, to small gardens of taro, and later to plant corn and, even
Hunting practiced the inner both the forest and the vicinity of gardens, which
attract the wild Stakes and traps are set near gardens, especially those which the forest
beginning root from to regenerate, taro, but apparently an important rea.son for having only one corn garden but there "never are old cassava to roots a time. behind. Pigs, wild pigs
are hunted up to ten with them, only supplementing with foods they find in the forest. the forest days, as long as the by means of blow pipes. food supplies taken with the hunters Hunting expeditions the forest planted small taro can for
gardens carried the middle case the of the forest unripe. for use out hunting, although food be
forest also the source of cash for inner dwellers. contains rattan that they collect
and pare into strips sale to middle and coastal people for use in house building, fishing
gear, are exploited by certain rattan stands kin groups, are not individually usually those living close by. owned, but eertain territories
further collect forest produce such territories after asking permission. In the last
  1. THE FOREST RESOURCES There no supernatural taboos against clearing steep hill
move Most of
common The
is is little on is
become
in more Among
in hills, many have never
maximum six
The
hill spirits, around them
Farmers first
less later, first
Thus is and primary left
between areas As on land
will eventually
The process of is in hills, where there is
little forest left. hills, alongside and gullies, and
still its
hill on the primary
number They do empty or
where they can The main
rattan fruits
onaun emergency
first at new garden. The
in
make still learned more
rice.
is in hills, in in
pigs. in
is still left The do
up manage finish it." Only corn and cassava are guarded
pig.s, at anua and birds
in in last
last. They always carry food
Some have
in when must still
in taro is
The is hill It
for hill
and other purposes. The
commonly Other groups from
away only in
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
five years the extraction of larger rattan poles for export has been a major feature of the inner
hill area. Some inner hill people participate in this enterprise as labourers, although the
area. inner people participate in enterprise as labourers, although the
the financing and of the workers originate in the coastal zone forest also
contains 1.5.4 resin, candlenut for the produce. Rights to these trees, which are trees have been harvested inherited periodically families. there
Rights to land are established clearing the primary forest. person clears the
original forest has the right to cultivate the secondary forest, can pass those rights to
descendents, can lend the land to requests can transfer rights to
others land after a fallow period. in return divided for compensation for descendents, land has signs of previous cultivation, such as taro or bemana the labour of them invested having the (ganti-rugf). right rights to cultivate are the
trees, the person used the field has prior rights to
before clearing again. the middle for people to refuse to lend land
to to use to food. in the inner not a
case of lending land of have rights there. to others, but circulating the descendents of ancestors,
Access to the primary forest open, although actual patterns of clearing are determined by
kinship inherited or that clear land an area for in an area attractive, growing food while working on clearing the the that nearest residents provide a are stepping stone completely in the forest. unrelated, of
pioneers really wish to enter a area, they consult with those living nearby.
household surrounding area, to the extent that no one else would begin clearing there without permission. apply only to Lauje: people her^^There or as with to refuse of households other situations permission to the person the land a sense that outsiders do not have automatic rights to clear and use the that in which forests clearing the livelihood respectfully requests belong to the Lauje people "since we are the original an area of of forest fellow Lauje Rights of open access lays claim at stake, to the
land, although the just beginning issue has hardly arisen to be planted so in the inner their arrival land rights
are plants trees arise individualized: rights to land are that acquired kin, by a person also have claims
to the land previously could expect to use periodically to food. serious
problems arise person transfers to outsiders the rights to property that properly
belongs frequency along the border zone with the middle trying to to a acquire land of descendents, to plant not trees. just to that individual. cases are increasing in
1.5.5 IN HILI^
Differences in farming practices, resource use and the middle and inner
dwellers have been described above. in practice cultural boundaries,
are assigned status implications by the groups each side of the divide. example,
middle people despise the inner diet of taro and cassava, which less respectable than
initiative, many The
and cinnamon when is
demand by certain
LAND RIGHTS
by The who
on
whoever it, and permanent
Land
commonly not among all same
If still
who last it, and others must ask permission
it As in hills, it is difficult
someone who wants it grow Most commonly hills, it is
it among common
all whom
is
ties make and form
borrowed land Households
seldom where and if
new first A
group is
However, is it is
difficult who it.
and
is
far.
Tree crops are hills, and with
becoming more permanent who
on land that they cleared themselves or was cleared by ancestors. Problems
sometimes between the person who plants the trees and other who
and it grow More
when one
group Such
hills, where middle hill and coastal people are
INTERACTION WITH OTHER LAUJE THE
management between
hill Such differences mark
and on For
hill hill is
The Inner Hills
hill and corn. At the same time, middle hill
the preferred middle diet of rice farmers envy the
that inner people can grow root crops with devastation by pigs,
staples to Indeed middle farmers choose to to benefit
from the Other middle protection farmers depend on the taro of the inner from pigs afforded by the inner people’s people to see them through hard hunting eating habits.
times, walking arises up to advantage from their e.xchange staples the to for trade the goods such as a inner enjoy over or simply asking for food. the in the middle
scared to go near the farms and so do not raid the corn crops;
to and capital fencing. obliged to purchase staple foods with their cash,
the kerosene, locally clothing, and items such as torches and batteries.
essential. Sugar, coffee and dried are occasional not purchased regularly. This
pattern of consumption requires a to the coastal market only once
the middle people, e\idence of remoteness and backwardness of the inner people.
Middle people consider inner people to be especially the often have long
hair and always carry a knife (parang), even to market. distinguish
themselves by wearing the hat (songkok). the other hand, inner are
considered desirable, because of their paler skins, bright clothing, fine plucked eyebrows,
colourful beads and painted faces. Middle often
Differences housing and garden can be observed. inner families, particularly
those of leaders patriarchs, have large house.s, with used in
their construction than found the middle houses are mostly
Other inner houses are small, consisting of a roof built against the sloping land,
walls. Roofing inland to be rattan leaves, while middle people
use sago leaves available. inner house often not cleared, access along
huge fallen trees that act as bridges across the undergrowth and across streams.
Lauje looking across the valley towards the forested heights of Silikohong could
distinguish the inner people from the middle people living the visibility
of both the house and the gardens: the house and gardens of the inner people, being
covered with taro leaves and other vegetation, blend with the forest (and are considered
while those of middle farmers stand out starkly to the bare brown earth (and
are considered "clean"). difference garden type magnified when two or three middle
farmers clear contiguous gardens to ease the of guarding, exposing a large patch
of the garden and difference while the next. farming and cultural styles should not be exaggerated. the inner people prefer to put distance the inner
people, the root crop gardens around the house and other locations, sometimes no
than 10x10 metres, that are covered with foliage. the inner people plant
large of corn, the as expose of the bare earth do, especially just as those living the middle in the border people zone, they do.
Inner people continue to farm an area for several generations eventually blend, in
both agricultural cultural with the middle population: they live
settled conditions, farm mostly secondary forest and eventually grassy lands,
heavy forest. and blend however: of those the
fact hill less
and so always have
eat. some hill live on the border zone,
hill and
hill hill
salt,
The triple non-Muslims in hills Muslims
hills ability hunt and eat wild pigs: the pigs provide protein; the pigs are too
and root and there is no need
expend labour in Not
main e.xpenditures are on salt,
Tobacco is sometimes consumed, but the
grown areca nut (pinang) is considered more
fish treats,
visit in many months. To
hill it is hill
hill hill dirty, men who
when going Middle hill men
Muslim On hill women
hill women more wear sarongs than dresses.
in style Some hill
and more wood planks and bark
is in hills, where light bamboo.
hill in and no
is more likely made from hill
if The hill lot is and is
Middle hill
from Alau
hill hill
among them by
lot lots hill
in
"dirty") hill due
The in is
hill problem
hillside hill some
between one house and
The in Among hill
it is in more
When hill rice, garlic,
and fields many them
do weed fields and hill below them
hill who in
and styles, hill in more densely
and seldom clear
Not all become Muslim socially, some in
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
Lombok become and still between
valley have Christian, maintain a sharp social distance
themselves associate themselves culturally with the midhill the middle below. Lauje, but pioneer the frontier
zone as neighbours of the inner often hidden. they the advance guard of a distinct midhill group, or are they instead inner people, have a history that particularly complex,
people in the process of a religious and cultural conversion? In likelihood there are
of both, history in each area. the conversion
way: there are intermarriages in directions across the cultural religious border,
inner land resources are attractive to the middle
are claim to have converted to Islam, and referred the border associate themselves culturally with the middle zone as "half people
but whose claims are disputed by those cases, set the themselves up as arbiters of social purity and
distinct unrelated by kinship distinct years past. farmer
disassociating himself from the inner people was prepared to recognize that they are indeed
his first to convert to Islam into in the 1960s, above,
while others married below." border people vigorously deny any kin connections with
the people of the lands. inner frontier zone below, order to in their benefit from family’s history the productive
a reasons, families the border zone to acquire additional land:
have frontier but into the area forest land; while others simply require additional distance away; have always lived the
land to meet the needs of a specialize in clearing forest, generation, to acquire land from those who are planning to stay near by rather than cleared few inner people
lend or transfer permanently, providing a polite request cash value of a
hectare about Rp40,000. In earlier times, such frequently in
kind, goods. for land being the form of axes, parangs, sarongs, bundles of
inner people feel that their land resources are already under pressure because of the
large of descendents farming there, lack of appropriate land for expansion at
the frontiers. unwilling to transfer any of their inherited land to outsiders: turn
our secondary forest lands into cash, our children be able to
middle families, although they recognize the greater availability of land the
superior of the fresher the inner zone, cannot afford to the border
area. Unless they already have kin the area prepared to loan land and food, the requirement
to pay out cash or kind for acquiring land the frontier, together with the necessity for
supporting themselves for four while preparing the land awaiting the corn
harvest, the capital requirements prohibitively high. reason not really an
frontier, families with find themselves trapped
instead into a cycle of labouring in coast, where, when work for food
and those from hills
The people who
hill is and also
Are
hill all some
according to the specifics of local Not all is one
both and and
hill many young men from hills.
There some households in and half," i.e., who
who hills,
who
group membership. In some
two groups which now present themselves as culturally
and were much less in One now
hill
cousins, the family having split two factions in his father’s generation,
when some chose
and "some people started marrying people from
Other
hills, and emphasise a point
when they moved
up to the from in more fertile and
For number of in may need
some moved from some some on
seldom or never cleared primary
new who move
off. These people seek first it. A hill
and have large reserves of land, some of which they are willing to
is made. The current
of land is exchanges were made
payment in rice, and other
Some hill
number and the
They are "If we
where will grow food?"
Many hill and
fertility soils in to move
in
in on
months and first
makes For this it is
open and poor middle hill
no stocks or savings
work on the is available, cash
comes daily.
T1\e Inner Hills
Since the rush began to plant tree cash crops, the inner have attractive to
coastal Lauje with substantial capital, have acquiring land to establish tree
plantations. size so recorded 5,000 trees, the majority of gardens
having 1-3,000, and covering most hectares. In most cases the not take
residence gardens. the Others have paid wages to workers either from the inner have delegated an unmarried son or relative to area or from the middle establish the
Several of the individuals apparently benefitted establishing these gardens from free labour services provided by local are the village or
residents. labourers the to land cleared three times and planted, a year. the most to pay for
capital required to finance the establishment of a tree crop plantation depends on several
factors. to the whether or not they have land for food farming, and how successful they are whether or not the the the family
that task; local labourers. of the paid for rates that by the family, approximate wages on the coast: clearing a 0.3 contracted out to
hectare plot of ten-year-old forest takes two about days, and the fee paid about
Rp30,000, which gives each worker about Rp2,500 per Clearing the undergrowth
around the entrepreneur wanting to clear and plant several hectares, the labour costs are formidable: about trees paid similar rates and undertaken three times per year.
RplOO.OOO per hectare per year, for years, before the trees begin to assuming that
they thrive. of coastal "pioneers" are given the Appendix.
Apart from the cost of labour, availability of labour another issue. to plant
tree crops universal, not clear that the term residents access to their
lands will be willing to for basis. occasionally,
they have a pressing need for cash, due for tree crops, to the failure once established, are sporadic rather than of a shallot harvest or other
continuous. people are dependent on cash can, necessary, to be from the coast or middle their
own. accumulation access to of land labour and trees. not prove to be a problem for those intent large scale
For the of Rp75,000 per hectare, a chain operator can be hired to clear
heavy forest use and of this depends on the inner planks heard of outsiders from the the accessibility of the location. failing trees which to pay the sums they had promised in return for can then be sold to cover the rental chain saws were seen
land. village or are involved acquiring land for themselves or
behalf of however, those moving into the area to plant trees recognize the customary rights of those their associates, local residents a bargaining position. In general,
cleared negotiate the land, politely for the fear the a foothold repercussions the area. classified of antagonizing as slate land. their Permission to clear and develop neighbours,
land areas greater than hectare wish to requires see the area plans are approved, there approval developed the for tree crops the possibility for large scale on a large Village scale have
displacement of the inner residents. areas that have so far attracted tree crop
hills become some
who begun
The maximum far is w'ith
at five owners do up
in hills. Some
hill
hills. officials from
kecamatan center, who have
Once is common arrangement is
weed it
The
These include:
owner takes up residence in hills; if
moves hills,
at how much work is done and how much is
Labour is at
men six is
day. from
young is at is For an
five yield,
Some examples in
is With the desire
it is long who have own
work newcomers on a regular They may do so
when crisis.
However, routine labour requirements
Labour if brought in hills where
buy food, and have few long-term investment options of
Thus may on
sum saw and skilled
make wood
cost. The viability No
in in hills.
Some rumours were
When district officials in on
are in weak
who
first new and
in
The land in mid and inner hills is
one at district level. and
kecamatan officials who
been seeking such permission. If their is
hill The most
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
hill lie new road Desa
farmers from outside the inner area are those that along a proposed in
Bobalo. later in 1.5.6 inner situation in this paper. area does not yet show signs of class differentiation based on access to land such status of local land rights are discussed in detail
as in the middle has long existed the coast. Differences in
wealth relate strongly an important to factor, since the timing of clearing household labour farming strategies pursued.
working in heavier forest, rains cannot precisely predicted. Capital important,
especially as reflected in the availability of planting sets for shallots or Class
differentiation but this process has barely begun. well distinctions as stake groups which are based on kin individual land claims plant affiliation trees,
territory (groups not always being friendly with each other). relate to differential
access to key that a prominent leader from the inner of production, but they are important. can speak on behalf of Coastal authorities the people living
in his settlement, or even the whole zone. In he may represent the interests of his
kin-based territorial unit, or personal interests, seek to capture a large share of
resources individuals intended for general benefit. to the coastal authorities In the long run, could inequities, of goods and as
services in relation village to outsiders. chief has given This has a local leader in already a frontier to zone the authority to supply land in at least location,
to inner people, dispute that the land transferred to outsiders was really his to begin with, and coast to plant trees. of his relatives,
fear that their so-called has been the instrumental in displacing with large capital for the establishment them.
of tree crop gardens are a social group class of their own. Unless or until they displace
the earlier residents access to their land, however, they will not able to restructure
local relations labour. of production their favour, as reflected the heavy costs they must
majority of those their farms forest lands which have cleared after a
sufficient fallow, are able to their annual food needs from their gardens. In terms
of the sufficiency of daily caloric intake, those living in the inner their diet
root crops, are generally better off than the poorer groups in the middle or coast.
should not be expected, however, evidenced by their efforts in building a self-help literacy school Inner that current people are farming practices and strongly interested access to health care services. consumption standards education literacy, desire as to
plant tree crops as a source of cash, in part to replace the collection of forest produce such as
rattan which scarce, part to keep up with trends that they observe in
the middle they do not already. desire to participate in plans for "development" aspire to higher material standards of living, the inner
The Bobalo and the more
CLASS AND SOCIAL DIFFERENTIATION
The hill
is becoming evident hills and on
skills, availability, and
Luck is and burning operations is critical when
and be is
garlic.
may emerge more people and
There are marked between inner hill and
These do not
means sometimes
assume hills all
fact, own
his own and
this promote
and groups better connected become brokers
begun happen one
where the
newcomers from the who wish Some and neighbouring
hill
own leader
Along the border with the middle hills, new comers
and a
from be
in in pay for
The making on been
meet own
hilts, who base on
hills on the
It
will remain static. hill in and
at Tengke Ulu near the border
between Lombok and Bobalo. They would like They
is becoming more and in
hills below them. They may soon if
They express a in
The Inner Hills
hills, in make knowm aspirations priorities, and in
order to their and order to ensure that they
are not by-passed or displaced through the various changes that are the region.
Part discusses detail and a broader context the issues of land tenure,
displacement, the role of the the cultural dynamics that have raised in
description of the inner zone.
underway in
Two in more in
state, and been this
hill
Part Two
Linkages Between the Zones in the Wider Context:
Culture, Politics and Economics
INTRODIICTION
economic aspects of the between the
This section describes cultural, political and interaction
three zones described Part One. places these interactions the wider context of the
Indonesian perceptions of the mountain people are described, influence
of the state on local perceptions of hierarchy diversity are explored. of
operation of local government, land tenure policies, sponsored by
the state that effect the three zones and the relations Finally, the
exchange e.xamined. of goods the zones through trade, and linkages to the wider are

2.1 CULTUR.\L DISTINCTIONS

in It in
state. First, and the
and cultural The mode
and development initiatives
between them are described.
between economy,
nature and origins of the cultural distinctiveness characterizing each of the zones
described Part Elements of difference, simplified form, are:
Coastal Middle Hill Inner Hill
mangroves, coconuts farm, villagers shore forest, corn, shallots, villagers grass garlic forest taro, cassava forest hunting bela produce
Islam Islam animism, Christians

The was in One. in

light deep
rice
wage work
fish wage work
hill
weak
government weak government beyond government
between two categories, where
In practice, the distinctions are blurred, especially the second
a transition has been process for decades not centuries. in the third category
are very few. cases rice of the inner and population, appointed and recognized by the village Perceptions including of difference the animists, sameness within chief, vary with the local the social
location of the speaker. Seen from the coast, the hierarchy the mountain
people are backward, the further inland
Infrequent contact and cultural prejudice existing relation to the inner people promote
misconceptions the authorities and others. inner Lauje not speak
Indonesian. that those in the inner the coast with any regularity. Coastal people caves and trees. the inner
people Lauje extreme. holidays are to the the coast, occasions coast. the degree the of cultural of the house of alienation the village inner chief, coastal people reportedly inner staying
overnight his front porch for the festivities, while others sleep by the groups of 5-20, knocking to
doors to ask for the cakes traditionally served to guests holidays. are
treated with utter disdain by the villagers, see their long hair, tattered clothes
as signs of dirt disrespect. they have advance warning of a group coming the street,
villagers close their doors and windows. Others, either hospitable or afraid of the
51
in if Those wholly
Most hill fall
government system, have officials
grow corn and
in some garlic. and
is one of "civilization":
more backward one goes.
in hill
many among The hill do
The more remote people do not visit
rumour hills wear no clothes and live in When
hill do visit between and hill
is
Muslim when some more remote hill from Bobalo
come down They visit some
on make fires and river. They go
Tinombo town looking
and move around the town in
on on Muslim They
who and parangs
and If down
some more
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
hill
inner people’s magic, prepare a special plate of cakes for them, since they are reported to
help themselves to the whole jar tipping the contents into their cloth bundles to eat
if offered,
later.
Many hill
from the border zone with hills, move
people, including those the inner are able to
less conspicuously the coast. carefully carry their best clothes
in a bundle, changing into them after the clothes and are actually a river too bright crossing before walking to town. for coastal tastes, subtly revealing
their "up country" origins. not Muslims, but to the missionaries, those see the donning this
appropriate for use in town.
In order their for outsiders such as necessary to work through the village authorities and the sub-village researchers or to the inner people in
leaders living closest to the border zone. authorities are not convinced that the inner
people require the attention of outsiders, since they consider them to
the assistance that (about ten per cent) of have received the mission.
Moreover, with the exception of those who the border zone as close neighbours of the
inner people, the coastal and middle Lauje are afraid of their poison darts, their magic,
their supposedly vicious dogs. to be dirty primitive, in
respects Quite apart from the long walk along contact with the inner quite "beyond the pale." people. In the border zone, requests to local leaders to arrange visits paths, there are social barriers that prevent close
to inner hunting or collecting rattan; they would not understand the purpose of the households are excuses: there the dogs would
bite; the slope to the house too steep; the path too overgrown because the people do not
their gardens or their house clear; even their names are considered to
say overnight, quite abhorrent to local officials, interpreters and escorts, because of the possibility cannot be idea of an extended including staying
of pollution by pigs. difficulty or coastal people and with the the inner actual people than with any reluctance on asserted social distance
the part of the those they have authorities in the inner or have definite to receive direct ideas about of conditions the nature as succesful of there. in the inner village reveal. village leader with a
large inner population described their condition of ever to have visited the inner area are those as charged with undertaking the census, than zero." village
although even then, the isolated households are not visited but called to
assemble at a given location.
village the farming practices of the inner people to
be unproductive to the environment. also believe that the area heavily
forested, that the inner people are currently cutting into the primary forest on a large scale,
that there are plentiful "unused empty" land resources, that people their farms
each year over a large area. In as noted above, the land converted to
secondary forest their fields within ago, a fixed area densely farmed for several generations. settled, or no empty
land, except that which too steep to farm. Besides the set of factors noted the small
size of inner gardens, fallows of five or years, the
around when down on They down
last muddy The
women’s makeup little
Men wear songkoks: according
head gear include some who are who
headwear as fashionable and
district officials visit hill
own environment, it is
The hill
be already privileged by
some them from
live in
hill hill
and They consider them and and many
difficult
hill
hill met with many is no one home; the men are away
visit;
is is
weed keep sites difficult
and sometimes remembered. The visit,
is
The lies more and
between the middle hill hill
hills visitors, visits
Although little no knowledge hills, and
district life A
hill life "less The only
officials hill
most remote and
The and kecamatan authorities deem hill
and damaging They is
hill
and and move
and random fact, was
some generations is and and many people have
been rotating There is little
is this,—
hill more
predominance of root crops and
The Role of the State
soil, combine soil and promote
the non-exposure of bare to minimize damage to the fragile top
rapid regeneration of secondary forest cover. In these characteristics the inner Lauje
contrast favourably with those the middle the land intensively, for
longer continuous periods, with staying place until the land
too poor to be farmed.
important to the point that the group the authorities regard as the primitive
and ensironmentally destructive, the inner people, are other traditional
swidden cultivators, knowledgeable and careful forest resources.
the middle are also knowledgeable, and have derived farming systems that have provided
subsistence for large conditions for decades not centuries.
have had to face the issue of agricultural intensification with attendant ecological
a gradual process of land degradation has resulted. contrast should not be overdramatized:
the inner farmers are also facing problems of population pressure land, also
need to intensify their farming system.
the point of view of secure and adequate livelihoods, the people the inner are less
often hungry than hand-to-mouth coastal workers. This fact recognized by
authorities, give greater importance to the production of cash crops for the market than
to the production of food, especially root crops. According to local the people both
the middle and inner arc "not producing anything, just significance
of the production for cash of shallots, garlic
the middle region, also neglected. In the few years, has
levels of of tree that the crops. only valid and valued form of cash production
Despite the view that farmers the environment,
officers from kecamatan to ministerial levels recognize that traditional farming systems are
often well adapted to the terrains on which they are practised. In the case of the Lauje, their
farming system has permitted large of people over several generations to gain a
livelihood from land, which an important accomplishment.
Real and imagined differences cultural and agricultural styles the Lauje the
various zones are highly signficant shaping the interactions them, influencing the
operation of local government, and affecting the plans formulated undertaken in
the of development. absorb local religious and are convinced that the mountain people will only other values
coastal people go to and provide "leadership."

2.2.1 LOCAL GOVERNMENT

all hill
in hills, who farm more
more damaging techniques, in is
finally
It is make most
hill in fact, like many
in managing land and Those
in hills
numbers of people in difficult if They
its risks, and
The
hill on and they
From in hills
wage is seldom
who
officials in
hills moving around." The
and tobacco, which have long been exported from
hill is last it been emphasized by all
government comes from
permanent fields
official hillside damage many government
now
numbers
mountainous is
in between in
in between
and activities
name Some officials
become "civilized," and
promoted by the government, when
up live among them
22 THE ROLE OF THE STATE
direct influence of the state strongest coastal zone. there that heads
and their reside. Visitors from the and provincial offices occasionally stop in
to talk visited the interior of his to village above interests but spend the rank of village there. In domain, even the closest middle most of their time head ever walk villages the into the studied, the unless village head himself has never claiming he offices they have not strong enough tour. personal
for the hike.

The is in the It is village officials district

officials, at kecamatan when on
No officials hills,
economic one of the six
hills, is
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
Even when be among
physical strength should not an issue, as the university students posted
to the thirteen villages of intended to expose
the students to village while they also offer assistance to villagers), the students spend
very of their time in the the participants in 1990, several noted that they
at to the during their three in
the village. services they were supposedly offering were concentrated exclusively
the coastal zone, while in several of the villages the majority of the population in the
national for village involves a combination of centralized
committees, and a system of sub-village units. village territory divided into two or
dusun; the are further divided into or groups, as the
comprised of or groups, ideally with about ten households in
each. units has a leader appointed by the village chief. This village government
system although in place in in place, Part One, the inner registration the coastal but only of households those close dusuns of Bobalo and incomplete. zones of the study area. In the inner to the border areas are organized into large populations, the
principal hinterland of interaction the coastal-based leaders. village chief talks to village authorities the
are information or requests to convey. at the or the or sends in the for the leaders to descend the residents he has
to a meeting, but often hillside not families. reach the This households especially that are socially acute physically hillside families are
living outside the boundaries occurrence. of the leaders, even they dusun or are selected unit in which the they are local leading families, registered, a lack
to enforce directives, can only explain requested authorities
ask for cooperation. evidence that the system in reverse: hillside
residents proposals and Individuals office, which getting together requests require official direct often the to the village to the village or authorities. papers, such chief. level as marriage permits, convey their requests via the copies or to package records are information maintained maintained by formulate in the village
in their conditions. village crops be exercises village planted discretion hopes to the hillsides the granting the by insisting of requests, request of that higher levels youths plant of 50
trees before populations they acquire a tribute from the middle and inner a marriage permit. village farmers in the form of corn, rattan chiefs with hinterland
other produce. tribute not collected of taxes paid into the village tax
fund, but seen as an indication of loyalty to the village chief an informal
continuation Rajahs in of tribute once paid to coastal earlier the century. rulers (such as the Olognian the
lack of official records, the difficulty of obtaining information, the the lack of open of the village meetings, head,
village officials to accusations of favouritism such
as galvanized iron for house roofs, seedlings, literacy packages delivered to the village
Kecamatan Tinombo the KKN program (which is
life some
little hills. Of KKN had
made most one overnight visit hills
month period of residence
Thus the on
live hills.
The framework government
The is more
dusun two more known RK; RK is
two more neighbourhood RT,
Each of these
is and middle hill hills,
dusun system is RK and
RT. As noted in hill Lombok have
is
The mode between and
is by means of the dusun and RK The
them while they
down market mosque, word them if
Once back hills, RK may call
do and remote
from the leading problem is where
village, RK
common
The dusun and RK when from
power and what is
by the higher
and There is no works
at dusun RK and
who
dusun leader or Few
is empty of paper, although some documentation is officials
homes. The head over and may
impose his own One head meet
government that more tree on
may Some
demand hill
and The is in lieu and
is more and
in Dusunan and
Tinombo) in
The
and the proportion of government business carried out in home open
and corruption. Assistance given to the village,
and is
Vie Role of the State
no clear and open information
how much was how it was
head. Since exists about received and
distributed, and resentment grows, even no improprieties have occurred.
material rewards offered to to arrive. additional village rewards promised, such as cash, a bicycle, a radio and the form of honoraria are set low
clothing that were to be given to village return for their the previous census,
also failed to materialize. leaders responsible for the hinterland
considering with the large investment time 1990 census would
cost them, hiking to distant settlements, with clear indication that their efforts
rewarded, or their loss of least compensated. factors clearly affect the
motivation despite and performance these constraints. organs of village government, the Family of Welfare although the Village are surprisingly are active place diligent the
Their of functioning tends to be routine and reactive, as they undertake programs such
as lectures on ideology (P4), with limited participation from the villagers,
from those the Sports and social events are popular,
least coastal dwellers. committees not, present, to be acting in the
capacity of active partners of the village team development. the of 1990 provides an example
of the what and what can readily be accomplished village
development. In of the villages the found village to be largely
inactive, with the village office seldom open one case the office being used as a goat pen).
of the of "lack of motivation" and the "mentality" of village officials and villagers, and possibly also the inappropriateness of the of the initiatives themselves. Despite the difficulties encountered, the to implement was rendered ineffective because
participants pronounced, the closing seminar, that the after the departure with of the their standardized the demonstration of "positive plots they established
overgrown and abandoned, students villagers, are had prepared services, concentrated village such as the coastal zone. Extension workers interviewed admitted that they reading clubs were data. inactive, extension, which are nominally available to
had never set foot the This to their inadequate to the
population supposedly served; their lack of training inputs appropriate to hillside
agriculture; resources an within their attitude reach. and village which favours scarce
exclusive focus of the apparatus the coastal zone (and particular classes
within captured the statement of a senior that "75 per cent of the
people here are coconut farmers." This a gross distortion since the majority of people in the
region are have coconut workers with no trees, or hillside farmers: a
population quite out of sight and out of mind.
Health of services to interior areas. Health officials interviewed were unable to estimate the percentage are but few efforts have been provided on the coast. Hillside to render them more accessible or extend the delivery residents are to use of the
rumours fly if
The officials in at levels,
and often fail Some
officials in work in
Dusun and RK districts were
some dismay in and energy the
hill no would be
income at These
officials, some and
The official Development Committees (LKMD, the
LMD) and Education Committee (PKK) in in all villages.
mode
official and none at
all who live in hills. somewhat more at
among The do at seem
in
The experience KKN in kecamatan Tinombo in
gap between is planned in
many KKN team government
(in is
Much program KKN was supposed
some
KKN proceeded list activities, and district officials
at program was
and 90-99% complete." One
month KKN, had were
and the information boards the
were still empty of
Government agricultural all
in
in hills. is due numbers in relation
and
and among district officials keeping
own
The government on
it) is in kecamatan official
in fact, as we seen,
literally
facilities welcome make
facilities, made
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
in is on
of the population the area that actually being served, since they opperate a reactive
basis, serving only those forward.
Educational (Polumele, Taipaobal and Ogoalas). In addition, three self-help schools have been established in the last are Bobalo, one in Dusunan), and two adult literacy schools, one each accessible. has three schools in the interior
in the middle inner operation in in 1991. schools provide
educational opportunities to hillside families for the time, although the majority
unserved. disadvantaged Schooling exposes their dealings with the official realm. families to the Indonesian language, without school teachers which they are
willing to in hillside locations are Lauje in origin, play a very useful role in
mediating cultural and other disjunctions interior. Staffing remains
a problem in the schools in the interior, as well as the coast.

2.2.2. Land Tenure Security of land tenure is of critical importance to the thousands of households in the Tinombo hills. Traditional and current forms of tenure as they exist in each of the three agro-ecological zones were described in Part One. Here the relevant legal framework, as understood and

who come
facilities somewhat more Lombok
few years (two in
and hills, began Bobalo These
first remain
in The few
who have been
live remote and
between the coast and the
all many on
zones described Part the relevant legal framework, understood
local described. the strength of local in the area
increased, the of previously existing regulations other
interventions of livelihoods. could have significant impacts on local land use tenure,
local are familiar with traditional forms of land tenure operating in the
recapitulate: the individual use rights transferred clears to land and his descendents have perpetual use rights. others for a fee cash or kind, or, in
circumstances, loaned out for temporary use. There are some areas of land which are
cultivated, such as or parts of the dry opening"
has been the strongest claims are based recent use current desire
to use the land, which wish generally to acquire not contested. hillside land for their private use, they follow established local
practice, have sought access to and, de facto, recognize traditional rights. land for establishing tree gardens. Hillside farmers currently feel that true for other lowlanders
their tenure over the land secure, since has not yet been threatened by outsiders. They fully
expect to their land after fallowing to pass their descendents
in course. Part of the security experienced by the inner people, to cultural
difference: people the middle the coast are afraid of their their
poisoned blow pipes, farmers trpad planted very carefully tree crops their territory. to have formal
papers (Acte) such as those possessed by the of coconut trees the coast, which
permit desire to applied types of land trees terms of convenience rather than as a response to a threat of displacement. for or obtained disputes together such that occur division with the papers. residents of inherited land have land they to kin for are planted. tree planting, This
selling land or trees belonging to a deceased ancestor without the of other

implemented by officials, is As government is implementation and new and

and and on the security
Many officials hills. To
who first
These can be in some
seldom
grasslands foothills, where knowledge of "first
lost, and where on and/or
is
When officials
The same is who
hill
is it
be able to return to and it on to
due hill is due
from hills and magic and
and when in
A few hill who have
mentioned that they would like
owners on
them buy and sell upon which
was stated in
No one has yet
The main among
do with planting trees on
borrowed land without permission, among and
agreement
The Role of the State
descendenis. These disputes relate to the process of reinterpreting the traditional tenure system
in the light ot the implications of tree crop farming, a new form of production being introduced
the ot the implications of tree crop farming, a new form of production being introduced
into the paper. characteristics regulations, implemented, of transition be explored hillside farmers using a separate land under
traditional forms of tenure vulnerable to displacement. Local
farmers to have secure property recognized legal rights which they traditional to the land have cleared {hak adat) they cultivate, without permission. unclear. since Their Establishing could be status a claim considered in regard through to hak
adat requires the land to have signs of cultivation (such as trees) planted thirty years prior to
1959, together with e\idence of farmers meet requirement,
but the situation has not yet been investigated
office to grant permission to clear up to two hectares of government land, which
to by the head. Since 1989 the Bupati’s permission has
required to clear any area of government land larger than
these regulations be extremely particularly the has scarcely
attempted. since farmers have ever sought such permission they
have, according to a senior local cleared land so have "no
permission, papers, for other and no uses, such particularly as tree plantations. should the land be designated by the
Officials are inclined to recognize de-facto rights trees have and/or
fences established, since can then be classified as land use," although the legal basis for
their right to use the land unclear. Fallow land to be unused, and
several stated that land unused for a period of six reverts to
the status fallow periods to restore soil through tree cultivation which does not require fallows. Hillside farmers of government property. In the study area, the existing system of continuous cultivation could only be of cultivation requires fallowing
land used for food production quickly the land and/or starve.
question of determining a reasonable cut-off point for the re-use of fallow land before
reverts to "unclaimed" status the consider that even land
fallowed for thirty years claimed by the person cleared since the
labour required for clearing the huge trees so village
coastal people seeking land the state that a plot of land contains any trees big enough
to require cutting with an axe rather land. This issue than a also parang (about be reviewed years), detail can be a separate paper. considered
land property tax introduced 1988, potentially a serious threat to the
tenure security of farmers. Officials arc stating that people using hillside land have claims
to they should declare and pay taxes. not, they have no rights at 1990 the year
which an attempt being to implement the the Since the cultivation
system which practiced requires of the land to be under fallow, the hectarage used by
each family relatively large, and the tax expense impossible to meet from the produce of the
land. tax rate set approximately Rp5,000 per hectare. tax system, designed
with intensive wet rice or cash crop agriculture mind, inappropriate to the forms of
traditional agriculture found upland regions of Indonesia, the cultivators
vulnerable to displacement they to obey the new rules. exists within the
hills. The this will more fully in
Government if could make
officials do not consider the hill
it
government
officially rights is
permanent settlement. Many hill this
in detail. Between 1960 and 1989, the kecamatan
was allowed
had be documented village been
one hectare. The implementation of
would difficult, in hills, and been
However none of the hillside
official, government illegally and
no rights,"
government
more if been planted live
this "in
in this manner is is deemed
officials that is more than months
fertility. The condition met
who stopped
would degrade
The it
is complex and disputed. Lauje in hills
more than is still who first it,
original is immense. Some officials and
in hills if
five it
empty and unclaimed will in more in
The and (PBB) in is
hill if
it, it If all. is first
in is made PBB in hills.
is much
is
The is at The PBB
in is
in and makes
if fail Some flexibility
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
tax law to apply different rates of taxation to different types
provide In response to the danger posed by the an appropriate land, such solution as 0.2 hectares, for the taxation but of upland not the total farmers with farmers have chosen to register a token to which traditional they have traditional rights. rights.
Others plan to wait until their tree cash crops produce, using the profits to pay for
registration about the regulations their implications,
have not yet confronted the insecurity to which state regulations potentially subject them.
the positive side, coastal dwellers and outsiders to stake out large areas
of hillside land to establish tree crops be discouraged "land grabbing" the
requirement to pay taxes, particularly they not have the capital to develop the land
immediately. In sense, the scale land grabbing have occured in law provide farmers with areas where
land accessible. patterns in search are of land the are also original users exploited. of the land In location are displaced, in
powerful locals outsiders staked out large areas of land accessible
infrastructure the fringes a transmigration the 1980s. did not develop
themselves, but were area). able to exploit the labour of poor settler wished to they were informed
that to develop the land "already they would basis. In have way, the "owners" were able to have their land to negotiate with the for the right
developed 2.2.3 without using any capital or labour of their own.
In the past years, of hillside a land. of are have designed to proposed a by local of economic, for social the
ecological goals. involve coastal people developing cash crop plantations in the
interior, with the bring both promise or risk of opportunity to the current services inhabitants for settlements. of the to the
coastal people are being encouraged to into their territory. rationale, as
described by local of the of operation of such are
described here.
Interior Hillside Development:
This study. a market, interior schools, interior and foothill people. the elaborate of the proposed road progress tree plantations, village leader. passes along the shoulder of the villages involves a road, of Alau under
the border Siboalai/Ulat Perak, then to Tengke Ulu, Penando’ang and Sinimpis in the heart the inner of the Ecya, the then behind Sibinlanak the Silikohong market, where Mountain, joins the rough road to
that crosses the plain to the highway. kilometer stretch of
road the coast through foothills to the middle area of Alau built in 1989,
under a public works department contract. very steep, partially eroded,
usable only by a powerful vehicle. further 1990, to take
and grades of land, which might
PBB, some hill
amount of
some of
and tax. Many know little new and and
On
who may be tempted
may from by
if do
this PBB may hill some protection.
Examples of large many
new roads have made
more Two common;
and poor newcomers new one Tomini
and made by new
on of site in They it
newcomers (including many from the
Tinombo Whichever piece of land a new develop,
it had an owner," and owner
on a half-shares this
Land Development Schemes
few number schemes been officials
development They meet mix and
They mostly
hope some government new These
schemes and hills, and
who move The
officials, and some modes two schemes
Bobalo and
is most development scheme in in any six
It was developed by the Tomini Camat together with the It
and settlement areas for inner
hill
The path is marked on the map. It on
between Bobalo and on
hills,
and back down to the foot hills at it
narrow coastal down main A two
from the hill was
The new road is and
A two kilometres were scheduled for
The Role of the State
hill at
the road to the inner border ot Alau Silikohong, but funding was unavailable. There are
plans to have a further four kilometres to Siboalai 1991.
rationale for the road, according to local to the provision of services
(such as health, education, and "leadership") to the mountain people their area, as an
alternative to resettlement. interior, expected danger of encroaching on the protected forest that the road the inner people the center
of the peninsula. Other enticements are planned the form clove seedlings,
garden area of one hectares (on territory the inner people already claim as their
own). also plans for a settlement area of twenty hectares Silondong near Tengke
Ulu, which which did not materialize. the people living the area
goal with current thinking in the of providing services to mountain people their area appropriate, and in which recognizes line
resettlement to be goal and ineffective another goal (Stickings of local 1989:137). relation to a potential the inner conflict land, which exists
to encourage coastal people to into the to establish tree crop gardens. Officials
believe that the coastal people into the area provide important leadership
example to the inner population, religious, cultural agricultural practices the
authorities consider inadequate.
problem arises coastal people into the area with
displace the original inhabitants from their land, and force to into the
services are even inaccessible, and pressures on the environment inevitably
increase. Local state that the coastal people not displace the inner people or
encroach on their land, but only occupy "unused, land." the definition
categorization of "unused and land" subject to dispute, as noted above, since what
coastal people regard as unused, middle inner farmers regard as
undergoing a fallow of coastal period essential people into to the the inner sustainability has of the agricultural be system. for authorities the to
control an orderly and equitable manner. As individuals the inner transfer land rights
to the coast, others in their kin-based group feel uncomfortable and
insecure, and some are tempted also to sell up and move out. people have always
lived inland preferably distance from, middle
and not want these non-pork eating groups to into their territory.
development linked to the road the establishment of a cocoa plantation at Siboalai, the size
of which stated by different local as one hundred, two or
hectares. This development serve to rather than away from,
the inner areas. the description of Siboalai that a plot
has already been designated, and bears a sign post stating garden." occupies land
claimed by the inner people to be fallow garden land cleared by their ancestors, although
the village states that virgin forest land. local have only
ones to plant trees there. Others about garden have
reluctant to register their for a usually because they are unable to the
requisite capital or labour to garden development an area so remote
coastal area they others or nothing about the proposed
developments, and the opportunities they present.
built in
The officials, is facilitate
in own
It is will draw hill down
from the where they are in at
in and a designated
hundred hill
There areat
was once cleared by in
upon some promises of assistance
The in own is
Department of Social Affairs (Depsos) in Jakarta,
et al However,
between this officials in hill is
move hills
moving will and
hill whose and
The when moving official encouragement
them move higher hills
where more will
officials will hill
empty However and
empty is itself
and officials may and hill
Once
movement hills begun it will difficult
in in hills
newcomers from territorial
The inner hill
of, and at some the hill and coastal populations,
some do move
A is
is officials hundred five hundred
will draw people from below into,
hill It was noted in
one hundred hectare
it "official It
hill
head it was So far, officials been the
who know the official scheme been
names plot, make
commitment in from the
where live. Still know little
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
At least twelve coastal households had already acquired land in the Siboalai area by June 1990,
and, by December of the same year, another ten had notified the local RK leader of their
and, of the year, another ten notified the local leader of their
intention to seek land in the vicinity. are responding to strong directives
the village head, to to the area the informal leader of
Siboalai to "find for them." individually with the
informal leader boundaries of the village chief or directly with local asking for grants scheme. residents of land for access to along the secondary forest road. land outside village the have
these requests since, as a responsible local village residents should
Should the proposed road be completed and even, to some extent, without a road, exerted doubt that at levels pressure for of the system. the granting of interior land to powerful outsiders there will
further encourage the motivation for building the road, according their produce down to the to Stickings et (1989:184), in Bobalo, to rather
than revenues which the other side of the boundary, thereby capturing
In addition to the plans to develop gardens in the inner there are plans to develop
plantation areas in the degraded foothills in the hope of making that area at least as attractive
for tree crop farming as the hinterlands. hectare
proposed land for the foothills to regreen degraded foothill land with candlenut and other productive trees. to at Pungso, only lots three for the coastal road.
traditionally which occupies their land in the former corn garden land. They designated area. are, according to the village chief, only too invited to join the scheme,
pleased their land rights, to as noted above, are unrecognized. "progress" to their area, although they have households have already capacity to object since the area
because them, the proposed garden development displaces a previous source of livelihood whereas for of the for food production while waiting state of the land. five years the remaining for the trees thirty to yield will an issue. retain
the coastal discussion dwellers daily of the join the primarily cannot at coastal afford represents dwellers, to invest an opportunity for additional but labour in to attract a long term the poorest venture income. (see the
In the schedule, can be planted between the rows of attempt to such "problems trees, of transition," using agroforestry techniques. for food and annual cash crops that propose a staggered
has provided for the latter of a of
departments that visited the village to assistance package of 0.5kg of candlenut
seed plus a per household caused serious disappointment the village
leaders. a success of the venture, particularly villagers stated feel that repeatedly, substantial intended beneficiaries. to serve the interests of the poorest required are, to as the
The newcomers from
who urged them move and instructed
empty land The newcomers have negotiated
official
The mentioned that many officials and entrepreneurs from outside the
approached him new So far, he has resisted some of
official, he believes come
first.
is little be
all
A al is
mountain people to bring market
Lombok, is on kecamatan
and other benefits for Kecamatan Tomini.
hills,
A one hundred development scheme is
hundred meters from The
scheme aims The
is be divided into one hectare
one hundred households. Thirty households have
farmed They have been
welcome little
Many left
critical Whether families
enough land is For
who scheme it
The scheme is aimed may fail who
depend on wages and
Dongkas scheme, below).
alleviate officials work
and assistance with improved seed and fertilizer
As yet, no assistance
been initiatives. A team district officials from number
announce its
bag of fertilizer among
The more and integrated assistance is make
if it is who
district officials its
The Role of the State
Dongkas: Interior Garden for Coastal Dwellers
scheme open
This aims to an of eighty hectares a distance of four kilometers inland
from the coast for area reported to be heavily forested,
or settled present. people the vicinity, so that problems
of displacement the potential for the poorest to
benefit the scheme. variation the views of village about the
purpose of the and about motivation can best be achieved.
According to one eighty households resident the coastal zone are to be required to
to the garden area, a settlement, including housing and a school, will be built.
reason for insisting that coastal people inland, asserts, that they are
very poor motivation to improve their position. During the four years while they are waiting for the cocoa and have no assets, living land under coconut trees, also lack
trees to they will survive from food crops planted between the trees.
According to another the villagers are being invited to join the registering
one of groups, each to comprise 10-15
with recruiting their friends, relatives and neighbours, but be
forced to join. to clear land. group leaders plan be for housing and responsible a school was proposed to the Department of for organizing parties
Social Affairs 1988, but has not yet been approved. are said to have
promised the use of a chain the provision of seedlings.
reality June 1990 that the chain not materialized, the land not
cleared, but seedlings ready and the groups formed. Though not the poor
coastal households had registered, a of those interviewed In
cases, however, they planned balance their labour investment the with their
existing coast the coconut sector, fishing, labouring), accomplishing in part
through a gender based division of labour which responsible for the
gardens, once cleared. of the plantations inconsistent with the
village leaders’ policy of excluding household heads from registration in the
the basis that they "are not capable" of doing the work. In fact bachelors, are
permitted to register, that are more unlikely to be able to keep up with the work. important
attraction of the for the immediate potential for increased
growing vegetables for sale on a year-round basis, since the land the foothill
land which seasonal food crops are grown. This advantage they will have to
counterbalance with the loss of from the production of coconut which a
significant contribution to the food budget.
Besides the eighty hectare village garden scheme, a further twenty-five hectares have been set
aside for outsiders. and other wealthy people
applied for a share that the the land. wealthy people hire of this the poor arrangement, according participants to to prepare village
maintain their gardens, providing a source of the site
believes that a be possible fixed favourable to require the rate outsiders of Rp25,000 to use local per hectare labour, for to pay for the clearing
area at
cocoa farming. The is
and not farmed
at There are no middle or inner hill in
do not arise. The important question concerns
from There is some in officials
scheme how and participation
official, in
move where new
The move this official is
on borrowed and
yield, young
official, scheme by
in five members. The group leaders have been charged
members among no one will
The will work among
members The
in Kecamatan officials
saw and
The in was saw had and had
been some were all
good number had done so. all
to in scheme
work on the (in this
in women would be new
The expected predominance women’s labour in new is
women scheme on
it is who
An
scheme women is income from
is more moist than
upon their
income oil, makes
Kecamatan officials from Tinombo town have
in The advantage one
official, is will scheme and
much needed income at itself. The official
it will and
work contracts at and initial and
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
weeding. The perception among officials is is
subsequent at present that land in the interior
abundant, for villagers.

2.3.1 Non-market exchange

and so need not be reserved exclusively
23 TRADE AND EXCHANGE
The people of the hills zmd the coastal region are linked by me₂uis of trade and other forms of
market and non-market exchange.
As noted between the and the
nineteenth and early twentieth century centered on the ritual and material role of the Olognian. in Part an important form of exchange coast in the
Olognian received a tribute in the form performances assured the success of food production and she was expected to provide new seed the right to the of subsistence food through this mechanism. In return, her ritual taste of any rice or corn harvested in the
to hillside farmers failed in order to permit to re-establish their farming
ventures. the point duties, reportedly in the
1950s, hillside farmers also ceased to support the institution. institution This period coincided with a ban of tribute, which was enforced by the
in also (Nourse 1989:90.84). received tribute In earlier periods, loyal subjects. according In the case to of both a descendent, the Olognian and the
the rulers, their extended only as far as the middle since of the
people in the links these which inner zones with the seeking refused prevalent coast. food. to throughout can take the for three forms: authorities. middle and of exchange asking inner for food zones, as a
exchanging other goods for food (barter), or exchanging for food (purchase). a
person approaches another to ask for food, the not clear the
outset, but evolves through a process of negotiation in which a key factor the state of the
social relationship In general, the closer the social relationship
(through kinship, that food a sense strangers. which the or for free; Lauje recognize mutual familiarity barter occupies an intermediate position, where the disguised; cash sales are clearly calculated, themselves to friendship), the people," likely so that a
request for food another Lauje, even a stranger, should not refused. the
quantity kinship of food given networks are broad, spreading out among the kin of both a person’s mother and their to the the stranger stranger offered something small, (such just as coconuts for or day, in return. Since
father, distant kin not see another for long periods. unsure, as they
approach each other to ask for food, whether their proferred trade goods
refused, or the other party will haggle over quantities by contrast,
free the "negotiation" entirely a distant kinsperson comes to
the likelihood that he or she looking for food, after a period of social chat
perhaps a meal the person has come the host will simply go to the household corn rack
or root crop garden "here, for you."
One, hills
The had first hills, and
whose crops had them
At where the Olognian became negligent of her
by the newly independent government on the
Raja Tinombo
Mandar Rajas from
Mandar domain hills many
more remote hills
be ruled by lowland
A form of non-market exchange is still hill
and also The Lauje term this form is
modagang, means It gift,
money When
outcome of the transaction is at
is
between the parties involved.
neighbourhood ties, and more
outcome is will be given
economic nature of the transaction is somewhat and
most appropriate among
There is in be "all one
by be However,
may be enough one whereas more
would be given if salt)
may one They may be
will be accepted or
or, will insist on making a
gift. The form of may be silent: if
visit, is is so, and
if far,
and return with a bundle, saying this is
Trade and Exchange
Among
Paticrns of "seeking food" follow well defined seasonal and ecological parameters. close
kin neighbours, the practice serves to the spaces between corn harvests. person
has just harvested gives crop, that others
give a similar their patterns. Coastal people foothills
once a year quickly eat their corn harvest, and seek food the middle during the
coastal season, taking with people fallen most coconuts or or dried inland to seek purchased with food their
they e.xperience a prolonged drought and are unable to to three
corn crops per year. In case, they go seeking food in large groups, since everyone hungry.
Middle farmers also people suffered frqpi
an individual disaster people usually give them taro and cassava, unless they happen to have had a good such as a crop ravaged by wild or a shallot crop that was diseased.
crop of rice or corn. In the latter case, middle farmers hearing about an abundant
harvest take major trade goods such sarongs or parangs wnth them, several
trips or they can carry or rice to see
through several weeks.
Inner people seldom ask for food from middle people, since they generally have
taro as a staple, but they for or corn seed, or a few shallot or garlic sets to
plant exchange. they are trying Part to establish the term a bela related to a verb, they bring a bundle of rattan to get
to and to help each other out various ways, including providing food
hospitality. used to describe the relationship between certain middle or coastal people
and people the inner carries positive connotations of mutual help reciprocity,
unlike the term bcla which associated with derision. people from the coast or
middle have a need to into the inner to seek food or for other they
to the houses of people they know, although they also others with they are less
familiar, 2.3.2 expecially exchange they notice the that one garden coast and has the hinterland ripe taro, usually while another has plenty. conducted with the
participation of specialist traders. This includes the sale of produce, such as shallots, garlic,
groundnuts, cocoa, rattan, tobacco and vegetables. also includes the sale of coastal products
to people, either at the coastal market places or the smaller hinterland markets (such as
those Simoie, Taipaobal Ogoalas or from that
of the teacher Large scale trade: Silikohong, Bobalo).
According to local traders, shallots and garlic have been produced the hinterland
since the inner 1940s, people have also been producing these goods since the 1970s, particularly garlic which for the local market and, by the 1950s, for sale outside the
grows well moist and land recently cleared from
and fill in A
who away a considerable proportion of the knowing
will in manner when crop comes in.
Between the zones, exchanges follow seasonal who farm in the
up in hills
dr>' them salt fish
meagre wages. Middle hill commonly go
from the inner hills
when grow the customary two
this is
hill go seeking food from inner hill
when they have
pigs,
The inner hill
the hill
may as and make
go with many family members so that
home enough corn
them
hill hill enough
sometimes ask rice
if new garden. Sometimes in
As noted in One, is
membembelan, which means
know someone in and
It is hill
in hills. It and
is now When
hills go hills reasons, go
first visit whom
if little
Market excha.nge
Market between is
hill
It
hill at
at and in Lombok)
home-based stores (such as
at
in Tinombo
at first district. The
hill
in fertile forest.
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
is and The farmer then goes down
After the harvest, the produce dried tied into bundles. to
the coast to check out the price, an to to a particular middle man.
This activity often undertaken by husband together, in cases by
or prefer flexibility in seeking out the best price. alone. farmers have stable relations with prices at any point in turn are often selling to the a particular in time actually vary while others
(also a middle based in or Bobalo. there, the produce sold through
fixed links to a third party, a larger scale trader Gorontalo, Parigi or Palu.
there are occasions parties freely an market, credit
arrangements are also at each point in the chain. trader in Gorontalo provides
a of capital to the second party in Tinombo, instructing him latter in turn advances funds and gives instructions to the middlemen to shallots or garlic at so
have weighing scales storage areas in their the foot of the mountains.
In the case of Bobalo, the traders use the weighing of the Sibintanak market, which
also the path the they collect the produce by
truck. whether or not he traders, buying turn, direct using his loans the farmer capital. directly to farmers. selling from the farmers, and there to a second profit party per considerable
competition to capture larger of the trade. reason, traders at
pains to build a stable clientele engage price cutting, the terms of credit
advanced to farmers are not too severe. a farmer sees that his shallot or garlic crop
going to succeed, perhaps a few weeks before the harvest, he to the trader to ask for
a loan of cash, particular crop to trader. price
fixed according to the price day the produce carried to the trader, at
which point the cash advance deducted without interest. free to
subsequent harvests elsewhere. Debts incurred earlier the production cycle, just as the crop
planted, are likely to incur interest the of a reduced price per but such
loans are apparently not interviewed each claimed to have a stable clientele
of about records of loans advanced, trusting
in their the honesty of the farmers to pay up.
All sales of shallots by the farmer are subject to the to a levy (K.U.D.). of kilo collected by the
level of Rp5-30,000. of indebtedness Inner reported people are particularly wary of incurring debts, and have been known to be low, pre-harvest loans being in the range
to ask only for an advance of to while the market. This reflects also the
extent to which they are self-sufficient in shallots land the to food production, for consistent seasonality shortfalls in of production. contrast to the middle their food harvests, caused both disease that farmers has devasted
shallot production in the past three years has reportedly led to an increase in the of
farmers seeking loans for the purchase of staple foods urgently needed to feed their families.
Since the traders to farmers have dispossess farmers of their to land, cannot be Traders occasionally loan planting not possible for
sets of the sets are often lost in a failed shallots or garlic to farmers especially critical since the crop harvest. have farmers have borrowed sets repeatedly, without a crop failure order to help
and makes agreement sell
is and wife and some women
men Some middleman,
The little
between one middleman and another, as they
same second party
man) Tinombo From is
in
While when all buy and sell on open
common The
sum buy
much per kilo. The who
and homes at Lombok
facilities
lies on main down from hills, and from where
These in may advance The normal
margin for the
middleman from and is RplOO kilo,
is own
There are many middlemen who purchase is
among them volumes For this
seldom in and
Once is
may go
and make an agreement to sell this this The is
market on the is down
is The farmer remains sell
in
is more in form kilo,
common. Traders
one hundred farmers. Some do not keep written
memory, and in
who come forward when ready
Rp25 per first
middleman and payable Cooperative
The is common
hill
RpSOO buy salt down at
in hill
who depend on make up
by poor and more marked The
number
no title hill it mortgaged and it is
means of production.
who had in them
recommence production. This has become
became diseased and
Some
Trade and Exchange
Common split
producing a succesful harvest. forms of agreement are to the proceeds of the
crop the o\«ier of the the farmer, or for the farmer to replace the sets and
undertake to that harsest only through that middleman, or for the farmer to replace double
the quantity of sets after the harvest. Similar arrangements are hillside farmers
themselves, as traders have shallot or garlic sets to plant. In
either case, should the crop due to pests, the party providing the sets applies
no sanctions, but hopes for a return of their share future date.
In the past few years, some traders report a established patterns
defection of their clientele. This results from an increase the traders, only
four {permanent premises, traders have order to offer higher prices, or by walking up into the than waiting for the farmers to walk down. of the the can avoid walking past 1960s to seven a share a contracting market. In this way, them, 1990, farmers with debts to traders at the foot produce can be carried down "anonymously" plus to others sale arrangements, rather not have aggressiye profit margins
from the by the porters of the trader to has been sold. established trader
reportedly millions of Rupiah in outstanding loans way. Alternatively, the crop can be
sold over interior the their border, produce since to traders and Bobalo the mountains are equally are accessible vulnerable to to unfair
prices, since they often lack current information on the price they can expect, prices
from Ogoalas market were delighted price on the coast had to week. just risen to itinerant traders their purchase of garlic for Rp3,500 per kg, when the selling Rp4,500. This generally only occurs with small sales: farmers encountered on the footpath
about to the bulk that the inner of their people crop check are out the prices easy to carefully. cheat, since trader they have the coast learned from
the mission to calculate the price, actually ovMiing pocket calculators.
inner people have also cut into the trade the opposite direction: based
groups Lado-lado Ogoalais have pooled resources to provide capital for expeditions
to purchase dried from a coastal village away.
the group carries back up to 50kg, which they then to other inner dwellers the
Ogoalas Sources of price variation for the major middle and inner a price that charged »by coastal crops, shallots traders. are both
local and external. According to an experienced trader, there has been a gradual decline the
quantity of produce tons sold from per week. Declining the interior. caused a gradual decline to an average of 3 tons per to in about ton with 5-8 per week
the 1990 (accurate production figures have been maintained only since the beginning of 1990 traders instructed to deduct the leNy from the price paid to farmers).
lucky farmer whose crop Rpl,100 per not diseased attain a high seasonality in price. production price of shallots can levels vary or prices,
as the crop careful in the better ones. According to the trader, the quality difference shallots planted to the producers their work, continuously Palasa tying produce before the Ulatan, shallots by 7%. source the of price variation farmers and mixing second quality bulbs with are apparently the shrinkage, Palasa not
between sets and
sell
made among
no monopoly on the provision of
fail bad weather or
at some
breakdown in of trade and a
in number of from
at Lombok in and ’70s, in many who do
all \’>ing for in The younger more
been cutting into the business of the established traders by reducing
in hills make
hill and their
hills whom it One
lost this
kecamatan Lombok many
farmers.
Farmers who sell in more
and may
shift week Some down from
at
sell A on
remarked hill now less
how fair some of them
The hill in Church
from and
fish in Tomini some distance Each member of
sell hill at
market at
much lower than
hill and garlic,
in
Lombok Peak production was achieved 1978,
soil fertility
week in 1987, and disease subsequently reduced production further 1 in
when
were K.U.D. The
is may The
between Rp500 and kilo. There is little
is in hills. A is quality: when
compared in and Lombok
it is fully dried,
is shown in
reducing by 3%, Lombok
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
An is from when
external source of price variation the importation of shallots Java: a ship
loaded with produce thousands of tons, and the local prices tumble. This happens on a sporadic basis, in some years not for which the producers and traders can at Gorontalo, unloads plan.
variety of shallot that has been resistant to disease the very small, favoured
for use as a crisp fried topping. This the variety produced in the that losing
favour shallot. far to as small enjoying renewed interest lower price, lower of this product, storabilily relative to other varieties of sold as
the other devasting being marketed in the identical manner to shallots and variety the hillside of shallot, the tree could crops the best being planted solution in the to the disease in such utilising in cases the currently currently
middle at the According to a kilos
of cocoa being marketed to per through Bobalo. the second price so volatile that the through Palu based buyer for cocoa while to 500 kilos has a representative in Sidoan a Chinese buyer based in Sipayo. in dealing with this crop, and per already
credit relations matching those for the shallot garlic trade are not yet established at any
point in producers the chain. Cloves are are supposed to be sold direct to the K.U.D., while others only to the cooperative, are not the K.U.D.
or price. Candlenuts are sold through the at wish to quantities less than of investment planted, potentially the traders at tree hillside 50kg, the rate the changed farmers to through middlemen for a lower of 500-1,000 kilos per week, tenurial status of vulnerability of the land
through harvest, tree or land mortgaging. Harvest mortgaging the of
credit in the coconut sector, the creditor acquiring the right to the produce of the tree for
a fixed period of time. often leads to the forced sale of trees to the creditor as
debts too large to be repaid by other means. problems could alleviated
through the credit in place for the coconut sector
through the K.U.D.). However, the maintenance and improvment of the production degree Extractive industries, especially the rattan trade, also link the coastal and hinterland economies, of the effective of food representatives. protection crops, for hillside which guarantee the farmers a farmers would be the
link the region to national international markets. Extraction at in the
1986-88 period. According to of his agents, the largest Chinese rattan
putting to million per into the in 1988 in wages for rattan
collectors, processing of extraction workers, has declined haulers, drastically, loaders, truckers mostly in to for firewood. factors introduced by
Since the available, per ton in 1988 to Rp200,000 rattan manufacturing for rattan has declined. industry 1990 for grade IB unprocessed rattan. This suggests that supply Java cannot process price, however, has increased from Rp90,000 the potentially
also limited, since the easily accessible stands of rattan have long since
disappeared, to extract rattan by hand from the interior strenuous
sails from the port of Surabaya, Java and docks it
all, and not with any seasonal regularity
The most is and is
is first hills was
due its size, and
It is now among both farmers and consumers, and is
away Manado. Improved marketing
and the temporary abandonment of
main be problem
economy.
The produce from now hills numbers is
garlic, many same
men first and second levels. Lombok middleman, about 20
week is marketed Lombok, up week is
A
whom middlemen in Tinombo sell, and there is
The world cocoa is
middlemen are wary
and
official
Some who members sell who members
who sell minimum sell
Lombok
Rp250 per kilo.
The long term nature in crop.s, and
upon which they are open up new forms
is most common form
all
Mortgaging
become These be
improvement of cooperative facilities (now
most
autonomy from market and its
and and was its peak
one merchant was
up Rp5 week Tinombo area economy
and payment The
volume due market
government regulation: since 1989, only processed rattan goods can be exported from Indonesia.
in all raw rattan
demand raw The
in
may be becoming more
and the labour required is
Trade and Exchange
in has
the extreme. This not led to a higher price being paid to labourers, but to a decline in
supply as source of activity available. only noted their food and cash offering advances are immediate, of food cash
valued around Rp75,000 used by rattan traders to acquire an indebted
workforce without impro\ing the net returns to labour.
extraction of rattan poles on an entirely different scale from that of rattan a
traditional source of cash for the inner people. Fifty a bundle, that for
Rp550-600. These are bulked by the into loads of 200 bundles, and sold to outside
purchasers. sale the Small Scale Rattan strips each week, local markets Trade: valued addition (see below). Rp50-100,000, to the smaller pass quantities through the purchased hands of by the traders for
Coastal into the small scale to marketing. seek produce, are well carrying represented up provisions such as dried the traders to
return. are predominant among those who on the path the foot of the
for farmers carrung produce they are not down, involved but, with large volume, the exception high capital of the trade. a major trader trade small
quantities of shallots garlic that are being sold by mountain advance or later
than, the harvest; not groundnuts, rattan to second largely sold parlies but small quantities direct to by the consumers exclusively by inner the markets along the people.
coast, focusing two) involves buying and selling goods at those within a twenty kilometre a group of a radius of locations along the coast. of their traders Silabia (see Part
walk up to ten kilometres to save on relatives. iran.sportalion the foot of the stay overnight the houses of
travel with goods travel to goods return to goods the goods to from from Baina’a Sidoan Sidoan foot of Baina’a, ov^night Baina’a mountains market or there market store
Friday travel to Bobalo (walking), stay overnight
Saturday foot of foot of Bobalo mountains (Sibintanak)
goods capital, usually in the Rp5-20,000 range. Although they travel
together, expenses. the not pool capital fixed trading relations with or trade cooperatively particular to save mountain women. Expansion time or transportation
of their limited by three factors: their low of capital, which tends not to
men engage in this when needs and
no other income is As earlier, and
at is one mechanism
The is strips,
hill strips make sells
middleman
at Lombok
middlemen in women
in
women dominate They among
who walk up mountains fish
sell in They w'ait at hills
widow of in
Lombok, in Women in
or women in of,
main grown by women; vegetables, grown
women; and cinnamon and slrip.s, in hill The
women traders do sell at
on own home village.
The weekly market schedule pursued by five women from
number They frequently
costs. They at
Monday buy goods at Lombok hills
sell some in Tinombo market
Tuesday sell Lombok at
buy goods
Wednesday sell in
Tinombo
Thursday buy goods at Lombok hills
sell in Tinombo market
buy goods at
Sunday buy goods at Lombok hills
sell at Tinombo market
Each woman trades with her own
women do
They do not have
enterpri.ses is level
()7
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
expand, since there are transportaion costs and profits are spent on the purchase of food for
the family rather than being accumulated; the limited amount of produce that mountain women
bring down for sale on any particular day; and the number of traders competing for a fixed
volume of business. These limitations are interrelated: competition among traders keeps profits
slim and capital accumulation low; increased capital in the hands of some women (for example,
through a credit program) would only squeeze other women out of business, unless the volume
of produce coming down from the mountains also increased.
Some of the women borrowed trading capital from a special unit (the KCK) of the K.U.D. from
1985 to 1989, but have now stopped borrowing, because the officials of the K.U.D. were
unwilling to increase the size of their loans to Rpl0,000, then Rpl5,000 and so on, despite their
sound rates of repayment and growing savings.
The women traders are just as interested in planting their own tree crops as a source of income
as they are in increasing their trading operations, which they consider to involve hard work for
low returns. It should also be noted that the very poorest women are not engaged in trade, as
they lack even Rp5,000 to use as capital, and would always be tempted to use capital for
immediate food needs. Their situation is well understood by the elite women of the village who
run the PKK rotating credit programs, and who never lend capital to the poorest for fear of
non-repayment.
In the coastal market places, women dominate in the marketing of vegetables, and participate
to some extent in the marketing of rice, dried fish and other dry provisions, but are seldom
involved in trade in higher priced commodities such as hardware and clothing. Generally
speaking, the smaller the scale, the riskier the venture (due to perishability), and the lower the
capital requirement and the margin of profit, the more likely women are to be involved.
Part Three
Recommendations for Consideration
3 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR CONSIDERATION
These recommendations
for consideration are presented form. relate
primarily to the research area were prepared the request of of the
Provincial Bappeda. rationale for found the detailed analysis provided the

3.1 POLICE CONSIDERATIONS: EFFECTS OF NATIONAL LAWS AND POLICIES AT THE LOCAL LEVEL Several national laws or policies have serious implications for the relations between people and environment in the research area: those related to land tenure, especially in upland regions

in summary They
itself, and at officials
The them is in in
text.
environment the area: those related to land tenure, especially upland regions
long inhabited by indigenous people; tax laws, particularly the land
the promotion for consideration 3.1.1 INDIGE.NOL'S of particular are cash the following: crops for world markets as a form Issues
In the context of debates around sustainable development, has been recognized that
indigenous people have valuable knowledge about the forest resources, obtain their
livelihoods ways that do minimal to the environment. the inner
of the to be one such example. nature of their legal rights to the
land they use unclear, and they are danger of being displaced from their traditional area,
with the environmental knowledge they be appropriate. consequent loss of both their livelihoods reassessment of policies towards such people and the specialized resource
3.1.2 Ta.X L^\ws as the land and property negative consequences
applied upland regions for which they are not well adapted. well with
the situation of traditional upland farmers, part of whose land under forest fallow, which
essential to the sustainability of their agricultural system. to pay taxes on the
total area of land that they use over a multiple-year cycle. Their land tends to be
classified by village as "unused." tax not intended to be a of
displacing people to diverse 3.1.3 from agro-ecological their land, contexts. but unintentionally have that effect unless adapted
Tree crops can play an important role arc being for stabilizing steep slopes. the livelihoods for the development of those of upland currently using the regions. land. In the long to be introduced with Prices of tree run, trees crops are
notably volatile on previously world markets. land. Desire for quick profits from trees attracts outsiders to take over yields not be able to replace the value of the food
land previously used further incursion on forest lands, as the poor seek for subsistence. Instead of improved new' sites to produce food, and outsiders seek conservation, the result can be
to expand their tree the policy holdings. This level requires the scenario the recognition that unfolding the intensification the area under of study. food crop
production the uplands just as to both environment and livelihood as the planting
new and property tax; and
of "development."
PEOPLE
it some
and
in damage The Lauje in hills
Tinombo area appear The
is in
and
po.sse.ss. Some may
Laws such new tax, may have unintended when
in The law does not fit
is is
They are not able
fallow
authorities The law is means
it may it is
Tree crops
promoted
in However they need
due consideration
The may
grown on the
end
is is in
Remedy at that
in is critical
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
flexibility
The and
of trees for cash. diversity which characterise traditional small scale farming
systems to retained in proposed systems. Agro-forestry
food, trees term cash crops are urgency. until
the trees are planted, covering the land, attention belatedly turns to the food
need be new
programs that integrate
and short
needed with some They cannot wait
and immediate
and cash needs of farmers.
32 PROGRAMMING CONSIDERATIONS: DEVELOPMENT APPROACHES
APPROPRIATE TO LOCAL DIVERSITY
The and modes of
study presented here highlights the diversity of agro-ecosystems livelihood
within a small geographical interventions, especially area. This diversity needs to these interventions are intended to benefit the poor. be taken into account in the design of
there are poor people in each of the three zones described in study, the nature and causes
of their 3.2.1 poverty, for consideration the to for each are not of the zones the same. the following area: approach
majority of those living on the coast crops should be considered. This could increase incomes, while not removing people from their current sources of livelihood. Trees should be able to withstand dry conditions, and have sound prospects. Ideally, are rainfall dependent on daily incomes, often from marginal the dry foothills and bald grasslands with tree permits, food crops such as bananas,
seasonal crops such as beans and corn should be integrated with the trees. current usage
of the foothill land in each vicinity should be verified: used tends not to
strongly claimed, could be redistributed to those with coastal land coconut
trees. already used regularly by people living the area, the rights of the current
users should protected, assistance appropriate forms of agricultural
offered to them. a few families have traditional rights to large areas of foothills land,
they to transfer rights to those have, for generations,
land for seasonal farming. In return, they could be offered fencing, seed other assistance
enabling to develop land that otherwise remain so that they benefit at the
time as the poor gain a foothold. support necessary for those working
plantation development, to the development of the since the poorest foothills cannot afford land, to forgo their rights a day’s pay. to the newly developed labour
resources should be recognized protected (see below).
3.2.2 Agriculture in this zone needs to be intensified to respond to population growth and progressive hili^
land degradation under the existing farming system. integrated including food,
annual crops, for trees to
displace displacement through distress mortgaging and sale of land and trees. Only food production and other land uses, leaving farmers vulnerable to volatile world prices
annual cash crops which can be adapted with security. to flexibly to to ensure land and market conditions provide farmers that land-poor households secure land to
develop determined. Hillside communities could be encouraged to a stable farming pattern. land size quality land distribution arrangements per household should
program if Though
this
and ways overcome it, The is
recommended in Tinombo
Coastal zone
The
and insecure sources. Development of the land in
market where some and
The
where it is seldom it
be and it no and
Where it is in
be and in improvement
Where
may be prepared who many borrowed the
and
them would idle,
same Income is on
Women’s
will be critical and
fully and
Middle
An program
cash and long term tree crops is recommended. The current trend is
market and
autonomy and
Arrangements need be made enough
Minimum and be
make
Recommendations
among
themselves (verified by outsiders) as a precondition to the whole group receiving
farming inputs (seedlings, fence posts etc) the major cash crops advice. (shallots and tobacco) and destruction
of crops by wild pigs need to be addressed. Vigorous but sensitive extension efforts are needed
to farmers overcoming technical and other the period of transition from
extensive very receptive In most cases, agroforestry techniques and approaches to intensive to appropriate farming systems. e.xtension programs. recognize the need to be introduced on a step-wise to innovate, be
basis, one innovation a time, so that everyone participates,
behind. result not be neat rows of trees across whole since the existing
pattern of land use based small parcels of about 0.5 hectares, which cannot easily be
consolidated there no unclaimed land. Instead, farmers should learn techniques to
enhance 3.2.3 the productivity people the of their inner existing lived for centuries
sufficient land resources to pursue a sustainable swidden cycle to the
environment, their land and livelihoods should not be disturbed. In time, they observe
positive themselves choose developments, of the such as to closer sufficient inner improved to markets and adopt more intensive patterns of agriculture. a land, stable but not livelihoods, pace that population, inner the middle they choose and sustainable farming systems are met people control. are already encountering
problems of increased population pressure on a limited land base, have forced to
reduce the fallow period their lands. of relieving population pressure
groups off to pioneer on the forest edge longer exists as option for the
majority of them. cultivateable forest land to be closer
rather than such conditions the coastal consultation markets, order to the groups concerned, goals. of
agricultural intensification using agroforestry approaches should be introduced. As in the middle
a balance of food cash merchants. crops, both annuals perennials preferred, to reduce
roads pose real dangers of displacement for those living the inner
considered very carefully, preferably being postponed until secure land tenure has
established for those have lived for generations in the area. Agricultural intensification
involving both food could improve trees the livelihoods especially of those living important along the there, border of the inner their land zone, claims
against already recognized forest land quite specifically so that outsiders will not claim them. plans for plantation development in the inner evironmental impact studies, which establish whether the land incursions by outsiders. the importance of trees Indeed the original in regard, inhabitants to be empty land and take should be subject to thorough social and really suitable for in these border zones development; have from
whether edready claimed used by those living in the area;
and extension
Immediate problems of disease in
assist in difficulties in
Farmers need and will
will
at and broadly spread none being
left The will hillsides,
is on
and is
plots.
Inner hills
Those in hills who have in remote locations and who have
do little damage
and if
in hills below them, they may
move
Change and innovation should occur at and
These conditions of
in some areas hills, all. Many hill
and been
on The former method
— moving — no an
There is little left, and many desire to,
more remote from, in
meet new consumption
Where exist, and in with programs
hills, and and is
dependence on markets and
New in hills, and should be
been
who
and is hill
where it and help secure
this and are planting trees on secondary
it it
Any hills
is
it is and and whether the inner hill
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
in its improve
people themselves should have priority over outsiders development, in order to
their livelihoods their land resources.

3.3.1 Households: women, men and children

and reduce pressure on
33 PROJECT DELIVERY CONSIDERATIONS: REACHING THE INTENDED
BENEFICIARIES
According to traditional Lauje practice, women men
have the same rights as in relation to the
ownership of property, they have the right to use their labour to earn
personal income. This true whether they are unmarried, married, widowed or divorced.
therefore that interests
of households. over a certain age (say 14) productive inputs, such as fenceposts as individuals, or seedlings, rather should than to households. Parties be given to
(such as married couples, siblings, neighbours, parents their
resources of course so. Others to invest separately in the
their land also so. approach, are widows and divorcees living
within other households have the opportunity to strenghthen their productive base, rather
than being passed over because they not households of their own.
married retain their traditional right to a degree of economic independence
their household unit, programs. benefitting equally from This approach the consistent with Lauje values, preserves the
equality in access productive to resources ventures such that existed as chicken raising or vegetable in the traditional gardens designed system.
specifically for but should also participate equally the
benefits ensure that land development schemes, changes related to agricultural restricted intensification, to "supplementary" such as land tenure status and property registration land fencing, Particular tree planting care should be taken to so on.
taxation against recognize single, as co-owners of resources,
situation of young people can be addressed a similar manner. Children as young as ten
are encouraged by their parents to seek incomes independently. parents give their
children groundnut to pay their seeds to school plant, or small expenses. Project trading inputs capital, could the that directed specifically they towards earn
children, providing them with adults, both opportunties to generate income in establishing an school.
farming or other increases the that they will stay in the area rather than
drifting to town, help to reduce the experienced by young couples
their infant 3.3.2 children, are are approaches the to forming groups people encountered to engage the project study. such as
training sessions, land fencing agricultural improvement. to invite
interested parties to register. This runs the that only the better educated,
well connected actually forward to join. This the experience of the
described in the area. to receive project inputs have been composed
mainly of members of the local or those well connected to them. not the

and management and

is It is
recommended women’s economic
be considered separately from those
Any all
women and men
and children) who choose to pool
may do who choose development of
own may do With this women who
will
do head Unmarried and
women will from
new forms of production introduced through
development is and
between women and men
Some may be
women, women in main activities and
and
They should not be activities.
in
and women owners or and do not discriminate
widowed or divorced women.
The in
Some
in hope will
enough be
and keep themselves in
For young
men and women, assistance
economic base through
activities likelihood
and would difficulties and
who among poorest in
Groups: voluntary or inclusive
There two possible in activities,
and other aspects of One is
risk more motivated,
and come is schemes
Tinombo Groups formed
elite, Many do live in
Recommendations
hills on the mechanism
but coast, and arc using project inputs, such as tree seedlings, as a to
establish a stake land, possibly at the expense of those already claiming and using the
land. In cases, they are not doing any farming work themselves, but hiring others to
the work. form a coherent or kinship unit that can work together as a
group any meaningful sense, the "group" being no a of names.
other approach to group formation use the existing system as an inclusive net
which does not leave anyone out, even the poorest, the widows, and socially isolated.
Differences wealth and status within boundaries, but are less
village they have similar sources of livelihood since they of an other, within the are related by kinship
question whether remains whether the poor and marginal a focus for active really be integrated development practice,
This approach should be considered for adoption on a basis, using the system as the
principal focus for popular participation project This participation includes
designing solving problems (such as land distribution) requesting inputs
services. steps should be a complete registration of verified using
household information and of from the 1990 census, plus any necessary
supplementary training can be used to encourage the strenghlhening of their community organization and their capacity information, inner to ensure chiefs communities arc not organized that and no leaders. out. This should be but a similar approach followed by
to participate development programs. step, again, a comprehensive registration.
Using maps, the of the inner settlements should be
representatives of each of these kin-based groups should be called to provide
information on the numbers, names, characteristics needs of their group. In manner,
each group be permitted to participate directly and speak for rather than being
represented by one leader claiming to represent the entire inner area, or by middle or
coastal after receiving best meets with their needs knowledge of conditions could and the inner their groups to select the package of inputs that representatives,
3.3.3 01T:N
serious tend to be drawn from the project delivery lack and who are seen as representing of popular trust the village interests. leadership,
to lack of trust and to leaders accountable to encourage a free flow of
information and documentation through such as public meetings
noticeboards. distributed, villagers they will be able to monitor project delivery, raise the alarm planned, inputs arrive and they necessary, and build are actually
trust village center, support for responsible leaders do their well. This approach at the in the
encourage a higher level of motivation and participation. to see that an
atmosphere advantage, as closer enable them satisfaction monitoring from the praise and respect of their to answer accusations of dishonesty which may be undeserved. by both that villagers reward their Consideration to their
should be given to adopt information through to the an open approach to project design and also to project delivery, conveying important that the kecamatan level village representatives. In
in hillside
some do
They do not territorial
in more than list
The is to RK
the most
in e.xist RK
marked than those
at level. Members RK all know each most ties, and
live same agro-ecological zone. The
would in and
RK membership can become participatation in efforts.
trial RK
in activities.
initiatives, and and
The first RK members,
lists names
one is left
for Dusun and RK women
The more remote hill in RK units,
in The first is
names all hill listed. Women and men
territorial down
and this
will itself,
hill hill
Laujc little in hills. The group
some training, work with
priorities.
ALTHORJTinS AND DLITES: INFORMATION AND INCENTIVES
A problem in is in official
who elite, elite One way
overcome make is
open mechanisms and
If know what is what how
if
and who jobs open
combined with the strengthening of community organization RK level, will
Leaders will come open
and activities and officials is
it will
They may gain efforts.
recommendation and officials be encouraged
open meetings which include RK this way it may
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
be possible to avoid some of the biases and shortcomings of the
village committees, which are
comprised of members of the coastal capacity to address the interests
of the as a whole.
elite, and enhance their
village
CONCLUSION
in Using
This paper has described the patterns of livelihood a remote upland region. the
concept environment and culturally informed patterns of resource of the agro-ecosystem, has traced the evolving relationship use and the natural
placed on the significance of creativity devising livelihood strategies also
the set physical and social nature, which delimit the set of resources that
particular social groups and individuals are able to access.
conditions of regions of Southeast Asia, where the are remoteness, a lack of services, and traditional farming systems not from those found other upland
under stress combine to produce low material standards of In comparison to other areas,
however, the sustainable have livelihoods. special advantages which commercially attractive timber, and could provide the basis for
so there no problem sufficiently of logging remote that concessions poor and landless people from lowland areas have not been competing with local people for access to land.
attracted great stress on to seek land upland environments. Also because of there, unlike, for example, the Philippines remoteness, wealthy outsiders have not poor lowlanders put
yet tried to take over the land for commercial plantation development, although they begin
to the near future. further advantage that the traditional patterns of access to land
are relatively open, that everyone wishes to gain a livelihood through farming can
so, and class of people or gender group excluded from the possibility of engaging
independent production. Finally, the people have been able to engage small scale production
of cash crops such as shallots, garlic and tobacco for local markets without losing the autonomy
and that stems from maintaining control over their land
food production. on commercial tree crops Threats to for world markets, entailing a loss of local autonomy and a restriction pattern through tenure insecurity the over-concentration
the access yet progressed of so far to that their effect land have been overwhelming. noted: they are serious dangers, but have not
Together, the advantages noted above the area, the Lauje people are
largely control of the labour and natural resources which they for their
livelihood. Providing their control of these resources can be maintained and strengthened, they
be engaged to play the beneficiaries and that part. of the increase process of pace and scope as regional development assistance begins agricultural intensification local that control they are already
of resources, Indonesian government, area livelihoods diversity secure. and under the general notion of "sustainable development." are appropriate, and being advocated by parties, including to the
it between
management. Emphasis was
human in and upon
of constraints, both in
The life in Tinombo hills di.ssimilar in
life.
Tinombo hills some
more secure and The area has little
is
The area is
where
its
may
do so in A is
so who do
no is in
in
fle.xibilty own and labour to engage in
this and
in some people
is
mean that, in Tinombo
still in upon depend
will
in, will in
its Models of development which are founded upon and management
flexibility many
The Tinombo
is one where these models arc fully
much could be accomplished make
more
APPENDIX
HAMLET AND HOUSEHOLD STUDIES
INTRODUCTION
in more
This appendix explores detail the patterns of livelihood characteristic of each of the
agro-ecological zones described general terms Part presents data a survey
conducted with selected households a of hamlets representing the three agro-
ecological zones. inner hamlet, Siboalai, on the border with the middle
house to house survey has yet been undertaken the inner
sources of livelihood. provides an insight into the range of variation both within and between
the zones a particular zone, described Part the combinations of strategies employed by particular households, and the demonstrates the range of livelihood strategies
strategies pursued by individuals within households. set of strategies pursued an
indicator status, of the and require status capital of the the form of land and cash, while others produce meagre returns household, that are profitable, high
are information thus helps to illustrate the engaged only by those unable issues of class differentiation to access productive discussed in Part One. resources. Survey
survey also demonstrates the frequency with which the various strategies occur,
a check people In the presentation of survey data, the specific by an analysis of livelihood strategies. on generalizations shallots about or have the zone planted Brief profiles of households as a whole, background of each hamlet indicating, for example, just are provided described, followed order to put
a face" on control, the data, strategies and to they pursue. the variability profiles the resources that the data household obtained
from the survey, but serve to highlight issues of particular interest.
farming system of a small of households selected for detailed study,
including the slope and altitude. as indications of
the material conditions of farm production each zone. In addition, asked to
describe the history of each plot of land, including the of the person cleared
the fallow, valuable insight into the social relations through which land the present user to have access to the for use. This information provided accessed, and indicated the extent lain
to which the buying or borrowing of land practiced each of the zones. level
of too, that as eight, clear that the plots being specific individuals within by each household, the household
or, loaned. intended that selected households interviewed cases, individuals outside the household to the a section survey will be interviewed again of a plot
over a conditions faced by the Also included the differences multi-year period order households, patterns of interaction to monitor a description the of a transect through the three zones, indicating changes that have occured the seeking a material livelihood.
in in One. It from
in number
The hill is hills, and no
deep in hills. The survey focused on
It
in One. It employed
in
The is
economic in some activities
in in
and in more
The
and provides
how many
grow trees.
is
in
"human illustrate in
members and the The do not list all
The number was more
measurement of field size, These data serve
in farmers were
name who first it,
mode by which came it, number of years it had
and the cropping pattern pursued since it was cleared
is
is in It was at this
detail, it became field managed
sometimes as many were in fact managed by
in some whom had been
It is in initial
in in
and the strategies that they pursue in
in this Appendix is
and between them.
  1. DESA DONGKAS, HAMLET SIBOGI
    1.1 LOCATION, HISTORY AND LAND USE The hamlet lies along the sea shore, between the sea and the Trans Sulawesi Highway, and has about twenty households.
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
The many owned
houses descended from Kaili and Gorontalo families long resident family, are built in under coconut trees, of which trees are in the a ago, village area.
has recently built a concrete house there for his second wife. The issue of fencing
land or planting trees pest. or vegetables in claims he would hardly arises here, since allow the residents to plant trees the soil they wish sandy
since "they just livelihood for those in the hamlet are land." fishing, hillside
farming, labour, collection of rattan, firewood production of coconut
Several households claimed to from the
in which to middle resonably population. but not yet heavily claimed, settled or
Despite the location at Others of the hamlet on the sea shore, two of the households, numbers 5 and but have very limited capital to invest in equipment, and depend
as rather labour than fishing, for their as their livelihood. best option see the for the future. planting of tree This reflected crops in the
fact that a high percentage of households from hamlet have registered for a village scheme
to develop cocoa gardens in the interior (see Part Three).
fishermen of also wish for a "scheme" to improve the returns to their fishing
efforts: they require an outboard motor to tow their boats out to the fishing grounds and back
into after has closed for the evening and/or after their for towing ten boats per day, and a fee levied to cover find that, the wind against them, they arrive at the has spoiled. maintenance, and eventual fish
replacement. idea local above, has inquired
about a the loan, quite noticed a decline reasonably reluctant to stocks close put his inshore land the past years, as since
the destroyed. Capital investments in fishing, especially they involve
the fishermen in long term outlets. credit obligations, should carefully consider issues of fish stocks and

bamboo by official, who is Tinombo The official’s who live Tinombo, bought the land and some years and he

substantial
home gardens is
and crabs are a The owner if
were here first, we came and bought
The main sources of
some combination of
wage and bamboo, and
oil. be harvesting corn hills two times a year, mostly
Tampo, appears be fertile
overworked by a resident hill
7,
do not fish all. fish,
much on farming and wage Many
on the hillsides, is
this
The Dongkas
Tinombo. They often if is Tinombo
market it fish The motor would
be used fuel,
The was developed by the official mentioned who
bank but is own up as a guarantee
bank requires.
The fishermen have in fish in five
Dongkas mangroves were if
market
12 HOUSEHOLD CHARACTERISTICS
Of and
the ten households surveyed, six are simple families comprised of parents and children,
four are complex. additional households are unmarried siblings,
divorced acting as or farm helpers. parents, the case of household, nieces
The members in eomplex
widowed or, in one young nephews and
Appendix
average age of household heads is ihirly-lwo, the average period of education five
The and
years. Four out of thirteen elementary school-aged children are not school.
obtained and bathing. from a single well the center of the hamlet, which also used for laundry
years. Four out of thirteen elementary school-aged children are not in school.
Water is in is
1 J HOUSEHOLD ECONOMIC STR.\TEG1ES
hillside They live on the
SL\ of the ten households farm land for staples, particularly corn. right
sea shore, also have involvement fishing. This combination of strategies
recognized by the households to on a division of labour, such that can
be relied to agricultural and do other wage work.
of the the coconut sector, although processing coconut fallen
an important trees, one an older man who inherited a few source^ of for seven of the ten trees, and the other an extended family group that
bought trees and planted the surrounding land.
stock of fishing capital these households limited, only three their
boats, and three seines. reducing the capital
required for participation, but also the returns to each individual. household has
planted cocoa. Six households have registered for the cocoa scheme, of also being
fishermen. indicated discu.ssions that they "could not too
especially given the limitations the of their weakest economic position arc the youngest ones, numbers 4 and capital resources and equipment.
have assets are dependent on the the form of fishing gear, c.xtraction no trees and from the inner no established an activity they hillside farming
their teens, and which keeps them for two weeks a time, thus preventing
from exploring or pursuing other livelihood strategies.
cooperative a major piece of fishing gear, patterns a are evident hamlet. Eight from rattan they themselves collected of the households
from the forest. Costs, labour and proceeds are divided eight ways. Small groups of three or
four households farm on adjacent plots on the reducing the labour of fencing
guarding. highly individual. 1.4 groups siblings or siblings-in-law cooperating on are recruited mainly collective: the basis a particular labour, of kin project investment, profit through for a season either or more. loss are or
This older a full-time fisherman. His operation line fishing,
which he can earn an average of Rp2,500 per day. has not a hillside farm in
the ten years, because of lack of strength. Fishing regarded as a less strenuous
suitable an older inherited five sago and palms by the his wife produce roofing His wife makes from sago to ten bottles of there coconut a
per week. claims to have heavy expenditures for staples, sugar kerosene, because
of his grandchildren and friends gather his house night.
and all six some in is
depend se.xual women
upon do the bulk of the
work while men fish
None men work in oil from fruit
is income
women. Two households own coconut
some more on
The owned by is owning own
owning small A number have shares in rompong,
Only one
all six them
They in depend much on fishing,"
The households in 6,who
no capital in
skills. They of rattan hills, began
in away from home at
them
Some work in this co-own
rompong, which they built
hillside, and
The on ties men
women, i.e.
These groups are cooperative rather than and still
HOUSEHOLD PROFILES
Household 1 man is main is
from He made
last is activity,
for man. He whenever is
demand. He river. five
oil He and
who at at
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
hillside.
Household 2 The couple farm on grow corn twice a
the Since they year, as well
as their land far inland to receive adequate
their current plot fishes only for three occasionally are from a planning to since boat. Their "the cash stony." source the
collection sale of firewood and bamboo. Their teenage son years ago and
has not returned or sent teenage daughter has as a in Palu,
assisting the family by providing school uniforms supplies for the younger
currently harvest two corn crops a year, with average yields of 1:30 caring for This household pursues a mixed strategy of fishing and hillside farming. They her siblings at stay mostly at the farm.
also but calculate that they must buy staples for seven months of the year.
have an investment fishing capital to order. the of a boat wife a one-eighth share the in a farm
continuously during This the farming season, while the the husband’s fishes coast. collection,
an activity he has engaged his early teens. occasionally helped his parents farm as
a child, but has never yet established a farm of his own. buying a used
credit basis, giving of the half shares of his catch a to the present position, for having few assets or stable
sources of income. to a landowner Sidoan through taking a bicycle
credit. bicycle sold. off their debt they are obliged to care for
the landowner’s garden, which once for to plant corn, but too
trees. wife stays mostly that garden, by the children there.
their house landowner. Living with the family, but maintaining a separate kitchen, his divorced Fishing Sibogi, or elder the planted any brother, source trees, since has a shallot of livelihood they have garden of this permission the husband’s in Sidoan. family. the boat, a
pukat, plan to a their wife’s share of land father the a substantial for a nearer trees. plot
the hillsides of Sibogi her father has planted with cocoa cashew. This will
enable to continue This household to near the sea. includes a young couple
younger three produce coconut
collecting rattan. effort and vegetables on a small plot the foothills lent
to by the wife’s father for lack from another of rain. not linked into the social networks not registered for the cocoa
of the village not receive wife of this couple information has her about the scheme. separate from that of her husband,
for
have a garden forest, achieved a very high yield of corn.
farming season, the wife stays the farm while the for the cash trees, but for the

i.e., one ear of corn yields thirty. They

rice, must be enough rainfall. They have farmed
years and move soil is The
husband borrowed income is
and left home some
money. The worked housegirl
and sisters. She is
home, since her parents hill
Household 3
grow rice, still They
in in form and
rompong. The husband makes perahu The and young children live at
husband on the
Household 4 young couple depend on
income from rattan
in since He
hill He is perahu on a
owner one year as payment. He
is member rompong group.
Household 5 The household is in weak economic
They became indebted in
on The was subsequently To pay
had space them is now shaded
by The at accompanied two who have
dropped out of school. They survive on the bananas they planted They have not fenced
lot in no from
is widowed
mother and who
Household 6 is main They have a
and half shares in rompong. The is
owner of land and
The couple swap in new cocoa garden much
on on which and
them live
Household 7
and the wife’s divorced mother and
sister. The women oil. The husband is away most of the time
An at planting corn in
them failed They have
scheme because the husband, who is village, is
and did
Household 8 The own farm
on land borrowed from an uncle. There she plants bananas and vegetables sale. The couple
opened hill in heavy and During the
at husband goes down to the sea to fish. She
is keen on the new cocoa garden scheme not only income from
Appendix
opportunity to grow vegetables for sale year round, since rain the interior
than coast. are helping to support the husband’s nearby,
by pro\iding her with sugar once kerosene a year every week. the wife’s has a half share in a
with them. his father collect 10 rattan, of this family was born in the midhills of to Donkas, a contribution towards food expenses. In 1970
the cost of the land was 100,000, approximately the cost of the ten old coconut
trees that stood there. land as coopertive unit by his
family which includes two young nephews, his father with a daughter and three grandchildren,
a cousin with his wife and three households equally divide
the proceeds cash and kind. only annual crops, but since 1987
have planted 150 coconut trees, 30 cocoa, and plan to cashews. collect firewood for
sale to needs, especially the dry season. the shore for their
food. This group unusual maintaining a joint economy between three households. also
unusual high to farming rather than work, pursuing a livelihood
strategy typical of the middle than the coastal zone.
in is more frequent
on the The couple mother who lives
rice, and
Household 9 They farm in foothills. The husband
rompong, and borrows the boat of the rompong co-owner. The two teenage brothers live
They and give
Household The husband Desa Lombok.
came down
and bought 4 hectares of land, half flat and half sloping into
foothills. The Rp
The is now farmed one this man and
and child. The work together and
all in They previously planted
add They
meet cash in They fish from own
is in It is
in its commitment wage
more hills
IS SOCI.\L RELATIONS OF RESOURCE ALLOCATION AND CONTROL
this set fish in
The main open
natural resources used by of households are access: the the sea,
the farm land, the forests from which timber, firewood and bamboo are extracted, and
the coconuts that the trees and can be into limiting in relation
to fishing productive equipment. In relation to farming, the limiting factor
knowledge, and possibly choice although respondents claimed that anyone could have
access foothill land they wished to food. In relation to the extraction of forest
products, the limitation the low status and rates of return, barely for
food, these of resort rather than strategies adopted with a view to
improving the households are very similar in short or long term their level of economic well being, position.
through such as "borrowing a boat from a relative to go or through farming
adjacent land to reduce the labour of fencing
  1. DESA TINOMBO, HAMLET SILABIA
    2.1 LOCATION, HISTORY AND LAND USE The hamlet lies on the narrow coastal plain, and stretches along the sea shore, along the coastal
hillside
fall from made oil. The factor
is hillside is skill and
sites,
to if grow
lies in enough one day’s
making activities last
economic
The households
and frequently cooperate
activities fishing,"
and guarding.
road along a rough road that leads about 2 inland to the foot of the mountains.
comprises about sixty those households. are built under coconut by outsiders, of the trees, which have been sold off or divided trees, including current residents, to the a few of them Chinese coast entrepreneurs or the surviving by the Dutch heirs, family of the people older people, in 1910. leaving

road and along a rough road that leads about 2 km inland to the foot of the mountains. It The bamboo houses owned by Dusun chief, most owned and from Tinombo town. The parents and one two were among who were moved down from the hills They planted coconut among few to this

Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
For example the grandfather of the Dusun
generation. chief, Lamaria, considered the founder
of the hamlet, trees which were sold off the 1950s. areas
which the people originate, Dongkas, Pangkola, directly behind Silabia,
about to hour’s walk inland. Until the 1950s, maintained farms there in
addition to their coconut holdings on farming there with wage labour on the coast, but many families depend on the sale of firewood the coast. considered too far away to combine
collected the hillsides behind the hamlet. Besides, in the ten years their former
gardens have been taken over by others from to the coast have become weaker despite some planted cocoa cloves,
recognized signs, such as coconut trees, planted by their ancestors.
All the coastal land claimed by the coconut tree owners, except for a few but rocky areas,
not the process of being claimed and three or four hectares, along an fenced by residents. In some cases, there were a few standing old stream bed close to the hamlet that are in
coconut trees that inherited, or bought, by the families currently developing the land.
mbrture of trees, the root crops that grows being planted. the having spread in the area over the
past thirty years. land but corn production limited to
because of Residents claim that
has become drier, their seasonal hillside farming activities, as indicated by the dry stream the residents of the hamlet have been
labourers for half a century. stevadores the port, loading
copra produce during period the sea route to Parigi the of
transportation to and from the area. This activity significant for hamlet residents
1920s, as the coconut trees into production and copra began to reduced
slowly in importance as the road was improved, entirely by the end of the
1970s, the Trans-Sulawesi paid, to unpaved) was opened. They report that the work Rp3,000 per day, providing a very adequate living in
relation to 1970s prices. Another labouring opportunity was provided by a local enterprise run
by a Gorontalese in school construction. producing whitewash red-bricks coral, the that particularly during the operation for the 1970 early rattan processing to 1985. 1980s
bulking station sixty people that from by the sea the hamlet shore a short 1985-86. distance the hamlet, that rates
in the range Rp3-4,000 per day, which well to the current average daily
labouring rate of Rp2,500. rattan plant only a dozen although about
twenty of the younger unmarried taken by the Chinese to at his plant
in Palu his operations.
hamlet feeling the the effects drop of the price of copra Their current Rp50,000 1988 to Rpl9,000 per are 100kg
in 1990, which has tree harvest, reducing employment in this
sector. also reduces the circulation the
hence the for bricks for casual labour tasks such as house building. The local
electrician says business has been very slow, as owners with just a few hundred trees postpone
electricity installation their homes.
owned 400 in The middle hill from
Ogolangkap and lie
one two many still
Today it is
from last hill
Tinombo who have and
and the land claims of those who moved down
and mango
is flat
more than
were A
and vegetables is
Leucaena is main vegetation in foothills,
The is fertile, is strictly
one crop per year
rainfall. two harvests of corn used to be possible, but the land
bed mentioned above.
Apart from wage
more than They were at Tinombo
and the when was main form
was from the
came be exported. It
coastal and ceased
when Highway (still
was well and they could earn up
from was in from
They were labourers manufacturing in Tinombo,
boom They were main wage labour force
and lies from and
employed in The work was steady and the wage
were compares
The now employs men,
men were owner work
when he reduced Tinombo
The is unemployment. economic difficulties
compounded by in from in
made some owners reluctant to
The slump
amount of cash in in Tinombo economy, and
demand and in
in
Appendix
The wood
hamlet has long supplied fuel to for
fuel constant, and collecting fuel a stand-by activity of resort for both
monetary returns arc very low, barely providing for a family’s daily food, even
nutritional Supply of has a since the nearby
destroyed during the rattan the land declared "off-limits" to villagers by those
have acquired rights and comprises areas to develop mostly of Silabia into fishponds. local varieties have been Fuel of leucaena. allocated for development. primarily the only
local resident to obtain a share the chief, took one hectare but does not have
the capital to develop Labourers from Silabia have been doing the strenuous work of digging
out the using a shovel and scoop, both for the ponds Silabia for those in other
villages to the south which are proceeding more quickly, reportedly because of the involvement
of large outside capital. have been seeking work outside the area, and as a the 1990 season, few
households were able to establish hamlet farms. that people are expressing the context an interest of the the planting the of tree
crops the which yield a steady income, that
labouring, while permitting to take up earning opportunities
available. planted trees as Their current on finding cash from day
to day makes for to free up lime for establishing gardens. large area of the
foothill land claimed by the family of the sub-village (dusun) states that access to
land not a problem, and that he give permission for any hamlet residents to plant trees
on his land without claiming a share for himself. Residents remain uncertain about access to
land. organized for land development have to take into account the people’s
daily-wage dependency, hamlet do not provide support for for sale costs while as regularly they undertake as the elsewhere along work.
the coastal plain, becau.se the hamlet has no mill suitable for grinding coconut. grind
by hand, a time consuming procc.ss, noted that while others walk a few kilometers each they to vegetables for but to the grinder since so
households do not opportunity. corn farms In those the families that foothills have established year, the have farms, out the
majority of the work, once the land has been cleared and fenced. Five to ten are
traders, purchasing produce from mountain other villages selling the
markets along the (see Part Two).
particular historical event has residents nervous
the period the 1960s the docks, a of hamlet residents
registered as of the and dockworkers union (Syarikat Pelabuhan
Pelayaran) which affiliated for to the Indonesian dockworkers, and that they were not involved Party. that union
suffered, however, 1965,
a of restrictions have for than there a two decades. general sense While restrictions hamlet residents that their their
position vulnerable, involvement with outsiders and that harrassment the form of
compulsory resettlement result from any wrong their part.
Tinombo households and food stalls. Demand
is is last
men and women.
Its at minimum
levels. wood become problem mangroves were
boom and who
it wood is now gathered in
foothills,
The mangrove all fish pond The
was Dusun who
it.
mud in and
Many men result, in
hillside It is in downswing in
economic fortunes of the in
in foothills, it is hoped will
more secure than from
wage still them wage whenever
Few have yet. dependence
it difficult them A
is chief. He
is will
Any scheme will
and living
Women in this make coconut oil women
Some it
way
in Tinombo. Many like grow sale, many
have in this women lost on this
income hillside women do
women
women in and it at
coast
A left some hamlet and demoralized. During
in when many worked on number were
members ship Buruh dan
was Communist They claim
membership was compulsory in politics. Many
during the crackdown on communist activities in and were subject to
number more most upon
activities now been lifted, is among
is is risky, in
may moves on
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
and economic matters, the fortunes of the hamlet have been strongly
In both political tied to
those in the wider system of which of the region, they are a part. There has been no clear trajectory either towards the world
proletarianization, or agricultural improvement, or formal education that could clearly
classified as "development." Despite their accessibility to the road integration into the
world economy, their current living standards are the lowest in the region.
town of Tinombo, the and economy. The people have adapted
between wage and farm work according to the seasons and long term changes and fluctuations
be
and
among
22 HOUSEHOLD CHARACTERISTICS
this sample complex in five
Six of the twenty households in are form, including an elderly
parent years. or parent’s obtained from a sibling, including her husband. well by the forty-two, a female are closely related in school. or niece) walk from the houses. with children to each other. three
and two relative (sister
who had been abandoned by The households
The average age of household heads is
and the average period of education is
Three out of sixteen elementary aged children are not
Water is common
main road about 1-2 km
13 HOUSEHOLD ECONOMIC STRATEGIES
Eleven of the twenty households grow some corn. Seven people own coconut trees, a few older
trees that were inherited, and some newly planted. Three households with more than fifty cocoa
trees that inherited, cocoa
trees are related to the founding family. have recently planted eight
households, although a large trees died dry weather. Sbe in fishing,
four their boats, only seines (pukat) which are laid at the
edge of the mangrove. Four households own some goats, three of them siblings given
goats by a parent, and one the dusun chief, from also disease.
the rattan processing plant, they not have steady every day. Eleven
households collect firewood for skilled trades: a housebuilder,
net maker, a curer. Eleven households are involved daily labour, which
includes 2.4 rattan processing, 1 This digging household fishponds, has not planted corn labouring. the foothills for the past
because the husband was wage working in the coconut the sector time and the wife, without a to clear garden, without
opportunities. Sale of firewood a source of income, although they have recently
forbidden to cut in the nearby mangrove forest which ponds. They would to plant tree crops in private ownership the foothills, although
they are uncertain of land rights. older couple, several of eight children live
in the hamlet. son, that they village for consider years, to be part of their or sends money. This household, has
the year the couple have not farmed the the old claiming he
longer strong. survives through fishing, although clearing his boat undergrowth from used mostly by his coconut trees, married selling children. firewood,
all Cashews been by
number of in men engage
owning own and two owning small
who were
who owns some cattle. Other people mentioned
owning goats previously, which had died Four households are still employed at
although do work
sale. Three practice one one a
and one in wage
and general
HOUSEHOLD PROFILES
Household in two years,
at when he needed
and fence the land.
The husband works is income
is been
wood is now under and
will be developed into fish like
Household 2 The household comprises an whose
One unmarried still
been away labouring outside the many and never visits
is first in foothills, man is no
He
and occasional is
Appendix
head of family the son of the couple above, apparently
dependent assistance from his parents, least as long as they had a farm.
a subject of derisive gossip, since he has never yet farmed alone, although he has been
married for eighteen years has eight children. His fishing capital minimal, he
borrows his father’s boat. teenage son as a labourer Palu.
fishes days the father stays keeping his earnings to himself, except
his asks for to food. wife and children collect firewood for
wife hopes to establish a farm with tree crops, staples, to
their precarious. freed daughter has dropped
out of school one of four fishermen from to care pursues a similar set for the household younger head of activities the hamlet children. also a son combining fishing with collection of firewood. of for the 2 above, younger brother of
trap (rompong). The catch shared three ways share to the owner, for
the four fishermen. has farmed the past, selecting a close to his mother, stayed
with his wife the while he sees tree-crop farming the foothills as the
best opportunity to 5 usually improve his wife farm livelihood, a daughter the but has not of but have yet 2 above. no farm to plant. year. originates from defines
himself as a craftsman, a housebuilder, and building Bobalo the farming
season began. the they have a no secure source younger sibling of number 2 above. of income. has enclosed
the land under his cashew'. to plant trees eight remaining their too. coconut have planted His wife inherited corn on from hillside his parents, land near the from the tree hamlet garden, trade in
produce, buying from w'ho the selling markets along the
coast. unmarried sons are working as labourers, two Palu the rattan plant,
the from the mountains inland from digging out household ponds. head Silabia, the older brother Pangkolak, and continued to grow corn and shallots of originates
the middle until about fifteen years ago. Since then the couple have in the
nearby but they have no farm year. couple, together with two sons-in-law,
have fenced an area inherited by the wife. of level land on a former stream bed a few cashews, some cocoa which died, and the vicinity of trees
cassava, taking advantage of the strong fence. processes copra, they both collect
firewood for son, aged twenty, a labourer hoping to plant tree crops,
teenage help on the parents’ farm. the son wife’s of the couple above. with them. wife and children are
staying their hillside farm, where they have a house. the hamlet, the family
stays in his by his parents. parents’ house, although wife the they have a separate food budget. to plant daughter of number 7 above. The husband’s father, tree crops the foothills close to the land enclosed his
with them, bought an area of coastal land the vicinity of a former stream 1987.
Household 3 The this is and still
on some at hill He is
some
and is and
One is away working in Another
on when home, generally
when mother some buy The sale.
The permanent hill and vegetables,
make lives less Her labour time is up by a who
five
Household 4 The is number
number 3. He
He is who work Tinombo-based owner of a fish
is — one and two shares
He in site who
in hills was fishing. He in
begun
Household The is number Her husband
Lombok. They in foothills, this The husband
was away in when
At moment
Household 6 The household head is He
trees, and has planted
kapok and The couple some
and plan is one of five women who
women come down from hills, and at
Three in in and one
in village, fish
Household 1 The is
number 5 above. He
at
in hills farmed
foothills, hill this The
in some coconut
They have planted some corn
and He and
sale. One is and two
girls The sister lives
Household 8 The household head is The
at bamboo When in
Coconut climbing is
main source of income. He plans in
Household 9 The is who lives
in bed in It
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
borders the land of household 7 above. of his sons, including the of household
each household’s area cooperated in building demarcated, a fence cocoa, around the kapok, perimeter of the area. banana, Inside the food as well fence, crops. as root
crops ponds, and processing rattan and copra. She has also been given vegetables. mostly have planted wife, while corn the the hillside beside their as a labourer digging parents. garden. the fish
couple half each to herself and her husband, since undertaking the work in the process of fencing the his land and unmarried brothers of the husband father while plan to her land but he the other has not. plant trees which, she providing seeds, and they are with them. says, will belong has in the
coconut sector, wife a to the household’s of household food expenses. did not receive a
share of 20x30m, which they are the land described above. in process of fencing in has order to plant tree crops. They normally plant inherited a small area of coastal land,
corn in the fields but missed the season because he the well, he works as a labourer, turning for the three
to the of firewood only as a resort. wife has deriving an of
about Rp2,000 per that to harvest land 11 day from the for a children. sale of a the time being, a brother His mother’s chief. as he has not yet registered and paid tax on the of the his java, from of mother, a large tree states that household sister elderly, near their house he allows people 10.
children, fenced some land and planted ca.ssava and vegetables, which she inherited a few coconut trees, which fencing land under coconut coast. His very he has planted sister supports her family by working as a laundry close by, trees partially he has sold, but he retains a small piece of coastal land tree crops. for supported works him. as a labourer raises the market to buy rice. clearing another village (Sidoan), chickens has
returning have no farming only hillside farm This the for a few days each year. also a wife’s niece interest in month. her husband, garden locations each associated vegetables in his eighties, together for with her his child.
with he has developed a housegarden with his wife; he has helped his
second wife plant cocoa land he bought for her twenty years ago, which she
previously equally; he to clear used for land she has cleared a hill-side corn garden for his wife’s niece for each bananas, cassava inherited, land to plant his second wife inherited, after which the land vegetables; from he has his farming with with them; he plans his second wife trees, to be he an expert shared in
healing, often called to attend to sick people from distance away.
Four head
number9,
is and each has planted a mixture of tree and
Household number 9 has coconut, mango, cashew and
and They on mixed
Farming is done by the husband works
some land by her The
is
it is is
jointly. Two live One
been given a share of land by They are both labourers
and contribute
Household 10 The is sister
number 9 above, but she
Her husband
foothills, husband had been ill
months when needed to be prepared. When is
collection last The been income
fruit, assam
was planted by the grandfather of the dusun The owner
and sell the fruit
he claims.
Household The husband is head number He is
unmarried and lives in complex household with and a who was abandoned
by her husband, with her five sister, who is
widowed and has no
lives and is by She and
sells in
He
on which some He undergrowth and
one of the large scale owners who has holdings along the
woman in
home The mother grows sale. They
this
Household 12 is complex household, comprising a man one of
two wives, and
who was abandoned by
The bamboo hut is on borrowed land. The two wives and the niece each have semi-independent
activities. The husband has an five different
one of the women: first
on some flat
and worked on
some hill
where they have planted one hundred coffee
who lives
and fence some flat will be divided
between them
and lend. Apart activities, is
and is some
Appendix
13 husband works as a labourer loading and unloading goods the
three times a week. They both collect firewood for a hillside
corn farm around which they expect their house, 14 but not yet household provide planted anything. comprises food for just a divorcee two months. They have and her twenty-year-old fenced the son. land
maintains herself by preparing snacks for sale within the hamlet, while he engages general
labouring half-share the fishponds, 15 agreement with the owner. They have a loading trucks the trees on their rattan plant. corn garden on houselot land borrowed from
the dusun the wife’s cousin. has agreed to trees there next year
they wish. Sons-in-law land preparation, 16 close by and as the father planted the three often unmarried sons living as their help labourers. houselot the with an
agreement missed to share the season the trees with year. Their the land owner. often plant corn the but
seine net, which cost Rp25,000, and which enables to earn Rp3-15,000 per day. used
near the working the father’s mangroves, the rattan he plant, and one son, notes a depletion of the stock. sons are fishing with Palu
Households hamlet, has 17 This inherited the hou.schold land on the of coast, although his parents long ago sold their coconut trees. the dusun the foothills head which was cleared by of the premier family his ancestors. the
his wife, he planting tree crops there, and plans to expand into the they
developed the garden wife and years a daughter ago sleep inadequately guarded, the garden and of the time, of the trees to guard
effectively. a trees arc a source of income. allocated
one hectare of land adjacent to the family tree garden for development into a
fishpond. the only hamlet resident to receive such land, although he currently lacks the
estimated Rpl,000,000 capital to develop used to as a labour
of the unmarried daughters are engaged trade, selling sugar,
cigarettes, and kerosene, 18 their elderly mother. while household the other comprises are trades snacks. an unmarried closely related to the and his family of the dusun both chief. their
two trade produce up and the coast. fenced an area of inherited
land planted 19 with trees, also growing that provide planted corn on a signficant a few trees the adjacent source of income. on inherited land, which was a in
their possession are as follows; after also Plot housegarden, belonged to the widowed mother, who appears to four old nuts have given coconut and vegetables x to her son, trees for level land, although Details with a alone a house she plants a hillside of their farming fence since a few metres away. She vegetables corn farm, enterprise 1986. This land there. few
Household The at
Tinombo market sale. They have
will
Household The She
in
on and in
Household The couple have planted borrowed
on the basis of a
hillside
chief, who is He let them plant
if living at home
mother with is sick. The sons work
Household The couple have
some coconut and cocoa on
They in foothills,
this main income comes from fishing. The husband has a small
him It is
where fish Three in
in living at home, takes turns with the father
net.
is chief, in
and claimant of the majority of land in
He some
With is hills. When first
five it was many were
spoilt. The now in much it more
Over hundred banana The husband was
mangrove
He is
needed it. He work gang leader.
Two living at home in one
in
Household The man sister, in
thirties, and They The
women in down They have
and it hillside. They have over
hundred mature banana trees
Household The household hasstill
its were sold off. They have
where they grow ground sale.
1,430m 60m, live
lives in
it still A
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
coconut trees that stood on the land were sold as "trees alone," leaving the surrounding
land to the family. 10 cocoa,
The couple have planted 50 bananas, 4 coconut, and 10
land to the cashews. papaya, cassava, sweet potato, lemon grass, and others vegetables which, together with the bananas, Plot Foothills, sea level, with a the husband’s in to corn, cultivate. Clearing was Plot Foothills, land was has been Plot Foothills. next year family. trees she directly grandfather, 1987, after resting for the Five liters of corn and one reported to fallow for This to plant cocoa. planted, the market. behind the house, 26 degree slope, fence since a seven year fallow. nine house, have been plot has been but 1987. This land was reported to have been opened by 1930. of groundnuts were planted in late wife, while level land, in fallow a son of the died the used periodically has been used the wife x 50m, for Gorontalese dry months. by for three consecutive years planted years. 10 cocoa, wife at each. x 40m, 25 the family too dry to does weeding. sea in the to re-open the whitewash above re- 1990. This 1930s. in
enterprise, closed after the father died years ago. has recently planted a
land purchased by his father. has a hillside farm, where he grows corn and groundnuts.
fishes with a small seine, for others. His wife trades in the
markets up and down the coast, while two teenage daughters at the farm.
Details 2.5 of their farming enterprise Plot Foothills, above sea 1989. of the who, in 1989 fallow for three years. Live fence posts were taken from an established fence belonging to her mother. border of the 2 and claim, both which died. land was opened in the 1930s by the wife’s grandfather. in the lent close Foothills. are as thin case study back to the have planted to their fallow. follows; directly above. family to 20 coconut house. they experimented above the house, plant corn and 20 fields in sold by her trees the foothills planting x 80m, fence was built in wife father to along the to which they lay clove trees, 10 the sister another, in lower of
value of land on the coastal plain rising rapidly, that the economic potential of
tree crops recognized. families the hamlet were fortunate to inherit a few
trees, or the land surrounding trees that have sold. Others have been able to
land (in cases in return for goats). In the past three years, these households
have tree crops, while also developing rootcrops,
vegetables that take advantage of strong living fences. Already advantaged by the
gardens, once the tree crops yield the standing of these households will diverge
further that of their neighbours stake coastal land, are limited
to the old repertoire of firewood collection, the as incomes
derived these sources are secure.
More were 80% in The grows
sells in Fence posts were purchased Rp50
2: 30m m
live
in It was and
opened It
grow month period between harvests when it is
liter May
done by husband and and
3: 500m from 60m 32m above level.
opened by the husband’s grandfather It
in two years, and was previously used for corn.
4: five They plan
Household 20 The household head is who owned
five He few trees on
He He
and he also makes and repairs nets
assist home and on
1: on the 26 degree slope 70m-25m
level, soils and stony, with no organic matter. A live
The The is
husband The land was
it and groundnuts. It had been
They kapok
field
Plots> 3: They have two other
now in On one in all
RELATIONS OF RESOURCE ALLOCATION AND CONTROL
The is now new
is Some in enough
been buy a little
some one or two
been planting new home gardens with fruit
and home
economic
from who have no in and who
wage labouring and at same time
from becoming less
Appendix
the planting of tree crops becomes more popular, attention turning to the foothills, where
there estimated to be about 350 hectares of suitable land. chief, claims most
of the land, states that anyone can plant trees there, and he not a half share.
residents either not of his views, or do not quite believe him. which the
foothills land allocated during the process of privatization through fencing and tree planting
a issue the hamlet’s future. Because the land not yet by anyone as
e.xclusive property, and trees have not yet planted, an opportunity exists to redistribute
land rights and establish a productive investment for each family. important, since
there the obvious possibility that government be attracted to lay claim to the land, traders, which the nearest land resource close
to the the resource. 3 3.1 as yet as the the middle undeveloped. on care land, without the eastern not taken, any benefit side of the distribution to the could local population and bordered on take place currently using the in the interior
side by the high mountain, Silikohong. Bordering Alau to the east a ridge which divides
from the neighbouring village of Eeya. There are about 30 households registered in Alau, and
about 10 additional well established, households most living households going back but registered several generations Eeya. the area.
According to local knowledge, the settlement the middle about
1910. previously lived on the coast Tomini, a village about 40km the east.
to to avoid control. that lime said to be under primary forest.
interior edge of the Alau, close to Silikohong, the land by
(father’s father of Adau, about a 150 years ago. This inner land
occupied by some of his descendenls. not clear whether the lower end of the middle
had previously by inhabitants of the area before the arrival of Gusi, or whether
really primary heavily cultivated, forest. with land under corn, shallots, tree-
crops such as cocoa and kapok. Fallows arc short, usually or three years,
individual plots are fenced with gUricidia. The foothill zone below Alau cultivated, as
tends to be dry. Apart from a few plots used for tobacco, has fallow for over
years, but a group previously resident Pungso, the steeper slope
immediately to the west of Alau. This group of their land and their new kapok trees
a landslide 1987. are also coastal families with holdings the
including a teacher old secondary from forest, inhabited by the trees. inner people. People the
heavily settled areas of Alau are steadily expanding into the frontier area, establishing
extensive tree planned crop gardens. for Bobalo, penetrating from the coast to the inner which
are being eyed for large scale tree crop production. passes right through Alau,
have a reportedly offered impact accessibility a resident and other aspects for of social
road such pressures can be expected to increase. Several plots have already been sold to
As is
is The dusun who
will demand Many
do know The way in
is
is critical in is claimed
been
Timing is
is officials,
and other wealthy people from
Tinombo will hill is
town If is this
same manner mangrove
DESA BOBALO, H AMLET ALAU
LOCATION, HISTORY AND LAND USE
Alau lies in hills village, is
first is
it
in among them in The population
is fairly in
in hills was opened by Gusi in
He at to He moved
Alau Dutch Alau at was At the
Mount was opened Tadulama
now aged 90 +)hill is still
It is hills
been worked
it was
The Alau area is rice,
and more recently
two and many
is seldom
it it been in five
is now being re-opened by in
lost much
in in There some in foothills,
Eeya with more than 100 clove At the upper end of the district
is some very hill from more
some
new
A new road is fertile hills
The road and
will marked on and economic life. A
district official Rpl 50,000 two hectares of land alongside the
and
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
Few from Alau have scheme
coastal dwellers. registered for the official garden at Siboalai which
further along the planned (see details in Part Three). This a lack of
information and of capital in Part and/or free time to undertake the work. More details are provided
lies new road is due to
Three below.
HOUSEHOLD CHARACTERISTICS
Five of the fifteen households in sample are complex in form, comprising a simple family
with the addition of a of household parent, parent’s heads sibling, thirty-two, unmarried sibling or child.
year, eleven household heads having no education at age, of only five are in school. to years. other
eleven have never further inland. attended school or have their family’s
river that runs closest to mostly dry, reaching the sea only in the rainy season.
living building a pit to store water for bathing and laundry. These springs apparently the shoulder of Alau natural springs, that have adapted by polluted
at certain times of the year, noted by village authorities as having deaths almost
every year caused by the lack of clear water.
this
widowed
The average age is
and the average period of education is one
all, and four having three five
There are sixteen children of elementary school whom The
been forced to drop out because of
move
The Alau is
Those on depend on been
become
and Alau is
due to fever and diarrhea,
33 HOUSEHOLD ECONOMIC STRATEGIES
is all and all rice,
Corn grown by
households, too poor (number but three households grow a divorcee the exceptions being rice seed
with her, households are self-sufficient in staples, of to find
cash to buy rice or cheaper staples from the market. indicative of the households’ status, Shallots since only households with cash reserves families,
are able to replace planting sets lost through disease. are but the
poorest households, afford to trees have
but depth
have also been planted since 1988, and are more favoured because of their Vegetables are grown for although those without fences ability to stand poor
bother to plant
Fencing the better-off households, and also
the (households 1-6) than further inland, although pigs are a serious menace there too, and
frequently devastate an entire corn field insufficiently guarded. Production of mats for
collection of rattan, processing of sago, and general labouring the coastal
plain are undertaken by the poorer households that to shortfalls in food
production a limited involvement with cash crops. households have
purchased 3.4 land garden scheme 1 point are those a in their history, with both information the only the registered chief their for the child, the
husband’s mother and the mother’s both the latter in their but active in

5) in the only to acquire land trees.

one household whose land is 3),
whose ex-wife took her
and a bachelor. No all them having
are grown by only seven
and are economic
Groundnuts grown by all
who cannot
buy seed. Cocoa
been planted since 1988,
most are not doing well because of inadequate soil and shade. Cashew and kapok
and dry soils. sale,
sometimes do not
them because of the damage done by wild pig.
is more common among
more common lower down
hill
if sale,
bamboo and down on
need make up
and have more Three
at some and two who have
official and resources: RT (number
and a lowlander who is hills and plant
HOUSEHOLD PROFILES
Household This is complex household comprising a couple and young
sister, mid fifties, still
Appendix
farming. Their pattern of land use shows clearly a pattern of food crops succeeding to tree
crops. In 1^86, their farm plot a few experimental trees before being to
fallow. cocoa ten cloves survived, they plan to return there to with
trees. Their obtained before garden, planting one 1987, well fenced, three corn of cassava, which harvests
yielding. garden, opened nuts, before being covered with with a ratio 1988, of only 1:15 hundred cocoa trees due to "thin for rice, then three times for corn and 1989. current third corn yield garden was used
for has just produced corn harvest, with a yield of 1:50. second current
garden planted to other combination of limited has used two current gardens as they are on borrowed land. The family plans to move plots beloriging the the substantial for shallots landholders once, husband’s mother the low corn yields plus limited labour power means that they find and area. Despite also under to the wife. their corn. Trees extensive land be holdings, not be the
themselves vegetables has prepared buving staples helps to This for household about month’s has planted per mostly kapok, on to plant grass after three year’s fallow, but they year. Sale current of shallots, two former gardens, and corn garden after the harvest. nuts planted
rice they have Baina’a, a reasonable the coast This not planted vegetables quantity for a few the coast. a complex shallots for for each household two years because husband year, clearing comprising of a related to them. The undergrowth a lack of seed, to the founding from couple but family, coconut trees with a baby, they the
husband’s mother, and a distant aunt helps on the farm. have very limited land
resources. have one plot planted with cocoa kapok, with a broken fence that has
allowed the wild pigs to off the cassava. Their current farm a steep slope
seriously eroded, with brush rather and did not than grass indicate top restored although the stones. had been case the brush fallow for two years, harvests,
plan to Their only other plots are steep and unsuitable, and they expect either to plant trees on a share that cassava can be planted as they elswhere.
basis with ten days plot the land owners, or to earns cash each time. This young as a labourer also collects couple cocoa, three hundred clearing rattan. related to the edge of the deep forest under coconut to the trees, founding family. In the usually going 1988 they fenced one Their current garden had inner for about
fallowed for seven years, and planted with corn, groundnuts and shallots, each of
which be planted three times succession before the garden fallowed or planted with
trees. did not plant rice for lack of seed. additional plot of
land, about one hectare, for the price of Rp85,000, the to head. extend their a divorcee, tree cropping. living with his mother,
younger groundnuts and shallots family, a niece. partnership with niece the two has planted living with almost two thousand trees (cocoa, temporarily, descended from the founding growing
was planted with left
Ten and and fill in more
ne.xt opened in was and were
hundred kapok, twenty cashews, and lots is still
The ne.xt in was used once
ground five in The
was e.xtremely low, soil." One
rice, and its first A
been is now will
on these
on and Both sides of the family are
among in
rainfall,
six ground and
make up this shortfall. They do no regular wage work.
Household 2 trees,
five hundred cocoa seedlings in its
The corn garden was covered with imperaia still
first. They have do
grow groundnuts and sale. The is and
and quality of land available
husband does wage
work on weeks in
30km down
Household 3 is young
who They
They and
finish is on and is
little soil among It left and
was growing, in this
was "growing on stones"
soil fertility. They have taken two consecutive corn and
improve the fence so among kapok move
move up in hills. The
husband away
He
Household 4 is
and planted fifty
kapok and eighty cashew.
been is now
will in is
They hill They have purchased an
Household 5 The household head is RT He is
two sisters, and Another is him
in sisters. He is
and has considerable land resources. He
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
rice,
and also has corn, ground nuts and He
clove, kapok, cashew), shallots. has registered for
the official garden scheme, and he This the household also of a widow. far to register his land for taxation. sons, of have
the village to her.
both of have two young children, and both of are also widowed. older
specializes in growing able to subsist on this year round supplemented by occasional
fish purchased from the sale of vegetables. Her rice with a neighbour that he could borrow half her plot of land in return for field in fallow for three years. She
his labour with the mother. in clearing the entire daughter cleared land used by the mother the previous season, to grow plot.
corn, uncle in ground-nuts another valley, and has a similar mbced farm. Mother and one daughter have planted trees, shallots. but they have daughter plots of land has close by. lent an area of land by an in the
inner encroached by others seeking land for tree planting. cleared by the older husband, the brother although the of land in and, process like him, of being very
short of land. inherited half a hectare, which he has planted with one-hundred cocoa and
trees. current farm wife, used for corn and
daughter, aged ten, has been given a corner of the field and some seed to grow groundnuts
to her school expenses. Despite their the family to the
attempt to educate their children, has decided to further into the to seek
better land. mats, in use for attempting corn to the shortfall plot planted through in the village. with about two hundred to sale of vegetables, plant with assorted trees, trees soon.
have a plots of land available to them. close to the
tobacco as a major part of their strategy. unmarried brother of the husband lives with them,
currently farming jointly but basis with This the land household plans to plant owner. also has plot with plot in the trees in 1988, current season for food
crops, for tobacco, further plots to next year.
inherited RplOO,(XX) per season. yielding trees, started a small stall selling kerosene, soap share in a langsat, the of which can fetch
their people in the area. family to has four plots, to the inner of which are try to acquire under trees land under
annuals. to replace the annuals with trees,
perhaps using as capital the profits from pigs, but have family has one fenced plot shallots. fencing. Their shallot production has decreased in the planted with sets to plant. trees 1987, trees
lower in the further inland to their current location
a garden of nuts, which food crops next be used for corn, then trees. trees. a third garden After that, they hope to used for shallots to the
inner to find land.
is one of the few so
Household 6 is She has four all whom left
marry or work elsewhere, and never return to assist She has two daughters,
whom whom The woman
rice, and is
had been
made an arrangement
The two daughters farm independently, but share food
One
rice, and Another been
some kapok no more They have some land
hills, woman’s is
Household 7 The household head is
number 3 above is
He
kapok The is on land inherited by the and is rice.
A
meet own difficulties, is committed
and not move hills
They are make up woven
and bamboo gathered from the hills and sold down
Household 8 The household has one
and one rice, and vegetables, which they plan They
few more They live foothills, and grow
An
and is kapok on another
on a share
Household 9 one planted one
and one and no to move on The husband
fifty kapok and one fifth fruit
They have
and tobacco papers
from home. They expect move up hills, and will from
Household 10 The two and two
They plan
and then move on up to the inner hills,
last two years because of disease, leaving them short of They have lost many
due to the wild no live
Household 11 The in on inherited land
hills. They moved
two years ago, and have
mixed and They have and
ground will move
hills more
Appendix
The down
12 family previously lived lower the land with
kapok trees two years ago order to find and so cash to finance cannot crops further inland. or vegetables. harvest, price
shallots or groundnuts another village because of the they are time looking without seed. for wife to their the situation.
husbands’ two brothers close by (households 11 13), but the extent of their
assistance to family 13 This household also not to the coast daily further inland in 1988, at which point the children, to attend school, obliged to drop out of
school. Their garden the lower part of Alau of trees, cloves
three kapok. they the move, they carried the corn harvest
their former garden, which lasted only one month. Three years before they cultivating
their current garden, had been for shallot production,
reverted to grasses during the two-year fallow. a small field, very steep and stony.
rice and corn, and are with cocoa and cloves. They have no more land, and
no clear plans for the 14 This future. household for farming. three
hectares of land the vicinity close relatives 1980, for the price of
Rp20,000 plus some Different sections of the land succession for shallots
corn, while others were be added. After ten fallow. Since years of intensive 1988, two hundred use, trees the too have been poor for planted, annual crops.
During the 1989 dry season, they bought land with trees from
desperate for food and cash. to be able purchase through distress
sales future years. also inherited hectare of farm land near their house, which
they currently use as their corn, and shallot garden. have three tree
seedlings ready for 15 This planting after a the annual bachelor, crops have been being harvested. financed by his parents while he
establishes tree crops, particularly cloves, a hectare of land purchased for Rp30,000
a resident of E’eya. His parents on the coastal plain, to rice to support him,
has planted some corn and cassava as a supplement. The parents appear not to expect a share
return for their investment, to see their son well established. not working on
his garden, he works for wages or others, supposedly saving for his marriage while
looking out for a bride.

3.5 SOCIAL RELATIONS OF RESOURCE ALLOCATION AND CONTROL

Household in hills, and sold its fifty
in its move The
was only Rpl0,000. Their current farm has some corn, mostly eaten young, before the
and some rice. They have no fences grow root They have
no The is ill, and husband is
away in much wage work meet crisis
The live and
this is knowm.
Household moved
who had been walking down were
in is now full one hundred and
hundred When made up last from
began
it borrowed by another farmer and had
It is They first
grew now filling in
Household is renowned its success at They bought
in of some land farmed by in
rice. were used in rice,
and left and
more will soil is
young kapok
owners who were
They expect to more land
in They have 1.5
rice, They hundred
Household is young who is
on from
live and have assets such as coconut trees
and goats. They have given him some goats raise. They provide and he
in content When
in this village
evident that the fifteen households exhibit a range of assets strategies,
despite the fact that are full-time farmers, using predominantly family labour
tools and distribution placing cultivation of inherited land, a squeeze techniques. land an inequality availabilty. variation not random. the introduction of tree crops, related to the

It is and economic

all and the same
The is It is clearly
now compounded by
on
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
is
There numbers and 5 that from
a cluster of households, 1,2,4 are descended the family of
Gusi, reputed to have cleared land in Alau. fenced part of their land,
planted production. households, numbers 3 and considerable of trees, three of the four are involved in shallot capital
resources, reflected in their failure to plant shallots, their limited their
involvement in the status poorly of rattan
collection. impossible for them to contemplate a Their the to seek better land in the inner coast their lack capital Neither have
they yet taken the alternative step of abandoning farming and trusting their survival to the
uncertain, households, numbers 8 and of others, they do not grow shallots, and their main tree crops are cashew and kapok, which can withstand hand-to-mouth existence of those foothills drier conditions cluster of households, specialise 10,11, living under coconut trees in tobacco growing, 12 and Their corn production 13 (the latter three in the coastal lower than that siblings), zone.
have kilometre inland in the past three years to take advantage of
inherited lower land. Before the hillsides of Alau, closer to households moving, they planted trees plots they previously of the households, occupied
12 and 13, have a very for further expansion. shallot sets to plant 12 was or groundnuts, forced by trees,
to land already planted with trees in order to finance a further inland, although the
condition of the land to which they not their continues.
situation of household 12 in direct contrast to that of household 14, which in the
process particularly in the dry season. trees. of accumulating land by purchase whenever neighbours also purchased land, sole purpose of acquiring land are forced since the
to this point, the affluent residents of Alau have not to hire their poorer
neighbours as in order to expand their production, particularly their tree crop
plantations, quickly than possible the basis of family labour alone. not clear
when, or even whether, occur. those with serious shortfalls in food
crop production have sought coast rather than in the or have moved
on, further into the to the coast, or to other open frontiers elsewhere along the
coast. selling their labour as a commodity, they have a range
of strategies for their erstwhile neighbours to them, not inevitably the Share cropping agreements are more common, available as a landless labour force to
particularly 3.6 for growing shallots, reflect the relatively strong bargaining
inner edge of Alau borders forests. inner families here, using well
fallowed (reputedly one hundred years old). These families have each planted about two hundred cocoa secondary forest land cleared by their ancestors including alive
trees the past year, for least a decade produced garlic for also
who is first They have all
and numbers and
Two7,headed by brothers, have extremely limited land and
number of trees, and
low and remunerated activities and bamboo
dependence on wage work on and of make it
move hills.
hill
Two9,and occupy the border zone
between the dry
and the moister middle hills. is
and poor soils.
Another numbers headed by
all moved about one some
had on the
down on 1-9. Two numbers
weak economy, without few
and no land resources Household its economic crisis
sell move
moved is good and crisis
The is is
by hunger to sell,
Household 15 has young bachelor
is from the coast and has come to the area with the and planting
Up more begun
wage labourers
more is on It is
this will So far, and cash
wage work on the hills,
hills, down hill
While they are accustomed to still
open and will be
work in hills.
and power of labour.
INNER ALAU, FOREST FRONTIER
The Four related hill live
Adau, who is still
in and have at sale. They sell
Appendix
strips, men in
rattan, pared into and the younger have been involved extracting rattan poles for
the enterprise of the village
In the past three years, arrived the area, buying land from the inner
people with the intention of developing for tree plantations. of the are
related to the founding family of middle their Alau, and two are from the area, the others maintaining other gardens the coast.
or sources of the coast.
of the they have considerable land resources. Their land profiled here. family originate from middle Alau where either filled with trees planted over the past
years, or overworked they decided to inland, they were able to
buy land from the inner people favourable terms, since the a local
for years well to them. paid only about Rp20,000 per
hectare, half the going Their gardens are as follows:
Plot Middle has kapok, seventy cashews, twenty cocoa,
having some space to with trees.
Plot Forest further edge, has seven hundred cocoa died. cloves, and one hundred kapok.
Plot Forest edge, alongside planned road, has nine
Plot Forest edge, currently used for annuals and planted with rice
shallots. and corn produced harvests the land used
after ten year fallow, corn yielding a ratio of 1:100.
already planted there, trees
Plot Middle Shallots have not well the moist heavy of the
newly converted forest land, "preferring stones," so they have established a shallot
garden back down paid labour. heavily for labour services to the middle their three plots.
of about Rpl00,000 three times a year for the clearing of brush the
hectares of tree annual gardens. usual contractee the husband’s younger brother,
also trying to establish gardens the area but with fewer capital reserves.
of the family’s three thousand trees have yet to In the meantime, they are
self sufficient work, but the husband does earn extra cash by cutting trees staples, and use from shallots for other supplies. the forest and
planks for housebuilding. also goats.
Their total investment per hectare in land purchase, clearing seedlings about
Rp50,000. The fields annual maintenance for until the crops begin to yield,
a cost of Rp60,000 per hectare per year. This puts the cost of development
hectare, well the reach of local families. For reason, only households with
large capital frontier. reserves are successfully able to establish themselves as major tree farmers on the
chief.
five newcomers have in hill
it Three newcomers
hill Only two of the
newcomers have made permanent homes in
income down on
One newcomer households is The
is
five and infertile. When move
hill on husband had been
official many and was known They
rate.
1: hills, two hundred and still
fill in more
2: hundred cocoa, seventy
A five
3: new hundred cocoa and one
hundred bananas.
4: is is corn, and
The rice bumper when was first
its at Two hundred clove trees have
been and more will fill in.
5: hills. done on and soils
in hills worked by one of the daughters and using some
The family pays manage hill They give a contract
weeds and from five
and The is
who is in
None begun yield.
in income They do no wage
in making hand sawn
They own five
initial and was
now need five years
at at Rp350,000 per
beyond most this
  1. DESA BOBALO, HAMLET SILIKOHONG
    4.1 LOCATION, HISTORY AND LAND USE The Silikohong Mountain lies towards the inland border of the middle hill zone, inland and to the west of Alau, two to three hour’s walk from the coast. It was cleared and populated in the
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
the west of Alau, coast. in the
1940s 1950s. residents are Muslim. Several households have acquired land rights
purchase, usually further inland, in exchange for goods, those as the land decided to stay in the area. those Acquiring land
individuals distress sales of land the area a traditional practice, different the recent at Alau.
All the adult in the present sample, with the exception of the family of the
school teacher, indicating coast that this or lower a stable areas of the population, middle
accounts of history, appears that their parent’s generation adopted Islam
distinct population in well the over, period since the 1950’s. mostly grasses
light brush. garlic production. corn crop had been wiped out. There are some interactions with the cultural-ecological border Silikohong. advantage familes at Siboalai, Others go to in frequent heavily claimed by the resident families, but there rainfall the inland to eat pig, in zone to plant order to plant root shallots suitable that their entire for shallot are as yet plot crops as an too dry at
Families at Silikohong have to plant tree crops, several are anticipating a
inland to Siboalai their current land too thin or trees. that
passes the area through Alau will pass to accessible. the other side of the Silikohong mountain, but will
Lauje school teacher from the village has started a small self-help school which
has attracted about sixty pupils the two-hundred or so school-aged children in the area.
the stopping there while experience of school for most families. run a small travelling store their house, teacher which has his wife coast. trade in a focal point, shallots people

and The by

changed hands between who were
moving and who from
moving on from is and from
and purchase for the purpose of accumulation that were witnessed
men and women
were born on Silikohong, is and not
composed of newcomers moving up from the hills. From
life it and became
more from the inner hill
The land on Silikohong has been worked and the vegetation is and
Its lies light
and dew, making it
and The land is
few permanent fences. Wild pigs are a serious problem, several farmers noting
zone futher inland:
on Silikohong sometimes ask borrow a corner of a garden
from the settlement
where some people
emergency store of food. when it is
begun and move
when is filled up with The new road
still make
much more
A at Silikohong,
from
It is first The and
and garlic, and from become
between the inner hills and the
4J HOUSEHOLD CHARACTERISTICS
With the exception from
of the school teacher, not originate the area, the level of
education very low. the six households surveyed, three household heads have
have or years, has years. Since the school opened,
children cluster of houses nearest the school have been attending.
size large, eight children being the family planning
the school teacher’s wife established.
who does
is Of no education,
two one two and one six new was all
from the Completed family
is common, although
program promoted by
is becoming
Appendix
4J HOUSEHOLD ECONOMIC STRATEGIES
Corn and and many households are
shallots are the mainstays of the local economy, suffering
severely because of the failure of shallot harvests due to disease.
shallots to for both staples and other items. Unlike Alau, the households are
involved shallot production, succesfully than others. All the
households have planted some cocoa trees, clove. are
involved regular coast, although they go there to find cash facing a
such as failed corn shallot harvests. casual source of cash
the porterage 4.4 of shallots to Both husband and wife were born on Silikohong, and they have acquired land the coast.
rights from both sets of parents, addition to clearing break
of their current farm Plot obtained good Plot 2 the 1950s, in plots indicates harvest exchange for the from his father, of rice; rights acquired 12 bundles of rice; range of land x 1986 uses just reopened from the individual rights after planted with cloves and cocoa; a frontier ten year cleared area: fallow;
Plot 3 cleared corn, papaya, Plot 4 purchased given to and 140 asked to X 1970 and bananas, 40 x50m, 12-37 by the wife’s the wife; used cocoa trees. 12 degree ownership root degree father for shallots here. slope, subject to crops (cassava, slope, from the individual two harvests of the above sea dispute, so sweet above shallots, belong to fallowed can only be potato); sea cleared planted a ten years, used for ten 1940, to corn, Tomini, annuals, years; shallots
Plot 5 small river the parents; Siboalai, 1989 by a just-married daughter used cleared from for corn, previously passed over and her husband, and given planted with primary 500 cocoa forest alongside as trees. a a to
Despite having children, the household’s labour resources are stretched. In part this
because the older children have separate enterprises: the older unmarried son has his
separate farm, with shallots, corn and cocoa, although his mother and help to weed,
have on the proceeds as a the daughter providing the labour for
a shallot plot belonging to the school teacher, return for half a share of the crop, proceeds
from which be her cash. second son has not permitted to establish a
separate garden because of his on the for weeding.
younger children are school, unavailable in the mornings either
to care for younger siblings, their usual task. family’s shallot production has declined
because of disease. of ready cash for purchase of essentials such as
kerosene This younger couple has recently suffered some serious failures: to the market down on the coast. a corn crop
ravaged by wild pigs, shallot crop that was diseased, not even yielding enough to replace
the a result they are reduced to asking for food from their parents, also frequently does porterage, and,
They depend on cash from
meet expenses all
in some more Only three grow rice.
and a few have planted cashew and None
in wage work on the when
crisis and The main income is from
HOUSEHOLD PROFILES
Household 1
in some land themselves. A down
and land in
1-borrowed 50m 50m,
-permanent in who first it in
now being
-40m 60m, 210m level, first
in
and
-215-240m level, fallowed
who first it in and
first now
The in field nephew from who
borrow land
-in
in gift
first now being
many still
is own
sister him
and some claim result; is all
in
will own The been
dependence mother and sister Three
at and are to do farm work or
The
The main source income
and salt comes from porterage of produce
Household 2
and a
sets. As and processing the
emergency food ondot. The husband during their crisis
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
went to search wage work on the
period, for coast
assisted by of food, labour their parents.
Their field plots are Plot 1 bought by husband’s father in 1985, fallowed have claims on the corn, Plot 2 similar shallots Plot 3 planned for This as follows: land at a slope coconut seedlings, to Plot an of 10-20 degrees, pineapple, 1 in origins elderly couple in 1980 for Rp20,000, of their crops altitude sugar characteristics, living are also 245-260m. cane in farming although the parents planted there. contains 20 cocoa trees, tumeric, process of being cleared for alone, this the parent’s although couple also
assisting/assisted by their son, Silikohong, related their daughter, wife of to the founders of 1 settlement above. as
Siboalai. Seven of his a tree garden started cashews. They also grow corn, ten siblings migrated to other mountain areas in 1988 with cocoa, shallots. Their stated reason for planting trees (Baina’a, died), Tomini, seven E’eya).
preparation for death," perhaps so that they will be remembered by descendents enjoy the wife another daughter of will
given by the parents of either wife. has about one hundred cocoa and
twenty trees, has corn another shallots. Their cash source
shallots, with porterage of goods providing an additional source, especially their shallots
have not well. the elder brother of the in household 4 above, and the
wife also originates similar: a few a rice
a corn shallot children farm shallots independently,
have been placed in charge of rice so that the households total active farm
plots eight. family has about thirty trees, shallots, corn, and trees.
use as a staple. a heavy with seven children under
twelve, that the tree crops they are planting will provide security for the
children’s future. This the household of the school teacher. purchased land in Siboalai
in 1983 (before starting the school), he has seven cocoa trees in
production. the process of expanding his farm area. Siboalai
he has borrowed and purchased land for corn and shallot production, and obtains three shallot
harvests per year each of about 3-500kg,
farmers in sample, to his capital reserves that enable to replenish sets
necessary. enters into share agreements with others to obtain access to labour, since he
occupied part of the time with the school. His younger brother living with him, developing
some 30 km away. The couple were being
gifts and seed from
-first worked by
two years and reopened by them in 1988, still
and some It measures
40m X 55m, It
five and plus
bananas and papayas.
-and
and corn.
-rice.
Household 3 is and
number 2 above, and by number
The husband was born on and is the
They have fifty one clove (many kapok
and fifty rice, and
is "in who
fruits.
Household 4 The is
number 3 above. They have three gardens,
husband or One garden
cashew one and main income is
when
done
Household 5 The husband is man
from Silikohong. Their farming pattern is trees, field,
field, and a field. The teenage and some
fields, number of
is
Household 6 The many banana They
banana They have dependency ratio, all
and hope now some
Household 1 is He
where hundred and fifty
He is in Around Silikohong and
about double the production per harvest of the other
this due him when
He is
is
Appendix
new He
a cocoa garden on a share basis. trades shallots, buying the produce of his
neighKiurs, then carry dowTi to the coast for a porterage also acts as a general
shallot trader, buying up produce the foot of the days, waiting by the side of
the path along with the other middlemen traders. His wife runs a small store out of their house,
selling salt, sugar, soap, kerosene, cigarettes, snacks and dried small packets.
are paid cash, or through the sale to her of small quantities of shallots.
also raising one hundred chickens for the average for other being 3-10.
in up
who
it fee. He
at hill on market
fish in The goods
for in
sometimes She
is
sale, women
SOCLAL RELATIONS OF RESOURCE ALLOCATION AND CONTROL
and much
Patterns of intra-household exchange assistance are evident than in
hamlets surveyed lower the or on the coast. E.xamples are: going to help
the corn harvest of a younger return for three hundred ears of corn; going to process
sago from a tree belonging to the father, and receiving a share; helping build a rice store, plant
harvest gardens; married daughter and mother together processing ondot; giving rice seed to a married clearing land for gardens; married daughter and mother weeding each other’s
child to plant and so on. relatively
similar their types and levels of production, with inequalities
to with fortune farming. Differences access to land but the
consequences of were not evident from the survey, the extent of pressure land
resources 5 occasioned both by population density and tree planting not clear.

5.1

more here
in hills tie up and store
sibling, in
With the exception of the school teacher, the households are
no evident
beyond those having
in in may exist,
and on
is
DESA BOBALO, HAMLET SIBO.ALAI
rice, rice;
in
do skill and
this
LOC.ATION, HISTORY AND LAND USE
Siboalai about one hour’s walk father inland from Silikohong, typifies the cultural
ecological transitions of the border zone between middle inner residents
there comprise long term, stable residents acknowledge having converted to Islam
separated from the inner people the present generation, within the last forty years.
are inner people, of are adopting Christianity while others retain their
independence from imported religions. inner families are related to the recent Muslims,
and have also connections to the area for least a generation, although of
have tended to migrate betw'een area and other inner locations,
walk away. In addition to these groups, there are newcomers from the coast acquired
land to plant cocoa gardens, one of Bugis, not Lauje.
history of the founding of the area complex. set of ancestors clearing land
the area the 1920s, from Pepetano to the west, nearer Taipaobal. Additional
pioneers, a group of brothers and cousins, moved during the 1930s,
the group, while also clearing intermarried. the bulk Gradually over of the remaining the farmable forest 1930-60 period the second group were the 1940s
exposed to Islam they to shallots the coast, to convert.
stopped intermarrying with the group, oriented towards the inner
of the inner people moved off to Alau and other inland areas the 1970s, partly as a result
of discomfort caused by the religious social the two groups. In 1977, the
inner people requested a transfer of the land they lending to the second
group for so years, as payment. Thirty
households, descendents and relatives of the second, group, contributed to the

is hill

had
The
in in
first
’50s. The two groups
when
hill
hill
many
and and
hills and hills. The
who and
hill in There
some whom
The hill
at some them
this hill
some one or two days
who have
and whom is
is One began
moving in
in and borrowed land from
in and
went sell on and began They
first who remain hills. Some
in
and split between
final had been
and thirty-two sarongs were handed over
now Muslim
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
payment, thereby acquiring rights to the their house and garden plots were
located. called Ulat Perak,
land on which
The area of land retained by the inner hill people is and is separated
from Siboalai by a small stream.
is little The
There some
old secondary growth forest in the area, but primary forest. latter exists
only in scattered pockets on steep, unsuitable slopes in level attractive
areas that have previously farmed. of the long term residents in the area have
cleared a few plots in primary or extremely old secondary forest, but not four or five
plots over a lifetime. remainder of their land has inherited the previous
generation, or purchased from others cleared land for
farmers here to fallow land for least ten years, so to obtain abundant corn rice
harvests, provided wild pig and an established practice by which long term generation, and people from Silikohong or other neighbouring districts other pests can be controlled. residents stayed in the area for
to their holdings, acquire land frontier
give goods or cash in return for the transfer of rights. People from the coast
attracted negotiating with the residents and paying cash, at a current rate of Rp40-60,000 per hectare for the potential for cocoa plantations have followed the practice,
secondary forest land. are of promised never being paid but, in
general, these transfers appear to have taken place without causing disputes between the two
groups. residents, especially the Muslims, have welcomed the cash and the signs
of "progress" in their area, while the careful to maintain good relations
with their neighbours.
disputes have occurred the long-term residents over the sale of land to outsiders.
This occurs the descendents of the person usually an older brother, cleared the land have not divided the land disposes of of an elderly or
deceased parent’s land to outsiders without or consultation with the other
descendents, are potential heirs. farsighted family has a point of sharing out
their land, giving definitive rights to the younger generation before the death of the older
generation. to avoid land disputes the children, and encourage
the younger generation to plant trees to strengthen their claims to the land before
outsiders arrive. that passes through Alau planned to pass through Siboalai to a
inner settlement Ulu, a half-day’s walk further inland.
hectares Siboalai sign post, have although so far only some village and kecamatan designated an garden the location have planted
trees there. are reported to be disputes over the status of the designated land.
claimed local residents, say they have not by the system
which regards as the land state land. set aside This garden scheme for the scheme, dicussed the village detail chief has in Part Three.
coastal families to acquire other land directly from the residents, in order to
establish gardens in the area. families arrived the beginning of 1991. effect of
outsiders in to the area less attractive to the residents, particularly inner
people, define themselves as being up-land distant from,
those associated with lowland authorities. of those family land
holdings elsewhere have been tempted to out. Others, however, feel very
between the more and
been Most
more than
The been from
who and then moved on. It is common
at and and
There is who have
more than one who wish
expand on the
by negotiating with the longtime residents.
They who have
been by same
There rumours some cash
The long term
newcomers have been
new
Some among
when who
between them, but one member, some
agreement
who One made all
By this means they hope among
more
The new road is on its way
major hill at Tengke One hundred
at been official development area,
marked by a officials
There It is
by who been compensated official
it is in more
Apart from official been encouraging
move up and
Ten new at The
many moving is make
hill who of, and preferably Muslims
and Some who have ties and
sell up and move
Appendix
at and
strongly that their land Ulat Perak was inherited from their ancestors, that they should
stay there plots to retain outsiders. the land intact for the next generation, refusing to secondary forest
desire to plant tree crops has caused both long-term residents to clear
additional annual cash crop production. has been and cleared e.xtensive for the forest lands In cases, time. than have steep traditionally land previously avoided for fear of landslide required for food
and sell
The newcomers and
more been and
some
first
5J HOUSEHOLD CH.\R.\CTERISTICS
The household is forty. Only one
Eight households were surv'eyed. average age of the heads
long-term resident has any education, are three years. the coast. residents size large, the sample with averaging 6-10
children. or parent. are
The other two in
some education newcomers from Completed family is
The complex households formed by the addition of a newly married or widowed
child, widowed
5J HOUSEHOLD ECONOMIC STR.ATEGIES
soils in good
The and and
climate permit three shallot corn harvests per year, which a year
provides both sufficient staple foods cash to needs. the time of the survey,
however, several residents were experiencing severe loss of corn crops to the
wild shallot disease. Like the people Silikohong, they reduced to eating
rootcrops, their or begged, and struggling to find cash for necessities such as
kerosene, to replace shallot resorting for the time to the
collection of rattan poles for the coastal merchants order to acquire cash.
the households profiled below, 1-4 are long term residents associated with Islam.
purpose of buying land and opening tree gardens.
original inner the pioneers. of the Other outsiders camat, a Bugis present family, are the school a dozen teacher, other coastal the son people, of the either
bachelors or married families are on the coast. of has yet
acquired more than a few hectares and a thousand trees. profiles demonstrate the diversity
of origins 5.4 the have emphasized the purchase and clearing of land, particularly and founding group. The couple have acccess to some inherited land resources, but practices. wife are cousins, descendents of the brothers recent years. lead
gardens follows: in process cocoa trees Plot reopened cocoa trees, of cultivation, gardens are each plus x 150 in 1986 for corn, twenty-five with being shallots 9-25 degree 1982. cloves, tree crops independently slope, used for corn, then fallowed for four years and cashews, (coffee, cocoa, by origins above nuts. a variety of rooterops, cloves), teenage sons, of four of their sea Since 1988 corn, shallots gardens has vegetables, have are as corn
and meet other At
difficulties due to
pigs, and at were
own salt and
and lost sets. Some were first
in
Of numbers
Households 5 and 6 are newcomers who have come to Siboalai from the coast with the express
Households 7 and 8 are descendents of the
hill
headman, nephew and
men whose still living None them
The
economic
HOUSEHOLD PROFILES
Household 1 The husband and first who
now Muslim
in They have five
and
garlic. Two more worked who one
hundred and garlic. The
1-50m m, 520m level, first opened by the
head of household It was first
in rice, garlic, and ground it five hundred
five
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
and one hundred coffee trees belonging to the wife planted under the forest on the
edge of the garden.
Plot 2-40m X 50m, 10-40 degree slope, first opened by a neighbour in 1960, and
acquired by the couple in 1966 in return for one parang, one shirt, and RplSOO. They
have used the plot five times over a period of twenty-five years, usually with the same
sequence of one shallot crop followed by two corn harvests, then root crops and fallow.
Their recent harvest barely replenished the sets (72kg sown, 80 kg harvested) due to
disease.
Plot 3-40m X 100m, 38-47 degree slope, 600m above sea level, first opened by the
household in 1988. It has been used for cocoa, corn and padi, rested for one year, then
used for garlic, and is now to be used for rice before being filled in with cocoa. The
steepest areas are already showing signs of erosion. The first harvests on the newly
cleared land were very large, yielding in a ratio of 1:75; 6,000 ears of corn were
harvested, of which 1,000 was sold and 1,000 given to family; rice was also given to
family who assisted with the harvest.
Plot 4-land alongside a river, opened in 1990 by the head of household, with
assistance from another who was paid a fee of Rpl0,000 to cut down the bigger trees.
The plan is to plant five hundred cocoa trees.
Plot 5-plot purchased recently for Rp20,000 in goods and cash; in process of being
cleared for shallots.
Note that the two gardens cleared recently, intended for tree crops, numbers 1 and3,are three
times the usual size of gardens cleared in decades past, which was 50x50 m. Plot 3 is especially
steep. At the time of the initial survey, the household was suffering a shortage of cash after the
failure of a shallot crop, forcing the husband to go and collect rattan, an activity normally only
engaged in by younger men such as his sons. Once their garlic was harvested, they were able
to stock up on rice, undertake ritual obligations such as the circumcision of sons, buy clothing,
visit relatives, and begin work on a new garden. The household is involved in labour exchange
with relatives and neighbours, and considerable cooperation with the households of married
children living nearby. Their expenditures on food and other necessities during the four month
period July-October 1990 totalled Rp49,600: Rp3,400 sugar, Rp2,000 kerosene, Rp2,000 soap,
Rp4,200 fish, and Rp38,000 rice. This is an average of Rpl2,400 per month.
Household 2 The wife is descended from one of the founders. She has not been given
extensive rights to land by her father. Her father was working an area of forest in Sumpinit to
the south of Siboalai when she was born, and the couple themselves cleared some land there
in 1980 to which they plan to return. The husband originates from a neighbouring inner hill
area Moganggal, and moved to the Simpinit/Siboalai area on marriage. In his area of origin
he could access land from his parents but "other people are always borrowing land there so it
has been turned into grassland."
The household was in very severe economic distress when interviewed in July, due to the failure
of a rice crop, a corn crop, and a shallot crop. The whole family, including seven children, were
staying temporarily with a married son while trying to re-establish their farming enterprise.
Corn, shallot and rice seeds were donated by their married children, as were staple foods such
as cassava and taro. During this period of dependence upon their married children, the parents
provided them with assistance in field tasks, and received labour assistance in return. Cash for
essentials was obtained by collecting rattan, and by the sale of vegetables still growing among
the failed corn and shallots. During the four month period July to October 1990, they spent only
Rp8,250 on household needs: Rpl,250 kerosene, Rpl,000 soap, Rp500 salt, Rp500 tobacco,
Rp500
Appendix
oil, fish and Rp2,000 rice,
coconut Rp2,500 an average of Rp2,060 per month. In addition they
spent Rpll,5(X) on and for a labouring party called to their farm.
household has three active farm
Plot household the third harvested shallots, from X head 1957 time since three sets given for the price after a ago, then by a married by another of two sarongs. fallow of corn which was about fifteen years. ruined 1930 by pigs, bought use planted then corn by the for only
Plot 2 1982. being cleared Plot 3 X 50m, 7-10 has been used again for degree slope, for the addition for descended from one of the founders, and acts as head of the corn, twenty-three of six cocoa 1950, trees (1983), trees. to her
family since himself. the father an informal leader and ritual specialist, very old. has access to plentiful and has been acting as broker, arranging land, cleared by his father
for land acquisition by outsiders. has planted about two trees over the few
years, supervising the weighing in of rattan during the with him. corn, shallots wife daughter of only extraction of the non-farm founders, activity he noted was work newly married son the originates
from a middle area, to Siboalai only 1987, attracted by the
possibilities for planting tree crops, and have both borrowed and purchased land. The husband
obtains extra cash by collecting household rattan to Siboalai 1989 from a middle area
Pibounan. They have coffee, no relatives on the coastal the area, plain, and so and have far have planted purchased sixty land. cocoa trees their trees
garden. a widower, with three unmarried children as well as a
daughter and her young child. rice for subsistence, but found their
rice attacked averaging Rp30,000 per month. earning by pigs, abour Rpl5,000 birds and per week. has also been clearing the from his unmarried the coast son he collects rattan, to Siboalai each for the teacher, 1990, of buying
land to establish tree gardens. already planted various trees under
on the coast originates the wife’s from Bobalo, parents, and but spent have other significant twenty years with his assets such family on as the west coast
Toli-Toli supplies born over on the western side of the peninsula, carried This originates cloves. Bobalo. the household of a daughter of area of Palasa. reflecting her father’s the pioneers. wide ranging movements. to Siboalai in 1982 having their
in order to be "closer to the village and the market," which they about once every two
months. For them, moving to Siboalai represents a choice to a location accessible
to the coast than the areas deep inside the inner lived previously.
  • kapok andin new hill The man is living widowed
rice fish work on
The plots:
1-50m 40m, first opened in and
in The field is in now
1957, They first rice,
months and and
child.
-50m opened by her father in and given
in It rice, and is now
hundred new cocoa
-opened in September rice.
Household 3 The husband is
is He and by
He is
He hundred last
and grows rice, and garlic. The
boom. A still lives
Household 4 The is a one and husband
hill Ogopungsong. They moved in
and by porterage.
Household 5 The moved in hill in,
in They have some
They have planted corn and
rats. With them
He new cocoa garden
Household 6 The household moved at Bobalo in
They have some coconuts
owned by cattle. The
husband at
where they grew They have not planted food crops in hills, all
up from
Household 7 is
one of the inner hill She was
The husband
from an inner hill The couple moved
visit
live in more
hills where they had They
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
have planted about eighty trees of various kinds in the past two years, as well as growing
corn, shallots, rattan garlic used for root crops. in house construction. Additional son of one of the inner cash pioneers. selling bundles also of in the
inner 5.5 above Palasa, thirty cocoa trees and eight cloves their with staple. cultural Islam, here in transitions stayed 1982. His wife this year, for a period within the originates of at least area, slowly a generation. adding to garlic for sale. their Palasa. pool of
land by both clearing Others have maintained their traditional practices
their orientation purchasing land as a base before trying to expand their holdings. to a broad integrated set of kin themselves into the community through marriage coastal people have tried zone. and/or through
to clear heavy forest land, feeling themselves too physically inexperienced to
contemplate the task. Since the mechanism for acquiring land by purchase has long existed in
the frontier also potentially creating conflicts have to become more area, they have the adopted definitive. strategy. in the picture, the long term residents over claims to land, which attracting related to the quantity and quality of land outsiders coast,
to which a household has access, as well as to luck, capital for shallot garlic
the strength of kin to help a family out in a bad year. their capital
reserves to acquire for the clearing residents access to land are mostly too busy with labour, paying their tree their farms gardens. to attracted a contract to daily basis to other
earning opportunities with the although the inner people have stated a
willingness 6 to use their the specialised properly paid. to clear the big trees forest land for
rice,
and income comes from
strips, ties
Household 8 The husband is hill He was born
hills and moved from Ulangga,
They planted
and have long planted
Root crops are main
SOCIAL RELATIONS OF RESOURCE ALLOCATION AND CONTROL
The zone has been one of Some have
become affiliated and have
and purchasing. and
ties and land claims spread over the inner hill
Newcomers have
No
weak and
this
Tree farming is new element many from the and
among now
Economic welfare is
skill, and sets, and
ties Newcomers depend on
and wages on
newcomers and maintenance of
Long term be wage
newcomers, hill
skill on new new
settlers, providing work is
TRANSECT THROUGH THE THREE ZONES: DESA LOMBOK, THE SIAVU
RIVER VALLEY AND ITS WATERSHED
is It is site
This valley the heartland of the Lauje area. the of significant historical events, such
as the splitting of the Lauje people into groups at Pola Batala, near (Nourse
Lauje way of of the river tributaries are
intensively brought slowly into cultivation. settled registered in the cultivated. population 1990 census in Lombok, 5,660, because of in 1990 was 3,899 forest in the upper figure inner reaches differs people registered being
as residents of within the physical boundaries of village of
occupies the hinterland of Tinombo, Dusunan latter villages comprising only
coastal, foothills lands. the only village that does not reach

1989). contains the range of agro-ecological and cultural variation that characterize the

two Polumele
It full
life. The middle and lower reaches main and all its
and The remaining heavy is
The officially Lombok (this from the
number counted many hill
Bobalo live Lombok). The Lombok
and Tibu, the two
and some middle hill Lombok is
Appendix
inner boundary with Desa Damsol, at the center of the
The and
following a description of land use, settlement, cultural patterns the river
valley 6.1 place indicated
coastal plain of the lower reaches of the river valley are heavily planted with
coconut trees, as the case other Important occupations are seasonal hillside
farming, labour, trade into with the the hinterland to buy and hinterland. are a produce, and others large wait
the road for people to bring their goods. are also about larger-
scale traders brick and concrete houses the road, with weighing scales prominently
displayed. trade shallots, and the produce of the hinterland, such as
cocoa. of operation described Part
the of the road, necessary to ford the river about times to reach
Polumele. Level areas along the river have fenced and planted with coconut cocoa
trees, although they the other are prone are grasslands, to flood. used hillsides occasionally of for shallots, with low productivity, side
but mostly just for grazing the cattle and goats of wealthy coastal dwellers. This the area
reported to have been irreparably by the cultivation of cotton during the
Japanese occupation (Nourse 1989;358nl6). has been grassland since the 1950s,
frequently from accidental burns which prevent the regeneration of other vegetation.
seldom cultivated, there are to the land. few people
the lowlands try growing shallots there, because of accessible location, but a
group of them have moved their shallot gardens over to the middle of Dongkas, where the
land productive. a school Polumele which founded 1967 by a teacher originated
Polumele attended primary school the only teacher to have stayed
the school, others appointed from elsewhere having lasted only a short while to the
perceived isolation and inconvenience of the posting. unofficially assisted by his son.
does not collect school fees, and himself pays for such as graduation photos. In
return, receives free labour services from parents children for his farming
enterprise. cocoa. corn, shallots, groundnuts and root crops as well coconut
along
names mentioned are on Map 3.
down to the coast. It shares its
peninsula.
is
and surrounding area. The
THE lo\\t:r RE.ACHES
The Lombok and
is in
wage and
women petty traders who walk
at end of the
whose
They in
Their mode is
From end it is
Ogoulangga on
damaged
it is
from Lombok
is more
There is at
and
all
He
he some
He grows rice,
62 THE MIDDLE HILLS
The path has at
four branches Polumele, leading up to Patinke and Taipaobal to the north,
the river as Bobontolang. heavily settled and cultivated to the south, level far as Balangsiang, which stretch leading inland along the the forested
frontier of the inner of the hillside land covered with imperata grass, and fallows
are than three years, although yields are considered reasonably good,
rainfall shallots conditions permit 2-3 harvests per year. have been devastated by disease during the past two or three years. Rice, corn, shallots
Ponus up behind the school
main known
The Patinke area is
hills. Much
seldom more
The
villages.
There number of men and
sell who
down There six
line
garlic, newer
more fully in Two.
ten in order
been and
The Ogonumanu on one and
is
forced
It and suffers
Because
no strong ownership claims hillside A
its
hills
was in who from
in Lombok. He is at
due
He is now
expenses
and
as and
to
and to the
up as is
is
still and
and groundnuts are grown.
Tree planting
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
and kapok and coming
started in about 1985, of the founding families of Malabi and Sigeleti have about 600 trees, there are clove, cocoa trees into production. although
a house to house survey would probably show that some families have or none.
pressure land, aspirations to begin or extend their tree gardens are
unable to access additional in the land resources. to plant trees. lowlanders, including the village head, have
hillsides at the lower reaches of the Simoie are grasslands, while the upper
reaches are forested. steady expansion into the area residents,
both middle and inner people. in this area as yet. In the upper
reaches of the Simoie, a few households are clearing forest land in order to produce garlic for
Garlic requires the deep of newly cut heavy forest land. plot sizes are as
big as are used times in straight succession before being to
grasses, forest regrowth. garlic scale
have prospered, building a brick house in village; they also a
television. shallots forest land along the middle reaches of
the Simoie can only several plots different gardens, because of the burden of weeding, stages of maturity to stagger the labour although they inputs.
households are not involved cash to in garlic that serve or shallot as the Simoie production, and market, have great there difficulty a stand of ebony which was obtaining
behind after also about extraction 80 resin trees in the in 1973, forested protected headwaters which are government. protected.
residents are afraid of fines for accidental burning of these trees, their presence in the
headwaters restrict further for fencing clearing of forest the in the area, but area. species, locally as
Tiboyole are capable of rooting the stakes are planted as a fence.
Simoie a cultural frontier zone. are nominally Muslim, but are reputed not
to follow the dietary prohibitions of that religion. attracted to join the Christian
group mission, but were dissuaded by the village chief doing so.
differences in language above usage below showing more influence of
Indonesian. Simoie there are non-pig eaters, with the exception of school
teacher at Ogoalas. Taipaobal also a cultural border zone, being predominantly
close to take place (see to the population of the residents interviewed in Lado-lado recognize that of Lado-lado for interactions intermarriages
their ancestors the area originated from Taipaobal, choosing to as the
area Muslims, while also responding to the poor conditions for
agriculture, as grasses have dominated Taipaobal for sixty years.
Some members
little There is
on and many who have
Some
bought land area
The Ponus and
still There is
by long-time area
hill There are no lowlanders
sale. fertile soil The
120x120m, and five abandoned
weeds and eventual The households growing on a major
and one is down Lombok own
Households planting on secondary
manage smaller
may have at Many
buy food supplements and other goods.
Near the group of huts is
left some activities and is now by the
There are The
and
may
There is no gliricidia live in two bamboo known
and Pananke when
is The people some
Some were
around the from There are
and below Simoie, the
Above no one
is Muslim but
enough non-Muslim and
Nourse 1989). Some
who pioneered move on
became dominated by
63 THE INNER HILLS
from is the site
Further along Simoie Ogoalas, of a clustered settlement of about thirty
households, a church, a health post, a school, the airfield houses of the three
Tribes Mission families. the mission established in 1975, Ogoalas the
ecological frontier zone the border the middle inner there
reported to have been cleared about 1960. secondary heavily forest. settled, with
and and New
When was first was
on between and hills. Land is
first in It is now farmed and
most of the fallow land under grasses and light
Appendix
The land at is in and was
across the river Lado-lado a similar condition, settled earlier than
Ogoalas. corn, root crops, shallots and ground nuts, have to
plant trees such as the mission. coconut, clove IndiWduals and cashew, purchasing not have access seed from to land the coast for planting or obtaining trees acquire
rights by agreeing to give half the trees they plant to the landowner. Rice
land has fallowed a group of households farm close together to "share the
birds". Yields of staples figure are high for farmers to produce most of their the middle a fact food. they
attribute to the have been regularly purchased relative absence of pigs for several than to different decades, but dietary other goods sold preferences. the coastal
market such a shallot as soap, crop has been sold. sugar, coffee, Supplementary sources of income are porterage of shallots to the tobacco and dried are bought only occasionally,
coast, to into strips for
farmers inter\iewed Lado-lado are occupying land cleared by their parents generation
30-40 years ago. the unwilling to further inland because of their attachment to their ancestral land occasionally cleared heavy forest, for
and their desire to reach of the coastal markets. also
that the people are clearing the forest are "different," although Lauje, and that might
be socially uncomfortable to go and near them. difference implied relates to cultural
agricultural "back woodsy," the people the hinterland are the products of the forest and less progressive than considered to be backward, or quite
those the Christian area bordering the middle people Lado-lado are taking
interest clearing forest with the intention of planting tree crops, a pattern evident
also Siboalai. frequency with which the people Ogoalas and Lado-lado farm
grasslands and secondary forest an important point to note, since these people are culturally
classified as people by those living middle coast, yet
are growing the identical crops, using the land conditions to those
elsewhere the middle only difference that of clear
forest lands. boundaries. In area, there that there no clear are about co-incidence 1000 Christians of cultural (about 200 families) agro-ecological the 5-
7000 non-Muslim Lauje. that a locations
throughout the include Ansibong, Siboalai, Beneti/Babong, Sibalutong and Sitatuli. bible translation. besides the elders, with 100 families close the missionaries to Lado-lado and Ogoalas. concentrating on training of the elders and locations that the
Christian existed previously, community’s capacity to together greatly improved over the afraid to situation that
the strength the they have upgrading
footpaths, building a bridge for the school children to cross the maintaining a rotating
credit fund responding for trading efficiently to enterprises, outbreaks of disease such as typhoid or cholera which would previously building a a health center,
have claimed land they occupy, eaters into and their area. are determined to prevent the incursion of coastal dwellers and non-pig significantly, they have a clear sense of their right to the
residents of Ogoalas Lado-lado heard 1989 that they to have twenty
trees to secure their rights to started a to
cocoa seeds and hybrid coconut, and they set about planting trees. yet
Farmers grow and some begun
some from who do
is grown only when
sufficiently, and
still enough own
Root crops
more prominently here than in Muslim areas of hills,
more Kerosene
and salt at
fish when
and collecting rattan make sale.
The in
They themselves have only
and they are
moment move
remain within There is some suggestion
who still it
live The
and styles: in
literally, more dependent on
in hills. Some in
more in now
in The at in
is
backward inner hill in hills and on the and
same techniques, in similar
in hills. The is some them occasionally new
this is and
The mission estimates among
There are church groups meet regularly in number of
hills These
The teaching and extension
work is done by Lauje
The mission has emphasised community development, and considers
work is
where inter-group tensions were high and people were move around
hills. The new community is shown in work done
river,
new marketplace, running and
many more lives. Most
The and in would need
on a plot of land it. They community fund buy 2000
However they have not
Culture, Ecology and Livelihood
and still vulnerable
paid land taxes, their claims are to incursions, especially those sponsored
so heavily in the settled right to In their favour, the land in upper the headwaters that probably less
attractive to outsiders than the hinterlands of other villages such as
"Traditional" strong obligation to share food with people djmamics the people ask for noted although there are attempts to hide mission include the
surpluses guarantees. tends to in order People are unwilling to put themselves above others and consequently leadership to reduce Large work groups are used only for planting also lend food cash, people mostly mostly working without
individually or in small groups, for in cash or kind (sarongs,
food). also engage in share cropping for cash produce such as shallots or recently
trees. missionaries have noted the importance of example as a for innovations to
spread musical instruments at Bineti. quickly, while groups also specialize a tendency to be litigious, judges frequently being called in certain products, such as at Alau,
to hear family cases related to adultery, divorce, improper adherence to procedures for
arranging marriage, expense. gossip death, other events such as birth, tooth threats. largest marriage are antique ceremonial occasions ceramic and brass platters are feasts to
that have been in circulation between smaller less expensive families than those for in the middle decades. feasts tend to be
forest at in the or secondary forest most of the time, frontier Sibalutong and accessible a further Ngesi-ulu. areas, 1-2 hours walk, while occasionally clearing forest land further away the headwaters of the Molitoog, the Nogaat,
conditions are suitable, staying there for a few months then returning to their after
the harvest. forest land, vacated by others further
on, as a base while clearing land. clear accessible land passed over the time,
such as that along river banks, or venture out to the edge of the main forest. the
desire to live close to other relatives, to have access to the market, as well as to tend the tree
crops they have planted they would eventually have in the past years serve their household inland to their newly pioneered farmlands, to to place,
not returning to the are, or original off further inland until fallowed. locations depends choose to stay
of personal husband, wife factors, or other the households such as kin. that strength, in the ambition, isolated attachment headwater to the areas are family groups those that of are not
registered with village authorities. are simply too remote, while others have
unwilling (which they often see as a forced conversion to Islam), or to associate closely with the mission. to submit clearing themselves forest to the authority of the into government, headwaters, to register but face their limitations:
the missionaries note that the above Ogoalas are a heavy red-yellow clay which less
than the vegetation; in the middle indicated by the ferns as they back that are prominent in the fallow
of rock that flank Sojol of the peninsula.
missionaries have seen evidence of a probably dependent
hunting, taking place from gathering, small the edge of the settled area, with residents in gardens in the forest, but the contact with village authorities majority of land opening
by the government form of land development schemes.
Lombok is and farmed up it is
Bobalo and Palasa.
group among inner hill by the
who it,
demands. They and
be weak. rice,
on an exchange basis or payment
They more
The means
blow guns
There is
upon
lies, and The
mark marriage and filing and circumcision occasioning
little The main goods exchanged at
many Wedding
much and hills.
The is at
and Farmers often maintain farms and semi-permanent houses
more such as Sibalutong and the middle Nogaat, farming in grasslands
when
main house
They use some secondary
who have moved
new They first
For some,
five tie them one where previously
moved
site it was well Whether people
where they move
or to other inner hill
upon a range
skill, and
Among live more
Some been
names
They are slowly and moving further two
soils is
fertile soils hills,
and they are running out of space
up against the uninhabitable walls
Mount and mark the center
The few isolated households, on
and deep is
Appendix
vsith The
and familiar the coastal markets. mission’s estimate of the distribution
of Isolated households 20-30 the Nuga’at, 8-10 above Sibulotong, 6-8 Ansibong,
abs^ve Palasa. This only about percent of the estimated 5-7,000 non-Muslim Lauje the
hinterlands, as "isolated" 6.4 an cited ((erasing even smaller 1989:1). or terpencil). percentage thus quite of the total misleading to regard the Lauje as a whole 15,000 Lauje three zones (see
area organized by the mission; the geographical limitation posed by reaching the poor intensively from three sources: settled. population growth associated pressure with land improved resources, medical care
rocky peaks the of the peninsular; the effects of converting land to tree crop
gardens, far the lower middle areas such as residents also
believe that there has been a decline rainfall and increase flash floods, although
data Incursions by outsiders have not yet a problem,
remaining attractive forest land deep the hinterland and inaccessible,
cultural differences that the hinterland potentially "inhospitable" to non-pork eating
outsiders. middle and inner residents are vulnerable to developments such as
roads or large scale government schemes that could bring large
challenge their entitlement to the land they depend.
People locations the valley, from the headwaters to the are involved in a
process of agricultural intensification necessitated by the pressures of population the
environment. land resources, and the development of culturally appropriate and sustainable both food and cash crop production. prices for assistance crops. extension efforts will with Marketing structures also require attention, to ensure process, need beginning with to be sensitive to the cultural diversity an assessment of their to increase
that exists the area, avoid the inputs being captured by to the exclusion
of others. This a danger since there a tendency for authorities the lowlands either
to dismiss the people living above Simoie as primitive and uninterested or
to claim that since they are already self-sufficient food and/or since they have already
received assistance from the mission, their needs are less immediate than those of the
people systems the middle the hinterland are not recognized, probably because authorities or coastal zone. serious pressures the existing farming the area,
and assume that empty, land abundant. Extension services will be easier to organize
there are organizations such as the groups that can
disseminate (providing they are appropriately paced). even
to groups essential, allowing each group to determine priorities Permitting
group to progress ahead of another risks creating jealousies. also threatens the
livelihood of the their productive parties, land resources coveted by those to
number and
is in
at and 40
is five
in
and
in all
.Anema 1983 in Nourse It is
DEVELOPMENT ASSESSMENT FOR THE LOMBOK RIVER VALLEY
The is farmed and There is now
stemming
at center and
most evident so in hill
in in
exist. become
is in
make
The hill still
in
upon which
at all in
They require this
new and existing
Community development and
in and all
is real is
in
some
in hills The
in
fertile is
where community Church
new imputs
all is its
one
weaker whose may be
expand activities.
upon
soils and sharp
Patinke. The
no hard
probably because the little
and because of the
numbers of outsiders and/or
foothills,
upon
means
fair
Ill
one group
in
in modern farming,
on
seldom visit
promote and
An handed approach
and needs.
It
who wish
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Chambers, Robert
1988 Environment and Development: Putting Poor
"Sustainable Livelihoods,
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Economy
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and reprint No.
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"Korte Beschrijving van het Rijke short
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Tania and Sulaiman
1990 "Sustainable School for
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Nourse, Jennifer
1989 are the of the world: birth
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1989 "We are the womb of the world: birth spirits and the Lauje of Central
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(1970-1989)".

n.d. "Sharing the Catch in Mandar: Changes in as Indonesian Raft Fishery

  1. East Java Water Pollution Manpower Study, prepared by Bruce Fraser and Soekander Wiriaaimadja.
  2. PROKASIH: A River Cleanup Program in Indonesia, prepared by Jay Nagendran in consultation with Nabiel Makarim.
  3. Development of Water Quality Standards: An Indonesian Study, prepared by Margaret C. Taylor and Sri Hudyastuti Sukarsono.
  4. Indonesia Industrial Waste Standards Project, prepared by SEATEC International, Bangkok.
  5. Hazardous Substances and Hazardous Wastes: A Review ofthe Draft Programs, prepared by Hermien Roosita and Robert Breeze.
  6. Culture, Ecology and Livelihood in the Tinombo Region of Central Sulawesi, by Tania Li with the cooperation of Sulaiman Mamar.
  7. The Administration of the ANDAL Process, prepared by Robert Langford.
  8. Mangrove Management: An Economic Analysis of Management Options with a focus on Bintuni Bay, Irian Jaya, prepared by H. Jack Ruitenbeek.
  9. Social Impact Assessment: An Introductory Handbook, by Natalia Krawetz.
  10. Environmental Management: Implementation Manual for ANDAL in the Ministry of Public Works, prepared by Michael J. Kent and Dana Kartakusuma.
EMDI Environmental Reports
This series documents, in part, the activities of the EMDI Project in Indonesia.
Also included in the series are the results of research undertaken in Indonesia
under the EMDI supported Dalhousie University Program. For copies of
individual titles, please write the EMDI Project in Jakarta or Halifax.
Forthcoming
Kantor Menteri Negara
Kependudukan dan Lingkungan Hidup
Jl. Medan Merdeka Barat 15
Jakarta Pusat 10110
Indonesia
School for Resource and Environmental Studies
Dalhousie University
1312 Robie Street
Halifax, Nova Scotia, B3H 3E2
Canada
ISSN 1181-6457
ISBN 0-7703-0463-X