Baca PDF (OCR): Marhaen and proletarian; speech before the Indonesian Nationalist Party at the party's thirtieth anniversary at Bandung (Cornell Modern Indonesia Collection)

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JQ 763 1960 S8

LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SANTA CRUZ

BRA VERSIT IFOR TA C

MARHAEN AND PROLETARIAN

SOEKARNO

.

ا

MARHAEN AND PROLETARIAN

by

President Soekarno Sukarno

Speechbefore the Indonesian Nationalist Party at the Party's Thirtieth Anniversary atBandung, July3rd 1957

TRANSLATION SERIES

Modern Indonesia Project Southeast AsiaProgram Departmentof Far Eastern Studies Cornell University Ithaca,New York 1960

JQ iii

1960 58 PREFACE

Although Indonesia's President andprincipal nationalist leader has visited the West--several Western European and Latin American countries as well as the United States and Soviet Russia,his ideas are not widelyknown in these countries,and indeed,have often beenincorrectly understood.Some of Soekarno's writingsand speeches have been translated andpublish ed for limited distributionbyvarious departments of

the Indonesiangovernment but of the most important have appeared so far only in Indonesian

When in mid-February I asked President Soekarno what he considered to be his most important address in recentyears said without moment's hesitation " lecture inBandungin July to the Thirtieth Anniversary Meeting of the Indonesian Nationalist Party. " He went on tosaythat as an ex pression of his political philosophyhe considered this to be one of the most important speeches of his entire career. For those who have followed the developmentof President Soekarno's political thinking, it is clear that this is indeed an address of signal importance--an exposition of his politicalideas at a criticaljuncture in Indonesia's post-war history. In addressing what had then emerged as Indonesia's largest political party, President Soekarno made one of his fullest criticisms of parliamentary democracy--as has to see it and

especiallyas it has operatedin Indonesia.Thisan occasion on which he stated with particular forcefulness his conviction that Indonesia would have to pursue different course if she were to realize the economic and social ideals that were borne by the revolution speaking at the time a organ ofgovernment about to be set in accordance with his political phi losophy--National Council which as substantial lysupplementing what he regarded as an inadequate par liament and whose establishment would be one of the firstmajor stepsin the direction of what he has termed " Guided Democracy "

In view of the importance of this address by Indonesia's President,it ismy hopethat the Cornell Modern Indonesia Projectcan make some contribution to

iv

a broader understanding of contemporary Indonesia,and in particular the views of President Soekarno, by having it translated andpublished. I should like to express to Mrs. Claire Holt our appreciation for the excellent translation which she has prepared.

George McT. Kahin Director

Ithaca,New York May 25,1960

V

TRANSLATOR'S NOTE

Like most of President Soekarno's speeches,this address is interspersed with Dutch,English,French and other foreignwords,phrases or whole quotationsas well as with words in some of the regional languages of Indonesia,in this case Sundanese and Javanese.Usually, but not always,the foreign language expressions are ex plained or paraphrased by the speakerin the next follow ing passage( s ).

Underscoring of words in the text of the translation indicates the use of aforeign language,including English,in theoriginal Indonesian version;points up the introduction of anexpression in one of the regional languages ( e.g. Sundanese or Javanese );or preservesan idiomatic expression in the Indonesian language(e.g. gotong rojong).

Items placedbetween square brackets 7 are addi tionsby the translator which might behelpful in clari fying the implied meaning.Similarly, a fewexplanatory footnotes have been added by the translator.

Round brackets () which do not occur in the origi nal text have been used instead of the dashes which set off asides or lengthy explanatory passages that interrupt the principal line of discourse.

Acknowledgedwith thanks are some valuable sugges tions made by DaphneWhittam who read the final draft of the edited translation.

Claire Holt

Brothers and Sisters * All :

I should like first to express mythanks for the gift

of this very beautiful,to me the Indonesian Nationalist Partyas of the time thirty years ago friends and I set the Indonesian Nationalist Party

Ivery happythis evening to be able to attend the gathering in this hallcommemorating the thirtieth anniversary of the Indonesian Nationalist Party or the thirtieth birthday of Marhaenism. I was asked by the party leadership to speak here;it was asked that this address be a discourse and even the word " lecture " was used. God willing, I shall fulfill that request.My discourse or lecture will deal with the motives,the reasons, why thirty years agoI and several friends set up the Indonesian Nationalist Party;and the motives or reasonswhyI created that which is now known as Marhaenism.

You know that I am not now a member ofany party: I am not now a member of the PKI ( Indonesian Communist Party),not a member ofMasjumi,not a member of Nahdla tul Ulama /Association of Islamic Scholars7,not a mem ber of the PNI Indonesian Nationalist Party7.I am a citizen of the Republic of Indonesia named Soekarno who at this moment happensto hold the position of the first President of the Republic of Indonesia. So when I lec ture toyou as I will in a moment about the motives and reasonswhy, thirty years ago, I and several friends established the Indonesian Nationalist Party,providing a basis for this new movement of Marhaenism,this lecture will begiven in no other spirit but as a remembrance.

PORTRAIT

Moreover I also intend to drawportrait por trait of our conditions,of our struggle of our ideals, of our desires in 1927.This isyour portrait the year of this isyour picture. And then Brothers and

The Indonesian saudara- saudara,while indicating brothers and/or sisters,also means near- relatives.

Sisters,when I havepainted that portrait of 1927,I shall inviteyouto look at yourselves todayin this looking glass,this reflector,this large mirror; compare what you see with the portrait Igive you,of that year of 1927. And I shall leave it toyou,Brothers and Sisters,to draw yourown conclusions.Will the face thatyou see in this mirror of 1957 be the same as the face of theportrait of 1927?If it is the same-- it is fortunate,praised by the Lord.If it is not the same,

I shallbeg youtoengagein self-correction.

For,Brothers and Sisters,as I have said over and over again,not onlyis our revolution not yet completed, but our ideals have not yet been attained. What we as pired to,what welonged for,what we desired in the year

1927 has not been achieved. Do not, and Sisters that that have the Republic of Indo nesia whose territorial jurisdiction extends over almost the whole Indonesian archipelago from Sabangto Merauke can say that all of our ideals have been achieved For if all of our ideals had been achieved I would not be saying that our revolution is not yet completed.

Permit me, Brothers and Sisters,to depict foryou the motives and reasonswhyI and several friends setup the Indonesian Nationalist Partyon 4 July 1927.

Earlier, mybeloved friend Soewirjohas described so clearly how the Indonesian Nationalist Partycame to life,under the saddest of conditions,in an atmosphere where the whole of the Indonesiancommunity and the People of Indonesia lived in mental confusion,lived with a sense of loss of leadershipand of leaders.Those words of Mr. Soewirjo are true,Brothers and Sisters. Mr. Soewirjo toldyouthat in 1927 we hadrepeatedly stressed Indonesia merdeka sekarang:Indonesia indepen dent Yes, Mr. Soewirjo further said that in that

year also stated that independence only golden bridge

Indeed Brothers and Sisters ifyou ask what were the bases for the formation of the Indonesian Natio nalist Party thirty years ago, then I should speak of three matters :

First,the aim. An aim whichmaynot bechanged- whichmaynot be changed today,whichmaynot be changed in the days ahead. And what is that aim,Brothers and

Sisters?It isnothing else but asociety which in today's terminologyis called ajustand prosperous society,and which,in theterminology of 1927,was call ed asociety of sama rasa sama rata *.This aim must remain fixed,Brothers and Sisters,and itmaynot be altered.

Second,the Indonesian Nationalist Partyfrom 1927 onwards insisted that an absolute condition ( said to be the most important condition in 1927,but in fact being an absolute condition) for achieving this objective, was national independence. Indonesia Merdeka, Indepen dent Indonesia,was even called forby the Indonesian Nationalist Party in the words "Independent Indonesia Now, Now, Now ". Three times now !

Third,it isalready clear,the aim is a just and prosperous society,or anegalitarian society,or,in words better known by the whole world,a socialist society, in thepure sense.

REVOLUTIONARY MASS ACTION

To attain a socialist society,or anegalitarian society,or ajustand prosperous society,we had to cross agolden bridge,named Indonesia Merdeka,Indepen dent Indonesia.There arose the question,how to attain an Independent Indonesia. And it was the Indonesian Nationalist Party thatgaveto this a firm answer : through revolutionarymass action.

Because,Brothers and Sisters,there were those, especially at that time,who said we could attain natio nalindependencewithout revolutionarymass action,but that it could be won through education,through negotia tions with the Dutch, through playing parliament in the

Volksraad and moreover as youBrothers Sis ters the Dutch as result of pressurefrom the Volks raad in the month of 1918 had evengiven their well -known Promises : "- beloften van There were people supposed that independence or at the very least extension of political rights could be attained merely by requests by petitions

Rasa RataLiterally" feelings level i.e. equality in rights obligations status etc. In other words anegalitarian society

Innewspapers,in meetings,in the Volksraad or in other councils,it was later stated that independence or extension of political rights might begivenas agesture, out ofgoodnessof heart.

I remember,Brothers and Sisters,when I wasonly

17years old I heard of the existence of the " November beloften" the promises of November,19187,in which the Dutch promised the People of Indonesia an expansion of political rigths; I still remember how manyleaders re joiced thinking: Ah,now certainlyit will come about that we willget an extension of rights which will ulti mately bringus to an Independent Indonesia. At that time I,as ayouth of 17years,hadalready begun to shakemyhead.No ! Independence would not be attained this way. And I said outright at that time to the late HadjiUmar Said Tjokroaminoto that I did not believe that the November promises would be fulfilled.

And in fact,Brothers and Sisters,those November promises were not fulfilled. What was the reason ? The reason was that the November 1918promises weregiven by the Dutch at a time when the Netherlands was in great danger. The first world war was then raging at its worst. Communications between the Netherlands and Indo nesiamay be said to have beenentirely cut and,added to this,there was in the Netherlands astrongmovement amongst the workers--a movement intent even on overthrow ing the Netherlands royal dynasty.It was under these conditions,Brothers and Sisters,that the November pro mises were made.On the one hand, requests from the Peo ple of Indonesia for extension of rights;on the other hand, pressurefrom the workers in Holland itself, pres sure to overthrow the dynasty;and the disruption of communications between the Netherlands and Indonesia caused by the first world war.

It was under those circumstances,then,that the

November promises were made. when war was over, the relations between the Netherlands and her colo nycould be restored conditions considered normal at that time normal again the workers move ment in Holland had subsided the promises of were completely forgottenIt wasexactly as Mr. Pieter Jelles Troelstra leader of the workers in Holland saidThe November promises were promises forced byconditions Troelstra in vigorous speechin the Second Chamber of the Dutch Parliament said :

" Het was het hoogte punt van't internationalegebeuren, toen desplintersvan stukgeslagen tronen het volk van Nederland om de ooren vlogenen de donder van buiten landsche revoluties over zijn velden rolde. "*

At that time Troelstra said :Thesplinters of thrones,friends,to the rightand left of the Nether lands fly around the people of Holland.And the people of Holland hear the rolling, the detonations,the explo sions of revolutions abroad. The existence of these conditions,friends,the revolution inGermany,the re volution in Russia which gavebirth to the Soviet Union, moreover, pressurefrom the workers (in the Netherlands) whosought to overthrow the royalhouse,demands of the People of Indonesia through parliamentary means ,the rupture of communications between Indonesia and the Ne therlands,caused the Dutch to make the November pro mises.What Troelstra said wasexactly right.

That happenedin 1918,Brothers and Sisters.But, in spite of these experiences of 1918,there were still many amongthe leaders of Indonesia whothought that NationalIndependencecould be attainedby asking, by petitioning,even by begging. But the Indonesian Natio nalist Party in 1927 asserted that NationalIndependence could not be attainedby such methods,but must be won by means of revolutionarymass action.

These are the three principles7,Brothers and Sisters :the aim,ajustand prosperous society;the conditions to attain it --via the golden bridge;and the onlymeans by which the golden bridge could be won-revolutionarymass action.These were the three funda mentals of the Indonesian Nationalist Party,Brothers and Sisters.

MARHAEN AND PROLETARIAN

And now itmay be asked,what is it that is called " mass " ? What is mass action which is revolutionary-revolutionarymass action? What is said to be the mass, what is called " the masses "?It is here,Brothers and Sisters,that there arises the idea of Marhaen,the concept of Marhaen.

• Literally
  : "It was the climax of international events when the splinters of demolished thrones flew around the ears of Netherlands'people and the thun der of foreign revolutions rolled over its fields. "

When Mr. Soewirjo said a whileago : the peopleof Indonesia,the Indonesian masses are primarily Workers and Peasants,that is true.I ask that stress be put uponthe word "primarily", because what I meant bythe term " masses " in 1927 was not solely workers and peasants ( even though primarily they are workers and peasants ), for, apartfrom the workers' andpeasants'groups there are yet manyother groupswho are neither workers nor peasants.

Forexample,Brothers and Sisters,the "tukang roda " (a Bandung term *) are not workers,are not peasants;to what groupdothey belong ? The street vendors whoput up the waysidestalls,they are not workers nor peasants; what groupincludes them ?Formerly,in 1926,there was a term well -known in Indonesian circles,that is the term "Proletariat";the meaningof this term was often not understood.The termproletariatwas used in 1926 to describe the whole of the poor,the commonpeople; but they are byfar not allproletarians.

Heh,abdi mahproletar " I am aproletarian"7 but the man whosays thatmaynot be aproletarian at̃ all. For instance,Brothers and Sisters,once a farmer from Tjidjerokaso said " I am aproletarian",but he was not aproletarian;or a small vendor with a food-stall at the Idjan crossroads said : " I am aproletarian"--but he was not at all aproletarian.To whom then does that term proletariat apply? In 1927 inmylecture courses, especially in those for the cadres,I stated that a mem ber of the proletariat is apersonwho sells his labor powerto another,without himselfowning the means of production. Theproletariatare the workers who do not participate in ownership of the means of production.But our nation,Brothers and Sisters,iscomposedof tens of millions of people not all of whom are covered by the term proletariat. There are greatnumbers indeed who are not laborers,very many who do not sell their labor-power to others.

FormerlyIexplained tomycomrades, myold friends, whyI used the term " Marhaen ". It was for no other rea son but that on a certaindayI waswalking in the rice

" Tukang roda" or "tukang betjak", tricycle-carriage drivers.

fields to the south of Tjigereleng,and I came across a manhoeing the field,and I asked him : " Brother, who owns this field? ""Gaduh abdi " I own it7 He said.And so heparticipated in ownership of the means of produc tion, owningthat rice field. "And the hoe,who owns that? " "Gaduh abdi "."These tools,who owns these ?" "Gaduh abdi "."But,Brother, youlive in poverty? " " That'sright,I live poorly. " And Ithought to myself then,this man clearly andcertainly is not a member of the proletariat, he is apauper,he ispoor,he suf fers much, he has not enoughto live on,but he is not a member of the proletariat, for he does not sell his labor-power to another without participating in owner ship of the means of production.His rice field is his ownproperty,his hoe is his own, his sickle is his own, his rake is his own.Everythingis his ownproperty; the crop of his rice field is for his own use. But

still he is apauper,he ispoor.Nevertheless he is

not one of the proletariat,he is a small farmer,avery poor farmer,barely making aliving." Tani sieur " I said at that time " Tani gurem ". * He is not one of the proletariat. Then, Brothers and Sisters,I asked him "What isyourname ?" " I am Marhaen **," he said. He said that his name was Marhaen. I had aninspiration: Now, this name I will hold to;I will use this name to describe the destitute People of Indonesia.

And of poor Indonesians there are not one million, not two million or three,but almost the whole of the Indonesian People are paupers.Almost the whole of the People of Indonesia are Marhaen!They are the poor commonpeople, yes,the poor worker, yes,the poor pea sant, yes,the poor fisherman, yes,the poor clerk, yes, the poorstall vendor, yes,the poor cart driver,yes, the poor chauffeur-all of these are embraced by the one term,Marhaen.

TRADE IMPERIALISM AND INVESTMENT CAPITAL

Whyare almost all of the people of Indonesia poor ? That issomethingIexplained inmylectures at that time.Iexplained that Dutch imperialism,which had

Tani sieur ( Sundanese Tanigurem( Javanese Literally a chicken- flea peasanti.e.peasant with plot of land larger than a flea

** Marhaen pronounced Mahr-hah-

beenoperating in Indonesia for decades,even for hun dreds of years,had a different character,a different nature than,for instance,British imperialism.At that time I told members of the Indonesian Nationalist Party: British imperialism,forexample,which operatedin India,had the character of a mercantile imperialism--a trade imperialism,in order to sell British -made goods in India.And in order that the People of India should be able tobuy those British -madegoods,British impe rialism in India at that time did not impoverish the Peopleof India too much. It still took care that some purchasing powerdid existamongst the Indian people; for,apopulation which iscompletely pauperizedis not able tobuy goods. It was because of this,Brothers and Sisters,that in 1927,1928 and 1929 I said :"British imperialism provided education for the People of India quite early. " Schools were established in India,even collegesand universities were setupin India just in order to maintain somepurchasing power amongthe Indian people. And,therefore,the Indian people were not made too poor.

As a reaction to British imperialism in India ( and

of course there was a reaction,for allpeople eventual ly desireindependence...as I said in 1927 : even the worm will turn let alone when trodden upon over and over againwillcertainly revolt at last as reaction to this imperialism the People of Indiabegan a movement known as the Swadeshi movement. In order to counteract the imports from Britain,the Indian people declared that they would not buyBritishgoods:The People of India started the Swadeshi movement,made their own goods,wove their own cloth, spuntheir own thread, even setuptheir own factories. This Swadeshi movement was a logical consequence of the nature of Bri tish imperialism which was " trade-capitalistic ".

But what was the nature of Dutchimperialism in Indonesia,Brothers and Sisters? Dutch imperialism in Indonesia was not,I said,first and foremost a merchant imperialism,( though it had someaspects of trade,Bro thers and Sisters,and of no mean dimensions--but it was

still not primarily mercantile imperialism). The Dutch

imperialism which operated in Indonesia wasprimarily of the kind that Hilverdink called " finance capital". The Dutch brought moneyto Indonesia,not to give to the
Indonesian people--" Here's some moneyforyou....Oh,
no !Butmoneyto invest in Indonesia,in the form of

factories in the form of estates in order tosqueeze out to dig upto scratchupall the kinds of riches there are in Indonesia. Capital investment-capital was introduced into Indonesia to work in In donesia like an all -powerful giantI used to say This worked in Indonesia scraping upIndonesia's wealth to taken to Holland and to be sold inEurope to gain profits in Europe which were brought again to Indonesia to beplanted in Indonesia,in order to dig upIndonesia's wealth once more.And that wealth was taken again to Europe,sold inEurope,and bore profit inEurope. And thatmoney became finance capital again, was once morebrought to Indonesia,planted in Indone sia,used in business in Indonesia.Round and round in this fashion for decades,even for centuries,Brothers and Sisters.

Now theconsequencesof investment capital are different from those of trade imperialism.What does investment capital seek?You wish to setup asugar refinery,forexample,so you need land on which to plant sugar-cane;and it is desirable that the rent for the land should not be too high.Peoplewho are clever, peoplewho areintelligent,peoplewho understand their own interests,ask high rents for land. And,therefore, the People of Indonesia were not taught;a knowledgeof their own interests,and their possibleadvancement was withheld from them, in order that land rents mightre main low. What does a sugar refineryneed ?A sugar refineryneeds workers,workers to work in the refinery, workers to work in the cane fields. In order that they might not demandhigher wages,these workers were not provided with skills.Alwaystheir wants and necessi ties were suppressed. Thus the tendencywas different, Brothers and Sisters.

Whereas trade imperialismstillgave some small heed to the purchasing powerof apeople( I don't say that trade capitalismmakes apeople free andindepen dent,not at all,but merely that it somewhat main tains the purchasing powerof apeople)--whereas trade imperialism acted thus,the imperialism of investment capital suppressed the needs and the skills of thepeo ple. It needed cheaprents,it needed cheaplabor. Therefore,aprocess took place in Indonesia called the "pauperiserings-proces "--the pauperization of the Indo nesian people. So that--as Iexplained inmydefense speechin the Landraad court inBandung,later printed as a book, " IndonesiaMenggugat "" Indonesia Accuses " 7- Indonesia came to be " small " in style -- everything became

small-styled. Forexample,no assistance wasgiven to increasingneeds.Everything wasconstantly pauperized. Everythingcame to have the stampof smallness :the small worker--apauper;the small farmer--apauper;the small fisherman--apauper;the small cart-and-horse own er--apauper;the smallemployee--apauper.Everything was small.And this applied not only to the proletariat alone (that is,the workers who sold their labor-power without participating in ownership of the means of pro duction ),itapplied to the whole of society.

It was in this connection,Brothers and Sisters,

that I said that the whole of society suffered pauper ization,and I needed a name for all those who were pauperized. A name for the worker and the peasant,for the fisherman and the carter,for the low- ranking police man and the children of the troops of the former Indies army, as well as the reporters,and the stall -keeper, yes, for every kind of all these small people.

It waslucky,praisedbe the Lord,that one dayI

had aninspirationwhen I wastalking to Marhaen south of Tjigareleng.He seemed to become a symbolof the small man of Indonesia. A symbolof the powerof the Indonesian people. A symbolof the explosive force,the explosive material for achieving Indonesia Merdeka Brothers and Sisters.

I said a whileagothat British imperialism,the

trade imperialism in India,could eventuallybe beaten bythe movement led byMahatma Gandhi,characterized by swadeshi and satyagraha ( that is,civil disobedience), as the people of Central Java say: hambalela--swadeshi, satyagraha;it wasespecially this swadeshi which cons tituted strong competition by the Indian people them selves capable of counteracting the imports from Britain. It was by such means that the people of India eventually won Indian independence.

But we, the Indonesian People,Brothers and Sisters, we could not achieve Indonesia's independence by means of swadeshi. No--because we did not have the material

with which to build great capable of beating imperialism here could not overcome astronginvest ment-capitalsystem merely by a swadeshi-- And for that reason Brothers and Sisters the Indonesian Nationalist Party emphatically stated in 1927 : only power which can throw off Dutch imperialism in Indonesia

is revolutionary actionby the masses. A mass action byall of Indonesia's Marhaens,who are tens of millions strong. And this,Brothers and Sisters, happenedafter 17th August1945,when all of Indonesia's Marhaens, yes, those who were young men and women,who were workers, who were peasants,rose and acted.

I remember the year1928,Brothers and Sisters,

-- at that time there was a certain Dutch Resident in Ban dung who,on one of the Dutch holidays,with the Dutch Indiesemployeesbefore him,with the gentlemen of the estates before him,with apicked group of subservient people before him,Brothers and Sisters,made a speech in the building which is now the Governor's Residence and where I am tospendthis night. He spokethere, pointing to the tri- colour, the red,white and blue of the Netherlands;he said to the assembled ladies and gentlemen: " Zie,daar wappert onze drie -kleur.Daar wappert onzevlag.Enzijzullenopijzer bijten,die die vlag trachten neer te halen.Meaning :"Look, there flies our tri- colour. There flies our flag. And whoever mayseek to lower it shall biteuponiron. " " Zij zullenop ijzer bijten, die onzevlag trachten neer to halen. "Ohyes,Brothers and Sisters,we the People of Indonesia did indeed biteuponiron,but it was not our teeth that were smashed,Brothers and Sisters,not our teeth,but the iron itself was crushed to bits! And why was the iron crushed,Brothers and Sisters? Because we took revolutionarymass action.

Thus,I have elucidated three principles--the aim of a just and prosperous society,andegalitarian socie ty,a socialist society. This remains fixed!But the bridge to it,the golden bridge,Indonesia'sIndependence, its construction is not yet completed today,Brothers and Sisters. And even the incomplete structure is be coming chipped,and some of its pillarsare beginning to

crumble away. Not is itdamagedthe ac tions of those others the subversive foreigners,but alsoamongst our people too there are fools would the pillars of that bridgeand so our gold enbridge is not yet perfected

Revolutionary action Brothers and Sisters is the the one andonly to attain to erect to create to build thisgolden bridge

So,Brothers and Sisters for the past The aim is clear, similarly the absolute precondition for Indonesia Merdeka,that is the golden bridge is clear toohavealready undertaken the action

BUILDING,ORGANIZING AND DESTROYING

And now ,having attained Indonesia Merdeka since 17th August 1945,--as Pak'Wirjo said a whileago--now that we are independent,we enter a new phase.Pak ' Wirjo said that earlier there was phaseof demolition, of destroying,but that the present phaseis one of organizationand construction.

Perhapsaslight correction is in order. Our duty today,Brothers and Sisters,is not only to build and to construct. Our dutyis still to destroy,we still have aduty to tear down. Because,as I said this morning to the students who came to the Istana Merdeka " Freedom Palace" 7 in Djakarta : " Do not imagine that Colonialism nolonger exists in Indonesia. Is there nolonger any imperialism in Indonesia ?Now that we have the State of the Republic of Indonesia, may wesay that colonialism is dead ? " " No," I said, " Colonialism is not yetdead, imperialism is not yetdead! "

We must continue the struggle to destroy imperial ism and colonialism.It is clear,Brothers and Sisters, that we livetodayin a world different from the one before we had the Republic. But, we still need to ponder several matters.Just as an example,Brothers and Sis ters,in'27, 28,29 I asserted that what we call a sama rasa sama rata society,a just and prosperousso ciety--socialism,cannot be attainedbyapolicy of li beralism,cannot be achieved by a liberaleconomywhich was earlier criticized alsoby Pak'Wirjo. This is true, certainlyit is so. Let us not imagine that we can establish a just and prosperous society-- equality-socialism, by pursuingapolicy of liberalism in the form of parliamentary democracy.

I asserted this in 1927,1928,1929,1932 and 1933,

Brothers and Sisters. We cannot attain our ideals of a socialist society,of equality,of a just andprospe rous society by parliaments. Cannot,because what is called parliamentary democracy,I said,is the result of the growthin Europe of abourgeoisie over several

decades.Political liberalism,economic liberalism,are the political and economicphilosophy of an opkomende bourgeoisie,of arising bourgeoisie.

And later,when the bourgeoisie is on the brink of perishing,Brothers and Sisters,this bourgeoisie tries to save itselfby another method,nolonger by means of parliamentary democracy,but by means of fascism.

The political philosophy of abourgeoisie,while it isgrowing,while it is strong,is liberalism.Its political philosophy isparliamentary democracy.A bourgeoisie which is on the decline,which is almost dead,which needs to save itself,a moribund bourgeoisie, tries to save its lifebyfascist means. In 1928 ,I clearly wrote in themagazine" Suluh Indonesia Muda " Torch ofYoungIndonesia" 7 that fascism was " een laaste reddingspoging van het kapītalisme," that fascism was a lastattempt of capitalism to save itself.

But Irepeat:parliamentary democracyis thephi losophy of arising bourgeoisieand of abourgeoisie which is strong,Brothers and Sisters. How could we hope to setup and run a socialist society with parliamen tary democracy and a liberal policy? No,Brothers and Sisters!

Iexplainedit inmylectures at that time,

telling for instance,the story of the French Revolution .The slogan of the French Revolution was " Liberté,Egalité, Fraternité ". Egalitéand Fraternité are slogansfor equal rightsand brotherhood;Liberté is forindependence, freedom.Those were the slogans of therising bourgeoi sie. Iexplained that prior to the ascendencyof that bourgeoisie, powerin France was heldby the feudalgroup and the church group.They were called the firstpower and the second power;the firstpower was the feudal lords and the second was the church. At the time when the bourgeoisiewas about to rise,it could not rise freely because of the laws of the state,the laws and regulations in force in the country.These did not be nefit that bourgeoisie,they did not give opportunities to that bourgeoisie.Every law was made in order to protect the first class and the second class.

I even remember,Brothers and Sisters,that in one

ofmylectures Irepeated the words of a French kingwho said : " Le loi c'est moi.. !! I am the law of the state!

Le loi c'est moi,in order to safeguard feudalism.Le loi c'est moi in order to safeguard the tweede stand 7lit: second class or estate,the church.The bour geoisie which sought to rise could not do so,Brothers and Sisters,it had no spacein which togrow. There fore,there came the French Revolution,I said.The French Revolution with its awful sacrifices. The French Revolution under the leadership of Danton, Robespierre, of Marat,of Mirabeau,of Theroignede Mericourt,of Babeuf and of others. The French Revolution was in es sencenothing else but a revolution of the bourgeoisie trying to rise andusing slogans which could attract the people.

The French Revolution eventually achieved a system called the system of parliamentary democracy,after it had gone on for decades. Indeed,I have said a number of times that no revolution can be finished in a year. Eachgreat revolution takesmany decades. To return to the French Revolution,when did that revolution begin?

If we reckon from " de eed in de kaatsbaan " "the tennis

court oath " 7,then itbeganin 1789.But if we reckon from the philosophies which preceded the French Revolu tion,the philosophies of Rousseau,Montesquieu or of Voltaire,itbeganbefore 1789. But,taking" de eed in de kaatsbaan " of 1789 as the beginning,when did it end, Brothers and Sisters? It ended by the middle of the 19th century. For more than seventy years the French Revolution continued,to win parliamentary demo cracy.Parliamentary democracyto assist the growth of a national bourgeoisie,to help the national bourgeoisie to achieve aposition in the field of production.

And now we use to win socialism,Brothers and Sisters? We cannot! Irepeat with deepest conviction Brothers and Sisters : --impossible Because parliamentary democracy grew out of the philosophy of political liberalism liberal ism is the of socialism It isimpossible Bro thers and Sisters.

PARLIAMENTARY DEMOCRACY AND SOCIO-DEMOCRACY

In 1927,the Indonesian Nationalist Party for the first time heard from me the term socio-democracy.What is themeaningof socio-democracy,Brothers and Sisters? Nowadays one often hears socio -democracy,socio-national ism.What is the meaningof socio-democracy ?

Socio-democracyis in fact the challenge to parlia mentary democracy. Precisely because we know thatpar liamentary democracyis unable to establish,to create, to build socialism.Therefore,andjust for that reason, we are instituting a democracythat differs from that parliamentary democracy, namely a socio-democracy.

Remembermylectures!I once said :don't imagine that we can setup a just and prosperous society solely withpolitical equality. Ohyes,apolicy of liberal ism doesgive equality in the political field.Every person has the right to exercise his vote,hispoliti cal vote; every person has the right to become a member of parliament,to be elected a member of parliamentand to elect members of parliament.Every person, your selves,the General,the Soldier,the Clerk,the Fisher man,the Worker,the Farmer,the man,the woman,the rich,the poor,all of them have the right to vote and to be elected to the House of Representatives.They are equalin the political field. That political equal ity is even inscribed in golden letters in their Cons titution,written down in the constitution of their state : everycitizen who reaches such and such an age mayenter thepolitical field. However,Brothers and Sisters,while the poor worker has the samerightas his employer,while the soldier from the ranks has the same rightas his general,while the fisherman who eats only once aday has the samerightas the capitalist who lives in a fourteen story building,poverty,friends,

stillreigns. In the hovels the women still lament,in

the shacks mothers stillweep because, lacking food, their breasts give forth milk no longer.But in their constitution,Brothers and Sisters,the letters are inscribed in gold -- there is no discrimination between citizens so long as they are of such and such or such and such an age,-- all are equal,they mayvote for and be elected as members of parliament.

Verymuch to the point are the words of Charles Fourier,one of the leading socialists of the mid- nine teenth century: "Men kan de honger van een bedelaar niet stillen door hem een grondwetin de hand te stoppen. " : "One cannot fill the stomachs of hungry beggars bystuff inga constitution into their hands. "--" Men kan de hon ger van een bedelaar niet stillen door hem een grondwet in de hand te stoppen. Well,this has beenmyconvic tion since 1927,Brothers and Sisters. We cannot create a just and prosperous society by parliamentary democracy alone.This iswhyI said inmylectures :let us aim

not only at political democracy; we must also create eco nomic democracy;not only equality in the political field but also equality in the economic field.Political -eco nomic democracy, political democracy and economic democra cy sidebyside. This is what the Indonesian Nationalist Party calls socio-democracy. And onlyif we continue to remember this,continue to hold fast to faith in socio democracywillyou be able to save this people.Whythen is it thatamongst us at this present time,Brothers and Sisters,there are those who stillcling to parliamentary democracy ?

I use the term " socio-democracy "deliberately. Alternatively,the term of a socialist,a man from Vien na, whose name was Adler dould be used. He was not a communist,nor was he a " soft " socialist;he was neither a member of the Third International nor yet ofthe Se cond.At times it wasteasingly alleged that he was a member of the Second-and-a- half International--an inter mediate International,between the Second and Third. Adler used a new term, Brothers and Sisters--he said : we should aim not solely at political democracy, but we should aim at,what he called," sociale democratie ",i.e. socialdemocracy. *

Now whoever hears mesay socialdemocracy should remember what I said when as President,not as Bung Karno,I installed the Minister for Social Affairs, Mr. Moeljadi Djojomartono. At that time I reminded peo ple that the word social has a very extensivemeaning and concerns the whole of society.Socialdemocracyor sociale democratie is our objective,Brothers and Sis ters. This is not " Social -Democracy ",as I said at Madiun several weeks ago. " Social-Democracy " is one of the currents of socialism.There aremanycurrents in socialism.There is religious socialism,there is the socialism called utopian,there is nihilist socialism, there is communist socialism,and there is a socialism

The speaker here and below differentiates between socialdemocracy( social as anadjective,cf. Adler) and Social -Democracy as a compound term for one of the socialist trends. In Dutch and Indonesian which he uses the terms are : sociale democratie and demokrasi sosial respectively for the former,and Social-Democratie and Sosial demokrasi for the latter.

which calls itself "Social -Democracy ".Thus Social Democracyis one of the currents of socialism.But what I mean is not that : what I mean is " sociale democratie ",which we call socio-democracy.

THE REVOLUTION DEMANDS " THINKING AND RETHINKING "

" SHAPING AND RESHAPING"

If we are now convinced,Brothers and Sisters,that

we cannot attain the ideals of socialism merely through parliamentary democracy,let us now review the present conditions,Brothers and Sisters.

At presentwealreadyhave the state of the Republic of Indonesia,we have been independentnow for as long as almost twelve years--how do we stand ?It is evident now that within the eleven years of our independence, we have not yetbeen able to provide prosperityand justice for the People. Our ideals to create ajustand prospe rous societyhave not been achieved at all. For this reason,Brothers and Sisters,it would be well for us to reconsider our life within the present structure and me thods ofgovernment. And, truly, revolution requires us at all times to reflectupon everything. In a revolution, as I said at Madiun,we must think and re-think,we must traverse the road of thinkingand rethinking.Think againand think again,and not only think but form- shapeis the Englishword--and ifnecessary re-shape. Shapingand re-shaping and again reshaping.Shape some thing,and if it is evident that the form iswrong,dis card it, getrid of it,replaceit with a new form,re shapeit.If this be wrong,discard it,replaceit with a new form.If that be wrong,replaceit with a new form again.

Truly,Brothers and Sisters revolution is tremen

dous process which takes decades as I said before Shaping,re-shaping thinking re-thinking.Revolution is not agravenidol once dawuh * there

it sits unchanging A revolution issomething

alive, something dynamic

A Javanese expression of submission or blind obedience as "yes, mylord " or " as you please( command), mylord ", etc.

A revolution,Isay,is agreat symphony, agreat symphonyof destructive and constructive forces.Destruc tive and constructive forces! Agreat symphony between the forces which destroy,crush and turn things to dust, and creative,constructive forces;a simultaneous action of two mighty processes. Therefore,in a revolution let us not hesitate to think and re-think,toshape and re shape.

Let us,Brothers and Sisters,review our life within the structure of the state,our parliamentary democracy. Is thisenough,Brothers and Sisters? Have we been able to establish a just andprosperous society with this, our system of parliamentary democracy,which we have used during these last eleven years ? Have we ? Brothers and Sisters,Isay : No we could not.Becauseparliamentary democracyis an outgrowth of liberalism,and apolicy of liberalism cannot possibly bring_socialism,or asociety of sama rasa sama rata equality7. And therefore we must re-shape,re-shape and re-shape.We must look for some thing else. Don't be afraid to search for something else ifyouare truly arevolutionary.Those who are afraid to seek somethingnew,something different, they are inert woodenfigures,Brothers and Sisters,peoplewith out a dynamic spirit.Shape and re-shape.Think and re-think.

THE FOUR FREEDOMS

Brothers and Sisters,in Serang and in Madiun a while agoIexpounded the differences between the ideals known in the western world and the ideals of the nations of the eastern world which are nowindependent.At that time, I took as an example the so- called Roosevelt doctrine. A former president of the United States of America named Rooseveltpropoundedhis famous doctrine, namely the Four Freedoms : freedom of speech,freedom of worship, freedom from want, freedom from fear. Of these four, "freedom ofspeech "is freedom to state opinions;" free

dom of worship" is freedom to follow religiona son chooses freedom from want " is freedom from poverty freedom from destitution freedom from fear is freedom from the feeling of fear For in the fascist world are overcome byfear--fear of theirneighborslest they be denouncers,fear of the concentration fear of the lash of the reactionaries fear of punishments fear of everything--even fear of their superiors of their " in laws " mothers fathers children lestthey

bespies. Well,it is freedom from this feeling of being afraid,Brothers and Sisters,which Roosevelt called " freedom from fear ". Four freedoms. Consider especially the first and the third,freedom ofspeech and freedom from want. Examine themcarefully, Brothers and Sisters!In the world of parliamentary democracyit is the first of these which isimplemented, freedom ofspeech. It is this which gives equal poli tical rights to all men. Freedom of speech,the fact that people may expresstheir opinions,express their

criticisms, may become members of parliament, may choose members of parliament--freedom ofspeech about freedom from want ? Freedom from want is not too effectively implemented However there are countries where this freedom from want is in fact given priorityFreedom from want is given priority although freedom of speech has not been implemented at all times

Just forexampleBrothers and Sisters can see plainly that in the United States of America priori ty isgiven to freedom of speech,and freedom from want comes later;whilst in the Soviet Union and in the Peoples Republic of China what is given priority,what issoughtfirst is freedom from want;freedom ofspeech, desnoods if need be/ comes later.I have discussed this with MadameSoong Ching Ling,the widow of the late Dr. Sun Yat Sen,about whom I used to tell in the courses concerned with the movement in Tiongkok /China/. (Mr. Tjidjerokaso calls it not Tiongkok,but Ongkiok.J I used to give lectures about China,about Dr. Sun Yat Sen,and here was his widow--Madame Sun Yat Sen,or Madame Soong Ching Ling. When I was in the PeoplesRe public of China several months ago,I asked MadameSoong Ching Ling: " Madame,are you a member of the Communist Party? " No ! " No,Brother,I am not a member of the CommunistParty. " She was not a member of the Communist Party. "Whysister,"--indeed,I addressed Madame. Soong Ching Lingas Sister--" Why,Sister,but you help the present government,the governmentof the Peoples Repu blic of China today ? " "Yes,Ihelp the present govern ment of China' full -hearted'," she said,i.e. with full conviction. " Is it true that the present Chinese govern ment is concerned first with freedom from want ? " "Yes, of course that is true. It is this which should be given priority,freedom from want;to tryas hard as possible,to plan,to makeevery possible effort,to spendall available energy so that the people can þe freed from poverty.' "Oh,and how about freedom of

speech ?" "Yes, we willarrange that andgivefreedom of speech--but the other comes first. "It is the same as in the Soviet Union,Brothers and Sisters,which gives priority to freedom from want,which gives priority to efforts to secure freedom from want; freedom of speech, desnoods if need be, comes later.

I asked MadameSoong Ching Ling: "Why do you give priority to freedom from want ? " Herreplywas most striking. Shereplied in English: "Yes, mybrother, because the stomach does not wait. "Yes, my younger bro ther,the reason is that an empty stomach cannot be or dered to wait. One can say to others : next yearis time enoughforyouto express your opinions, youwill get your freedom of speech next year,or five years later, or ten years later,only thenmay you express your opi nions,at present you justhave to obey, just to follow, just tokeep quiet. One can say such athing.But one cannot say to apoorman : Wait,wait,wait--don't ask for food now--next yearwill do,I'llgive you food then. Let alone for one year, just order people to wait for one month,and they cannot,Brothers and Sisters.Theycan not wait for asingle day. The stomach does not wait. Therefore,what isgiven precedencein their efforts is freedom from wat. Later on--desnoods if need be7,-- freedom of speech.

Ispoke about this inmylectures in Serang,in Ma

diun and in other placesa whileago--that in the Soviet Union,forexample,quite intentionally in thebeginning, freedom of speechwascompletely neglected.It can be said that there is no freedom ofspeech,even that there isopen dictatorship-- dictatorship of the proletariat. Adictatorship which can force, compel,make it obligato ry for the whole of society to accept decisions.

What about us,Brothers and Sisters? To what should wegive priority? We have this party-- this PNI, this Indonesian Nationalist Party--socio-nationalism,socio democracy. In the principles of our present administra tion we have the Pantja Sila /Five Principles7.Nothing

nothing postponed: this comes first and this comes later. No !But,con currentlyfreedom ofspeech and freedom from want together : politico -economic democracy This is our endeavor Brothers and Sisters This is the core of the political sphere which seeks democracyin the economic sphere also This politico-economic democracyis called

if use the term of Adler sociale democratie

THE NATIONAL COUNCIL

Well,how can we achieve such a state of affairs? Can it be through parliamentary democracy alone ? No, Isay,that is impossible!Through parliamentarydemo cracy alone we cannot achievepolitico -economic democra cy. This is the reason,Brothers and Sisters, whyafter thinkingand re-thinking,I have arrived at the point at which we must re-shape.Shape and re-shape. This, Brothers and Sisters,is at the core ofmyintention in setting up the National Council,which,Godwilling,I shall install on the twelfth of this month.For,the National Council is an endeavor to implement,to put into practice, to realize this idea.The idea that within the present world-- in the present world of this Republic--we should attempt to achieve ajustandpros perous society.

A whileagoIspoke about the Soviet Union,Bro thers and Sisters. In the Soviet Union or in other states which haveonlyone political party conditions are very easy .In the Soviet Union there isonlyone party the CommunistPartysaythat in India

there is onlyoneparty,the Congress Party;in Burma

it be said that there isonlyoneparty,the A.F.L.

the Anti-FascistLeague .In countries with onlyone party shapingand re-shaping thinkingand rethinking can proceed easily. For instance in the Soviet Union Brothers and Sisters,if it be necessary to re-shape it isvery easy;once that single party managedtochange itsopinion,off starts the re-shaping. Look also at India,Brothers and Sisters;itmay be said there is onlyoneparty,the Congress Party. If itappears that somethingiswrong,is not good,something which should be changed,re-shaped-- in what wayis it done ? On a certainday,Nehru says :" I want to giveall ofmy energy,100per cent to this party,the Congress Party; I want to leave the government. " Twoyears agoit did happenthat Nehru said : " I want to leave the government. " His intention was to introduce his ideas into that single party so that later on,because there wasonly

that one,re-shaping could be effected. conditions inthey are similar it be said there is onlyoneparty the A.F.L. the Anti-Fascist Leaguesaid one day " Things are not right I amgoing to leave the government " leave ? Because he wanted to return to per cent activity within the

A. F. L.,the Anti-FascistLeague;in thisway he could influence the A.F.L.; and thus re-shaping could be effect ed, because there wasonlyoneparty.
are things in Indonesia Brothers and Sister

We have not oneparty not two nor three nor four nor five nor six nor seven parties--not even ten or twenty or thirty or forty partieshave than forty po liticalparties In addition there are also " sieur " flea-size parties parties in these conditions Brothers and Sisters I cannot proceed in the manner of Nehru or Moreover I Non PartyI not ofany party queer7 there are so very partiesWhat is the After eleven yearsit is clear that the policy of liberalism has failedIndeed I said time agothat it would. After eleven yearsit is evident that parliamentaryde mocracyjustcannot bringus to that which is inscribed ingolden letters in our Constitution, namely,a just and prosperous society.

Well,what is there to do .Things must be re-shaped. We must re-shape and how are wegoing to do the re-shaping? I cannot saylike Jawaharlal Nehru : Well ,I'll leave the governmentor the Freedom Palace presidency7.This can not be done,Brothers and Sisters .Because if I leave-well--thesemany parties! Which should I join, Brothers and Sisters? Conditions in Indonesia are different from conditions in the Soviet Union or in Burma. Take a look, Brothers and Sisters,how different the conditions are.

I'llexplain further.

Take,forexample, again the Soviet Union.Excuse me--the Ambassador for the Soviet Union is also sitting here. The Ambassador of the Soviet Union. How are con ditions in the Soviet Union ? They are as in other inde pendent states. There is a government,but how does thatgovernment come into beingin the Soviet Union? The Soviet Union iscomposedof apeople,apeoplewho number 200 million,and this people elects agrand coun cil, a SupremeCouncil called theSupremeSoviet.The members of thisSupremeSoviet,more than one thousand in number,are electedby apeople of two hundred million. The SupremeSoviet elects a Presidium.This Presidium

That istiny parties, splinter parties.

elects Ministers.There you are--that is the Government. So,look at the Government in the Soviet Union,Brothers and Sisters :it is elected from and by the Presidium, the Presidium is electedby theSupremeSoviet,the SupremeSoviet is elected by the people.

Don'tyoufeel that the Government--or let'ssay here,the Cabinet-- is an extension of the community ? The communityelects the SupremeSoviet :theSupreme Soviet elects the Presidium,the Presidium elects the Administration.

The governmentis thus an extract from the communi ty,an extract from the people.For that reason, things are extremely easy, Brothers and Sisters. To put something into effect,the Government takes action and is followedby the whole people. For,is the Government not an extract from the people ?

How is our situation here ? Our situation is that we have not oneparty or two or three,but more than forty,as I said.

A whileago,general elections were held to elect parties,that is,general elections for Parliament--the

D.P.R. /Dewan Perwakilan Rakjat7 Yes,at that time par ties were elected,not persons.That which was voted for was aparty;that which was punched on the ballots7 --what was it? Aparty--apicture/symbol7 of aparty. Thus we voted for parties. This parliament may be then regarded as the choice of the people. But how is a Cabinet constituted or formed in Indo nesia,Brothers and Sisters? For its formation in Indo nesia,read such and such an article in the Constitution :
appoint 11 "The President shall one or more formateurs. Forexample,Iappoint Mr. Ipik Gandamana. I select Mr. Ipik Gandamana as formateur. Heaccepts.He con ducts consultations,or he does not. But one day he appears at the Freedom Palace bearinga list of names : " Here,Father President,is the list of names of minis propose you. 11 I look at it. yes, list ters I to Ohthat isacceptable. Isay to Mr. IpikGandamana : " All -right". Iaccept this composition. I swear in the group of per sons to become the Cabinet.The Cabinet goesto work, that is,the Cabinet formed by Mr. Ipik Gandamana.From time to time a formateur fails. Let's take it that the formateur does not fail ( observe that from time to time he does not fail because there is no horse trading involved.)Willyou please payclose attention to this

Cabinet of Mr. Ipik Gandamana's making. How are its relations with the Parliament? Parliament does not feel that it has made this Cabinet. Parliament even peers watchfully at this Cabinet,the Cabinet formed by Mr. Ipik Gandamana in accordance with the Provisional Consti tution of the Republic of Indonesia. As President,I have the prerogative to appointa formateur. This forma teur proposes the compositionof a Cabinet.I endorse itscompositionand thus it becomes the Cabinet. Hah, and this Cabinet,Brothers and Sisters,isglowered at byParliament--watchedsuspiciouslyall the time.Always watched. If it makes a small mistake it is criticized;a small mistake-- criticism;another small mistake,and it falls. Crisis.IpikGandamana's Cabinet has fallen.I appoint another formateur. This time Iappoint,for instance,Mr. Gatot Mangkupradja. "Gatot,willyou accept or not if Iappoint you formateur ? Willyou form a Cabinet ?"There comes a day when he too bringsa list. Iapprove,and I install it.Gatot Mangkupradja'sCabi net goesto work. But it too is distrustedbyParliament. A mistake-- criticism;a mistake-- it's criticized;another mistake-- crisis. MaybeI should call in the press ? "Gatot has fallenMr. Soekrisno,Iappoint you as for mateurWillyou accept or not ? " Soekrisno says : "A11 right,Pak /Father7,I'll form a Cabinet. " Mr. Soekrisno forms a Cabinet according to the sameprocedure,but Soe krisno's Cabinet too,is mistrustedbyParliament.And so itgoes on and on,Brothers and Sisters.

There isalways mistrustful watching,between Parlia ment and Cabinet. This is the greatest shortcoming of our governmental structure. For this reason,I,who feel responsibleas a citizen of the Republic of Indonesia, likeyou,too,who feel responsible,like General Nasution who also feels responsible,like Pak Roeslan Abdulgani who feels responsible,like Pak Soewirjowho feels respon sible,like Brother Manuabe who feels responsible,like Brother Chairul Saleh who feels responsible,like all of you who feel responsible. I make bold to state :this systemis not good. It must be changed.

Shape and re-shape, shape and re-shape, shape and re-shape--en ik heb de moed--/and I have the courage/-- thanks be to God--to re-shape. Whether it be accepted or not bythe People of Indonesia,I leave that to them, Brothers and Sisters.But Iproposethis re-shaping from a full sense of responsibility. What is this re shaping,Brothers and Sisters? This reshaping is needed

because, yes, thingshave miscarried sobadly,things have gone too far. Ipropose that between Parliament and the Peopleabridgebe created, namely the National Council. A National Council which iscomposedin the firstplace of outstandingmen of the functional groups of society. This National Council is the bearer of all the wishes of the community.This National Council is an extract from the community. On the other hand,this National Council also activates the whole community, becomingamighty bridge,(as I said in the speech when I submitted "BungKarno's Concept " to the people),a mighty bridgebetween the Government ( as an extract from Parliament,because it is this Parliament which must watch over the Government ),andSociety.This is the heart and core ofmy purposein settingupthe National Council.

It isentirely wrong whenpeople saythat this

National Council ismerely to settle regional problems. Altogether! Yes,indeed,I,the of

the regional territories is certainlydifficult pro blem Indeed must solve the regional problems certainly the problem of the regionsmust normalized by the Republicasquicklyaspossible.Certainly! But do not think that I have proposed the creation of the National Council solely to solve regional problems.

not at all Whoever wishes to understand propo sal--the Lord praised the government hasalready accepted the proposal for the National Council--must understand whole line of thought beginning with the breakdown of the political system of liberalism Under stand this Brothers Sisters understand-- this is the basis of proposal to set that National Council It that the liberal policywill not be sufficient and will not able to bringus to what is written in our Constitutionnamely justand prosperous society

Because our system,as written in the Constitution --namely parliament,formateur,constitutional president, and the rest of it --is in fact a reflection of the poli

cy of liberalism I have proposed the establishment of the National Council

And I convinced,Brothers and Sisters utterly convinced that willproceed towards improvement pro ceed towards improvement through the existence of this National Council Because with the existence of this National Council there has been created,as I said

whileago,amighty bridgebetween the Government and society. Is itmyconviction that only through the National Council will it bepossible to resolve the pro blem of the regions ? That is a different matter,Bro thers and Sisters,a different matter. The problem of the regions is onlyone out of scores,hundreds,possibly thousands of problems which we must resolve. This pro blem of the regions is onlyone out ofmanytasks which confront the government and people of Indonesia at this moment.

But it is clear to me, Brothers and Sisters,that through the present systemwe shall not attain what we desire,that is the ideals of our revolution of 17th August1945,nor even our èalier ideals.Once this fact is realized,Brothers and Sisters, perhaps people will be more tolerant towards me. For indeed,I ampro posing something altogethernew. Yes, somethingnew;I do not denythis. I call this a newstyle;certainlyit is new. And whoever in a revolution is unwilling,is not boldenoughto undertake innovation,he does not have arevolutionary spirit,Isay.

Brothers and Sisters, todaywe are commemorating the thirty years since the emergenceof Marhaenism. OnceagainIsay toyou :In the firstpart of this ad dress I showed youaportrait of 1927;this wasyour por trait in 1927, my portrait in 1927,the portrait ofBung Gatot in 1927,the portrait ofBung Sujudi in 1927,of Pak Madroi in 1927,ofBang Samiun in 1927, the portrait of Marhaen in 1927.This was your portrait.

Now Brothers and Sisters,let us all look in the mirror.As I said a whileago,look at your face today. Is it the same,or not,as the portrait of 1927?If it is the same,thanks to God who bepraised,Isay.If

it is not the same,then-- self-correction!Change your

selves!Change the sphere of your thoughts!Change your actions!For,truly,our revolution is not yet completed. Our ideals have not yetbeen attained. We now have a state,and a state which is based upon what I called in the book "Lahirnja Pantja Sila " The Birth of Pantja Sila7, the essence of all the feelingsand sentiments which for decades,for hundreds and thousands of years,have dwelt in the soul of the People of Indonesia.Did I not say in the book " The Birth of Pantja Sila " that Pantja Sila

/the Five Principles could be compressedinto three,into

Tri-Sila, namelythe Belief in God,Socio-nationalism and

Socio-democracy ? Did I not saythis Tri-Sila could be compressedfurther to Eka Sila, namely,

Gotong-rojong* ? Thus if Ipropose forexample,a Gotong-rojong Cabinet ** together with this National Council which is also based upon Gotong-rojong,I have neither strayed nor deviated from our original ideals.

There are those who say : " Oh, Bung Karno,he now has become a communist. " Especially since I returned frommy journey to the Soviet Union and to the People's Republic of China,andexpressed my highest apprecia tion for what I saw in the Soviet Union and in China, people are saying: "Bung Karno has become a communist. " I am not a communist,I still hold to Pantja Sila,I am

still the Soekarno of 1927,Brothers and Sisters!

The Soekarno of 1927 has not changed,praisedbe the Lord,Brothers and Sisters. I look atmy portrait of 1927 and I look atmy portrait of todayin 1957-- it is still the same as in 1927. Who has changed,Brothers and Sisters? They sayI have become a communist ! What stupidity ! This terminologyis all too well known. Formerly,when we used tosay:"Indonesia Merdeka Now "

--" Indonesia Merdeka Now ",--Indonesia Merdeka Now " In

dependentIndonesia Now"7,we were said to be communists too.All is communist,everythingis communist,every one is a communist,until,as I said in the Empress cinema,if one isangry with his wife because her sauce isn'tsavoury enough--she too is a communist! Yes-indeed,indeed it is like that.Todaythe samething is being repeated again. No, not at all! I am still as I was in7 1927. Of course,there probably are changes or errors.No humanbeing,Brothers and Sisters,is free of mistakes.And if there are mistakes in me,Brothers, the Supreme praised, willing and Sisters--God Who be

--ifyouwillpointthem out to me, I willengagein

self -correction.

Gotong-rojong (pronounced gotong royong) is the old Indonesian concept of mutual assistance,cooperative endeavor,etc.

** Soekarno's idea of agotong rojong cabinet was that would include all four of themajor political parties of Indonesia : P.N.I. (Nationalist Party ), Masjumi,Nahdatul Ulama,and the P.K.I. ( Indonesian CommunistParty ).

But all hold to our aim is fixed not deviate from this aim. the golden bridgebeen finished? not lose sight of itRevolu tionary action for our task of upbuilding--have deviated from that ? Revolutionarymass action for the task of upbuilding Brothers and Sisters,asdepicted for instance inaccepted proposal to setup the Petera Ministry the Ministry for Pengerahan Tenaga Rakjat- "Assembling the People's Energies", for upbuilding. ever holds to the principle of revolutionary action will understand the need for this Petera Ministry.Peo plewho do not understand the need for the Petera Minis try are not mass- revolutionaries!

Brothers and Sisters,Irepeat:If I look atmy face in the mirror, " Eh ",I can say, " I am still the same. The Soekarno of 1927 is the Soekarno of today. My feelings? Yes indeed,Brothers and Sisters,itmay be said here :At first hunted by the Dutch,andfinally the first President of Indonesia. I was not the only prey of the Dutch--indeed no. There were comrades who were wanted by the Dutch much more than I. For me,how many yearsinjail,Brothers and Sisters?Onlya total of a little more than three years. How many yearswas I in exile? Nine and a half years,Brothers and Sisters. But there are comrades of ours who were keptin exile in the midst of the jungle for tens of years.There are comrades of our who were keptin jail for tens of years. There are comrades of ours who were shot down bythe Dutch. There are comrades of ours who died upon the gallows. What ismysmall sacrificecomparedwith the sacrifices made by our comrades in order to achieve Independent Indonesia and to realize ajustandprospe rous society?

INDONESIA--A MYTHOS✶

I am now called the first President of the Republic of Indonesia onlybecause of the people.This morning

Iagain repeatedthis to the students : became

President of the Republic of Indonesia " I said because of the People Without the People without the marhaen I amnothing " Igave themmyideas about Marhaenism

While using the Greek form formyth mythos Soekarno seems to this term with the meaningof sacred source of inspiration.

as well as about the need for agolden bridge,about the need to spur revolutionarymass action,in all sincerity, out of devotion to our Native Land and People,devotion to Indonesia--that Indonesia which,for me, as I said in Serang and Madiun,issomething which I could almost call a mythos.In 1927 what was Indonesia for me and foryou ,Brothers and Sisters? Remember my speeches, Brothers and Sisters,both in the Empress cinema and also before the Court,when I toldyou what Indonesia was ? Was Indonesia just a chain of islands,from Java with Sumatra,Kalimantan,Sulawesi,Bali,Lombok,Sumbawa, Flores,Sumba, to the other islands,the Moluccas,and Irian?Is only that Indonesia? Is Indonesia onlywhat is drawn on themap,Brothers and Sisters?Is that Indonesia ?

No Indonesia is not only that.Indonesia for us, Brothers and Sisters,is all of nature which enchants us. We listen to Indonesia when we listen to the soft voice of asinging bird. We listen to Indonesia when at Tji lauteureum we hear the waves of the Indian Oceanpound ingon the beach. We listen to Indonesia when we hear the wind sighing in the jungles of Mt. Burangrang.We feel that we drink Indonesia when we drink the waters of the village well. We feel part of Indonesian nature when we see the flowers along the roads. We feel we are part of Indonesian nature when we hear the sweet Indone siansongs. It is even more than that,Brothers and Sisters--and,therefore,in 1945 Iproposed to the Peo ple of Indonesia that we should use the Pantja Sila

/Five Principles7and,as the firstprinciple,Belief in

God. God who is glorified in all of nature,God the One, this God who for me is mirrored also in Indonesia,Bro thers and Sisters.I do not say that God is Indonesia; not at all. But when I recall the five years ofmylife in Flores,how, as I sat on the shore at sundown,Bro thers and Sisters,I listened to the wild roar of the waves dashing upon the beach,and as I sat alone lost in thought on that Flores shore,I heard not only the sea. It was as thoughI heard the seachantinga songof praise to GodAlmighty: Oh God myLord, you have given our people such beauty as this. If I recall when I was inBengkulu,I would often leave the town and enter the jungle;the breeze would rustle softly through the trees, leaves would fall to the earth. That wind,Brothers and Sisters,rustling softly in the forest,that wind,to myears,wassinging soft praises,Indonesia's praises to the Almighty.

Indonesia for me is a mythos,Brothers and Sisters- not merely Java plusSumatraplus Kalimantan plus Bali, Lombok and so on. No !Indonesia,as I said is --yes ,its soil -- that is Indonesia;its beautiful mountains of glo rious shimmering blue,those are Indonesia;the white bulging clouds are Indonesia;the dome of the blue sky above our earth is Indonesia;the radiance of the eyes of little childrenby the roadside is Indonesia;the songs chanted at Tjilauteureum,Brothers and Sisters, these are Indonesia;the savoury foods we eat are Indone

sia All of this is Indonesia for us Indonesia for us is the totality of all the feelings that livedeepin our hearts which us ready to struggle ready to work our fingers to the bone ready to sacrifices,ready togoto the gallows ready to be exiled to the jungle for tens of yearsthis is Indonesia Brothers and Sisters.

--BE IDEALS

For this Indonesia should all feel responsible Brothers and Sisters again responsible Respon sible to the utmostIfyoufeel fully responsibleBro thers and Sistersyouwill never betardy in doing whatsoever be needful Thereforeyou,the peopleof the Indonesian Nationalist Partycomrades of long ago, friends your oath of 1927. Ifyoudesire to put yourselves at the service of Indonesiayou must besteadfastly devoted to this single ideal faithful always to your oath at that time,Brothers Sisters.

Let us continue onwards,in order to attain what we have cherished as our ideals and what we have proclaimed, and what we have worked for,and what we have organized for,since thirtyyears ago.

Thank you.

JQ7631960S8

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