THE PHONOLOGY OF LOWER GB...fND YALLEY D..fNI

VAN HET KONINKLIJK INSTITUUT VOOR TAAL-, LAND-EN VOLKENKUNDE

DEEL 34

THE PHONOLOGY OF LOWER GRAND VALLEY D:!I.NI

A Cornporoti"e Structurol Stud,.

0/ ShelAJed Phollernic PotterlI.

DY

H. MYRON BROMLEY
PUDLICATION COMMISSIONED AND FINANCED DY THE GOVERNMENT OF NETHERLANDS NEW GUINEA

'S-G RA VE N H A G E -MAR TIN U SNIJ H 0 Jo' F -1961

During four yeare of service ae a aiss1onar,y of tbe ChristiaD and Missionar,y Alliance in tbe Ba11em Valley area of central Hetherlands Nev Guinea, the vriter hae had as a major responsibility the analys1s of the language end the preparation of learning aids for his colleagues. or necessi ty, work in an unadministered area by a party who were tbs fint pemanent western residente could not ba completelY specialized. I'l8Itr hours vere spent in praparation of housing end food and maintenance of equipment. More importantly, a great deal of time was invested in ma.kinB friends ..,ith the 10cel people and tr,ying to understand their way of life. What periode were available for linguistic research wers spant in reward- ing, if at first slow, monolingual investigetion. No second language was available for use as a questioning tooI, and even the vocabular,y lists from earlier explorere proved virtually valueless, so different was the dialect from those previously reported. From that first term of study end work have come conversational fluency in the dialect primarily described in this thesie, a body of language lessons for other missionaries and the preliminar,y vork for a technical description of the language, of whieu this thesis is the firet instalment. It was earlier planned that the present study should eom- prise the first of three chapters of a complete report including grammer as well as phonology. 'Nhen the non-congruence of phonemic patterns of related dialects appeared as a potentially valuable problem to whieb to devote fuller treatment, end a draft of tbs proposed second chapter promised to eveU tbe total bulk of tbe report to unwieldy eize for a single study, a suggestion was adopted to limit tbe thesis to the

to highlight the skeving of the phonemic pattem of tbe lower Grand Valley dialect in relation to other dialects. Warm thanks are due tbe staff of the Summer Institute of Linguistica of tbe University of Oklahoma for training received in two summerB of study and one of instruction there before beginning work in New Guinea. Dr. Robert F. Spencer has given appreciated guidance to a graduate study progl'8ll in antbropology end linguistics at the University of Minnesota end has, as thesis adviser, offered important suggBstions for the o~anization and limitation of the project. Dr. William A. Smalley of the !merican Bible Society and Gordon F. Larson, a missionar,y colleague of the author, have read earlier drafts of this description and given con- structive criticism. From other m1ssionaries on the field and now from his vite the author has received the very real contribution of interest, tolerance of his preoccupation witb things linguistic, and assumption of much of his share of routine work. To G. Linwood Bamey is owed a debt of appreciation for tbe not inconsiderable contribution of 88semblill& and submittill& tbe manuscript and attendill& to tbe finsl time-consum1ng details and travela involved. Particular acknowledgment is made of Apsalek, 'Man-surrounded,, whose intelligent responsiveness and almost inexhaustible patience guided the author into the knowledge of lower Grand Valley Dani. Many other friends joined him as helpful tutors in the school of life and talk together. To our Lord, in whose name this work has been done, thanks is given with a prayer that it may have speeded communication of the Good News of Christ to the Dani speakill& peoples of central Netherlands New Guinea.

PREF ACE '1'0 'DIE PUBLISHED EDI'rI(J{

Publication of this thesis has been made possible by a generous

finandd subsidy provided by the government of Netherlands New Guinea

and the Koninklijk Instituut voor '1'aal-, Land- en Volkenkunde. Warm thanks are a1so due Dr. J. C. Anceaux of the Kantoor voor Bevolkings- zaken, Hollandia, for the recorrmendation and active encouragement he has given. In January, 1959, the writer returned to the Daliem Valley, and durine two and a half years of further work in the area the general accuracy and validity of the analysis have been confirmed. The most significant new development was a conference in February, 1961, of Doctor Anceaux, representing the administration, Father van der Stap, representing the Roman Catholic mission, and the writer, rP.presenting the Protestant missione, to agree upon an orthography for Dani. At that time the recommendations presented in Chapter IV were arlopted except that: (1) The symbols 'y' and 'v' were chosen for the high open vowels, insteadof '~, allti '\I.' Ready availability on typewritersand distinctive shape are advantages offered by these symbols. The latter factor is significant in the light of the five vowel dialect now reported from i;he upper H'lblifoeri area, in which /i/ and /ul correspond to the high close vowels,and /e/ and /0/ correspond to both the high open vowels and the mid vowels of Beven vowel systems. Readers from that area would only be confused by materials in aseven vowel dialect using similarly shaped symbols for what are for them contrastine phonemes and contrastively shaped symbols for what are for them allophones of single

Reader response to the new symbols has been excellent.

(2) The digraphe 'bp' and 'dl' were chosen for the imploeive stops, instead of 'B' and '0.' Note that no sequence of phonemes /bp/ or /dl/ occurs in any known dialect and that the second letter in each digraph is used in dialects which do not have implosive stops to represent the commonest correspondences of these phonemes. (3) The attempt to represent intonational contrasts fairly closely by use of two punctuation marks in sequence was ~bandoned. Periods were chosen to symbolize sentgnce terminal with downgliding intonation, queetion marks to symbolize upgliding intonation in questiona, exclamation points to symbolize sentence terminal with intonation contours marking surprise by inclusion of level one, and cammas to symbolize any sentence medial plus contour terminal.
CORRIGENDA

P. 1, next to the last line of text, and p. 8, sec. 2.2, line 3: Tinak is now commonly spel led Sinak.
P. 2, footnotes, line 1: this pronunciation was earl ier reported in the literature, but Gordon F. Larson in a personal communication states that normally the Monis pronOlIDce this name with an implosive (6].
P. 3, footnote 7, line 3, and p. 10, sec. 2.3 heading, line 2, footnote 2: Wodo is now spelled Wodlo.
P. 12, last complete sentence: further check of upper Bele materials indicates that /s/ is there already a separate phoneme in contrast with /t/ in a limited number of cases, and this ma,y prove true in BV also.

P. 14, last line: P. 18, line 2: for 'extant' read 'described.'
P. 21, footnote 2: for '3.1215' read '3.1214.'
P. 29, footnote 12: insert 'in nearlY all cases' at the end of line 2.
P. 30, footnote 14, 11ne 14: for '/luppuet/' read '/luppuwet/.'
P. 31, 1ine 3: for ,/~/, read ' */~/.'
P. 34, line 3: insert 'the al1ophones of' fol10wing the comma.
P. 37, next to last 1ine of text: for '/huoq, huon/' read '/huwoq, huwon/.'
P. 38, 1ine 5: for '/31+/' read '/e1+/.'
P. 38, fourth line from bottom: for 'turn it crver' read 'dump it out.'
P. 39, last paragraph, line 1: delete 'in all environments where lt occurs' and add to this paragraph the following sentence: 'Before /1/, /j/ is represented by a volced lamino-gingiva1 allophone of lenis sibilant articulation [IJ: /ji/ [lil 'syllabIe used in weeping. ',
P. 40, footnote 24, line 20: for '/vvV/' read '/uwV/.'
P. 46, section 3.12221, line 4: af ter 'occurring' insert 'with a con- sonant fol1owing and this whole aequence.'
P. 46, footnote 34: acid, 'One reco:::ded unit /aeei-tek/ [s3i1-r3kJ 'prevaricating' contains the sequence feil with tul1 QYl1abicity for each vowe1. This necsssitates tbs preceding correction of section
3.12221. '
P. 51, footnote 45: acid, 'J'urther check of the data indicates that in s8991'81 of the examp1es given secondary stress is a freelY varying

completslY validstatement of predictabilit,y bas yet to be made.

P. 54, line 7: af ter 'Glottal' insert 'stop.'
P. 56, line 12: af ter 'excitedlY' insert closing parenthesis marlc.
P. 57, line 3: af ter 'utterance' inaert closing parenthesis mark.
P. 62, footnote 57: add, 'During later investigation 0118 unit with ini tial velar nasal bas been recorded: /lJ4uwa/ 'incentation word. ' 'l'his specialized term may be en obsolete foI'll or en unassimilated laan word from GD; it is unlmown to most younger speakers. Other morphemes occurring in GD vi tb ini tial /'1/ occur in LGV wi tb initia! /n/. I t is suggested tn&t morpheme initial occurrence of velar naaal may be con- eidered extrs-systematic like initial /ts/ in Englieh 'testes.',
P. 63, line 5: for' /uok/' read '/uwok/.'
P. 63, last paragraph, line 1: af ter '/j/' insert comma.
P. 63, last paragraph, line 3: for '/omo/' read '/oumo/.'
P. 63, footnote 58: revise to read, "l'his last form is not a single morpheme, ••• '
P. 65, line 5: change glose of /took-hoko/ to read 'separating (man's name) .'
P. 65, section 3.2122, line 6: delete the rest of the sentence af ter 'vowel.'
P. 65, footnote 65: change gloes of /ouwak/ to 'side of the hip.'
P. 75, line two: add, 'Note tbe adoption of tbe symbols 'y' end 'v' as described in tbe preface to tbe published edition.'
P. 75, line 15: add, 'Note the adoption of tbe digraphs 'bp' end 'dl' as dsscribed in the preface to the published edition.'

P. 80, end of first paragraph: add, 'Note the abandonment of the use of two consecutive punctuation marks, as described in the preface to the published edit ion. '
P. 83, line 9 of text: for 'of' read 'by.'
P. 95, line 6: for' 'pakke' read "-pakke.' For 'wv\lkha-hvp~' read 'wvkka-hvp ~. ' For' hoto' read 'hotok. '
P. 95, line 15: for 'h\lp~k-kiak' read 'h\lp~k-kijak' in both places.
P. 95, line 17: for 'hinakèn' read 'h~nakèn.'
P. 95, li08 18: for 'watt~l~k-he' read 'wat-h~l~k-he.·
P. 95, line 21: for 'akeikhén-en-he"read 'akeikhé-nen-he'.'
P. 96, 1ine 3: for 'pukima' read 'puki-ma.'
P. 96, line 4: for 'W1.,kha-h\lp~' read 'wvkka-hupL.'
P. 96, section 1I, line 2: for 'hinaken' read 'hInaken. ' For 'WathIIlk-he;' read 'Wat-hI1lk-he;.'
P. 96, section 1I, line 3: for 'lWkhUnem-en' read 'NUgUnem-en.'
P. 96, section 11, 1ine 4: for 'wathI1lk-he' read 'wat-hI1lk-he.'
P. 96, next to last 1108 of section 11: for 'Eile1ekhwe-1ak' read 'Ei1elegwe-1ak.'
P. 96, end of section 11: add, 'Note that in the p~ctical orthography adopted as described in the preface to the published edition the punctuation of this section wou1d be much sirnpler, and upper case 'I' and 'U' would be replaced by 'y' and 'v.'

TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPl'ER

PAGE
THE APPROACH TO THE PROBLE>1 1
1.1 The background of the study
1.2 The thesis to be developed • 3
1.3 Areas of relevance of the study 4
A SURVEY OF PHONEM!C PATTERNS OF DANI DIALECTS 6
2.1 The pattern of Proto-Dani 6
2.2 The pattern of Western Dani 8
2.3 The p& 2.4 The pattern of Kibin Val1ey Dani 11
2.5 The pattern of 10wer Bele Dan! • 11
2.6 The pattern of lower Aikhe Dan! • 13
2.7 The pattern of lower Grand Valley Dani 13
2.8 The pattern of gorge Dani 15
2.9 The pattern of mid-Hablifoeri Dani 16
2.0 Summary of the survey 18
THE PHONEMIC STRUCTURE OF LOWER GRAND VALLEI DANI 20
3.1 The distribution of al1ophones of phonemes 20
3.11 20
3.12 The distribution of al1ophones of the segmental
phonemes • 22
3.121 Consonants 22
3.1211 Stops and voiceless continuants • 22
3.12111 22
3.12112 31

1.
1

11.
.. UI.

List of the phonemes

Stops •••••.. Voiceless continuant~

CHAPTER

3.12113 Stops and voice1ess continuants as correspondences of PO stops

3.1212 Liquida

3.1213 G10tta1 stop

3.1214 Conaonanta1 vocoids

3.122 Vowe1s •

3.1221 Vowe1 phonemes

3.12211 High close vowe1s

3.12212 Hign open vowels

3.1221~ Mid vowels
3.12214 in faat speech

3.12215 Centra1 vowe1

3.1222 Other vowe1 phenomena

3.12221 Two part ay11aoics

3.12222 Nasalization of vowe1s

3.12223 Voice1essness of vowels

3.12224 Extra 1engtn of vowels

3.123 Extra-systematic it0ms •••

3.13 in macrophonemic units

3.131 The sYl1ab1e

3.132 The phono1ogica1 word

3.133 The intonation contour group

3.134 The phonological sentence

32 36 39 39 40 40 40 43 44

45 45 46 40 46 46 47 4;

4~ 52 ~7

Non-vocoid a110phonea of front vowels

The distribution of allophones of maCrOpJIOnernes

CHAPl'ERPAGE

.58
3.2 ••
in the syllable............. in the morpheme Positional restrietions on distribution

uncliticized word

••••••

span ••••••

3.0 Surnmary of the description 69
IV.

4.0

CHAPl'ER PAGE

V. CONCLUSION : TOWARD A COO'ARATlVE STRUCTIlRAL APPROACH TO LINGUISTIC AND CUIJrURAL DATA 83
BIBLIOGRAPHY • • • 86 APPENDIX A: MAPS 88 APPENDIX B: COO'ARATlVE TABLES or PHONmIC DATA ANI> ORTHOGRAPHIES 90 APPENDIX C: A SAMPLE TIXT • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •• 95

TABLES

TABLE PAGE

I. The phonemic pattern of Proto-Dani • .7

Ilo The consonant pattem of Western Dani 9

lIl. The phonemic pattem of Wodo Valley Dani 10

IV. The phonemic pattem of lover Bele Dani 12

V. The consonant pattem of lower Aikhe Dani 14 VI. The consonant pat tem of lover Grand Va11ey Dani • • 15
VII. The consonant pattern of gorge Dani 16 VIII. The consonant pattem of mid-Hablifoeri Dani 17 IX. A comparison of tne consonant pattems of proto-Dani and lover Grand Val1ey Dani 19

X. Phonetic d~ta for some cognate forms in the dialects studied 90 XI. A cornparison of some orthographies • 93
LIST OF MAPS PAGE

I. Netherlands Nev Guinea • 88 II. The Ba1iem area 69

I

THE APPROACH TO THE PROBLDI

"Our talk ill straight; theira bas sn angle bent." So the people of the lover Grand Valley of th. Baliea, centra! Netherlandll New GuiDe&. refer to their neighbora I dialects and their own. The figure is uncon- sciouslY apt, for a comparison of the sound systems of thos. dialecta reveals a non-congruity, a skev of pattern. by vhich SOll8 not greatlY dis- similar phonetic inventories are arranged into quite different phonea1c structures. The original objectives of this study, a deacriptioD end aD alphabetic symbolization of the exceptiona1lY aberrant atructure from that lover Grand Valley area, have proved to be reached most lIeaningfullY along the route of COmparisOD vith other dialects, so that that one pattern of sound contraats is seen not only in terms of its inDsr configura- tion but also in the perspective of the disparate patterns of the parent and most other daughter dia1ects, and that the orthography facil1tates cross-dialect refereDCe.

1.1 Tm: BACKGROOND OF THE STUDY
The dialects inc1uded in this studs are of a 1anguage fudlY now best known as Dani, 1anguages of which are spoken by perhaps 200.000 sweet potato horticulturalists in the Baliea, Bablifoerie. upper Lorentz.

Snrt, NogoIo, Tinak. Ilaga and Dugindoga valleys of the centra! highlands

of Netherlands Nev Gu1nea. 1 As earlY as 1907 contact vith these peop1es,

1In the Ba1iem Grand Valley the word (6an~), vith sn initial imp1osiv~ or (lan~J, is a clan name. but in western valleys it is used as a name for the 1anguage spoken there. The MODis, membere of the next tribe to the

Peseg_, and a short voeabulary check of their l&Di\l11ge vere made by the Lorentz expedi tion in the val.1ey vbich beara bis !IaM. 2 In 1920 to 1922 the tvo Xremer expedit10DS traTereed the Svart and Cl"08sed tM Iorth Bali .. val.1eya; Pau! Wirz pub11shed valuable ÏDf01'll&t1on CIIl the Oerillgoep cu! ture and l.a.ngu.age of the Swart area tl'OlR bis stay ot seveftl. 1I0nthe thera dth that expedit10n.3 The Stirl~ expedition made brief contacte vith sOlle vieitore from western Deni Talleys in 1926, and the vocabular,y lists gathered then han been published by le Roux. 4 lithough the Nether1ands-.erican scientific expedition ot 1938 Wlder the 1eaderehip' of Richard .lrchbold discovered Grand Valley and made significant contribu- tions to other fie1ds of knov1edge, the data publ1shed on the language are negl1gib1e. 5 Margaret Bastings, rescued surrlvor of a llilitary a1~ c:raft crash at the rilIl of Grand VallQ' in 1945, reports that the one vo111 6 1earned by their 1111 i tary party was "uhn." Intensive study of these 11Ulg\18&es began vith the entrance ot II1s- sionariee, including the writer of tbis thesis, into lover Grand Valley in April, 1954. 7 During the next wo yeara work was confined to that dialect

west, pronounce thls neme [ndan~J, vith a prenasalized stop. lil these forms of the neme, as _11 as other clan naaes 11ke Pesegea and Morip and probab1y Oeringoep. oecur in the l1terature, but the neme Dani is nov app1ied by lIission and government to &QY of,the peoples speak1ng languagea of this fam1ly. Zrbat check list can be found compiled vith othere in the appendix to Volume II of C. C. r. M. Ie Roux, Bergpapoeaa van Nieuw ~.m huil Wogebied (lAtiden, 1950). 3p • Wirz, AnthroPOlogiSChr.!Di ,thngl0r.sche Ergebn1aee der Central

Neu~ Expedition 1921-22 Leiden, 1924 •

4C• C. F. M. Ie Roux, loc. cit. 5The general report of that expedition contaiDS no linguistic data,

the pbollellic stnu:ture described here grad\l&lly becaae apparent. Only when the WON expanded into other parts of Grand Valley in 1956 die! the radica! difference of that pbon8lllic pattem from those found in other areaa becOlle painfully obvioua, particularly when attapts vere IIII.de to develop orthograpbies useful for more than one dialect. Those practical problaa led to the descriptive approach followed in this study.

1.2 TB! Tm:3IS TO BE DEVllLOPm
The approach follOll'ed departs fl'OlR conventional synchronic descripticm by inclusion of diachronic and cOlDJ&rative I118.terial both for perspective in presentatioD of the structure of a single dialect end as a determinant in the construction of a practical orthograpby. Iadeed, the thesis developed iJl the follOll'ing chapters is that a sltewed or non-congruent relationship ot the phon8lllic pattem of one dialect to that of perent end other daughter dialects indicates the rele~e of the structures of those dialects to a description of end orthograpby for the aberrant B,Ystem. A description of the phon8lllic structure of lover Grand Valley Dani in relationship to other Dan! dialects is the case study used to demonstrate end i1lustrate this

but includes a complete bit1iograpby of other reports: Richard Archbold,

A. L. Rand aad L. J. Brass, Results .2.L~ Archbold editions, No • .i!.: Sumar.y ..2! ~ 1938=1939 !!! Guinea Expedi tion (NelI' YON. 1942, pp. 286-88. The only vocabulary list pub1ished from that expedition is in Ie Roux, .!QQ. ID· ~argaret Hastings, "A W.A.C in S~ri La," Reader's Digest. November, 1945, pp. 1 ff. 7FollOll'ing that entrance by the Christian and Kissionary Alliance, men of the Unevangelized Fields Kission occupied the upper Hablifoeri area end later the Wad 0 [voro ) valley. where Ross Bartel has made va1usb1e studies of the language. In cooperation with these uo missions the Australian Baptist missien entered the North Baliem valley in 1956; there Mrs. Sheila Draper has done significant lingu1stic work. Christian end Missionary .A.ll1ance worker Gordon Lanen hasmade very va1uable studies of Ilaga Dan!.

present this material four chaptere follow: Chapter II contains a survey of the phonemic systems of proto-Dani and eight extant dialects; Chapter 111 is a detailed phonemic description of one of those, the lower Grand Val1ey dialect, with special reference to the skewed coo- sonant pattem; in Chapter IV an orthography that facilitat8s cross- dialect reading and comparisoD is developed for that aberrant dialect; and Chapter V ls a concluding statement pointing toward wider implica- tions of the thesis for the study of language and culture.

1.3 AREAS OF RELEVANCE OF THE STUDY
As a structural study from a language family previouslY known only by vocabulary check lists and short paradigms, tne material presented will interest the descriptivist who wishes as complete as possible a sampling of human languages; he will also find here a brief for diachronic and comparative perepective in synchronie description. The dialect geographer may discover an illustration of the eomparison of dialects on the basis of phonemic patterns of structurally relevant contrasts. Such comparison goes beyond TOcabulary lists and noting of phonetic differences, which are of necessity heard in terms of distinctions made by the investigator.8 For the worker in literacy campaigns, the study explores ways of construct· ing orthographies of usefu1ness for dialects with differing phonemic systems. The problems presented offer to the anthropologist of wider inter- ests examples of the rearrangement into distinctive configurations of

traits shared by adjacent populations. Methodologically, here is sn

indication that tlle study of wnole eul ture pattems need not set tp total!y

Bvoeabulary checks of the Swadesh hundred item list have been vide!? made. Some samples from that material are included in Appendix B.

units wbieb precluda cOllp8l'iaOJl ot the cOIIpOsita part •• bilt rather astsbl1ahes the IIOst relnant criteria tor that ooçariaca. BY_ the orthograpbic study .,. ba sugpatiTe tor Qabolia ot st1'\lCtural. Bits

in oultural comparative studias. Lut&uaga. wUh its greatsr ~i~

ot data. its IIOra app&1"8Dt stracture. its amaller. !IOrB closed .yat_. here

.a"es as a ld.IIi ot ucro-cul.ture. a reduced, abarply det1Decl ba&e ot wbat

is surely operatiTe bilt is ·1IOre I118b1llou.a to detiDe aDd d.-cribe tor aal-

ture as a whole.

II

Jo SURVEY OF PHONHIIC PATTERNS OF DAN! D:r.u.mI'S

Skewness is a tem implying comparison. In the case of the phone81c pat tem of lover Grand Valley Dani, the data for comparison are the cor- responding patterns of other dialect8 thus far studied. For clarity the hypothetical pbonemic pattem, of proto-Dani is presented first as a refer- ence point for the data from vbieb it was in fact constructed. There follov sketches of the sound systems of eight extant dialect. arranged roughly in geographic order from DOrthvest to southeast. on the basis of areas vhere they are spoken. These areaa may he identified on the maps in .1ppendix .1.

2.1 THE PATTERN OF PR The phonemic pattern of proto-Dani, vbich vill ba referred to in the follOYing pages as PD, can be inferm vith considerable certainty fro. the extant dialects thus tar studied. As seen in Table I, there vere three sets

ot stops, the first tvo sets occurring at labial, gingival, Teler and

labio-velar points of aTticulation. The first set was voiced and probablY also prenasalized. The second, aspirate set had voiceless aspirated stop allophones [ p, h t sh, k h, k vhJ at the begi.nDi.ngs of spana of speech hetveen pauses and probabIy some other juncturss; voiced allophones (lt, lt, •• ,,vl, of vbich the second was a backvard flap, the others voiced fricatives. betveen vovels; and voiceless stop allophones. perhaps unreleased CP, t, kJ.

at the ends ar span8 betveen pauses and before other consonants in the

middle of those spans. The labiovelar */kv/ apparently did not occur before pause. There were only two implosive stops, bilabial end gingival. and the

TABLE I THE PH0ND4IC PJ.T'l'E2tN OF PRarO-DAHI

POINT OF ARf~CULATI(J( LABUL GINGIV~ mlARLABIO-'l!:I.lR g W stops b cl Ir Aspirate stops P [p h ,**.,**p) t [tsh,l. t) k [kh, fI, k ) kW [kVh,Ij") Implos1ves 6 [ 6. !) Nasals • D Lateral 1 COl18Onantal v j Vocoids V~: TONGUE POOITION FRONT TO BACK. LIP SHAPE FRCII'l' UNROUliDEP CE1!TRAL BACK ROOND=EP ____ _ High close i u High open ) Mid e o Low a

lat ter had a frontward flap allophone beween vowels. In tile nasal serief

the velar **1'91'* bas been lost or bas lost a significant functional load in most of the daughter dialects, but was probably part of the original pattem. The phonetic value of the lateral is not certain. Consonantal vocoids */vl and */jl unquastionablY occurred in PD. Glottal stop was probablY a tanninal or junctural phenomenon occurring before vowels at the beginnings and possiblY also at the ends of certain speech spans; it

is therefore not included as a fuU phoneme in Tabl. I. The vowel pattem

pat tem, but it included at least the seven vowels shovn in Table I. PD voiced stops and implosives occurred only in1tially and medially in morphemes, words and spans beneen pauses. Consonantal vocoids occurred on.ly initially in aorphemes, but also medially in the larger units. Only aspirate stops and liquids, i.e. nssals and the lateral, occurred initially, medially and finally. Morpheme medially, consonant clusters of the following types occurred: possibly aspirate stop followed by voiced stop; aspirate stop followed by aspirate stop in geminate cluster; aspirate stop followed by implosive; aspirate stop followed by liquid; liquid followed by liquid. Clustera of two vowels probably occurred morpheme lIIedially.

2.2 THE PATTERN OF 'viESTERN DANI
The geogra~hically most widespread group of extant dialects is that called western Dani, abbreviated WD in the fOllowing pages; dialects ot tbis type have been recorded in the North Baliem, Swart, Tinak, Ilaga and extreme upper Hablifoeri valleys. 1 From the high degree of homogeneity of the materials recorded in these various areas and observations of travele~ it appears that these dialects are easily mutually intelligible and constitute a language. There is a sharp break in phonemic pattern, gramaatical struc- ture and vocabulary where these dialects abut the dialscts of Grand Valley, although those living along the border understand each other easily, perhaps from long association. As se en in Table II, the common sound system

Inata for the Tinak and Ilaga areas are from unpublished materials by Gordon Larson. Scattered references and the lists in P. Wirz, ~. cit., are confinned by the less intensive studies of missionaries in the Swart and indicate its inclusion here. Hablifoeri data are from Ross Bartel, and

WESTUL~

MANN~ OF __ GWI'TAL

e, p) [tsh. 1, tJ[k

(-**/n!. /91) Lateral 1 (= PD */6/) Glottal stop Consonantal W j [j, IJ vocoids

of these dialects bas ths PD voiced stop series definitely prenasalized and the aspÏI-ate stop series unchanged. The implosives are missing: WD /p/ corresponds to PD */p/ and */~/; WD /1/ corresponds to PD */6/. WD /n! corresponds to PD */1/, **/n!* and *191. Glottal stop occurs as a segmental phoneme both in forms apparently representing a fusion of PD fonns includ- ing a juncture,and as a correspondenee of PD aspirate stops in cluster before liquids and voiced stops. The consonantal vocoid Ij/ occurs with voiced sibilant allophone (l) before /i/ and /u/. The vowel pattern of PD

is unchanged in wD. In distributional restrictions wD resemDIes PD, with

prenasalized stops initially and medially in morphemes, words and spans between pauses; glottal stop occurs with those restrictions also, and in

at least most of the WD dialects./l/ is similarly distributed. Aspirate

stops, nasals and consonantal vocoids occur as in iD, except that ;(lottal stop replaces aspirate stops in cluster when followed by a nasalor a

North Baliem data are frem unpublished materials of SheHa Draper and from the author's own field notes.

prenasalized stop. Complete data on cluster patterns are not available at

present.

2.3 TBE PATTERN OF WODO DANI
A dialect with consonant pattern only slightly modified fra. PD is

spoken in the liodo (voro] valley and in a limi ted area around PYramid MOIDl-

tain in upper Grand Valley.2 There 191 is missiDg and glottal stop 1'1

occurs, as in WD. As appears in Table lIl, Wodo valley Dan! or WV bas 0Dly

five vovels, li/ corresponding to PD */i/ and */~/. lul to PD /u/ and/u/.

TABLE III THE PHClfENIC PATTERN OF WaDO VALLEY DANI

CCNSONANTS:
KANNER OF POINT,-"O"-F~ART~I~C~ULAT~~I~Çfit:......"=--:-_--::-~~=...,,....--:~.,,......, __ _
ARTlCULATICIf LABIAL GINGlVAL VELAR UBIo-VELAR GLOl'TAL Prenasalized voiced stops ie v Aspirate stops pt k kW (p h, ., PJ (tab, " t)(kh, B. kJ(kwh,.v) Implosives a 6 (6, n Nasals m n (= PD "n/. *191) LatersI 1 Glottal stop Consonantal w j vocoids VUI'lElS: TONGUE TClfGUE POSITICIf FRONT TO BACK, LIP SHAPE HEIGm' High i u Mid e o Lov a

2wodo valley data are from Ross Bartel; Pyramid area data are from the author's ovn field notes.

With regard to the distribution of the phonemes, WV follows the pattem of PD except that glottal stop occurs: (1) at the begirmings of spans of speech between pauses; (2) between vowels; and (3) replacing aspirste stops in cluster before implosives.

2.4 THE PATTERN OF LOliER KIBIN DANI
A dialect very similar to WV, with onlY phonetic differences, is spoken in the upper central part of Grand Valley along the lower Kibin and Wosi rivers; this dialect will be referred to as KV in the following pages. 3 The phonemic pattem of WV as given in Table 111 is valid for KV, but at the beginnings of spans of speech between pauses and certain junctures, the prenasalized stops are voiceless or voiced in free variation, and voiceless sibilant (sl occurs as an allophone of /t/ between vowels onE of which is a high vowel. In some words this allophone (s) corresponds to WD (l), so that the phonemic shape of those words is altered. The distribution of the phonemes is generally the same as in WVo

2.5 THE PATTERN OF LOlfER BELE DANI
Phonetically further from PD than is WV or KV, is a dialect spoken in central Grand Valley in the region around the lower Bele river; this lowe r Bele dialect will be referred to as BV in the followi~ pages.4 As pre- sented in Table IV, BV correspondences of PD voiced stops are voiceless ~ nasalized or voicelese unaspirated af ter pause or certain junctures, with sub-dialectic variation. Between vowels a parallel sub-dialectic variation

3nata for thie dialect are from sketchy field notee by the autilor. 4nata for this dialect are from a cursory vocabulary check by the author and from text recorded from a man now living in the AV area.

IV THE PHONEtilIC PATTERN OF LO't.'ER BELE DANI

COifSONANTS: MA."lNER OF POINT OF ARTICULATICfI ARTICULATIrn. LiU:~IAL ___ G1RG~I.:"VAL~~V~ELAR~~_~LAB~I~O-;:)VELAR~~G~wrr~~~AL~ Unaspirated stops Aspirate stops p t k (p, ph, lt. (tsh, s, iC,(h, x, fit(.-1

p) t) k)

Implosives 8 6 (6, P

Nasals _ n (-PD */n/, */~)

Lateral 1 (;lottal stop Consonantal w j vocoids VO.\EI..S: TCNGUE TO'!GUE POSITIcti FRC1IT TO BACK, LIP SHAPE HEIGHT FROO UNROONDED CENTRAL BACK ROONDED High close i u iligh open u

Mid e o

Low a

of prenasalized voiceless and prenasalized voicer' stops occurs. The

FD aspirated stop series is represented at the beginnings of spans betveen

pauses or certain junctures by voice1ess fricative Cp) al1ophone of lp/, and

voiceless vocoid (h] al1ophone of /kl as a correspondence both to PD */k/

and /kw/; /kwi does not occur in this position. Gingival /tl is rep re- sented by voiceless sibilant (sJ adjacent to high close vowels initially and medially in all units. Allophones [phj of Ip/. (tSh) ofIt/,* both

voiceless aspirate stops, and [xl, a fricative, of /k/, occur as second

lIlembers of consonant clusters. In other respects the fo:noation of BV consonants fo11o;.s the pattem of IV, but BV hes tbe full seven vOlfel pattem of PD.

2.6 THE PA1".rERN OF Wn'ER AIXHE DANI
The firet step taward a breakup of the PO 8spirate stop phonemes may be observed in a dialect spoken in lover central Grand Valley are&s around the lawer Aikhe river; this dialect will be referred to as AV. 5 TabIe" shows the consonant pattem, in which correspondences of PO voieed stops sn voiceless and un&spirated. The implosives occur ae in PD. In tbe aspirate series /p/ no longer occurs word initiallY, where voieeless vocoid eh) nov cOl-responds to PO */p/. */k/ and */kv/. Thie allophone also eorrt:sponds to PD * /k/ as aecond member of consonant clusters ::.nf. een be assigned to /k!. Voieeless frieative allophone [p) represcnts /pl as second member of clus,- tere. Voiceless sibilant [s) eontrasts with the flap [~l allophone of 11./,, and thus must be assigned to a separate phoneme /"". AV hke IN haP t.he seven vowel pattem of PD.

The dialect of lower Grand Valley, abbrn:wt&'l WV, is spoken along the Baliem trom the Uwe river to sOJ:\e point below the Muld riTer. This dia, lect bas been studied more intensivelY than &DY other; of the dialects studied, it is the most askew vith the PD pOOnemie pattem? As Table VI shove. one set of stops occurs; these, vi th phonemes /s/ end Ih/ end the lateral /1/ eorrespond to the three sets of PO stops. The phoneme Ih/

~ta for this dialect are trom tbe author's field notes. 6 An intensive study of this dialect was made by tbe author during residenee in the area f~ AFril, 1954, to July, 1956, end on later visite.

14 TABLE V THE CCIISOIAHT PAT'lERN OF LOWER AIKBE DAlII POINT OF ARTlçuLATICll

stops b [p) d [tl i [kl Aspirate stops p t k kW

[e, p. pl [tU, 1, t][h, lf. kj [lf"]

Sibilant s ImplosiTes 6 [6, !] Nasale

• n (= PD **/nI, /91)
  

  Iatel'll.l 1

G10ttal stop Consonantal j vocoids "

corresponds unit initi&lly to PD */p/. */11:/. */kw/ and */~/. I.GV /h/ and

/s/ contrast with aach of the voiced intervocalic phones Ce], [~], [If].

and [lf"), but those phanes end the final voiceless stop phones [p), [t) and [kj are still in compleaentary diatributiOD as in PD and can be assi8Deè as allophones with the voicelesB UDaepirated stop correspondences of PD voiced stops. This is impossible in AV, where unaepirated stop correspondences of intervocalic PD voiced stops contrast with affricated and aspirated stop correspondences of intervocalic PD geminate clusters of aspirats stops; in LGV these two kinds of correspondencss coincide and are both interpreted as geminats clusters of the stops of the ons seriss. Except for the correspondence of unit initial /hl to PD */B/. PD t.plosives are repressnted in IlJV gene rally as in WD, wi th /p/ corresponding to other occurrences of */8/, and /1/ corresponding to all occurrences of */6/. Velar naaal /91 occurs in LGV, but only in morpheme medial and final

'l'ABL! VI THE CClfS

poeitian and always in tree Yariation with /n/. Glottal etop correspoade to PD aspirate stops in cluster folloved by liquids and also occure, as in otber dialecte, contrastivelY between vowels. The seven vowels postulated

tor PD occur iJl IGV. but are augaented by two-part eyllabice /ei/, /a1/,

/01/, /aul and /ou/. Tbs whole phonem1e etructure ot WV is described in Chapter lIl; eect10n 3.2 preeents the distributional reetrict10ne.

2.8 THE PA'l"rERN OF GORGE DAIiI
Down ri .. er traa the WV area, in tbe rough country along the gorge belov the confluence vi tb the Muki. lies a rag10n called Bae8lll&; tbe dialect spoken tbare w:1l1 be reterred to ae GD in the folloving pageS~ This dialect, 11ke d1alecte on tbe other s1d8 ot the WV area, corresponds acre closelY to PD iJl phonemic pat tem than doee WV. Table VII shows the consonant pattem vi th tvo eete ot stops. Aep1rate /p/ 1e represented

70ther allophones are deecribed iJl Chapter lIl.

SA brief vocabular,y check of th1s dialect bas been l118de by the author.

'l'ABLE VII THE CONSONANT PATTERN OF GORGE D.d1:

KANlIER OF pom OF ARTICtlLlTICIi ARTlCUWlCli WIAL GINGIVALqUR WI<èVEUR GLOl'TAL Unaspirated b d g g Y stops eb, p) Cd, t) Cg, kj [gY, kY) Aspirate stops p t k kY

[" ., p) Cl, t) [h,x,.,

k ) [.YJ Sibilant s Nasals • n 9 Lateral 1 Glottal stop Consonantal w j voeoids

word initially by voie8less fricative [,], and aspirate /k! is representecJ

in that environment by [hl and voleeless velar fricative [x] in apparentl,7

free variation. Sibilant /s/ eontrasts with flap [l) allophone of /t/, whieh does not oeeur word initially. PD iDrploaives are represented by [h),an allophone of No and by /p/ and /1/ as they ara repreeented by /h/, /p/ and

/1/ in LGV. Velar naeal /il occurs in this dialect unit initially as weIl

as media1ly and finally. The vo"e1 pattern probably ineludea seven vowela, but further investigation of this and of distributional regularities is needed.

2.9 THE PATTERN OF MID-HABLIFOERI DANI

Still more congruent than GD with the PD phonem1e pattern is a dialect

spoken in the valleye of the Kapia and Xulet rivera, tributariea f1aving into the mid-Bab11foeri, aeross the range to the sast of the LGV area. 9

9A cursor.v vocabular.v check of the dialect was made by the author.

vill be referred to as MIl. A preliminary check indicates that

the PD consonant pattern, plus glottal stop, occurs in this dialect. COT- respondences of PD voiced stops are voiced stops at tbe beg1nnings of spans of speech beween pauses, and prenasalized voiced stops beween vove18. The aspirate stop /p/ is represented ~ a hesvily aspirated voiceless stop (ph)

initially in spans beween pauses, vhere aspirate stop /t! is represented

by conditioned variante [tlob J and sibilant [sJ, and aspirate stop N occurs as voiceless vocoid (h), voicelese velar fricative [x) and heavily as-pirated stop (kh) in a pattern of complementation and free variation. It appesrs probable tbat sibilant [s) is not in contrast witb flap n:). In MIl tbe

t.plosives occur, although tbe pattern of allophone distribution is not yet clear. A tentative chart of this consonant system is presented as Table vnn
TABLE VIII THE CONSOOANT PAT'rERN OF MID-HABLIFOERI DANI MANliER OF POINT OF ARTICULATION ARTICULA.TICIi LABIAL GINGIVAL VELAR WIO-VELAR GLQl'TAL Unaspirated b d g g v stops (b, ~) (d,%. i (g,l}g-, [gW,lIgv) Aspirate stops p t kkW (ph,.,p)[ t sh,s, 1, t ) [ h k, h,x,c, kJ[ k wh, x v (?),.w J Im:ploeives~ () Nasals • n I} Iateral 1 Glottal stop Consonantal vocoids v j

2.0 SUJtIMARY OF THE SURVEY
The phonem1c patterning of tbe correspODdences of PD stops diYide. the eight extant dialect. into three major groups. FiTe dialect., WV, KV, Bi and AV from Grand Valley vi tb MIl from across the range, retain th ree set. of stops, altbough in Ä~distributlonal limitations and the occurrence of sibilant /s/ as a separate phoneme indicats tbe beginning of a breaking up of the aspirate series. Two dialects, WO and GD fr?m the extremities of the Baliem valleys, have two sets of stops, vitb the iaplosives missing. cmly LGV has a single set of stops, vhich, togetber witb voiceless continuant.

/s/ and /h/ and lateral /l/. correspond to tbe tbree sets of PD stops. Th.

evidence for the material presented in tbis chapter can be seen in the list. of cognate forms in Appendix B. Table IX SUllllll8.rizes the non-congruity of WV with PD by eoarparing the tvo consonant patterns am. indicating tbe corresponding allophone. in their contraating phonemic arrangements. Allophones of PD correspond to the allophones of WV vi th vnich they are linked by connecting lines between tbe cirele. around the phonetic sYlllbols. Linked sets correspond as sets. Studs of this tabla and of tbe preceding tables

viII indicate tbe basic non-congruity of the phonem1c patterns of PD and

WV consonante.

TABLX ACO PO P O O SPAANIANDLGV-DANI PROTO-LGV * DANI DAANIL VOICED b d q STOPS 46 STOPS p tK と Ini laaand ASPRATE

STOPS

niliY P t1 K b g0 te-Finaly k vocicly b of Fiadaly 4 VOELCES CONNTNTS s h IMPLSOIES 19 Initadliy B 8 NAALS Inter- m n n vocaly B

LAERAL NASSALS mn D

GLTAL一 LARAL 一 STOP

CONSNNONTAL ads bare CNOSNOO VOCIDS an o sonte ANTAL w wj •honomes VOCOIDS

III TBE PHQHEJUC STRUCTURE OF IDreR GRAND VALLEI DANI Skewness iaplies intemal contiguration as vell as comparison. In Chapter II .-pb&ais wils plaeed upon comparison, and aection 2.7 focused attention on the phonem.c pattern of lover GraDd Valley Dan! as aak .. with tbe patterna of proto-Dani and other extant dialects. This chapter is a detailed descript10n of that one atypical structure with tbs perapeetiTe afforded by tbe preced1n& surny. All examiDation of tbe distribution ot allophones as membara of phcmemea preeedes treatment of the distribution of the phOIlHeS thelDlJelTes vithiD larger units.

'.1 THE DTSTRIBUTI(Jl' OF ALLOPHCIfES OF PHCMXES

Th. sepental phonelD8s of WV consist of thirteen consonants BIId SeY8D Toyels: stops /p, tt k, kV/; voieeless continuants /s, hl; liquide, including nasale /m, n, ti and lateral /1/; glottal stop /'/; consonantal vocoide /v, j/;, high elo.e vovele including front unrounded /i/, back rounded /uI; high open 'f'owels ineluding front unrounded / L/, back rounded /v/; zid Tovels iliCluding front Wll'Clunded /e/ and back rounded /o/; lov central vowel /a/. Beaid.s tbese segmental i t81B8 there are larger units, whiah may convaniently be teraed ma.erophon8llie. l These include tbe following: (1) The sYllable OCCU1'l9 with eentra! syllabic, symbolized by vovel lette1's. Syllable

~lke' s trea tment of theae l8V'els of pheDOlllena baB beoll genninal for

thi. analysis, but tb. tem macrophonemic seems preferabIe to bis hyperpho-

nemic. A macrophonemic unit is part of & contrastive system of units larger than tbe segmental phoneme, although terminals of BUch units ~ ba DO longer phonetically than a single segment. &~ Kenneth L. Pike, I .. ~e

.!!! Relatlon to .! Unified Theory of ~ Stru.cture of]i ..... " Behavior GîeDdale,

1955}, Part 11, pp. 41 ft.

2 terminal or border is non-contrastive in the syst_. (2) The phonolorlcal

~ oecurs with one central predictably stressed syllabIe, and with or

wi thout independent secondary stress. Word terminal is marked by single spece. Included in some words is a smaller unit, word nucleus, with centra! predictably stressed syllable and nucleus terminal, written with a hyphen. The segment of such a word between nucleus tenninal and word terminal is a clitic. A few words include two nucleus terminals; the first divides word nucleus trom the clitic, and the second divides what may be termed larger word nucleus fl'Olll the final clitic. Thus where two nucleus tenWlals occur the clitic includes part of the larger nucleus.and the finsl clitic; and the larger nucleus includes part of the clitic. (3) The intonatio~ contour

~ is characterized by central contour stress, symbolized by acute accent

mark, and finsl contour terminal of one of two sorts. Plus contour terminal

is indicated by plus mark; zero contour terminal is indicated by zero writ-

ten following the numbers indicating contour pitches. Associated with the contour terminals are intonation levels and contours marked by superscript numbers from one, highest, to four, lewest, above the segmental material.

(4) The phonological sentence includes central sentence stress, indicated by circumflex accent mark. and sentence terminal. indicated by aperiod. Two further macrophonemic modifications are considered contrastive but not part of the system compr1sing the four units described above: (1) Vowel voicelessnese contrasts with normal voicing of vowels and is symbolized by subscript circle. (2) Extra vewel length is indicated by colon following the superscript number marking the intonation level ot the lengthened vowel. 2For one problem area rslative to syllable terminal, see the note on section 3.1215 relative to consonantal vocoids.

3.12 The distribut1on..2f allophones of ~ segmental phonemes3 In the following d1scussioD. tbe allophone first introduced under each phoneme is to be assumed to occur in all environments possible for that phoneme which are not lncluded in the ranges of distribution stated for other allophones. Thus all allophones of any phoneme are to be assumed to ba in complementary distribution unless conditions of free variat10n are stated. All possibilities of freely varying allophones are listed only 10 1llus- trations where the free varlat10n in qusstion is described; 1t is to be assUllled that the variation also occure in all other data which include the phoneme in question in sn enviro!lll1ent for which the variation is described.
3.121 Consonante. All non-vocoids and presyllabic vocoids are con-
sonants.

3.1211 ~.!Bi. voieeless continuants. These uo sets of phoDemes
represent the major eorrespondenees of PD stops and are thus the sets where WT skewness 1s .ost apparent.

3.12111 Stops / p, t. k, kWj. The stops are represented principally
by allophones produeed at bilabial, gingival, backed velar end lab1alized

3Symbolization of tbe maerophonenc lIIlits is omitted untll those units are describecl, unless they are clearly relevant to the d1scussion. Symbols used for phonet1c transcription are thoee COlJllllOnly used by American lin- guists, except that (r) is gingival backward flap; Ct) is a laaino-ging1val stop; (.J and (.J are v01ced bilabial and back velar fricatives, respec- tively; [kl is a back velar stop; (i) and (g) are one segment lamino-palatal voiceless stop end voieed fricative, respeetively, a stop symbol raised above the line, e.g. (P), represents an unreleased stop; (9) is a voieed velar nasal; (j) is a high close front unrounded pre-syllabic vocoid; [I)

is glottal stop; (3) is lewered m1d open front unrounded vocoid; [cl is

mid open back rounded vocoid. Vocoid symbols wri tten above the line represent voc01d offglide quality when following snother vocoid symbol, but voco1d timbre or articulatory position when following non-vocoid symbols. Thus [a ) marks a low fronted central vocoid with offglide toward (i 1; [1°) indicates a laterel with (0] timbre. Following velar consonants, symbols for round vocoids written above the line indicate lip shape for

backed Telar points of articulation, respectively, vith some tyPes of articulation caa.on to the set and some minor types of articulation peculiar to the individual phonemes. Word init1ally, stops occur voiceless and Ullaspirated: Ipetel (p3r3]

'ho'; Ite/ [t3) 'take it'; /ket/ (k3 t) 'nev'; /kve, kei (kv3, k3] 'trail. ,4

Before plus contour terminal, stops occur as voiceless released and unreleased in free variation; /kvi does not occur in this environment: 4-5h 4-5 p 4-5h 4-5 t lap+ I [ ••. ap, ••• a ) '(It's) a man'; lat+ / [ ••• at t ••• 4 ) '(It's) he 4-5h 4-5k or she'; /nak+ / [Dak, na ) 'let me eat it.' BetveeD vocoids, i.e. vowels and consonantal vocoids, except word

initially or before plus contour terainal, stops occur represented by

voiced allophones (e, r, fI, flvJ, respectively, of wnich the bilabial, baCkE: velar and labio-velar allophones are fricatives and the gingival allophone

is a backward tongue flap: jap-al l ... àM.] 'a man (questioning)'; japan!

( ••• aèan) 'unfinished'; /at-a/ [Ara) 'he or she (questioning)'; jsotaa/ [scrcm] 'sneaking'; lDak-aj (MBa) 'aball I eat it?' lakei ( ... atr3) 'his, her, its tail'; lakw., ake/ ( ••• atrW3, ••• atr3] 'his wife.,4 In clustere which are not geminate, i.e. preceding or following a non- identical consonant with no intervening plus contour terminal, except as noted balow under particular phonemes, stops are voiceless and as firat

production of oae sort of labialized velare; [kol indicates a voiceless velar stop rlth simlltaneous labialization vith lip shape as for [oJ. Sequences of periods [ ••. ) indicat. any phonation in the same contour. 1l. raised dot following a symbol indicates a half mora of added phonetic length: (p.); colon follovi~ asymbol indicates a full mors of added phonetic length: [pIJ. Grave accent marks phonetic stress: (à). Subscript apostrophe indicates syllabicity: [9-J. (V) stands for any syllabic:ocoid phone; Cc J stands for &DY consonant phone. Camma between bracketed forms indicates free varlation of those forms. Underlined material ?Jtveen brackets is cOllllllent on the forms vi th which i t occura.

••• akt3 j 'his groin'; t jleketma, leke'maj{1383 ma, 1383'ma) 'on the fence.' Geminate clusters of stops are interpreted to occur; phonetically these ars single stop. vith a free variant of slightly lengthened counter- parts: 5 jappej C •.• ap3, ••• ap·3] 'bis, her mouth'; jap petej ( ••• Ap3r~, ••• àp·3r~] 'two men'; jattem{ [ ••• at3m, ••• at·3m) 'there'; jakkoj ( ••• akc, ••• &k·c] 'bis, herpig'; jakWCWej [ ••• akv3, ••• akv·3) 'its opening. ,6 The phoneae jpj, beeid •• released, unreleased or lengthened voicelesE unaspirsted bilabial stop end Toiced bilabial fricative allophones in environments (Py), {Yph+, yP+l, (VpY, Vp·V) and (veV), as described above,

is also represented bJ the following: (1) As first member of a cluster

with liquids jm, D, 1/, /pj is represented by a complex allophone con- sisting of voieel ... bilabial stop and glottal stop, vith labial closure initiated befors c10ttal elosure and al80 released before glottal release by IDOst speakers; in lIOIl8 llttsraness thers is only approach of the lips tovard closure, and Ws is ind1cated hers by parentheses around the sym- bol: jsaplej CaaP'13, ea{p) '13), a variety of bananas.' 7 (2) As first

4See the note on IkYj on page 30 for discussion of the contrast between jk! and jkvj. 5Tn1s interprstation is cri tical to th~ analysis of WV stops. See section 3.12113 below for a d1scussion of the point. 6The fom jakvkYej 'its opening,' might also be interprsted as jtidt.V, since only jk!, not Ikvj, occura unit finally at most borders, and initia! members of clusters are eleevhere phonemes wh1ch may occur unit finally. The sequence j ••• kY-s ••• j bas been recorded at nucleus terminal, and thie

is considered evidence for the interpretatioD in the text. For praotical

orthography, as discus.ed in Chapter IV, other epellinge are better. 7 One could interpret tbs data as includ1ng a cluster of glottal stop and labial stop, but taia interpretat10n ie rejected to avoid positing a unique three member cluster of glottal stop, stop and liquid; three member

Oy freely varying voiceless bilabial and labiodental fric3tives CP, f); the bilabial is more com- mon: lap sam/ [ ••• àpsant, ••• Msant) 'men who.' (3) In environments where stop and voiced fricative allophones occur as described in the I1 general discussion above, /p/ is also represented by labiodental allophones of the same articulatory tyPes, as uncommon free variants: /ap/ [ ••• ap h, ••• aP, ••• af with minL~lly fricative labiodental] 'man'; /pete/ (p3r3, f~r3 with minimallY fricative labiodental) 'two'; /apan! [ ••• aèan, ••• avanj 'unfinished.' The phoneme /t/, besidas released, unreleased or lengthened voiceless unaspirated gingival stop and voiced backward gingival flap allophones, in environments (tV], (Vth+, Vt + ), [VtV, Vt·V] and (VrV], as described abova, is also represanted by the following: (1) Af ter lVii, a two part syllabic ending in /i/, the stop allophone, occurring according to the distributions given in the general discussion of stops above, is a blade articulated lamino-gingival stop [tl: /heitte/ (hei t3] 'ginger';

/taitta/ [taita) 'mama (baby talk).' Tiüs allophone also occurs in clus-

ter with lamino-gingival or lamino-~alatal allophones CC] of other conso-

nants: /kaintek/ [kai nt3k j 'important ones, brave ones.' (2) As first m~ ber of a cluster with /k/, /kw/, /w/ ?r Ijl, /t/ is represented by the voiced backward gingival flap followed by a short vocoid of the quality of the preceding vowel, indicated by avowel symbol written above the line: 8

clusters do not occur otherwise. The unit cannot be interpreted as an allophone of al ,,+t,,' stop, for that phoneme occurs without l"ibial closure in this environment: /a'la/[ ••• a'la) 'inside it.' 'lhe complex unit is therefore interpreted as an allophone of /p/ even though it includes the distinctive feature of blottal stop. Parallel units do not occur for /t/ or /k/. Another case of overlap is described for /u/, for wdch a complex allophone including bilabial closure occurs; see section 3.12211 below.

••• spèrckw3) 'in the direction of lIis buck'; /apput-kwe/ [ .•• apvrUkv3) 'in the direction of the mouth of a stream'; /nakot wal [~rcwà) 'congratulations, younger sibling'; /hat ja/ (hàrajà) 'you (stay) here.' The phoneme /k/, besides released, unreleased or lengthened voiceless unaspirated backed velar stop and voiced backed velar fricative allophones. in environments (kV), [Vkh+, vk+ j, (VkV, Vk.V) and (V~V), as described above, is also represented by the following: (1) As first member of a cluster with /s/, /k/ occurs as a voiceless velsr fricative (x) in free variation with the normal stop allophone (kj: /hakse/ (haxs3, haks3) 'cooking pit.' (2) Preceding glottal stop wllich is followed by plus contour terminal without pause, /k/ is represented by velsr closure in a phonetic complex of simultaneous glottal and velar closure, in free varistion with the unreleased stop sllophone; the complex unit is written with a hyphen aft er s raised stop symbol before the symbol for glott~l k 9 4 4 k-, ,k 4 4 k, '" stop (T): /mottok+ '0 hah hLII.k+ / (mctè 'èhahhüL ,lICtè 'chalAlIlL ' 'completely burning down villages.' (3) In normal conversational style, between identical vowels naither of which occurs with inherent word stress or independent secondary stress, /k/ occurs as velarization of a two mora length vocoid of the quality of those vowels, without sharp medial stric- ture; in deliberate style, two syllables oCCUr separated by normal voiced fricative allophones. Velarization is written here with superscript (BJ above the colon marl!:ing added vowel length: /hakasin/ (deliberatelY ~

--------

8These short vocoids contrast with full vowels. Compare the following with the examples given sbove: /nappot-ekken/ [napèr3k3nj 'my verte- brae'; /nappot-opa/ (napèrcèaj 'on my back.' 9Contrast l'J.ote 7 sbout s complex unit interpreted not to include /t /.

eonyersatioD hafsia) 'do it'; !sokou'1401 fdeliberatelY Scec'*llC, rapidlY.!ä conversation scUfP.c) 'SQgoukmo, a village name.' Por all allophones of Ik/, vith manners of artieulation as described in the preceding paragraphs. points of articulation vary according to adja- cent vovels. FolloviDg single vovels vith DO intervening plus contour te~ nal. these are as follovs: (1) Af ter lil. Ik/ occurs vi th fronted velar, tongue IIid or back articulation, symbolized by the UIlderlined symbol (~). In this emirom.nt and ilmlediately preceding vovels le/, la! or /0/, or before Ih/ or Ik/ preceding those vovels, voieeless allophones of /ti are haard vith slight palatal release. This release oceurs regularly befors la/ and c~nlY betore tbe mid vovels. Voiced allophones of Ik/ are sometimes haard vitb slight palatal release before lal: /pme, pikhel (p:i!3, p~3; Pi6..~, p~) 'he or she went down'; IsiSka/ (siJta) 'variety of gourd'; /niiho/ (~c] 'subject repaatedly valks'; Ipft.-a/ rp~, rarelY p!.i"a)

'I IIhall go don (questioning).' Elsemere af ter lil no palatal release is

heard: /pft.-en/ rp~3D) 'so that I may go down'; Ipik/ [p~} 'let me CO down'; /pft.in/ r pj,ain) 'singular subject vill go down.' (2) Af ter I LI and

lel, /k/ is produeed vi th velar tongue back articulation, marked only in this

sectiOll by superscript v: (I). Examples are : Ihhk! [hl &) 'having gone'; /pLkJu/ (p..lL) 'cOlipletely dead'; lappuCLtl [ ••• ap~Lt} 'term for area around the eyes'; Ilek/ [1311 'not'; lekbn/ [ •.• 313n) 'eeed or flover'; Ileltetl [1313 t) 'fence. ' (:~) A.fter 10. vovele Ik! is produeed vi th backed velar tongue back articulation: lnaJr./ (nak) 'let .. eat i t'; lakei (. •. ~3)

'its tail.' (4) Folloving round vowels lol, lvi and Iu/, Ik/ is produeed

vith backed velar tongue back articulatioD with simultanevus lip rounding of the same shape as for the preceding vowel. Preceding another

tongue poeition than the Tovel preceding /k/. this lip rounding is haard ae a moderate labialization af ter the release of /k/:lO lok-ka/ [ ••• èkCaj'leaf of wild vegatation'j lok-ken! ( ••• ~k~n) 'seed or fruit of wild vegetation'j /pok-a/ [p~.Ca) 'jumping (quastioning)'j /loke/ [lCffc3) 'red stone used as dye'j /sukkat/ [sukuat ) 'stick used &s a tool'j /nukk~/ [nvkU~)'repeatedly eating'j /pvk-a/ [ptwva) 'dry (queetioning)' /puk-o/ [pu,vc) 'yes, it is dry'j /sukksl [suk~) 'baggage for a journey';

/juki/ [jUBui) 'East Beliem river'; /muluk-a/ [mulu.ua) 'huge (questioning)'j

/muluk-o/ [mulU.uc) 'yes. it is huge.' Elsawhare in this environment no labialization is heard af ter the release of /k/. Between identical round vo'o'els the lip position is maintained throughout the velar closure or fric- tion and the following vowel,and thus is not heard. Before a higher vowel, lip shape changee before release of /k/, so that no labialized release ie heard: /pok/ [pck) 'jumping'; /puk/ (puk) 'dry'; /muluk/ [muluk] 'huge'; /pokot/ [pc.ct] ~'; /kukun/ [kuIun) 'plural subject will enter'j /noko-kin/ (nc~~in] 'singular subject will sleep'; /lokokun/ [lCBCBUO) 'plural subject wi11 remain.' ~'ollowing two part ayllabics /k/ occurs 'o'i th points of articulation us follows: (1) Af ter /Vil. Ik/ is produced with lamino-palatal articulation: /neik/ (heiK] 'oak'; /peik-ke/ (pè~3J 'awkward hand or side'; /paik/ (pa~] 'cuscus'; /poik-a. po ik-a/ [p~~, pè!sa) 'may I ali~ht.' (2) Af ter Ivui. /k/ occurs 'di t,·. backed velar, tongue back articulation 'o'i th simul taneoue. earlier initiated bilabial closure or stricture representing /u/III

lOFor discus sion of the contrast between this subphonemic labializatioD and /kw/, see the last paragraph of tuis numbered section, describing /kv/.

llSee section 3.12211 below for discussion of the allophone of /ui.

Ijaukl (jaUEk) 'in the status of bachelorhood'; Ijoukl (joUEk) 'danger or

fear as of attack'; lmaukel (maU~3) 'periodie pig feast'; louk-ekkel ( ••• ou~3k3) 'sickness'; symbols (Ek) and (!c) represent the phonetic com- plex of bilabial closure preceding and simultaneous with backed velar closure in the preceding examples. 12 Following plus contour terminal Ikl is produced with points of articu-lation corresponding to following vowels: (1) Before front vowels li, ~, el

Ikl in this environment is produced with ve1ar articu1ation: Ikinl (~inj

'bee'; Ik~k~1 (~~~~ 1 'I went in'; Ikekal (~)~) 'they went in.' (2) Before central and back vowels la, 0, u, ui, Ikl in this environment occurs with bac~ed velar artic~lation: Ikal (ka) 'where'; Ikoko/ (kc~cj 'we went in'; Ikukunl [kugunj 'don't 50 in (singular subject) '; lkukunl [kugunj 'plural subject will go in.' The phonerr.e Ikw/, besides voiceless unaspirated backed velar stop and voiced backed velar fric:,tive allopllones, both includin,: strong vocoid w ww. w labialization, in enviror'Jllents [k V), [Vk V, Vk'V J and [V~ V] as described in the introductory section ün st:'ps aiJove, is also represented in all environments where i t occurs by a less eo:nmon freely v:criant allopllone wi th lenis l'ibiodent~l labi:,lization; this variant ap}JarentI:v does not oeeur in

all idioleets: Ikwe, kei [kw), kV); k'! 'trail'; lakwe, akel [ ... agW3,

... iiI!v 3; _ .. ag3-j 'his wife.' A;< hrst me'~b,r of a clust",r with Is/, Ikwi oecurs with voieeless labiodental fric:itive labb.lization: Il~akw-sd~khel [hàJ/s~l~kl~j 'havii1G put it up.' All allopnones of Ikw/, with 'nanncrs

---------

l?rhe occurrence of /kl unit fjnally aft0r lVii and /Vu/, when those two part syllabi cs are not followed by another consonant, is automatic in WV. 30me of these forms have corrcs}Jondences with 1'ina1 Ik/, some with final -,mlel, elsewhere_ Sequence laikl is most widespreo'ld. Compare BV lul,

wv 10l'.-) 'siekn.ess'; BV lp ~/, WV Iheikl 'oak'; BV, WV laikl 'his tooth.'

described, occur at pointe of articul&tion correapODllillc

to adjacent vo"de vi th the pattern described for Ik!, above. The Tery

lillited distributiOD of Ik"l greatly l.iIII1te that pboneme vith regard to

the number of points of articulation at "hich allophonee occur as ca.pared

vith 1k!:13 Ik"e, kei [1"3, {,,] 'trail'; lak"k"e, akJrel [ ••• ak"3 •••• alt3]

'its opening. ,14

13The phoneme Ik" I occurs only "ord ini tially and medially, only before vowels lel and IL/, and only following lal "ord medially.

l~e labialization of /k"1 contrasts in quality, and the labialized uni tindistribution, ,,!th labialization of Ik! aftel' rounded Toyels. The

first fact to be noted ie that Ik! and Ik"l contrast. Although all items

in "hich Ikw I is haard also occur wi th Ik!, ma.ny items have only Ik!, never Ikw I, in the same or analogous enviro~ents. Compare wi th the illustrationa in the text the followicg: Iketl [~ J 'new'; Ikem/ [k3m] 'variety of grass'; lakei [ •.• 883) 'its tail.' Further, this contrast cannot be assigned to contrast of N vi th a cluster of /kJ vi th 1,,1 or a ssquence of

Ik! and a rounded vo"el. The interpretation of [k"] as Ik! plus 1,,1 is

rejected because it posits the occurrenee of a consonant cluster following silence or plus contour terminal, where no consonant clusters are othervis. observed to occur. Interpretation of [k"] as Ikl plus Iu! or lul or lol ie rejected as not squaring vi th the phonetic data, for these vo"els are al"aya fully syllabic precedicg another vowel: Iluppuetl [lupu3t] 'ingressive whistie'; Isuel [su"] 'bird'; Inoel [D03] 'IIY older siblicg.' Info:nna.nts can produce without hesitation the hypothetical parallel forms: **/kuel* [ku3]; */kvel [kv3]; Ikoel [k03). Th. phonetic item [kW] is therefors interpreted as Ik" I, a unit phoneme in contrast vi th Ik!.

It is further observed that allophones of /kW1 are in-::omplementary

distribution with the labialized velar allophones of Ik! following rounded vowels. Assignment of those lat ter allophones to Ikwi is rejected for tbs following reasons: (1) The allophones in question are also in complementary distribution with non-Iabialized allophones of Ik/, which are in contrast, as discussed above, with Ik"l. (2) The labialization of those allophones of Ik! following rounded vowels is e&sily interpreted as environmentally conditioned, but the phonetically different labialization of allophones here assigned to Ik"l cannot be so interpreted; note that Ik"l lII8Y follo" silence and pree edes unrounded voyels, but the allophones in question only folIo" round vowels. (3) Assignment of the allophones in question to Ik"l would Ieave that phoneme still limited in range of distribution, not occurring word or contour finally and not occurring following front vowels. and would give Ik! a uniquely limited range of distribution, occurring following front and central TOw.ls but not back voyels before front and central TOY.ls. and not aftar Iu! before lol. Assignment of labialized velar allophones follOY- ing rounded vowels to Ik! gives that phoneme distribudon before and af ter

all vowels, parallel with the distributions of Ipl and It/.

Voic.lesa contip"ants /a, hl. The voiceless contimlants

/s/ and /h/ are correspondenc.s ot allophon.s ot YJ)"fp/, */t/, */k/. */kv/

and /a/. Th. phonema /s/ is a voic.less sibilant principally represented by lamino-alv.olar allophones vith camparatively flat tongue shape, flat ter than tor English /s/: /les./ [13s3J 'long combined pig and dvelling house.' In phonetic cluster vith an a11ophone of /1/, /sl is represented ~ an allophone rlth slight lateral releas., here sYJIbolized by superscript [1):

lel salek/ [ ••• ~dlslal~k) 'sugar cane, llistakenly'; /hina'nesi lan/

[lija'n3s1J:àn) 'go get (vater) tor me.' Folloving 11/ and preceding vovels

le/, /al or /0/, a lamino-alveopalatal allophone of /sl occurs, indicated

by superscript tild. [i): /isa/ [ ••• iäa) 'large one rlth smaller ones, as of a thwnb or a BOW'; lkis.lekl [kis313k) 'severed from the stalk (of bananas)'; /hep-isokotek/ [h~iC8CI'3k) 've neglect it.' Folloving lul and preceding /e/, la/ or /0/. tb! palatalized allophone described above occurs as a free variant, aore common in some idiolects than others, vi th the alveolar allophone: Ihusel (hus3, hus3) 'species of cuscus'; lhipusal (hieusa, hi~J 'species of bird'; /appusok/ ( ••• apusck, ••• apusck) 'ite chip. ' The phonema Ih/ is a voiceless c0ntinuant principally represented by voiceless vocoid allophones of the quality of the folloving vovel; these are indicated by upper case vow.l letters: lhitl (Iit ) 'you (plural)';lhatl (Aat ) 'You (singular)'; 1h1iJc/ (Ut/kj 'wrong'; Ihulel [llul3) 'smoke rising from a village.,15 In pbonetic cluster with 1m/,/nI, Iq/ar/l/, the phoneme

15These allophones of Ih/ are not symbolized but are to be assumed in other plac.s where Ih/ occurs and another allophone is not indicated.

member. indicated here by upper case symbols for nasals and [.] for the lateral: /tfam-he/ [wAmK3) 'pig (vi th connective morpheme)'; /wanhi/ (wanlfi) 'I toak i t'; / sSlJ-he/ [~) 'tYPe of bark: container (wi th connecti ve morph8llle)';

/loilha/ (Ic i~la) 'they burned i t up'; /kain-he/ [kàinN3) 'brave (vi tb

connective morpheme).' As the second member of a cluster with stops, /h/ occurs as aspiration of the preceding stop: /japha, jappal [japha, japa) 'they fought'; /watha, watta/ [watha, wata] 'they hit him'; /nj}rho/ (ni][Yhc) 'subject repeatedly walks. ' The labialized velar /kw / does net occur in this last environment.

3.12113 Sto~ and,.!2k.~ continuants .!! correspondences of PDsWps.
In section 2.7 of Chapter 11, it was indicated that LGV had only one set of stops lp, t, k, kWf and two voiceless continuants Is, hl as the major COrTe- spondences of the voiced, aspirate end implosivs stop series of PD. Pho- nemes /s/ end /h/ correspond to word initial end some other occurrencss ot PD aspirate stops and the PD labial implosive, end the LGV stop series corresponds to the other occurrences of PO aspirate stops end all occurrences of PD voiced stops. The principal sets of phones involved are: word initial Cp), Ct). (k), (kW) corresponding to word initial PD */b/, */d/. */g/ and */gw/; plus con- tour span final [ph, p), [th, t). [kh, k) corresponding to the probably very similar final allophones of PD */P/, */t/ and */k/; intervocalic [It), (r).

(B), [BW], the first of which corresponds to intervocalic PD */6/ and */p/, and the others of which correspond to very similar intervocalic allophones of PD */t/, */k/ and */k'fl/; intervocalic CP, p.), (t, t· J, [k, k'], [kW, kW.) corresponding in many cases to intervocalic PD */b/, */d/, */g/ and */gwj,

but alao to intervocalic PO */pp/, */tt/. */kk/, */kwkw/; intervocalic (ph), h h

[t ), [k ), correaponding to PD */pp/, */tt/, */kk! or to PD heterorgan1c

cluaters of aspirate atops; morpheme initial [hl, corresponding to aorpheme

initial PD */p/. */k/, */kw/ and */f3/; morpheme initial and media! [a],

corresponding to PD * /t/ &lid in aome cases to PD * / j/ • Morpheme ini Ually and aedially, /1/ corresponda to PD */6/ and PD */1/. Tbe initia! phonea described are all in contrast with each other: /pok/ [pc1t 1 'jlaping'; /P'Ä! (p,,kJ 'dry'; /tok/ [tck) 'arrow'; /kok/ (kck)

'big'; /haa/ [heli) 'Itladdi, taro'; /huk/ (hukl 'wrong'; /soa/ (scm)

'bank'; /suk! [sult] '1IU8hro0ll.' The f!nal phones described are also all in contrast w!th each other; /sepl [ a3ph, s3P) 'pertaining to a joint';

/set/ [S3th, e3t J 'out of breath'; /sek/ (s3kh, a3k] 'vsrb suffix.' The

voiced interwooalio pboaee are in contrast with each other: /h~p~/ (b &~J 'dry weather', /epe/ [ ••• ,.3J 'his, her, its pressnce'; /~t~k/ [ ••• ~r~k) 'species of QU80Q8', /pete/ [p3r3) 'two'; /h~k~/ (h~~j 'I put it down';

/eb/ [ ... Je3] 'her oo-wife'; /ak.,'''-. se3) 'its tail'; fake, akwe/ ( ••• ~3,

••• sew3) 'bis rif.'; /hel./ [h3l3) 'tying matsrial. ' Beeid.e these contrasts, which are paralleled in PD, (s) also contrastE> with [r)e /eeat./ [ ••• 3S883) 'torch'; /etake/ [ ••• 3~3) 'his, her, its lune'; /naal ["'sa) 'taboo'; /metal [m3ra) 'when. ' In compounds and proper LiY DalleS, although not in single morphemes, [hl contrasts w!th (B): lveB&he/ [w3sah.3) (ri'Ca Iwesal plus Ihe/) 'spirit medium'; I eSake/ (3B~3) 'torch'; /weDAkohe/ [w3D&BCh3) {from /wenakol • counted' plus /he/} 'Counted- woman (a nu.)'; Iloke/ [loec,,) 'stons ueed for reddieh dye.' Th. s.ts [e) and f!nal [ph,PJ; Cr] and final [th, t); [.J and final [kh, k) are in coapluelltary distribution within &ach set. Ths varioUB

allophones of /h/ are also in complementary distribution with all of the final stop allophones. If compounds and proper names vere excluded, as they cannot be, /h/ vould also be in cOllplementary dietribution with [.rJ. Initial [p), (t), (k), [kV) are also in complementary distribution with intezvocalic (.), [r), [.r) and (,l) respectively, and with the occurring final phones (p, hp], (h t,

t) and [h k,
k), respect~vely..
Initial stops are in complementary distribution with intezvocalic [p, p.), (t, t.), (k, k·) and (kW, kV.]. At first glance the intezvocalic voiced phones appear in contrast with the intezvocalic stops: /apput/ [ ••• apu t ) 'his son'; /aput/ [ ••• a~ t ) 'his, her, its stomach'; /etto/ [ ••• 3tc) 'laugh'; leto/ ( ••• 3rc) 'main part or source'; /okko/ [ ••• ckc] 'price'; /oko/ ( ••• ~c] 've said'; lakke, akwkwe/ ( ••• ak3, akw3] 'its entrance'; /ake, akv.1 ( ••• 883, 88w3] 'his wife.,16 Three facts, however, land pressure to interpreting the intervocalic stops as geminate clusters: (1) Perceptible phonetic length may occur as a frseu varying modification of these stops. (2) Some of these LGV intervocalic stops correspond to geminate clusters of aspirate stops in PO and other extant dialects: /tukke, tukhe/ [tuk~, tuk~) 'species of pandanus, ' from PO */dukke/. (3) This interprstation givss fever phoneme. of wider distribution. Establishing /h/ as a separate phoneme fra. /p/, /t/, /k! and /kw / perm! ts analysis of intervocalic aspird ted stops as stop plus /h/, interwocalic unaspirsted stops as stop plus stop, and intezvocalic voiced fricatives and flap as stop. This is not possible in any other dialect thus far studied.17

l6The intervocalic stops all occur with alternate added length. This

is to be assumed, as noted in section 3.12 above.

1s as attract1ve as describ1D& /bi and /s/ as separate phODelles and lp, t. k, kV/as a single set of stops. AllOph0D8s at

/h/ and /s/ llight be included in the _ phonemes vith f1nal allophones

[kht k) and [th, t) respect1vely, but th18 vould laave the nev phonemes vi th 110 structurally parallel !abW phoneme. It vould also separate frca the proposed phon8118a the voiced intel"9'ocalic allophones Cr) and [a), vhieb are ... bers of the _ phonames as the final stops in all dialects aur- veyed. Everyvhere these tvo sets al ternate in the single ca.onest phonetic alterat10n of foms of IlOrphs in the 18llg\1llg8, so that to separate them nec.as1tates setting up tvo allomorphs for every stop-final IlOrp~ in tbs lexicol1. The propoaed solution vould follow comparat1ve and historical data in 11111 t1D& allophODes of /h/ and / s/ vi th salie allophones of /k/ and / t/, but 1t vould be foroed to violate thoae tyPea of data in excluding the v01ced intel"9'ocal1c allophones from the phonemea propoaed and, like the

d.ecriptive solution adopted in this study, in failing to distingu1sh tbs correapODdences ot LGV /h/ to PO */p/, */kw/ and **/al* as weIl as */k/. ~t an earlier stage ot the analysis, the intervocalic voiced allophonee [el, Cr), [aJ, [av) vere interpreted to constitute separate phonemes, because of the apparent contrast of those phones rith intel"9'ocalic stops. Th1s descriptian, like that rejected in the preceding paragraph, separated those voiced phones trom tbs final stops. Interpreting intel"9'ocslic stops as geminete clusters makes th1s unattractive possibility unneeeasary. l7II1 AV ~re are five intervocalic series of phones, e.g. the gin- gi.als [tl, [t ),[th), Cr) and [a). The first two ana the last occur in contrast word 1n1tially; all apparentl.y contrast intervocalically. They al'! interpreted as intervocalic occurrences of ~V Id/, /tt/, /tk/, /t/ and /s/, reap8ctively. In LGV initial Cs) and medial [tl replace ~v [tah) so that the intervocal1c correspondences of AV [tsh) and[t) coincide phonetically.

In the practical orthography to be described in Chapter IV, compromise

is made with the strueture of other dialects by a principle which generally

symbolizes stop allophones which are correspondences of PD voiced stope separately from those which are correspondenees of PD aspirate stops. That

is a practical, alphabetic treatment, however. The phonetic and dis tri-

butional data point squarely to the phonemic pattem outlined here for LGV, one markedly non-congruent with the patterns of PD and other dialects.

3.1212 Liquide /m, n, 9, 1/. Tbe liquids, consisting of bilabial,
gingival, and back velar nasale and a gingival lateral, are all voiced. 18 The phoneme /mf is represented in all environmente where it occure by a voiced labial nasal, nearl.y alwaye bilabial but very rarely labio- dental; the latter is indicated by symbol including eubecript comma [.):

/EO/ [me, ~ rarel.y Ipc) 'eun'; / eme/ ( ••• 3m3, ~ rarel.y 3IJ3) 'cOllIe

here'; /wam/ [waa, ~ rarelY waa; ) 'p!4t. ,19 The phoneme /n! is principall.y repreeented by a voiced gingival naeal allophone: lnan/ (nan) 'eat it'; /ane/ [ ••• an3) 'his, her, ite noiee';

/an! ( ... an) 'I, me.' In the following environmants /n! ie repreeented by

a lamino-gingival allophone (n]: (1) Following the eequence lhi/ or /'il or a word initial /i/ and preceding any vowel other than a h!4th front vowel. a lengthened and syllabic lamino-gingival nasal occura representing the sequence of phonemes /in/: /hinet/ (!rliP t) 'sharp pain'; 1+ 'inelr/ [ '~:3k),

'let him say it'; 1+ 'in-o/ ('i:c) 'yes, gay it'; 1+ 'inupuluk!

[ '~:u.uluk) 'their tracks'; 1+ 'appunL inatLk! ( 'apunt~:artk] 'killing

lByoiceless liquids are allophones of Ih/; see section 3.12112 above. 19For various phonetic sequencee including Cm) and representing I'; and a vowel phoneme~ eee sect~onsJ.12211 and~.12214 below.

faat lIpeeoh tbe l!Jequence lDiD/ OCCUrI!I botb al!J [n: i J20 &lid aa [ni:]: lninaa/ (del1beratel,y ninca; faster v.:ica, nij:cmJ 've

topther. ' (3) ro11oviDg lvii, a wo part l!Jyllabic, frequentlY the vowel

gl1de toward lil is scareelY haard, so tbat [îi) repreaents the sequence of phonemes linl: lhein/ [hein. heîiJ 'put it down'; lkain/ [kaln, kaiiJ 'brave, wealthy, generoul!J'; IhoinAl [hci-na, hcna] 'cra,yfisb.' (4) In phonetic clUl!Jter vitb a palatalized or lamiMI allophone of another CODSo- nant, the leDgthening and palatalization of Inl end tbe other consonant, represent the TOnI 11/: lvani lan/ [l!JlowlY wan! làn; ~ vaîi:.l:àn) 'go get U.,21 The phou..e 191 is principallY represented b.y a voiced back velar nasal allophone: l&a:f' san/ [&a:f' sen] 'type of bark container.' The point. of articulat10n of allophonel!J of Iq! correspond to precediDg vowels al!J fo1101111: (1) l'o11owing I~I and lel velar allophone [~J occurs: IDL9' n~n/ [n~ n~n) 'tight, fal!Jt'; IheIJ-sek, hen-sek! [h~9s3k, h~ns3k] 'protNding (aa of the tongue).' (2) Fo11owing lal and lol the back velar allophone OCCUrl!l: IselSIJ, seleni [s3189' s31anJ 'loose'; IhuolJ, huonl [huC!J, huen] 'variety of bark container. ,22

20See section 3.12214 below.

2l.rhe reasoning here is not circular. The range of allophone [I] of

III il!J deseribed in tems not including oecurrence af ter [ii] in this case.

22..rhe phoneme 1'91 bas not been recorded following /il or lul in
local words. Note tbat many forms lik. lnan/[nanJ 'eat it' occur only with In/, never vi th Iq!; these contrast wi th forms occurring wi th Iq!, all of wbich also occur wi th In/ in JJN. Compare the Ik!- IkwI contrast. These facts and the limited distribution of 7'91. which does not occur word initiallY, as second member of clusters nor aft er hl or lul. mark the

Inl-Iq! contrast aa one of minima1" functional load. Perbaps it is being

lost, as seems much more likelY, or currently being borroved from dialects like GD, where 191 bas distributional range parallel to that of In/.

phoneme 11/ is principally represented by voiced ginghal lateral

(I): Inelel {n3l3J 'I should have eaten, BID hungry'; Imola! {ltChJ 'light

colored.' Before plus contour terminal or as firet member of a cluster

rltb a stop, /s/, Ib/ or a nasal, /11 occurs as a very lightly affricated

d_ 3-54 d k gingival lat.ral {~J: /31+ / { ••• 3 1] 'sugar cane'; lel kok/ { ••• ~ lkè J
'big augar cane'; /alme/ [ ... ad1m3] 'back tooth'; lel ealelc/ [ ... ~dlslslrcJ

'ngar aane lllistakenly'; lel bal [ ... ~duAJ 'in exchange for sugar aane.'

In the following environments /1/ is represented by a lamino-giDgival allophone [I J: ( 1) Following /1/ and preceding / e/, / a/ or /01, s lengthened lamino-ging1val allophone occurs vith syllabicity in some 1d101ects, repre-

e.nting tbs sequenee of phonemes /il/z /pile/ [pil}, pl:3 J 'I should ha .... gone down'; /kila/ [Id.Ia, kf:aJ 'a species of b1rd'; /pilo/ [pilc, pl:cJ 've should have gone down.' (2) Following /Vi/, a uo part eylhbic, trequently the vevel glide toward /1/ is scarcely haard, so that the lamino gingival [IJ occurring there represents the sequence of phonemes /il/: /heil/ [heidy, hedyJ 'split-stick tongs'; /s&il/ [saidy, sadyJ 'cowries, belts of COvri8S'; /hoil/ [hédyJ 'cowardly.' (3) Following the sequenee /Vi'/, tbe 1u.ino-g1ngival [IJ occurs in soma idiolects: /ai' lelc/ [ ••• Ai'I~, ••• ài'l~J 'not hot.' (4) ~ollowing lul end preceding lel, / a/ or /0/, tbe lem1no-gingi val [1 J occurs in some idiolects as a free varient vi th tbe gingi val sllophone; in other idiolects i t occurs regularly there. In some idiolects the allophone [1 J frequently occurs there before
d-k d k

/el and /0/ but rarely before lal: Ipulelhatelc/ [pul,>; Uar,, pul3 lhr3 )

'they regul&rly turn it over'; lwul-a./ [Wla, wUlaJ 'ashes (questioning)'; /pulok/ [pulck, PulckJ 'extinguished (of tinder).' (5) In some idiolects the lamino-gingival allophone [1) occurs following ths sequencs /Vu'l: /na'IIOI1'-lak/ [na'm~u'lak, na,~u'lakJ 'mY friends.'

(6) In phonet~c cluster with a laminal allophone of another phoneme, the lamino-gingival allophone [1) occurs: lkain lek/ [kài-nl~k) 'not brave.'
3.1213 Glot~ stop I' I. Glottal stop is represented in all environ-
ments where it occurs b.Y a glottal stop, with lip and tongue position for

the prsceding vowel maintained through the stop: la'~tl [ •.• a,~t) 'hls

dislike'; lna'mou'-lak/ [na'lDou 'la.k, na'lD~u'lakJ 'my friends'; lai' lek!

[ ••• ài'l~k, ••• ài'l~J 'not hot. ,23

3.1214 Coneonantal vocoids Iw, j/. The consonantal vocoids are voiced

high close tense presyllabic vocoids.

The phoneme lvi is principally represented by a voiced high close

tense back rou:nded vocoid: lwal [wa) 'greeting of congratulation.' Befors

lul, lvi is represented by an unrounded allophone, wri tten here vi th the

d symbol [~): lvull l!u 1) 'ashes.'

The phon8lle Ijl is represented in all envirolllllents vhere it occurs b.Y

a voiced high close tense front unrounded vocoid: /j~/ [j~J 'this'; /jake/

[jae3) 'stone adze';*/*najUlLf __ ._1 [naju k ) 'IIIY fsar. ' 24

23Glottal stop is treated throughout this study separately from other stops for two reasons. Firat, on the synchronie level, i t is distributed differently from other stops. Second, comparative data indicate that it has an origin very different from that of the other stops. This phoneme

is in some dialects of Dani lexically contrastive in only a very few forms,

principally the word /a'~t/ 'his dislike,' and some proper names like the IlJV name /jano'e/ [janc'3) 'Janoe (name of unknown meaning).' In WV the substitution of glottal stop for /k! and many occurrences of It/ as

first member of a cluster with liquids produced a few additional contrasts.

It appears that in proto-Dani glottal stop was a junctural or terminal

phenomenon vruch perhaps became morpheme medial in la'~tl when an old sequence of two itèms with plus terminal border between them became fused. Wi th this contrast introduced, even though i t has a very light functional load, a synchronie analysis is forced to recognize glottal stop as pho- nemic wherever it occurs, even in association with contour onsets and terminals. A practical orthography needs to symbolize only contour medial occurrences, and a cross-dialect practical orthography needs to mark: only intervocalic occurrences.

3.122 Vowels. All syllabic vocoids and post-syllabic vocoid glides
toward lil and lul are vowels. Syllabic vocoids with no offglide of those

sorts are single vowels; syllabic vocoids including such offglides are

two part syllabics.

3.1221 Vowel phonemes. Most of the phonetic data concerning vowels
may be described as involving allophones of particular vowel phonemes.

3 .12211 ~ ~ vowels I i, ui. The high close vowels are princi-

pally represented by voiced high close tense vocoid allophones. The high

close front unrounded vowel occurs principally as a backed high close front

unrounded vocoid written hore as (i]:25 111 [ ..• i] 'water'; lappikitl

[ ••• api.itJ 'bis flea'; Itukil (tu@ui ) 'moon.' Followi~; back velar allo-

phones of Ikl, lil is represented by an allophone with centralized onset,

24The interpretation of some sequences as including or not including

Ijl and Iwl is still problematical. Two vovels occur in sequence with nOt

consonant between them: Ika.n! (ka.nJ 'species of pandanus'; Ilaetl (la3 ) 'shrub with spicy leaves'; Ila-ok! (lAck] 'vomen's greeting.' These sequences would appear to be evidence for interpreting (uV), (uV) and (oV) as not including intervocalic 110'/, and sequences (iV), (.V] and (eVJ with no intervocalic Ijl. Informant reaction favors tUis interpretation in the cases of luvi. lov/, l.v/, and leV/, for local speakers will not accept a pronunciation of these sequences with a presyllabic [j] or [w) before the second vowels, even though the first vowels of sequences leal and /oal of ten are heard with postsyllabic offglide: /l.al [l.a, but ~ *l.jaJ 'light';

Il\lok! (luck, M not*luwck) 'let's go'; Iweak/ (ve-r;;)(~..!l21 *wejakJ

, bad '; loakl ( ••• o~ M..!l21 *ovak J 'bone.' These sequences may be in tel'- preted then as simple tvo-vowel clusters wherever they occur. However, informants react differently vith regard to (iV) and [uV) sequences; when asked to syllabify words including these sequences, they produce a second syllable with initial Ijl af ter lil and lvi aft er lul, and they accept these pronunciations: luvel (u3, ••• uw3] 'Uwe river.' Tentatively, the sequences (iV) and (uV) are interpreted as representing sequences lijVI and

luwvl. Another problem involving Ijl occurs in the sequence heard in

lajuk!( ••• ajuk l 'bis fear.' Earlier this form was interpreted as */aiuk/. but it now appeare probable that no two part syllabics occur in LGV without a following consonant other than Ijl or lvi, and that this consonant is recogn1zable by friction absent in the form undei discuss1on. Info rmant s forced to syllabify produce the form as ( .•• a.ju ).

2~ote that lil is closer to lul than 1.1 is to lul.

in WV than in other Grand Valley dialects; this allophone is here indicated by a ~en preceding the vowel symbol [-i]: Ilokokin! [lCBC8-in] 'singular subject wi11 stay. I As the second member of two part syllabice, lil is represented b.Y a non-ayllabic vocoid glide toward lil and/or by a simultaneous component of a phonetical~ complex unit representing the vowel plus the following consonant. Before

Itl, Ik/, Is/, In! or /1/, this component is the palatal or laminal feature

of the lamino-gingival, lamino-alveolar and lamino-palatal allophones of those phonemes as already described. Before Imf this component is simultaneous [i] timbre with [m]:26 Ineittep/ [ne~3P) 'IQY knee'; Ipeik-ke/ [p~ix3] 'awkward hand or aide'; lpaik akel [pAi-~~) 'cuBcue tail'; Iheisel [hei s3] 'aneeza'; Ihe1D/ [hein) 'put it down'; laaill [saidy) 'covries'; lweim/ [wei • i ) 'battle.' fo11owing Ihl or 1'1 and preceding Ia/, In! or /1/ before vowels lower than lil, /il occurs ae 1engthening and palatalization of In! and 111 and as lengthening and (i J timbre vi th Imf; preceding Imf this allophone varies freely with the normal vocoid a1lophone: 1+ '!mal [ '~ta, 'ima) 'in the water'; 1+ 'inomi [ '~:cm) 'they together'; lhinel [N~:3) 'phlegm'; 1+ 'ilepl [ 'l:3P J 'he or she should have aaidit.' In fast speech this type of allophone also occurs following liquide and Is/, vi th the rest of the environment as stated above: Iwan! lan/ [fast waii:!:ànl 'go get it'; lpali lan/ (fast pal: :àn) 'go cut it off'; /hina'nesi lanl

[~~na'n3sIi:àn) 'go get (water) for me. ,27

26The possibility of recognizable or contrastive timbre for a naaal has been questioned, but it is reported also b.Y Trager and Smith,

1951) p. 41. In reference to this report--a1beit the reference is skeptical-Pike proposes an analysis identica1 to toot proposed here for WV Dan!. Kenneth L. Pike, .2:12.. ill.., part 1I, p. 48, fn. 27For other simi1ar allophones of lil, see section 3.12214 below.

lul is principally represented by a voiced fronted high

close tense back vocoid, with closed flat lips except for a central flat

lip opening in some idiolects and a central tightl,y rounded lip opening

in other idiolects; tue underlined symbol indicates flat lip shape: IsU! (su, s~J 'net'; lapputl ( •.. aput, ••• ap~t) 'his son': /tuki/ (tusUi, t~ui) 'moon.' As tue second member of tvo part syllabics, lul is represented by a non-syllabic vocoid glide toward lul and by a simultaneous component of a plloneticall,y complex unit representing the vowel plus the following consonant. Before glottal stop this component is simultaneous lip and tongue position as for lul: befare Imf the component is simultaneous (u? timbre with (m?: and before Ikl the component is labialization of unique sort. Frequently this labialization is a voiceless bilabial stop befare a stop allophone of Ik! or a voiced bilabial fricative before a voiced fricative allophone of Ik/: either the stop or the fricative is initiated slightl,y befare and maintained through most or all of the velar closure. Rare utterances of most informants and regular utterances of a few include a normal vocoid allophone of lul with no bilabial closure or friction: Ina'mou'-lakl (ns'mou'UYak) '~ friends': lhauml [haumu) 'wnole (of eating a piece of food'; Ikoukl [ka up-k, ka uk j 'raft': I kouk-a I ( k èU. ~, u ka ,u B u a )

'raft (questioning).' 28 Adjacent to a bilabial consonant in a syllable

vhich does not begin a contour group, or elsewhere in a syllable adjacent to a syllable of that sart, lul in fast speech is represented by lengthen- ing and syllabicity of tue bilabial consonant: in the case where lul is

28This analysis is preferred because: (1) The bilabial stricture does not occur invari~bly; the velar stricture does. (2) The bilabial stricture

is phonetically similar to features of Iu/, vhich occurs in all these cases;

it can be interpreted as conditioned by the environment: the velar stricture

cannot. (3) Some of these farms are cognate with farms in other dialects

/makkum/ (makum.

~ lIl8lop:u) 'originally'; /tumut-han/ (tumuthan. ~ ~Y:than]

k k 'do it hard'; /amulok/ ( ••• amu!c, faster ••• am:lc] 'flame'; /humusek/ ( humus3 k, faster ~::s3] u k 'running'; /appumeak/ ( ••• apumea k, ~ ••• apfIIYeak) 'very thick'; /hamakappu nekein/ (greeting ~.!!l fast style

hamafp;n3ltèi.n) 'cordial greeting (meaning singular subject will eat your

anus)'; /hopuk/ (hcè\1k; rarel,y, in fast style hc.~k) 'later'; /ilu' IllUluk/ ( ••• ilu'muluk, ~, possiblY ~ sty1istic modification ••• il~'m:l:k, with bilabia1 closure through all syllable~ 'll"ter the first] 'huge.,30 3 .12212 ~ open vowels h, ui. The vowel I ~I is principall,y represented by voiced high open tense front unrounded vocoids, noticeabl,y closer and more tense than the English vowel in 'pin': I~I ( ... ~) 'yes'; Ij~/ [j~) 'this'; In~kk~1 [n~k~J 'I ate it'; /app~k~tl [ ••• ap~~~t) 'the area around the eyes for cosmetic decoration.' 31 The vowel Iv/ is principall,y represented by voiced high open tense back rounded vocoids, noticeabl,y closer and more tense than the EP~lish vowel in 'book': /su/ (su) 'incantation word in healing rites'; /appvtl [ ••• apvt ) 'lower reaches of a stream'; Ituk~1 [tv@u~] 'club.'

with fina1 /k/; none is represented elsewhere with final Ip/: LGV /touk/, BV Idvk/ 'species of bananas.' (4) Th~ anal,ysis paralle1s the analysis of Ik/ af ter two part syllabics wi th f!nal 11/, where no other type of stric- ture occurs. Note that an analysis of the complex unit as representing a consonant cluster would posit a cluster word finall,y, where none occur otherwise. 29Anal,ysis of sty1istic modifications is incomplete, but is referred to on a tentative basi" in the illustrations. Note that the environment specified includes syllables where lul is not adjacent to a bilabial but where a preceding or following syllable not contour-initial includes lu/ adjacent to a bi1abial; it also includee contour initial syllables preceding syllables including lul adjacent to a bilabial consonant. 30Tbis last form appears to be differently modified from the others.

3.12213 Mid ~ Ie, ol. The vowel lel is principal)y represented
by mid open front unrounded vocoids: lel [ ••• 3] 'exclamation of hunger';

Ileketl (13.r3 t J 'fence. ' Following back velar allophones of /k! in closed

syllabIes, /el is represented b,y a centralized allophone indicated by a hyphen af ter the symbol [3-), and in tbis environment in open syllabIes,

lel is represented b,y an allophone with centralized onset, indicated by a

hyphen before the symbol (-3): /hesakel/ (h3sa.,3-dl) 'star'; /lLpaken/ (lLèaB3-n) 'across the stream'; /ettake/ [ ••• 3ta.,-3) 'his, her, its name.' As first member of the two part syllabic /ei/, /el is represented by the mid close allophone (e): /heill (heidl] 'split-stick tongs.' Regular)y preceding an /11 before a vowel higher than /el, and as a free variant preceding 11/ before 10/, /el is represented by the mid close allophone [el: Ihelul (heluj 'your knowIedge'; leloma/ [ ••. elcma, ••• 3lcma) 'over there (at a distance).' Before /a/, /el is represented bya slightly raised or mid close allophone wi th or ~Iithout an upward vocoid offglide, which is never syllabic or syllabified with the following vowel, and wbich

is not present in slow, deliberate speech: Iweak/ [we Lak, deliberately

weak] 'bad. ,31

The vowel lol is principally represented by mid open back rounded vocoids: lol [ ..• c] 'wood, house, villa~e'; /appotl [ ••• apct ) 'bis back.' As first member of the two part s::llabic lou/, lol occurs as a mid close back rounded vocoid (0): /soukl [soUEkj 'door for closing doorways.' Preceding lal and lel, lol occurs as the mid close allophone with or with- out an upward offglide. which is never syllabic or syllabified with the following vowel, and which is not present in slow, deliberate speech:

31 For other allophones see section 3.12214 below.

/oaJc./ [ ••• ovak, deliberat..!!.ï ••• aak) 'his, her, its bone'; /oe/ [ ••• ov3, deliberatelY ••• 03] 'his, her, its older sibling.,32

3.12214 Non-vocoid allophones of front vowels in fast speech.
In fast speech any front vowel, /i/, /~/ or /e/, between identical liquids /m/, /n! or /1/ may occur represented by freely variant allophones consisting of length, syllabicity and vowel timbre with the liquid involved: /wete'ma-nen! [y3r~'Un3n, ~ w3r3'~!:] 'af ter it was thus'; /anini/ [ ••• anini, fast ••• ~t:i] 'his vigor'; /pilili/ [pilili, ~ pilt:i) 'running'; /wvhhlDO/ (Y'UhllaC, ~ wvlt: ~IIIC l'Wulilimo (=e of unknown meaning)'; /alelalek! ( ••• a13la13k, fast ••• al~:a13k) 'Alelalek (=e of unknown meaning).' In fast speech a front vowel occurring between /1/ and

/'/ may occur similarly represented by freely variant allophones consisting

of length,, syllabicity and vowel timbre of /1/: /h~l~' la~/ [h~lt'la~, fast h~l~'la~J 'they are putting it down'; /esokpale'lek/ [ ••• 3sck~'13kJ 'Esokpaleklek or Foot-not-cut (name normally uronounced in fast stYle).'

3.12215 Central .!.Q!!l /a/. The vowel /a/ is represented in all
environments where it occurs by low close fronted central vocoids: /a/ [ ••• a) 'sexual intercourse'; /wa/ [wa] 'greeting of cOlJ.;ratulation.,33

3~or discussion of the phonemic lnterpretation of tIlese sequences, aee footnote 24 in this chapter. 33This vowel ranges around a nO:rnJ wnich is near the lower boundc,ry of the writer's English vowel in 'but,' so that early recordings repeatedly symbolized that phone and a lower one as allophones of /a/. Hearing and recording ware not consistent, however, and i t began to :i,_pear that the variation was around a single norm and not around two different norms as for positional allophones. The coincidence of the LGV no~ witn the bor- der between two of tne writer's English vowels and two phonetic nonns he had drilled prejudiced hls hearing. Some utterances of /a/ are defini tely higher than others, but they range around the single described nO:rnJ.

Other vov.l ph.nomena. Besides the pbonetic facts described

for the allophones of the vowel phonemes above, certain other pbenomena concern several vowels; these are best described separately.

3.12221 .I'!Q ~rt _syllabics. The two part syllabics lei, ai, au, oi,

oul have been described with regard to their composite allopbones under

the vowels which compose them. Any of these five sequences of vowels occurring uninterrupted by any terminal constitutes a single two part syllabic. Each has a syllabic vocoid as a first member and a post-syllabic vocoid second member. Because of formational parallelism and distributiawal similarities, these constitute a single set of syllabies: Ihein/ (hein] 'put it down'; Ikain/ [kaïn) 'brave'; lsaukl (sau~] 'species of pandanus';

Ihoinal (hci-na) 'crayfish'; loukl ( •.. oUEk) 'pain.,34

freely varying nssalized and non-nasalized allophones; there is conside~ variation among speakers: Iin/ ( ••• tn, ... in) 'say it'; Ih~naken/ [hk~~-n, h~lIB83-nl 'three'; lan! [ •.. Ij!l, ••• an) 'I, me'; Ikon! [kern, ken) 'edible grub'; IWakkun/ (wak1Jn, wakun) 'funeral pig'; Ipuml (P1iJll' pum) 'species of tree. ,35

3.12223 Voicelessnes.§...Qf~. Particularly in the finsl syllables
of the contour preceding sentence terminal and less frequently elsewhere, voiceless allophones of vowels occur as an apparently contrastive stylistic item. 36 These allophones are written with upper case Tewel letters in the

34This analysis is adopted in preferenee to sn analysis of these i t_ as vowel plus Ijl or Iwl because: (1) The laminal ~llophones occurring

af ter /il elsewhere occur af ter lVii also; if the two part syllabic is

described as including lil, the common element in the two environments is the conditioning factor for the allophones in question. (2) More impor- tantly, the analysis adopted avoids positing unique final clusters.

orthography b.y sub-

script circle as a stylistic symbol: /akeikhS'+ wathS'+ meake-mgY.kg.+ /

[ ... ~ix~, wat~ me84J~mIkE] 'he Idlled another, a Meake man.'

3.12224 Extra lene;th !d... vOlleIs. Lengthened vOlle 1 allophones occur
as apparently stylistically contrastive; they are symbolized by colon following the vOllel letter in the phonetic notation and by colon following the superscript number indicating intonation contour level in the phonemic ~..4 ) 4t3: 4 3 4\ transcription: /mfJk~t/ [mUea J 'long ego'; Imuk-at/ [mu:!fa) 'very long ego. '

3.123 ~-systematic items. Extra-systematic nasalization of vowels
occurs in certain reply forms: /+ '0, + '21 ['c, 'çJ 'yes.,37 Extra-systematic voicelessness of vowels occurs in certain excla~ations: /~ [aI) 'exclarnation of incredulity.,3S Ingressive lung air occurs as an extrs- systematic airstream most commonly used in attention-assuring forms spoken by a listener periodically throughout the speech of a speaker; this airstream is indicated by three acute accent marks f"ollowing tne form: /+ '1J"1 [ 'i"') 'attention-assuring form'; 1+ '2"'1 [ 'ç'''j 'attention-assuring form'; 1+ '1'''1 [ '.''') 'hesitation form, exclamation of delight about food.' Ingressive mouth air occurs in tbe production of bilabial clicks used as exclamations of pity, although they are much more common in other dialects; these are indicated by a bilabial stop with three grave accent marks: Ip"'/ Cp"~') 'exclamation of pity.,39

35See section 3.123 for extra-systematic nasalization of vowels.

36See section 3.123 for extra-systematic voicelessness of vowels.

37This kind of data was called contrastive for /klll and InI, but is here considered extra-systematic since nasalization cannot be Jemonstrated as contrastive in the gene ral vocabulary but only in this special reply form. COllIpare extra-svstematic nasalization in E!lglish 'uh-huh.'

IIIICrophonellic .!!!!il!

In tbe following discussion attention is called to contrsstive units larger than the segmental phonemes, made up of those phonemes and recognized by modifications of them. The phenomena appear to coaprise a layered hiersrchy of units with definable, contrsstive centers and terminals; for convenience those centers and terminals are here called macrophonemes, and the units which they define are called macrophonem1c units. Four units are described as basic in the aystem: the syllable, the phonological word, the intonation contour group or contour and the phonological aentence. 40

3.131 The syllable. The syllable consists of one syllabic, either a
single vowel or a two part syllabic, with or without one preceding consonant and with or without one following consonant. Where two syllables join within a word nucleus or uncliticized word, any intersyllabic consonant or consonants except Iw/ or Ijl are most easily described as interludes not clearly assignabIe to either syllable; lvi end Ijl, wh1ch do not occur medially in morphemes, are assigned to the syllable including the folloving syllabic. At terminals of larger macrophonemic units consonant clusters are interpreted as belonging one member to one unit end the other to the other, with the terminal between the cluster membere. The contrastive center of the syllable thus is the syllabic, indicated b.Y TOvel letters, and, uniquely &mong the four basic macrophonemic units, syllable terminal

38.rhis voicelessness is structurally different from stylistic voiceles~

ness as described in sec~ion 3.12223. Here certain forms are always voic&- less; there forms with normally voiced vowels occur vith voiceless vowels in certain positions. 39Compare extra-systematic airstre~s in English gasp, and 'tsk.' 40Compare Kenneth Pike's byperphonemes, especially the discussion in section 9.6, ~. ~., Part II, pp. 63-66.

/nakte/ (two syllabIes, interlude cluster) 'mw groin'; /sail-ek:ken/ (three syllabIes, first border at nucleus terminal, second border indeterminate at interlude cluster) 'cowry shell~ /wakeikha/ (three syllables, borders indeterminate at interlude consonant and cluster) 'they came'; Ilek-han/ (two sy ~ables, border at nucleus terminal) 'lift

it,;42 /inajvk/ (three sYllabIes, first border indeterminate at consonant

interlude, second border precedes /j/) 'their fear.'

3.132 ~ phonological~. The phonological word consists of a
syllable or group of syllables with only one primary word stress. Since this stress occurs on final syllables of words in most cases and in most other cases is followed by stressless syllables which are distinguishable from pre-stress syllables of other words, symbolization of two terminals eliminates need for symbolization of primary stress. Nucleus terminal is indicated in the phonemic script by a nyphen; it occurs following primary word stress and followed by stressless syllables in the same word, which constitute a clitic. AD exception occurs in same words including two nucleus terminals; in this case primary word stress precedes the first of these. 43 Word -terminal is indicated bya single space following a symbol or symbols for segmental phonemes; it occurs following any clitic or the primary stressed syllable of any uncliticized word. Phonetically, primary stress consists of upgliding pitch and/or increased loudness. The beginn~ and end points of this pitch glide are matters of intonation. Except where

4lThe tem interlude is from Charles Hockett, .A ~ ~ Phopoloe;y, (Baltimore, 1955), p. 52. 4~ere is a phonetic difference between the /kh/ sequences in /wakeikha/ and /lek-han/; in the first the /h/ is fortis and closely joined to the Ik/ like strong aspiration, but in the second the Ih/ as part of a stressless clitic syllable, is lenis and more loosely joined to the Ik/.

it coincides with an intonational upward glide, involving more than one

level, this glide marking stress is a quick, short upglide from a slightly

lower pitch to one of the intonationally contrastive levels, usually level

three.

In one-uyllable words not in the final contour of a sentence nor con-

tour final in the contour in which they occur, a short pitch glide to level 3 three and moderate length and loudness mark the stress: /nit joma-nen/ 3-3 4 3 3. 44 (nLr jcmàn3nJ 'by us locals.' In two syllable words not including clitics

and not in the final contour of a sentence nor contour final elsewhere.

primary stress is most cODllllonly marked by a short glide to pitch level 3 three, and the preceding syllable is on level four: / ja" pu jappu jappu-nert 4 3 4 3 4 33 [jap~apa~ap~'3nJ 'af ter we fought and fought and fought.' In isolation,

intonation contour and sentence terminal occur with the item, eo that

the two syllables occur with nearly equal time and nehrly equal highest 3 4 3 3-5 limits of pitches: /p~te.+ / [p~r3J 'two.'

In most words of three or more syllables not in the final contour of

a sentence or contour final elsewhere, the initial syllable is pronounced

with somewhat increased loudness and a secondary upward pitch glide. The

middle syllable or syllables are shorter, lower and less stressed than 3 '3 -4 4+ 4 3 4 4- 4-5 either the first or final sYllable: /h~naken wattuku.+ / [~~~nw~~1

, '4 4+ 4 43 3

'we killed th ree (long ago),; /wamatue-nen &keikhe wathe.+ / [wlllllldu3a.3n 4+f ~ 4 ~5 44 age k ~t ~J 'Pig's-bird killed another.'

43The presence of the second is recognized by intonational features te be discussed in sections 3.133 and 3.136 below.

44In these illustrations a plus mark af ter a superscript number indicates raised pitch aboYe the level marked by that number, and a minus sign indicates lowered pitch. Raised dots next to symbols mark slight ler~th.

wo or more syllables which fram

presently available data must be described as having a second and con-

trastive stress occurring only when a one syllable clitic is included in

the word. This independent secondary stress consists of added length and

loudness and falls only on non-finsl syllabies, so that the three syllables

of a trisyllabic nucleus occurring with independent secondarY stress on

the medial sYllable have approximately equal length and loudness, in con-

trast with those forms on which only primary predictable stress occurs and

the medial syllables are shorter and less stressed. Independent secondary

stress is indicated in the phonemic script by a superscript tilde. Sylla-

bics which are not short and stressless are marked in the phonetic script 3 4 4+ 4 3 45 with a raised dot next to the vowel letter: /h~pp~t~k-~a.+ / [h~.p~·rt·ka]· 3 4 4+ 43 4 5 'sweet potato leaf'; contrast /supputuk-ka.+ / Ceu·pvrV·ka] 'sweet potato 3 4 4+ 4 3 45 leaf (alternate form)'; /lvSkek-ken.+ / [lu'a'B~'k3n] 'luake seeds'; 3 4 4+43 45 3 4 contrast /etake-nen.+ / [ ••• 3·r88~·n3n] 'from the lung'; /h~tt~ki-ma.+ / 4+ 4 3 45 [h~·t~·Bt·maJ 'Hitigima (place name)'; /ä~-pa/ ( •.• a·t·èa] at his, her,

i ts house'; contrast /at~-pa/ [art·èa) 'at that place. ,45

45An alternative analysis would be to consider this secondary stress as a shifted primarY stress in these forms. Since the pre-terminal syllable still carries short pitch upglide, it is ilOwever convenient to consider the primary stress as still occurring on that syllable, although i t is not markedly longer or louder than the preceding syllable. The main contrast in forms including and not including secondary independent stress is in rhythm pattern and relative stress of the syllabies. This has been marked in this section of the discussion only to avoid cluttering illustrations with unexplained detail in earlier sections. Earlier durin5 the analysis this secondary stress was cunsidered a predictable phenomenon on the basis of the phonem1c shape of words, and some data indicate that this is very nearly trae. ~'or example, this stress only occurs on central and front vowels and only on syllabics fol- lowed by voiced segments. Further checking of the data indicates, however, that no statement of predictability thus far proposed is valid.

CH tics do not occur wi th primary or secondary stress; they have na

extra loudnes~and where they do not occur with intonational glide they

carry level pitch. They are also pronounced more rapidly than nuclei or

words without clitics except contour finally. Contour finally certain

intonational phenomena indicate the presence of two nucleus terminals in s

single word; in that case, the word nucleus with primary stress on the

uI tima precedes the first nucleus teminal, and the remainder of the word

is a clitic. The portion of the word preceding the second nucleus tenninal

includes the word nucleus and is the larger nucleus; the remainder of the 46 3 43434+4 word is the final clitica /ls~k wa~k welakeikhasik-en/ [latwwstww31SB ••••

4. ~ 3 3 2
   ••• e1 kaslB3n] 'af ter they had been going end coming'; /l~paken-mekke-neD/ 4+ 43 3 3+ 2 3 [1~~~-nm3k3n3n] 'by the people across the river'; /aik ~l~-pakke/

L4333 3

[ ••• à B ~lt1te.k3 ) 'on that side of the stream'; /pu-j ~kk3 ts' ninoa hano- 4 333 3 434 345 akaku.+ / [p~j~k3tà'nin~~) 'we first came on good terms up this

wsy.'

3.133 The intonation contour~. The intonation contour group con-
sists of one or more words, or in the case of the final contour of a sen-

tence 01' a final clitic,a clitic or one or more woms.

Intonation COjltour groups begin with onset of full voicing and loudnese

of syllabics, except for some final contour groups in sentencss; even there

46The deterl':ination of cli tics is not yet completely clear in li1Very bit of recorded text, but it is clear in most cases and probably could be cleared in the remainder by rechecking the questionable material. This has not been possible during the actual preparation of this thesis. Writing of borders on the basis of stress and the other phonetic data described above conforms very closely to grammatical facto In a small residue where clitics are phonologically demonstrabIe but morpheme boundary is not yet recognized,

it is probable that further analysis will disclose such a boundary. Note

that presence of a grammatical boundary does not indicate presence of a

clitic, however; ma.ny morphemes are suffixed to fom part of single phono-

logical words.

the contour group begins with syllabics more voiced and stressed than those at the end of the same group. Following silence or another contour with plus terminal, onaet includes occurrences of glottal stop before contour initial vowels. Onset need not be written,since all terminals by vhich the occurrence of onset can be detennined are wri tten. Glottal '34 35 stop, demonatrably contrastive elsewhere, is written. / 'an.+ / [ 'an) '30 4 4+ 4 '3 4 5

'I, me'; /lakLtLk wakL.+ / [l~Lr!8W8B!) 'I went and came.'

Intonation contour groups occur with contour stress, except for some sentence finsl groups described below. This stress consists of lengthenine of the syllabic vith vhich it occurs and limitation of the domain of contrastive intonation contour or level. The contrastive level or contour occurs on the syllable with contour stress if that sYllable is contour final. Otherwise it occurs over a domain beginn:ing at that sYllable and reaching the contrastive level on the final syllable. In most cases these phenomena are predictable on the basis of word and nucleus terminals, but because of soma cases vhere this is not true, contour stress is considered contrastive and symbolized in the phonemic script by acute accent mark '30 30 3 over the syllabic or syllabics involved: 47 Imeaké-a'noko atén elomá'+ / 4+4 3-3- '34 '3 4+ 4 '3 [me~~'ncBcar~el~') 'the appearance of those Meage there.' Intonation contour groups end with one of two aorts of terminal. P.lUE contour terminal, wri tten vi th a plus sign, is of ten recognized by the occurrence of allophones of the preceding and following phonemes which do not occur elsewhere; this break in allophonic conditioni np: is most marked when the initial segments of the following cont(\c::r c('n~ti+:ute ar enTiron- ment before which the finsl allophones of -the precedi,,,,-contour do not

47Contour stress has not been marked in precedine illustrations.

occur word finally before vowels 3 3 3 4 ~-3 3 or consonantal vocoids: / 'ap + vukhá-hvp~'+ / [,!pvuk Ahvè~'l 'WuIc.a-

hubi men.' Plus teminal also has a freely varying feature of pause.

Pause may or may not occur with any plus contour terminal except immedi-

ately preceding the contour,in the same sentence, which ends with sentence

teminal; pause does not occur in that environment except in interrupted

or hesitating forms. 48 Glottal also occurs associated with plus contour

teminal; that phoneme is alternately present in association with plus

contour teminal following a vowel or liquid contour final Seh"Ment.

Because glottal stop is contrastive elsewhere, it is symbolized inde- 4 3 4- 4k 3 4 3 4 3 pendently of the terminal: /mottók + '0 hah hü OeI [lIIICt~-' ~halth~ltkJ 3 3 'completely burning down the villages'; /nukkunén-en'+ nalók-en'+ / 4+ 4 3- 3 4 3- 3 [nukun3m3n' nal~3n'J 'af ter they had eaten, having eaten.'

Zero contour teminal is characterized by occurrence of contrastive

intonation contours or levels without any break in allophonic conditioning

and without any pause or glottal stop; this teminal is written here by

a zero following the superscript intonation-marking numbera: 49 30 4 4+ 4 3 4 5 20 /lakLtCk wakC.+ / [l8@'LrLP84ftJ 'I went and came back'; /hVpLk-kiá' 2 43324+42 meak~ / (hvètkiA 'me84f}-J 'the Hubi-kiak and Meage (excitedly).'

48Thus plus terminal is considered to occur wherever pause occura, but not all plus terminals occur with pause. This analysis does not dis- tinguish different types of pause (except for the mention of hesitating or interrupted forms), as Pike did for English and still does in modified fashion: Kenneth Pike, ~. ill., Part 1I, section 9.4. The difference he attributes to two sorts of pause is here attributed to the presence or absence of sentence teminal. Pause is considered a secondary feature of the contour group with which it occurs, as Pike now treats it, and not as a segmental phoneme, as Bernard Bloch treats pause in Japanese: "Studies in Colloquial Japanese IV, 11 language 26: 115 (Baltimore, 1950).

49The term zero is chosen for parallelism with the tem plus and because of the absence of most special terminal features with this terminal.

groups occur witb contrastive intonation contours of four pitch levels numbered from one, highest, to four, lowest, which are wr1 tten here w1 th superscript JlUIIlerals. Levels of pitch which are phonetic variants of the contrastive levels are indicated by numerals and plus and minus signa in square brackets; phonetic data for tbe segmenta are omitted except where pertinent to tbe discussion. Level one is tbe highest pitch level of tbe speaker and is of ten of falsetto quality. Higher a1lophones within tbis highest range occur par- ticularly on clitic syllabI es at tbe ends of contour groups in tbe lliddle [4)2 [1-)l[ + )0 )1 4[ 5) of sentences: /hel~-hokÓ alk-isoko.+ / 'W'e chased tbem all out'; l-4[5J /molamelaik.+ / 'Bromley!' Level wo is the next contrastive range lower than one. Contour finally in tbe middle of sentences tbis level is markedly higher than level three, but sentence finally. where sentence terminal occurs, tbe interval beween level wo and a preceding level three is considerably [4 3) 2 redueed: /k.artKJ 1kha lala.mem-én +/ ,vhen plural subject refrained ••• '; 3a2[-): /án-a.+ / 'Is it 17' Level three is next lower and is tbe commonest pitch of contour medial [3 4 3 4j 3 syllables occurring wi tb primary word stress: /' 0 hah hLhk+ / 'setting

fire to villages.'

Level four is lowest end bas two distinct allophones. The lower of these, a downglide to phonetic level five, occurs on any sentence f!nal syllable on level four if no added length is present. If that syllable occurs with added length, the downglide is a less marked downward fede from level four. On eli tic syllables the glide is more rapid and goes [4) 4 [3 4 3 4J 3 lower: /mottd'k+' 0 hah hLl Ck+ / 'burning villages down completely';

4:[4-) [4J30 4(-5) /najuk-e.+ / 'my fear, I'm afraid (pensive) '; /najUk-o.+ / 'IV fear, [4+ 4]4[-5)

I' mafraid (aff1rma ti ve) '; /nake1.kálc. + / 'IIY friend (spoken as an appendage

to a longer utteranc~,50

Illustrations are given to contrast paire of pitche.: (1) Pitche. [3-J2 one and wo are in contrast: /'ath molamelill.+ / 'I. that Bromley? [3-Jl (normal question)'; /'ath molameláft.+ / 'Is that Bromley? (eftU8ive [4J l>[3 3J question).' (2) Pitches one and three are in contrast: /helq.-hoko 30 4(5J [4J2[1-J lO[+J mûk-is~ko.+ / 'We chased them out completelY (statement)'; /helet-h0k6 30 0 lf(~] mUk-isoko.+ / 'We chased them out completely (enthusiastic report)'; [4)1:04(5) (4) 30 4[5J / 'ekkCk ~kC.+ I 'I said, "Whev!", / 'elli ~kC.+ / 'I sald, "(It's) a [4] 20 [4)2 leaf.'" C~f Pitches tvo and three are in:ontrast: /h"p~k-ki" meak'" /

(4)3 (3 3) [4J 3 [3 3)
'the Hubi-kiak and Meage (exci tedlY'; /hó-lakenak + 'apan'-mel-nalc+ /

'Lio and his associates, just them, and Abane aleo, just them (normal (4 3 4 3 4+4 3) 2

listing of items) '; /kamo ikba lakuneJD-4n+ / 'af ter plural subject were

refraining (as a distinct unit 100selY tied 1:0 1ro remainder of the sent_ce)';

(4+444)3 [3J.

jwelakeikhas!k-en+ / 'af ter they had been (that way) (as a unit closely

tied to the remainder of the sentence) • ' (4) Pi tches wo and tour are 30 2: 304:[4-J in contrast: jltOc-a.+ / 'Isn't it?' /lék-a.+/ 'It isn't. (teasïng)' [4+4J2[4J 30 20 4(5J

(S) Pitches three and four are in contrast: /meak'" .ottcSk k:!-alceikhe.+ /
(4J 4 (3 4 3 4)3 'The Meage all came in'; /mottcSk+ '0 hah h~lOc+ / 'completelY burning

down villages.,51

5~ote that although tour contrastive levels are postulated and soms contours are eimilar to English contours, the systam is quite different. Ji'trst, stress is ususlly mar.ked not by high but by a short upvard gl1diDg pitch, and leDgthened syllabIes, when mechanically slowed to half speed, are heard as a series of quavers or short glides. Second, in most cases the 'intonation contour' is actually onlY a single contrastive pitch occur- ring contour group fins.lly, and preceding pitches are predictable.

SlAll illustrations in this paragraph are from text material.

Note these further illustrations of contrastive pitches end contours 3-4(51 on identical segmental phonemes: lnakeik:ák.+ I '(Tbat's) II\Y friend'; 4 (-5) 4 lnakeikálc.+ I ' ... II\Y friend (appended to a longer ut terance,; InJn+ I '. 3-4(51 'Well ••• (hesitation form preceding another contour)'; Inén.+ I 'That's 2-4(5) 1-4[5)

right'; Inén.+ I 'Yes, that's right'; Inén.+ I 'That's right!'

2-3: 2-4[51 I'olok~omá.+ I 'Olokoma! (calling from a distance)'; I'olokkomá.+ I (3-)2 (3-11

'It's Olokoma'; laolamelá1k.+ I 'Is toot Bromley?' Imolameláik.+ I

4 3

'Is that Bromley ? (effusive)'; Imolamelá1k.+ I 'Bromley (derisive)';

3 4(5) Imolamelá1k.+ I 'Bromley! (calling from close by).,52

3.134 Tbe phonolggical sentence. The phonological sentence consists

of one or more contour groups and is the largest unit pos i ted in this

description. It occurs wi th sentence stress and sentence terminal.

Sentence stress occurs with phonological sentences and consists of

non-contrastively raised pitch and limitation of the domain for the sen-

tence terminal contour. This stress is written in the phonemic script by

use of the circumflex accent over the syllabic involved. When this stress

occurs on the final syllable of asentence, tne tapered stress and falling

pitch characteristic of sentence terminal are heard only at the end of

that syllable. Elsewhere, the sentence terminal contour group begins [3 )[4]3-4[ J j ,dth the syllable following sentence stress: Ihal la-~k.+ I 'Greetings! [4J 30 4 (5) (an empootic pronunciation)'; IwolOk wah.+ I 'I have brought it.'

Note that normally sentence stress coincides with a contour stress, which

is then not written separately.53

Phonological sentences end with sentence terminal, written with the

period. This terminal is marked by distinctive features occurring over

---------

52For discussion of predictable pitches s.section 3.136 below.

span is called terminal span. With downgliding intonation contours, there is gradual diminishing of loudness and pitch throughout this span. ArJy

stylistic voicelessness usually occurs in this span. With level or up-

gliding intonation contoure, the pitch-lovering effect of sentence terminal is actualized in narroved interval of upglide and fiDal dovnvard fading of level pitches. In all cases there is final re~axation of the articulatory MUscles. Plus contour terminal of the final intonation con- 54 3-4(5] tour group occurs associated with sentence terminals /'ln.+ I 'It's me,

f.4, tl L41ft f.'i 1. loJt.ll:1.- 1.
mine'; Isekkelok~ nas~.+ / 'We cut them up and ate them'; /'án-à.+ / 4-2[-]

'Is it mine?' /'ln.+ / 'Is it mine? (alternate form),

3.135 Stylistica1lY contrastive features. Two stylistic features,
voicelessness of vowels and extrs length of vowels, are described as contrastive. The phonetic changes involved vere described in section 3.1222 above. These features are not part of the lexical items, nor are they centers or terminals of one of the four basic macrophonemic units but ma,y be considered special macrophonemic units. Voicelessness of vowels, written with subscript circle, most ca.monly occurs in sentence terminal span and apparently heightens dramatic effect of narration. Extra length of vowels is indicated by a colon following the intonation contour numbers;

it frequently occurs with intonation carrying clitics /-a/ 'question' and

/-0/ 'affirmation' and I-el 'greeting intimacy,' but it also occurs

(4)0(3)[4)(4)[5) 304:[4-)
elsewhere: /'akeikh~ wathg.+ / 'He killed another'; /lék:-à.+ / 'No ••• •

53Sentence stress has not been written in earlier illustrations. ~us pause is made a feature of only one contrastive unit, plus contour terminal. Also the sentence appears clearly as llade up entirely of contour groups each vith its own 1rrminal. Sentence terminal is thus made to account only for distinctive features not occuTTing elsewhere.

3z0 4( 5 J /IIUk-at.+ / 'a very long ti.Jlle ago.' A satisfactol'Y analysis of other

stylistic features, like speed of utterance, bas not yet been .ade. 55

3.136 The word in contour and sentence. In the preceding discussioll
of the contrastive units and terminals and centers it was not possible to give the basis for prediction of non-contrastive pitches and related phenaaena in most cases, for this involves all tour basic macrophonemic units and the special stylistically contrastive features. It is now pos si bIe to complete the description of the macrophonamic data by obserriaj words as they occur contour and sentence finallY. In sentence medial 4-3 con tours, finel words occur as they occur contour medially, as described in eection 3.132, except for added length 3 (4J3 (3J of the syllabic occurring with contour stress: / 'áp + wukhá-hup~' + (4+4J3(3JO } h h meak"nen tá' ... / ('!OP wuk ~~ '1I8~84I~~ta" ••• J 'The Meage tlrst (chased out) the Wuka-hubi ••• ' In sentence tenninel contoure the added features of terminal span occur. Ususlly this span includes only the last finel clitic, clitic or uncliticized word. When a clitic occure, any dOWIl6lide ls unbroken and rapid, with rapidly falling stress. In the case of a finel unclitlcized word, the word stress is heard as a 'bl1p' or slight upturn superimposed on the falling pitch glide and the decline of stress. Slight length is also heard with this word stress as elsewhere; where the syllabic ls Toiceless, fortis articulation and this slight length are its only identl- fylng features. No contour stress is considered to be present in sentence terminal contours with downward gl~ding ~itch to level four when those 3Ol4+ 4- J4[ -5 J contours occur with clitics: I'M wesik!n.+ / 'I am going to return';

55rhe parentheses around the intonetion marking DUmbers indicate these pitches occur on these ~yllabics when they are volced.

4(-5] 3030 4[-5J

I'án nok~kin.+ I 'I sm going to go to sleep'; I'~ hlp-ekein.+ I

'I sm going to neglect it.' When the intonation carr,ying clitic 1-0/18

added to these items, a new situation is introduced; the final word nov may have two nucleus terminals. This possibility only occurs contour finally, anti where it does occur, the first ot tbe nucleus terminals mam preceding word stress and the second mam the tact that tbe remainder of the word is still cliticized as a part of it and may be the domain of 30 (4+4J3ht-]0 4(5) tenninal span: 1'á:A wesikIn-o.+ I 'Yes, I sm goine to retum'; 30 (44-3) 30 4(5J 30 [3J 304[5J

I'á:n noko-ld'n-o.+ I 'Yes, lam going to go to sleep'; l'l.n hep-eklin-o.+1

'Yes, I sm going to neglect it.' In sentenee tenninal contours gliding upward to level tw~a glide from slightly below level three to level two occurs on the final syllable of uncliticized words. On words with clitics the final clitic carries a quavering pitch two, if extra length occurs; the preceding Segment of a

clitic, if any, carries a step or glide from level three to level two:

30 (4+4)(3-)2 30 (4 3 3-)2

I'á:n wesikIn.+ I 'Am I coming back?' l'l.n noko-kIn.+ / 'Am I going to go

30 30 (3) 2 to sleep?' I'án hep-ekein.+ / 'Am I going to neglect it?' Note what happens when the intonation carrying eli tic /-al 'deliberative, interroga- 30 (4+4]3(+)2: [-) tive' is Ildded: I'á:n wesikIn-a.+ I 'Am I going to come back?' 30 4 3 3-)202:[-] 30 (3

/'á:n noko-krn-a.+ / 'Am I going to go to sleep?' /'á:n hep-ekein-a.+ I

'Am I going to neglect it?' In all these cases, the interval between levels tbree and two is shortened under the influence or in the environment of tenninal span. In tbe last example the firAl syllable sometimes occurs with lower pitch than the preceding syllabIe, and of ten the step upward in pitch on that syllable is barely discernible.

Sentence medial contours with upglide to level two are similar in pattern to the sentence final contoure with upglide to level two, except that the phonetic interval of glide or step between levels three and two

is greater sentence medially. A syllable on level three before level two

may ba higher than other syllables on level three, and pitch tends to glide (3 4+4)3(+)2 on upward to the last syllable of the contour: /t~ meake-té+ / 'that, [4+4 3 3+) 2 about the Meage ••• ' /akeikhe-nen-hé+ / 'by another.' Pitch level four contours of ten occur at the beginning of sentences, sentence finally or with short sentences fOllowing other sentences to indi- cate that the second sentence is appended in meaning to the firato In sueb contours no pitch, not even with word stress, goes higher than level four: [414 (3434)3 /mottók + '0 hah h~lCk + / 'completely burning down villages'; 30 [4)3 4 (5) (4J{3:)O[4j4(5)[4) 4 [(4-5»

/'á:n ekká + '~k~.+ / 'I said, "Leaf.'" /akeikhg wathg.+ meaké-mÖkkg.+ /

'He killed another, a Meage man.'

3.2 THE DI&rRIBUTION OF THE PHONmES

'3.21 Distribution of the segmental phonemeL

The macrophonemic units described above, the syllable, word nucleus and phonological word, contour group and phonological sentence, are not equally relevant nor the only relevant units for discussion of the distribution of segment al phonemes. An additional phonological unit consisting of a contour group or sequence of contour groups beginning with silence or plus contour terminal and ending with the next following plus contour terminal is posited and called the plus terminal span. Two grammatical units are also relevant, the morpheme and the inflected word, which is defined as any word containing only root morphemes with or without inflectional affixes

includiIlg no connectiTe affixes. "or comeni.ence, three Id.nds of words referred to in the fo11owing discussion are given abbreviated labels:

(1) I-words consist of word nuclei preceding any clitics and of unc11ti- cized phonological words; (2) C-words are phonological words, including clitics; (3) I-words are the 1nflected words defined aboTe; they are grammatical units including all I-words minus any connective affixes occurring in them.
3.211 ~ d1stribution!l!.. segmental phonemes..!!! the syllable. One
sYllabic, wh1ch may be any single vowel or Wo part syllabic, occurs as the syllable center, and any occurrence of a single vowel or Wo part syllab1c constitutes a syllable center. Syllable margins are most con- veniently described in terms of morphemes.

3.212 Ths distribution .9l. segmental phonemes in tbe morpheme. There
are restrictions on the distribution of segment al phonemes in morphemes both with regard to posit10ns in the morpheme and with regard to sequences of phonemes in the morpheme. The discussion is l1m1ted to morphemes occurring in the middle of plus tenninel spans, for other restrictions apply at the borders of those units. WV Dan! morphemes have been observed to consist of from one to four syllabies: /0/ 'wood'; /pete/ 'two'; /h~naken/ 'three'; /ipipilo/ 'species of b1rd.,56

3.2121 Positional restrictions ~ distribution, Morpheme ini tially
any single consonant except glottal stop or /~/, the velar nasal, may occur: 57 /pelal/'snake'; /tale/ 'sand'; /ket/ 'new'; /kwe, kei 't:-ail';

56This example. including redup11cation, and all others of four syllable morphemes are doubtful, but until morpheme boundary is clearly indi- cated, it is perhaps aasier to describe morphemes of four syllabIes. 57Initial glottal stop is part of contour onset; see section 3.133.

/mene/ 'dog'; /nena/ 'what'; /lebt/

'tence'; /n/ 'greeting'; / jake/ 'stone adse.' Any single Toyel or no part syllabic, except possibly /oi/, may occur morpheme iDitiallyz /i/ 'water'; /~/ 'yes'; /el/ 'sugar cane'; /al 'sexual intercourae'; /0/ 'yood. Tillage'; /utl 'neck'; /uok/ 'let's say it,;58 /eil/ 'eye'; /aik/ 'tooth'; /aukhene/ 'long &go'; 58 /ouk/ 'pain. ,59 Morph8/lle tinally any single stop or liquid may occur, al thoueh the labio-velar /kY/ only rarely occure in this pos1tionz /ap/ 'man'; /at/ 'he, ehe'; /eskj 'bis or her child'; /hakY-s~hkhe/ 'when the subject had put it up,;60 /kem/ 'grass used tor skirts'; /nen/ 'yes'; /B41l. san/

'a type of bark container'; /aJ/' feces.' Any single Towel lI8Y occur mol"-

pheme finally: I s111/ 'girl' s skirt'; / ~h/ 'tha t'; /pele/ 'Bele rher';

/ela/ 'sharpness of a blade tor cutting'; /kDlo/ 'crooked'; /pu/ 'up';

/lui:u/ 'a species of bardwood. ' Morpheme medially any single consonant except /kY/, /v!, /h/ ./w! or Ijl and any single Towel or bo part syllabic lIIIlY occur: /apan! 'unfiniehed'; /hoto/ 'short'; lekel 'her co-vife'; /atJM)/ 'bis, her, its sore'; /monouk/ 'the cOllDDon cold'; Iholo/ 'long ago'; /lese/ 'long house including l'OUlId dwelling'; /a'~tl 'bis, her, its dislike,;61 /sin! 'a species of tree'; /n~lJ, n~n/ 'tight'; /nenl 'yes'; /an! 'I, me'; /uni 'sharpening stone'; /kon/ 'edi bIe grub'; /hun/ 'married man'; /puaj 'a species of tree'; /heik/ 'aak'; /saik/ 'a species of pandanus'; /eauk/ 'a species of pandanus'; /hoinal 'cr&Yfieh'; / souk/ 'door for cloeing doorvay. '

58rhese forms are not single morphemes, but wbat is word initial IJIUst also be morpheme ini tial. 59The two part syllabic /oi/ bas not yet been recorded initially' 60rhis is one of very rew examples vi th /kw / here; there are none wi:l;h word final IkW/.

following types of clusters of two consonants occur morpheme medially: (1) All stops except /kw/ occur in geminate cluster, and the cluster /kt/ probably also occurs: /appe/ 'his mouth'; /loppok/ 'to each his own'; /p~kk~/ 'completely dead'; /akte/ 'his groin.,62 (2) The clus-

ter /ks/ is the only recorded example of stop followed by voiceless con-

tinuant in this environment: /hakse/ 'cooking pit.' (3) Two clusters consisting of stop followed by liquid, /pn/ and /pl/, have been re~orded: /saple/ 'a variety of bananas'; /metapne/ 'a species of tree.' (4) ot clusters consisting of liquid followed by liquid, only /1m/ has been recorded, and that only in some idiolects: /a1me, amel 'back tooth.'

(5) Of clusters of glottal stop followed by liquid, /'m/, /'n/, and /'1/ occur: /a'moukl 'his liking for it'; /a'ne/'bis muscular vigor'; /sa'ne/ 'garden fire, grass fire'; /so'le/ 'smoke.,63 Morpheme medial clusters of sYllabi cs include no sequenee of a high close and a high open vowel, in either order, and no sequence of more than two syllabics. Following the interpretations explained in footnote 24, above, na sYllabic cluster with initial /i/ occurs morpheme medially, except possibly the doubtful cluster

with initial include possibly in 'sloping but this may be morphemically complex; /~a/ in /l~a/ 'light'; in 'Iáo (man's name)'; 'species of reed.' Clusters with initial /e/ include

61There may ba morpheme boundary in this form.

62 There may be morpheme boundary here, although the cluster is probably morpheme media! in any case. 63The forms with initial /a/ may include morpheme bOundary, but the parallel forms with no recognizable boundary between /'n/ and /'1/ indicate that this is a valid cluster type, at least. 64This form is probably morphemically complex, consisting of a very uncommon verb form now used as a name for western saws.

leel in It.ek! 'fording'; leal in Iveak./ 'bad.' Clusters vith initia! lol

include: la~1 in IJcs.Ln/ 'pandanus'; lael in Ilaetl 'spicy leaved shrub';

laol in IJcs.ol 'vatchtoyer.' Clusters vith initial lol include: loei in

loe/ 'h1s older sibllng'; loa/ in I oaX./ 'his bone'; /00/ in Itook-hoko/

'man's name (meaning unknown).' Clusters with initial lu/ include: lue/ in Isue/ 'bird'; lua/ in Isuapl 'bird arrow'; Ipua/ 'light yellow earth.1 No clusters are interpreted to occur vi th ini tial /u! or an in1 tial wo part sYllabic.65

3.2122 Sequential restrictigne ~ distribution. There are several
pertinent restrictiona on the distribution of phonemes in morphemes in terms of sequences of phonemes. Morpheme initially any consonant which occurs. w in that position may occur before any vowel except that Ik / occurs only before /LI and /e/. Morpheme finally, any consonant occurring finally may occur folloving any single voyel, except that I~ ha. not been recorded af ter lil or /ul in local words. Following wo part syllabics ending in

lil, only nasals Iml and /n! and late ral /11 and stop Ik! occur; following

lai/, Iml is recorded in only one,doubtful item, end folloving /oi/ only

/11 has been recorded finally in single morphemes, although In! and /k!

have been recorded word final~ af ter loil in morphemically complex items. Following wo part eyllabics ending in lu/, only Im/ and Ikl occur. Morpheme medially there are limited possibilities of succession of syllabics separated by consonants. No morpheme has been recorded with wo

65Apparent clusters vith initial /il are inte~reted as including /j/, and those with initial lu/ or /ou! as includ:i,ng Iw/; see footnote 24, page 40, above. Note th. followinr: Isijepl 'clan name'; /sijatl 'area south of the range'; lasiJlW./ 'breeding boar'; /uwel 'Uwe tiver'; /uwan/ 'long'; /'iru.won/ 'a ty,Pe of bark container'; 10uwaX./ 'pbysiological term of uncertain meaning'; /houwok/ 'small adze.'

$Yllables, nor with a high cIos. or high open vowel following or preceding a two part syllabic in BUcc.ssive ayl- lablas, nor with high close vowels following or preceding high open vowels in successive syllabIes. The restrictions on certain consonants followinc certain syllabics are valid ~orpheme medially as weIl as aorphaae fiDallY, except that medially Ikk/ occurs aft er two part syllabics, end Ittl occure af ter two part syllabics ending in li/l Ihoukkol 'very much'; leittepl 'his, her !mee'; Itaittal 'mama (baby talk).' Where Ik! occura aorph8llle media1ly between two syllabi cs one of which is a mid or low vovel lel, lol or lal, the other sYllabic is also a mid or lower vowel or a two part syllabic.

3.21:5 .IM distribution of phonemes.i!! tbe inflected word. The
distributional restrictions described for morphemes are valid for I-words except for the following: (1) The labio-velar Ikwi never occure I-word finally. (2) I-woro media1ly the phonemes IkwI, /n/, I~, lvi end Ijl occur between vowe1s: lakwei 'his wife'; lekehel 'bis soul'; /hLl~Ltokol 'boy' s name'; /na' .. en, naen/ 'my garden bed'; 66 Insjuk/ 'my raar.'

(3) Geminste stop cluster /kwkw/ occurs I-word media1ly: lakwkwel 'its opening.' (4) Clusters of stop followed by Ih/ occur I-word media1ly, although only one form occurs, for most speakers, with tbis cluster and not with a corresponding geminate stop cluster in an alternate pronunciationt Inikhol 'subject walks repeatedly'; lrJ.ikko/ 'subject eats repeatedly'; 67 /watti, watbi/ 'I killed him.' ~ 5) !ddi tions1 stop-nasal clusters occur 6680me speakers do not have Iw/ I-word medially. 67 Some speakers have this pair as homophones, with alternate pro- nunciations as for Iwatti, wathi/ 'I killed him.' WV exhibits a tendency to replace sto~-/h/ clusters with geminate stop clusters.

mediall,y: /tn/ freel,y varying with /'n/ in /wetnek, we'nek/ 'let him, her cOllIe now'; /watni, wa 'ni/ 'klU him (plural subject).' A new cluster tyPe with these items in reverse order also occurs: Inti in /kaintek/ 'the important ones.' (6) Additional syllabic clusters occur medially in I_ords: /aa/ or /au/ in alternate forms of /laak-kolek, lauk-kelek/ 'while the singular subject ie going'; /aei/ in /naeim/ .~ knife, mY battle'; /o~/ in /noL.~/ 'mY older siblings'; /uo/ in /luok/

'letts go.' (7) The restrictions on sequences of syllabics separsted by

consonante are modified. 1~0 successive syllables with high open vowels may precede or fo1low a syllable with a high close vowel if a morpheme boundar,y occurs between the sYl1ab1es with diverse levels of vowe1e: /kumusin/ (root /kumut-/) 'search for it'; /wat-hisLL' 1ek/ (clitic in- cludes prefix /hi-/) 'the subject didn't ki11 it for you (plural).'

3.214 .I!l&t distribution of phonemee in ~ nucleus..Q!: uncliticized
word. Some comaon connective suffixes occur as parts of N-words, so that when a consonant initial suffix fo1lows a consonant finsl form, clusters occur, some of which do not occur in morphemes or I-words. These clusters are, howaver, of the same general types as those previously described: /pm/ in /neittepma/ 'on ~ knee'; /tm/, freely varying with /'m/, in /leketma, leke'ma/ 'on the fence'; /km/ aft er high close vowels as in /pippukmo/ 'on the pippuk grass'; /mm/ freely var,ying with /m/ in /mummo, mumo/ 'in the dark'; /qm/ in /nLqma/ 'when it is tight.'

3.215 The distribution of phonemes in~ phono1ogical word. In
words including eli tics, consonant clusters at nucleus terminal include

all possible combinations of morpheme final consonants with morpheme

initial consonants except that */C-j/ end */C-w/ do not occur, /l-n/ does

and lra-n. Ti-ni bave not been recorded. The cluster Ikv*-si* bas been recorded only in thill environment: Ilt.akY-s~l~khel 'when the subject had put it up.'

3.216 Tbe distribution of phonemes in tbs! contour group. Contour
group medially, all possible combinations of morpheme final phonemell witb morpheme ini tial phonemes occur at word terminal except for fp vi, vbieb does not occur, and for sequences of high close vowels with high open vovels, which do not occur in most idiolects.

3.217 .!h! distribution .Qi phonemes .!la. Jà!. plus terminal span. At
zero contour terminal all possible combinationll of morpheme final phonemes with morpheme initial phonemes occur except for sequences of high close with high open vowels. Plus terminal span initially glottal stop occurs

(4)3 3-4[5)
before all vowels: I 'at~ + 'i.+ I 'Thst's vater.' Plus terminal span 2 finally glottal stop may occur af ter vovels and nasaIs: Ih~~'+ h~naken 20 wattukusik-en I 'af ter we had killed tbree women, long &go'; Invkkvnem-ezfl./ 'vhen tbe plural SUbject had esten it.'

3.22 The distribution .2!. macrophonemes. Most of the pertinent facts
concerning distribution of the macrophonemic units vere included in tbe description of those units. In sumaar.y, the sYllable includes one syllabic. The word consists of at least one syllable, includes one pre- dictabIe primary stress and ends with word terminal; the word may also occur with secondary independent stress and with one or tvo nucleus termi- nals. The contour group includes at least one finsl clitic, clitlc or word, ends with zero or plus contour terminal, carries one contrastiTe intonation contour and normally occurs with one contour stress. Ths phonological sentence includes at least one contour group, carries one

end occurs with sentence terminal. Except for the

restrietions on sequences of syllabics noted in the various divisions of section 3.21 above, no purely phonological limitations on the occurrenee of these units in various positions in larger units or in sequence with each other have been observed.

3.0 SUMMARY OF THE DESCRIPl'ION

The Dani dialect of the lower Grand Valley has a phonemic pat tem unique for Dani, with one set of stops lp, t, k, kWI and two voiceless continuants Is, hl including the major correspondences of the three sets of proto-Dani stops. These stops are distributed morpheme initially, medially and finally, but the voiceless continuants, which correspond in most cases to widely distributed proto-Dani aspirate stops, are markedly restricted in distribution. In pattem of contrasts end in pattern of distribution, the LGV phonemic system is markedly askew with proto-Dani and other extant dialects.

IV

PRACTICAL ORTHOORAPHIES FOR DANI DIALECTS

The construction of a practical orthographic 8Ystem or alphabet involves significant factors outside the phonem1c structure to be repre- santed.; particularly is this true in the case of lower Grand Valley »ani, wi th its skewed. pattem of sound contrasts. For the comenience both of future local readers and of outside investigators, an alpbabst that is useful over a vide area is preferabIe to one of rsstricted. applicabilit1. To devise such an alphabet in this case, the phonemic systems of other dialects must be considered. Such external factors as orthographic tra- dition in trede and school languages in the area of New Guinea and the availability of symbols on typewriters and in type fonts are also relevant; these will be discussed first.

4.1 THE FACTOR OF CYl'HER ORTHOORAPHIC TRADITIONS
~~e official language for government and higher education in western New Guinea is Dutch, end administrative authorities desire to conduct all new schools either in 10<'al vernaculars at the village level, or in the official la.nguage. However, Malay or Indonesian is finnlY established as the coastal ~ fransa and is used. in many older schools. If the Indonesian efforts to gain control of western Nev Guinea succeed, that laneuage viII undoubtedly be the official tongue. l English is the language of higher education in neighboring Australian New Guinea, the first foreign

~. reader viII recall that when Indonesia was given independenee in 1949, the status of western New Guinea was left undecided. Indonesian spoke8lllen activelY claim the area, vhich the~ call lrian, but the NBtherlands government bas successtully maintained its r1ght to administer there.

l~e learned in Indonesian higher schools and the first language

learned af ter Dutch in the schools of western New Guinea. These three languages all use the digraph 'ng' for the velar naaal, so that tbat spelling is preferabIe to an unfamiliar symbol like 'IJ' where no contrasting sequence of In! plus Igl occurs; there is no such sequence in any dialect of Dani studied thus far, and the digraph may be adopted. Dutch and Malay both use 'j' for a high close front unrounded consonantal vocoid; for that reason tbat symbol bas been used instaad of 'y' throughout this study. Likewise, glottal stop bas been symbolized bj apostrophe sincs it is a convenient, available symbol and is used with this value in Malay. Dutch and English both utilize 'y' as avowel symbol, so that it merits conaideration for indicating one of the high front vowels. All three of the languages under discussion employ upper case letters for the initial letters of proper names and of sentences; althougi1 there is no phonem1c advantage gained by fOllowing this pattern, factors of prestige and utility in preparing 10c&1 readers for a second language make that course adviaable. These trade languages mark intonational and junctural features by means of, traditional punctuation, with minima! conformity to phonemic facto A more aatisfactory system utilizing these graphic devices is recommended for symbolizing Dan! macrophonemic units and terminals. Ths crucial question with regard to these other orthographic traditions

is not, however, merely one of selection of symbols for recognized phonemic

units; the problem is whether sounds which are separate phonemes separately symbolized in a second language should he separately symbolized in a vernacular, like Dani, in the area where that second language ie or vill be extensively used. Ksnneth Pike, who bas had wide experience in this

suah a situation an orthograpby may depart from

the phonemic facts: The only case in which a conditioned variety of sound should receive a separate symbol is one in which certain variants of a vernacular pho- neme constitute separate phonemes in the trade Ianguage. In such a case the pressures from the social situation may be very strong, and may at times force the investigator to depart from phonemic practic~s in order to get popular support for hls orthography, or may modify hls phonemic analysis in such a wa:y through the inclusion of laan words in the vernacular. 2 Both Dutch and Mala:y have a flap allophone of /r/ in contrast with allophones of /t/. English and Dutch have /v/ in contrast with /p/. All three have /g/ in contrast with /k/, and most allophones of Dutch /g/ are fricative. Thus, if Pike's suggestion were adopted, the intervocalic voiced aIIophones of the stop series would be separately symbolized as

'v,' 'r,' and 'g'; the voiceless unnspirated stop allophones would be writ-

ten 'p,' 't,' and 'k.' Dialects with voiced stop series might indicate those phonemes by 'b,' 'd,' and perhaps 'U' in such a system, and those dialects with three series of stops would have to employ digraphe for one series, perhaps most conveniently 'm~' 'nd,' and 'ng' for the voiced stops, using 'b' and 'd' for the implosives. Such an orthography would probably be worth the difficulty entailed in separate symbolization of aIIophones but for the contrasting, skewed phonemic patterns of the various dialects, and the var,ying phonetic values of the phonemes. ~ven for dialects of largelY congruent phonemic struc- tures Iike BV and IV, which are aasilY mutuaIIy inteIIigibIe, different alphabets would be required to give aIpl~betic symbols a value similar to their value in a sacond language. Thus in BV initial /p/ might be written

2Kenneth Pike, Phonemics: ! Technigue for Reducinc; Lant,'1lBf;es to Writing (Ann Arbor, 1948), p. 209.

'f,' initial /b/ be written 'p,' initial /~/ be vritten 'b'; but in WV

initial /p/ vould be vritten 'p,' initial /b/ be written 'b,' or even

'mb,' and initial /~/ be written 'b' or with a digraph like ' 'b.' These phonetic variations make it impossible to use a single alphabet with

letters having in all dialects a value as close as possible to their

value in another language. Even those rsaders who would find reading transfer to a second language made assier would lose greatly, along with many readers who would not gain that one advantage, because every stop- finsl morpheme in every dialect would have two spellings. Further, such an orthography selects for separate symbolization exactly those sets of allophones which are clearly uni ted in all the dialects studied. 'fhua nothing is gained toward a common orthography that might help bridge the gap of non-congruity or discontinuity of phonemic pattems. 'J.'he hetero- geneous phonetic inventories end phonemic structures of ~ani dialects are not weIl adapted to an orthography based on the phonemic system or ortho- graphic tradi tion of Dutch, l'lalay or English.

4.2 'l'HE FACTOR Or' TtPOORAPllICAL C01NEKIENCE
Both economic a~ social considerations favor the use of available com.on symbols rather tban special symbols, other factors being equal. 'J.'hus for the labio-velar phoneme /kw/ the digraph 'kw' is adopted, since

it involves only ordinary letters and entails no conflict with a sequence

of phonemes represented by the separate letters. For the cluster /kwkw/ the simpIer end unambiguous spelling 'kkw' is recommended. More significant are the problems involved in writing seven vowels and, in some dialects, eight stop phonemes besides the labio-velars.

using common aymbols to write the vowels have been exam:l.ned: (1) Diacritics cculd be used; the aymbols '[' and

'u' might ba used, for example, for the high close vOll'ele. Such added

marks tend to be forgotten by new readers, might be confusing 1f a dia-

cri tic ie also used to mark escondar.y independent streee or other macro-

phonemic features, and are not ueed in any of the poseible second lan- guages. (2) Digraphs could be used for two of the vovele. Dutch employs digraphs, but those used for high vovele, 'ie' and 'oe; are not deeirabls for Dani, since at least the second of these sequances of vovele occurs. A more attractive pair of digraphe vould be 'ij' and. 'uy' for the high close vowels, even though the first of these occurs in Dutch with a ver,y different phonetic value. This spelling would give lerger sequences of consonant symbols. vhich are of ten difficult to raad. (3) Unused consonant symbols could be used for two vowels; I y ' and 'v' have both been used elsewhere as vowel letters, and the former ie still so used in Dutch and English. However, 'v' is now a consonant letter in both those lan- guages. Further, morphophonemic changes within eingle dialecte like LGV, and correspondences between dialecte, particularly when a five vowel sye- tem like that of WV is involved, show frequent replacement of /i/ by /L/ and /u/ by /IJ/; thus pairs of symbols somewhat resembling each other make recognition of morphemes easier. (4) Special common single vowel symbols can be used, and this seems the most desirabIe solution. Two sets are available: upper case 'I' and 'U' are on tyPewriters, and small capitals or italics of these letters are common in printers' fonts. The use of upper case letters for proper names or sentence initial letters makes small capitals or italics a less confusing choice for local readers.

case letters can be rstained tor cOIlYenience in tyPevri tten material" anti the special symbols used in printed material. The problem of representing three serie8 ot stops has similar pos81blè solutions. The possible digrspha of apo8trophe with T01ced stop symbols,, 'b' end "d.' would cause ambiguity in WV, were the sequence of glottal stop plus /ó/ contrasts with /ó/. Only slightly le8s confusing are digraphs 1n the reverse order, 'b' land 'd'.' The use of the simple symbols 'b' and 'd' for the implos1Tes 1s not recommended, for all dialect. which have implosives also have two other series of 8tOps, for one of vhich the grapha 'b,' 'd' and 'g' appear most conTen1ent. lt appears most advant&geous to use special symbols parallel to those used for the vowels. upper case BI and D' can then he used for convenience in tyPing, and

italic or small capital letters can be used in printed material. Of

the two possibilities in printed script, the small capitals would have the advant&ge of greater resemblance to the tyPed capital letters. '1'ypogre.phical convenience as well as conformity to other orthographic tradi tions recommends the use of punctuation lIIIl.rkS for wri ting macro- phonemic units. A proposed system is outlined in section 4.4 below. Not

all macrophonernic contrasts must be symbolized; 8ame have a minimal

functional load and can be omitted with little loss in 1ntellig1bility. For example, the secondary independent stress might be symbolized with a diacritic but can be omitted from the orthograp~ without introducing ambiguity in any movo case. SirnilarlY, contour end sentence stress can be omitted from an orthograp~ for loc.al readers Vlithout graat difficulty.

4.3 THE FACTOR OF THE PHamuc PATTERNS OF OTHm D:rAI.WrS The principle that an orthography useful for several dialects is
preferable to one useful only in ons dialect bas important implications for this study. The skewed phonemic pattem of WV indicates that an orthography based on that dialect alone would be of limited value in other areas. On the other hand an orthography for BV, for example, would be very difficult for new WV readere, who would have onlY one /hl to represent four BV phonemes yord initiallY. This loss of contrast in WV

is coupled Yith development of new contrasts between what are allophones

of single phonemes in BV. If sets of allophones are separatelY symbolized on the basis of their occurrenee in contrast in other dialects, not in the trade language, and symbols kept constant for these corresponding allophones and phonemes in the various dialects regardless of their phonetic values, it is possible to develop locsl orthographies which make cross-dialect comparison and reading maximallY eaS,y. A review of chapters two and three indicates that the PD voiced stop series is not broken up in IJ;V, al though i t is fused vi th remnants of the PD aspirate and impJ.osive stop series. Even on data from WV alone, most of the WV correspondenees of PD voiced stops cao be detemined; these include all WV word initial stops and all WV yord medial phonetic unaspirated stops or phonem1c geminate clusters of stops for which there

is no alternate pronunciation with a phonetic aspirate stop or phonem1c

cluster of sto}:- plus /h!. If these correspondences of PD voiced stops are symbolized wit.h 'b,' 'd,' 'g' and 'gv, I no phonemic contrast ie obscured and the lGV reader finde words spelled very e1a1larly to the

wa,y they IllUSt be spelled to represent tbe phonemic contrast. present in other d1alects. Practically DO spell1n& probl811 1s created, e1ther. tor the selsct100 of symbols 1s based on criteria involving phonet1c d1fference aud1bls to the outsider and ths tres variation of contraativs phonemes, obTious to the local speaker. Further, sincs this orthograpmr confo:nns to ths historic pattern of the languags. it does DOt necessitate wo spelliI1gs

tor extens1ve lists of morphemea with onl,y ODe phonem1cally vritten allo-

morph. as the separate symbolizat1on of the voiced interTOcalic allophones would require. In other dialects like Bi certein allophones of the aspirate stop phonemes may ba separatelY symbolized because of their coo- traative occurrence in AV or lGV; thus eh] allophone of /k! and Cs] allophone of /t/ may be vritten separately there.

It bas been suggested that when motivation to read becomes strong

enough for Dan! speakers, a cross-dialect orthography, loaded with ths impedimenta of digraphs but representing all the I18.jor phonemic contrasts in the known dialecte, is Possible.3 Materials in such an orthograp}:\y could ba prepared only b.Y someone familiar with all the dialecte, or at least representativs dialects with the main types of phonemic patterne. Such a syst811 has been worked out for the consonants, but furthsr study of voyel correspondsnces is needed. Correspondences of PD */ b. d. g, gV/ lIIight ba vritten 'b,' 'd,' 'g,' and 'gv.' Correspondences of PD **/p/* represented in AV and lGV by eh] and /h/, respectively, mi8ht be written 'ph.' Correspondences of PD */t/ represented in AV and LGV and probably GD by /s/ might be vritten 'ts.' Similarly, corres'pondences of PD */k!

3Encouragement that such an orthography is possible and many of the suggeetions for repr8sentation of correspondences came from William A. Smalley of the American Bible Society.

IGV by /h/ might be vri tten 'kh,' and the correspondenee. ot PD */kw/ also represented in IGV by /hl might be vritten 'kwh.' Last, for the stops, correspondenc.s or PD */r>/ represented in JJJV and GD by /h/ might be written 'Bh' or vith a small cspital replacing the upper case

letter. In th. second table in Appendix B & number of word. are givea in

their BV form in BV phonemic orthograpl:tY and the 8Il8&'ested interdial.ctic orthograpby and in IIJV fom in IJ::'{ phonemic orthogra~, the rejected allophonic orthography which symbolizea voiced interTocalic phones sepa- ra tely, and the suggested u:v local practical orthograpl:tY. The eventual practic&bility of this kind of cross-dialect symboliza- tion of allophonea which are in contrast in any of the dialects depends on a number of factors .. hieb are not now knOlfll. If reading becomes & skill .. i th a high value in the loc&l cultures, the difficul ties inherent in such sn orthography could doubtless be overoom. so that more people would have more materials available for their reading. It is highly 1mprobable that any large quantity of booklets or books can or will be produced for each local dialect. However, it is extremely improbable that a single set of materials for all the dialects discussed would be adequate, inasmuch as the more distant dialects in tenns of geographic separation are not mutually intelligible vith most of the ~rand Valley dialects. ~he Western Dani area seems fairly homogeneous, but & series of isoglosses in phonemic structure, grammatical structure end vocabulary separate those dialects from the upper i.7rand '/alley areas, although speakers along that border can understand each other. Speakers of WV, AV, BV and probably 16D and Mli cannot understand WD speakers, and 'iV speakers have difficulty getting the gist of a recorded narrative in WV. At present it appears that at

very least ho sets of materials vill be required, one for the WD area and one at least for the Gra:nd Valley dialeets. .I.t ma.y be noted that speakers of BV and AV een apparently be UDderstood. qui te yell both in W and KV areas and in the WV area. l'Urther study of degrees of mutual

intelligibility of vhat have been non-committally termed dialeets, end

future observation of the groving desire to raad in these areas must determine the ultimate usefulness and limitations of eross-dialeet orthographies for Dani.

4.4 A PRACTICAL LOCAL ORTHmRAPHI FOR WV DANI
The practical orthography reeommended for WV Dani in consideration of the factors of trade language orthographies, typographical econOlllY and the structure of other dialects includes 'b,' 'd,' 'g,' and 'gw' for vord

initial stops end vord medial phonetic stops vhere no alternate pro-

nunciation with phonetic aspirate stops occurs; 'p,1 't,' 'k,' and 'kv' for other occurrences of the stop phonemes; 's,' 'h,' 'm,' and 'n' as in the phonemic orthography but 'ng' for the velar nasal; 'v' end 'j' as in the phonemic orthography; 'I' and 'U' in typescript, with small cap i-

tals in printed material, for the high open vovels, end 'i,' 'u,' 'e,'

'0,' and 'a' as in the phonemic orthograpby. Glottal stop ma.y be written

vith apostrophe but only word medially; other occurrenees are linked with terminals of macrophonemic units and may be omitted. A practical alpha- bet ma.y anticipate morphology in representation of the macrophonemie units and their terminals. Periods may represent sentence terminal and any downgliding contour to level four except froIT. level one. Question marks rnay indicate sentence terminal and any upgliding or level contour

ending dtb level wo. Exclamation points lII!lY indicate sentence terminal and 8llY downgliding contour from levelone, and question l118.rl!:s follovec1 bJI exclamation points l118.y mark sentence terminal with 8llY upgliding contour to level one. Exclamation points folloved by commas may indicate dovn- gliding contours from level one to level wo or from level wo to level three. Commas may mark plus or zero contour tenninal not at sentence tenninal wi th a contour ending in level three. Commas vi th folloring exclamation points CM represent plus or zero contour terminal not at sentence tenninal, with an intonation contour with final level one. Semi- colons may be employed to marl!: plus or zero contour tenninal not at sentence terminal and intonation contours with final level two. Periods followed by commas may mark plus or zero contour tenninal nat at sentence terminal and a level four contour. Colons may indicate added length occurring witb any tenninal and may be written before the symbol for that terminal. This representation of macrophonemic units and terminals is suggested for publishing of materials for local Dani readers and texts for non-linguistic investigators. Tbe symbolization of the segments suggested

at the beginning of this paragraph is recommended for all materials for

cross-dialect studies. Phonemic orthograpby is recommended only for syn- chronie li~Jistic descriptions of LGV. A 10ca1 narrative is presented in Appendix C in the phonemic orthography developed for LGV in Chapter 111, then a section is repeated in the practical ortbo,;rapby suggested here. A comparison of these systems there and in the tab1es in Appendix ~ viII indicate the value of the latter; this practical orthography makes cross-dialect comparison and reading much easier by separatelY symbolizing allophones which are united in the skewed phonemic pattern of LGV but are ~honemically contrastive in other dialects,

4.0 SIMllOLIZING A SKDim STRuCTuRE
'i'he development of sn orthography for the lower Grand Valley phonemic system OOs illustrated the problems presented by ths non-collgroence of toot system wi th others in neighboring areas and wi th the common parent structure. PurelY phonemic writing, as suggested in Chapter LII, would require perhaps three different alphabets for the three major types of Dani consonant patterns and would leave uniquelY divergent LGV with an alpOObet which makes comparison with other dialects maximally difficult. Phonemics might be abandoned and allophonic orthographies be adopted which would write separately the major articulator.y types of stop allophones, although the possibility OOs not been examined in this cOOpter. Such orthographies could be adjusted to make cross-dialect reference easy and WOQld provide for some of the dialects an eased t~sferrence of reading

skill to a second language. Toot solution would, however, add unneces-

sarily to the ini tial difficul ty of reading by mul tiplYing symbols and requiring two or more spellings of aany morpheaes wnich are phonemically identical. Orthographies might be adjusted to write separately only those allophones which are contrastive in the trade language. In the phonemic systems of Dan! dialects, howeTer, phonetic difference and phonem1c pat- tem divergence are so pronounced toot separate alpOObets, each writiDg closelY united allophones with distinct symbols, would be required for most of the studied dialects to provide maxiwpn correspondence to the alphabet of SOll8 unrelated trade langusge. '!'he type of orthography which haa been proposed here wri tes soms allophones vi th separate symbolS, but selecte those allophones on the basis of their contrast in related dialects. How many of the Dan1 dialects

single orthograpby vill not be lmovn until a turthsr study is made of dialect differences and reader aotivation. The local orthography proposed for IJJV is usabie by ths speaker who knovs only that dialect, yet i t Mses hls transfer to reading of the other dialects. Reading as a DeV skill is not made very /llUch more difficul t than vi th a phonemic orthography, and the minimum number of translations or productione of vritten materials is made available to the maximum number of readere. For local speakers and outside investigators, the proposed local orthography for WV helps minimize the skevness of that phonemic pattern as a barTier to cross- dialect comparison and reading.

TO LINGuISTIC .&ND CUIIl'uRAL DATA Tbe dialect of the lower Grand Valley of the Bal1em exhibits what is for Dani a unique consonant pattern,with only ODe set of stops and tvo voiceless continuants as major correspondences of three sets of stops in proto-Dani and some other extant dialects, and two sets of stops in all other studied dialects. Loss of c;:ontrast in some cases, development of contrast in others and a general reshuffling of allophones have produced this marked skewness or non-congruence of phonemic pattem. ...0 facilitate cross-dialeet comparison by outside invest~ators and eross-dialeet reading of the local speakers, an orthograpby based on eomparative and diachronie data as weIl as synchronie descriptive data has been proposed. ..his SYII- bolizes all phonemic contrasts in the skewed di&lect and also selects for separate symbolization some a110phones whieh are in contrast in other dialects. ~n the 10ca1 orthograpby for one dialect only those allophones are separately written which can still be reeognized on phonetie and phonemie criteria by the person familiar vi th only that dialect. Future study of mutual intelligibility of dialects and indications of high reader motivation may warrant extension of this principle b,y the uae of a eross-dialect orthograpby which would sYllbolize all tbe major eontrasts in &IV of the types of extant dialects. Both for deseription end for graphie representation, eomparative and diachronie data have pl'OTed relevant to tbe study of a phonemie system which is aakev vith the 8ystems of related dialeets.

In otber l.aDguage situations vith aWlarly heterogeneous data tb. principle deTeloped should ba applicable. To vhat extent ft can ba applied outside 11ngu1stics awaits study. in illustration from tbe cul- tures in the Dan1 araa is perbaps suggeative. In lover Grand Valley and the gorge, cannibal18111 1s occae10nally practieed, and 1t 1s reported to be common across the range in tbe mid-Habl1foeri area; people from middle and upper Grand Valley and tbe vestern Dan! araas loudly denounce tbe very thought of eating huun flesh. So the data might be reported by the outs1der observing only d1fferences which seem pertinent to him. The anthropolog1st interested in structural patteming 1n cu} ture m1&ht obsel"1e that in some middle and upper Grand Valley areas, at least, exposure and IIIltllat10n of certain k:111ed enemies are pract1sed in swlar s1tuat10ns and v1tb s1m1lar signif1cance to tbe canniba11stic occurrences 1n the gorge, but tbe cannibal18111 in the Habl1foeri appeare from the scanty available data to ba differant in function. One could d.acriba disparate whol. culture pattema in tbe three cases, or group tbe wo Grand Valley ones as including altemate manitestations of similar pattema but contrast with tb. tbs Babl1foeri pattern. This vould l118ke coa- parison of s1milar traite d1ff1cult and obscure the fact tbat non-cannibal1et1c locals eaeily group all thoee vho practise eatiDg buman flesh in one category. If ons deecribes upper Grand Valley exposure and .utllatiOD as insult-expoeure, lover valley cann1bal1sm as insult-cannibal1sm and Bablifoeri caDD.1bal1ea as juet cann1bal1_, comparison 1s fac1l1tated, and the contraat1ve syetema ot otbsr areas are indicated as relevant to a descript10n ot any one.

applied to date from laDguace or trom other areu ot culture, the approach outlined in thie etudy ie different tl'Oll two other poesible approachee to the date. TU tirat is vhat Kermeth P1ke calle the etic approach, vhich eelects for description end rapresentation all dit- ferences which are perceptible to the 1DYest1gator; pbonstics rapre-.nte this kind of approach to l8.llgU8Be data. Advanced tl'Oll that approach ia vhat he calls the emic approach, which describes differsncea in tems of the structural pat tem and contrasts.seen in the system itselt; phonemics

is the analysis of 1anguage sounde on this level. 1 :t'his study ot lover

Grand Valley phonemic etructure suggeste that particularlY in areu vhere related systems of behavior are divergent in pattem, an approach which includes structurally analyzed comparetive and diachronic data is tbs most usetul for description of any of the single systems inTolved. SUch an approach is something more than emic; it goes boyond the individual whole language or culture pattem to a basis for comparison and relevant evaluation of that pat tem in terms of other ditferent pattarna which have come from a cou.on historical or1gin. 'l'his comparative stnlCltural approach to data epitomizes the thesis vhich has been deYeloped. 'rhat vas earlier stated in purelY linguistic terms, that a ekeved or non-con- gruent relationship of the phonemic pattern of one dialect to the parsnt dialect end other daughter dialects indicates the relevance ot the study of those dialects to a description ot and orthograpby for the aberrant system. In broader terms, when syst81118 of data of cOlllllllOn historical origU! exhibit marked heterogeneity of structure, tbs d1Tergent pattarna ot other systems a~ relevant to the description of any ODe.

1 Kenneth PikL, J.~.

P.ar1:...r. ucti GIl .2..

L. Band am L. J. Brau. Remts 91..lIl! Archbold
ErpeditiOA! • .12. jl. Somer.v !d.. ~ 1938-1939 Ie ~ Erpedi tion. ~letin of tb. J.aerican Museum of Natura! liistor.v, Vol. LXXIX, .Art.

lIl. lev lork: herican Kuseum of Natural Histor.v, 1942. pp. 197-288.

!'he general report of tbe expedition which di8cOTered tb. Grand VaU.,. ot tbe Bali_; containe sOlle good plates am a coaplete bibl1o- grapby ot the pu,lIl1catione fl'Qlll the expedition, but no language data.

Bart.l, Ros., "Hablitoeri LImguag. Not.8" (UDpUbl1shed material prepared by this II1ssioner.v of the .11nevangelized rields Kission, Hollandia) • .in early report on all levels ot st1'llcture of tbe dialects spoken around Archbold Lake on tbe upper Hablitoeri.

Bloch, Bernard, "Studies in Colloquial Japanese IV: Phonem1cs," lênguage, 26: 86-125. 1950. A quite different type of presentation ot phonem1c facts from that in this study, describing phones, tben distributional facts about pbones, then classes of phones as phonemes; pause treated as a pho- nBIIB of the same type as segmental phonemes.

Haetings, Margaret, "A 'riAl! in Shangri La," Reader's Digest, 47:1, Novembex;

1945. The popular account of the army rescue operation in Grand Valley in 1945; mentions haTing learned one word, "unh."
      Hoekett, Charles F., "A System of Descriptive Phonology," Iengunge, 18:3-21. 1942. One of the foundational statements of modern phone.1c technique.

___, ! Manual 91. Phonology. Part I of international JoU11l8.l. of

American Linguistics, Vol. XXI, No. 4. Indiana university Publicati

Larson, Gordon F., "The Phonemics of /'IOni, iiolani, UhUDduni, Dan1 and Ndauva," (sn unpubl1shed paper by this m1s8ionar.Y of the Christian end Mis8ionar,y Alliance, Wisselmeren). A valusble comparative study based on thorough analysis of Koni, considerable work on 'rIolani and sketch1er surveys of the other languages, including Ilaga. Sinak end 'rlest Baliem Dani.

Pike, Kenneth L., The Intonation of .AlDerican English. University of Michigan Publ1cations, Linguistics, I. Alm Arbor: Universi ty ot Michigan Press, 1945. A classic work on intonation and the inter-relationships of pitch, stress and rhythm in English; utilized in the analysis of pitch phenomena in Dani.

=--:-' Phonemios, ! Technigue 1Q.r ReducW Lane;uage8 .!Q. lir! tW. University of Michigan Pub1ications, Linguistics, 11. Ann Arbor: Universi ty of Michigan Press, 1949. A basic manual of phonemic techniques, vith a significant ssctioD on problems of practical orthographies.

_____ -, 1a.nguage in Re1ation.!Q. ~ Unif.ied Theory of the Structure of Human Behavior. Part I, Pre1iminary Edition. Glendale: Summer Insti tute of Linguistics, 1954. Part II, Pre1ia:inary Edition. G1enda1e: Summer Institute of Linguistics, 1955. The firet two parts of Pike'e lateet and most complete treatment of 1inguistic structure. The treatment of hyperphonemes in Part 11 was geminal for analysis of similar phenomena in Dani, and the discussion of etic and emic standpoints was utilized in the conc1usion,

Roux, C.C.F .M. Ie, Benrnapoeas.I!!!l Ni,uw Guinea .!!1 hun Wogebied. Three Volumes. Leiden: Bri11, 1950. A magnificently illustrated set on the areas and peop1es of high- lands Nether1ands New Guinea; the firet volume contains a bib1io- graphy of all expeditions in tbs area, and the second volume hes in an appendix the aesemb1ed word list. from the expeditiona, inc1uding some from western and aouthern dialecta of Dani.

Trager, George, and Henry Lee Smi th, Jr., Outline of Enilish Structure. Studies .!n Linguistics Occasions1 Papers No. 3. Nonnan: Battenburg Press, 1951. A provocative study of Eng1ish phonemics; treate nasals as having contrastive timbre.

Wirz, P., Anthrppologische.!!!l!i ethnologische Ergebnisse der Central Neu

Guinea Expedition 1921-22. Leiden: Bri11, 1924.

The single important study of culture and 1anguage ot a Dani- speaking group; contains significant obserTations on anthropometry, ethnography and linguistics from the author's stay in the Swart va11ey with the Kremer expedition.

OCEAN PACIFIC

BIAK

SMW •SS1

DAN D INE

:V ONOIV

MAPISEN NRHUNEIUNE

I

APPENDIX A: NPS (~'D)

MAPTI: BALIEM "REA

DI'\LECTS INDIC.ATE.D BY ABBREV/A1l0t(5

(Sf.E. '" ~P11.Rlt)

l t - ,,,,,,,,,,,, ."'''N '''T'O'

B TABLE X PHONm'IC DATA FOR SCME COONATE FORMS IN THE DI.U.EX.'TS STUDIED

(KR) 'tvo' I IIl p~r3 p~r3 'his IDOUth'

tea 'his name': 'big':

3~3n qg3n

panc ? na.~ na.~ naIt~ na.~ na.~ na.~ na.~ nalt~

'bird': S V S

'his hair' I 3ri eri 8si esi,isi esi esi esi esi

I hat hat hat xat hat ? 'its tail'

TABLE X (eontinued)

1WDr-rwJ(lev) (BV) (u) (wv) (GD) (MIl)

'no' : 13k 63k 63k 63k 63k 13k 13k 313-k (6 oeeurs) 'voman' : kV~ kV~ k~ h3 h3 h3 hll3 IC h ~ap ? 'his wife': l1 SlJ SlJlI 8IIl1

8II

~uk 'his son or daughter': a'~ut 'his oity it': akta

'rain' : .cse 'Let's go':

'our feces':

'I

'I don't like it':

~t ~t ~t na'~t na'Lt? 'this'

li li j~ j~ ji ju

'lie wilarin vilaain lIilasin

11 ik, ji,i ik 'put it p h u Bin Bin ~in ~in

X (continued)

(w)
'cold': tsh eB c L tShc.,Ci tsh CBL 8c/,ce~ .,.

na~ na~ 'pain' :

'net': lUID

TABLE IX

A COOARISON OF SOME ORTHOORAPHIm

Bele Valley Cross-Meaning of Phonemic

'two' bete 'his mouth' abe 'mountain' dom

'his name' edaka

'big' gok 'seed' egen 'good' pallo 'my louse' nap~ 'man'ap 'bird' tue 'his bair' eti 'you (eg.), kat

'its tail' ska

'no' 6ek 'woman' ke 'his wife'akwe 'wrong' ~uk 'his child' a8ut

'his pity' a8u •••

'Baliem' ba6im 'rain' mito

'let's go' look

'our feces' m08l

'I know' nelu

'this' j~

'lie down' wilatin

'water' i 'put it down' 8in 'cold' tok~

Dialect

bete abe doa edaka gok egen phano nap~,08pI ap taOve? etsi khat aka 6ek lcvbe akwe Illiuk ap8ut a~v, aBU ba6im mitso ? lvwok ? ni08l nelu j ~, jI wilatsin? i 8hin ? tsok~

L.G.Valley Phonemic pete appe toa ettake kok ekken llano nap~ ap sue esi bat ake lek be akwe huk apput apua palim aoso look ni08l nelu j~ weiname i hein sokeik
L.G.ValleY* L.G.Valley pre-Dutch Practical pere bete appe abe tom dom et1:ai;e edake kok gok ekken egen hano hano nav~ O8p~,08pI ap ap sue sve, sUe esi esi bat bat ege ake lek lek he he agwe akwe huk huk, hUk apput abut + avua apua palim balim moso moso luok lvok, lUok m08l m08l nelu nelu j~ j~, jI weiname weiname i i hein hein sogeik: sokeik:

Font Orthography Orthograpby Orthograpby Orthography Orthograpby

TABLE XI (continued)

BV plnc Cross-D' ct IiJV P'mic IiJV Pre-D •• IiJV Practical

'II\Y tooth' naik naik naik naik naft 'pain' u u ? ouk ouk oult 'net' tu tau su su su 'pandanus ' dukke dukke tukke,tukhe tukke dukhe .This orthography, which writes the voiced intervocalic allophones with separate sy m bols, is rejected in this study but presented here for comparisol •• +This is one of the relatively few places where the suggested practical orthography for IiJV is actually misleading as to the historic shape of the form.

I. A SAMPLE TEXT IN PHON»tIC TRANSCRIPTICli

:5 2: :5 2 :5 :5 20 :5

1. 'Ik_.+ 2. tL meaké-te+ weles:!+ IIIIlkklfm-he weles:!+ pu-j Lk-ke
   30 4 40 4 ta" ninom han~~aIru.+ maaké täk.+ 3. ninom laLk waL' laLk waLk 3 32:5 3 3 wete'ma wete'ma wetet~-nen+ 10kolCk-he+ 'áp+ vukhá-hupL'+ meake-nen tá'+ 30 20 4 3 30 mt.fic-usa ld'~eikhe.+ 4. mukusek aik LlC-pakke+ 'uwe aik LlC-pakke 4 3 30 3 mott6k+ '0 halL h Ll Ck+ 'apPUnL inat Ck ki~eikhesiken mekké-nen+ 3 2 30 30 30 4 hopUk-he+ 'uwe aik (pakke lI'UIlkha-hUpL hoto j (-mekke muk-isas:ik!1l-st.+ 30 3 30 30 ~

2. muk-usikhenén ni t jomá-nen+ meak'-nen lLpak4'n-mekkenen mott&+
   3 20 4 3 2 3 30 4 watLk watLk watLk watCk-he mott&+ '0 -nk-hoko-te+ 'okkLICk+ lLlk-sesukhar 4 ~O ww. ~O ~O YI_ 4

3. nén epe'nák-k e lLpaken LICk-ke waletakama l~-ses~.+ 3 2 3 4 3 2

4. lL~SLlLk-he'+ hupLk-kia' ninom han~.+ 8. hanó-akosik-he+
   3 30 3 3 30 4 laLk waL' laLk waLk welakeikhas!k-en+ '!t-en hopûk+ n!t+ pLtl ninath~.+ 3 2 3 3 3 20

5. ninattukhá-mekke+ welakos!k-en'+ ninóm+ hopu' ninaju'k-en-he nit joma 3 3 20 3 3 30 wete'má+ n!t-en-he inathL'-lekat wete'ma wete'má-nen+ hOpUk káin-mekke 3 4 32 3 2 32 akeikhl+ ninatha. 10. ninattukhamá-nen'+ nina'lUk-he'+ sue-atek wol&-ohe

   30 4 30 40:5 2 2

• hupLk-kiak ete'JDl 1akoukha.+ 11. n!t-L mott& hupLk-kiá' meaké+ 20 4 420 42 4 mottok kf-akeikhe.+ 12. lLpakén-mekké mott&+ lappuk happuk-hoko 3 20 3 3 2 30 ki-akeikhesi'mó-nen n!t+ hoil sal hLILk wulLphL 10kolCk-he+ hinak~n 4 3 20 30 4 3 wattuku.+ 13. wath1Ck-he sekkelo1Co nasuku.+ 14. nukkuném-en'+ 3 3 3 2 3 nal&-en'+ meake_'noko aten e10má'+ka kamo ikha lakuném-en lLpakén-mekke+ 30 3 20 3 20 lLpakén-mekke n!t+ 'ettaL wattLICk-he ninekki akeikhe we1akos!k-he ninekki 3 2 30 4 2 20 30 4 akeikhén-en-he'+ lLpaken helen-ho~ wattuku.+ 15. hLmC'+ 'áp paIr.IÜ_t.t- 3 3 20 3 3 20 hLm('+ hLnaken wattukus!k-en hopUk+ 'ap kaïn akeikhe wattukU-nen weim 30 3 30 4 3 jappu jappu jappu-nen hopUk-en'+ heleq-hoko mük-~s8k8'+ 16. wamatué-nen'+

4 4 4 3 'akeikhS'+ wathS'+ meak~s.+ 17.wattenán-en'+ wamatue nit-etekke

32 3 w~ 3 3

akasik watteném-he+ '{t+ 'eile1ek k 1S-1ak+ 1~ó-1akenek+ 'apanl-me1-nek+ 30 4 2 10 30 4 ~-ieoko.+ 18. he1éq-hoko ~-ieoko.+ 19. .uk-hokosoko puldma 30 4 3 21 30 4 40 ke1Ik-eoko.+ 20. makIafm-be+ wkha-hvp~ ta' m\lk bI-eikhe.+ 21. nm 3 21 30 4 4 4 304 hopUk-he+ l~paken ~-isoko.+ 22. 'att!.+ 23. ~e~.+ 24. 'It-at.+ 30 4

25. hl1-1a-ok.

    Il. A. SELEX:TION FRCJI THIS TEXT IN WV PRACTICAL OR'l'HOORAPHY

26. Upaken;mege; modok., labuk: habuk-hoko gi-akeikheei'mo-nen; nit, hoil sa1 hIlIk: wUlIphI 10ko1Ik:-be; hinaken, wathuku. 13. VathI1Ik:-he; eege10ko, nasuku. NUkh~n, nalok-en, Meake-a'noko aten e10ma, gamo ikha 1akUnem-en; lIpaken-mege, lIpaken-aege, Dit, edaI wathIlIk-he; ninegi akeikhe we1akoeik-he; ninegi akeikhe-nen-be; lIpaken he1en-hoko, wathuku. 15. HImI; ap; bagI-at., hIraI, hInaken wathukueik-en; hopuk, ap gain akeikhe wathuku-nen; veim japhu japhu japhu-nen, hopuk-en, he1eng-hoko muk-,isoko. 16. liamatUe-nen, akeikhe, wathe. lIeake-mege.

27. Wathenem-en, it_tUe Di t-etege akasik wathenllll-he; it, Eile1elchve-1ak, Uo-1ak-enek, Apane-me1-nek, muk,-ieoko. 18. he1eng-boko,! JaUk,-ieoko.

    lIl. TRANSLATION OF THE TEXT

28. Shall I epeak? 2. About that, about the M8&Be, at Weleei, originally up this direction at We1eei we tint came on good tema. That vaa with the Meage firet. 3. Af ter we had gone and come, gone and COllIe betweea our groups tor eome tille, af ter a whi1e, the Wuka..hubi men vere tint illTaded and driven out by tbe Meage. 4. Having driven them out on tbe other aide of tbe etl"8lia, on the other aide of tbe Uwe, burniDg all the

tbe people as they invaded, later on tbey invaded aDd drove out th. Wuka-hubi close here on this eids of the Uwe. 5. When they drove them out vs locale and tbe Maags and tbe folks across the river joined the., Id.lliDg and IdlliDg and Idlling, and having chased them out of tbeir villages, we drove them up to Old.lik. 6. Then others ve drove up the other eide of the river in that direction to Waleragama.

7. Baving driven them up there, vs came on good terms with the Hubi-Id.ak.
8. Baving coma on good tel'll8. af ter people had been going end coming, going and comiDg, later they killed wo of us. 9. Af'ter they had killed Uil, af ter a while. while vs vere later afraid and were here, and ve had not Idlled ~ of thea, later on they killed another important man of oure. 10. When they had Id.lled [that man ot] oura, having killed us, they carried the 'deed bird' to the Hubi-ld.ak area. 11. The Hubi-kiak and Maag. all invaded us here. 12. When the folks across the river invaded all ti&:htly joined with them, we set an ambush, and while we vere coming out, ve killed three. 13. Having killed, we cut them up and ate th.. 14. When we ate them, having eaten them, when those lIeage remained awe;y off there, af ter we had danced the victory dance, then af ter another day. on the next day we killed the group across the river. 15. When ve had Idlled vomen--one man and three women--1ater aft er ve had Id.l1ed an ~rtant man as veIl and had fOUght and fought aDd fought, ve drove them all out. 16. Pig's-bird killed one, a Meage 8&n. 17. When he Id.lled h:illl. vhen he came on our side and killed, we chued just them outs Eilelekve and his group, Lio and his group, Abane and bis group--just those. 18. We chased them all out! 19. Having chued them out, vs drove them into Pugima. 20. In the beginning,

we

drove out the people across the river. 22. That's it. 23. My friend.

24. It's finished. 25. Greetings.