Basic problems of the Indonesian revolution
D. N. Aidit
{Speech delivered on January l\th, 1959, al the Indonesian People's University)
NE of the subjects to be taught in the this occasion; study with a target, that target being Political and Social Sciences Course at our
OPeople's University is the "Indonesian Inde-
aimed in the first place at clarifying all the basic and important problems of the Revolution, that is, the basic strategic problems and the tactical prob-
with the standpoint, outlook and method of Marxism-Leninism, according to the teachings of Lenin concerning the Revolution in colonial countries.
think that it is necessary to begin with a general outline. Why do we have the People's University as well
or greater extent, have the same objective as the People's University? Why do you, both Com-
obtain better employment or earnings as a result
then? I think that I am not making a mistake if
all firmly resolved to serve the Indonesian Revolu-
than to improve our services to the revolution.
study the fundamental principles of Marxism-Leninism and the standpoint, outlook and method
complete, students following the social and poli-
this is to serve the Indonesian Revolution better.
Indonesian Revolution.
the Indonesian Revolution. If we study and work well, or in other words, if we master Marxism-
standpoint, outlook and method of Marxism-Leninism, we shall certainly achieve our target and the Indonesian Revolution will be victorious
You are all certainly aware of the fact that Marxism came to Indonesia for the first time in 1914, that is with the establishment of the I.S.D.V. (the Indische Sociaal Democratische Vereniging).
gether with the revolutionary activities of the masses of the working people; it was studied by a small number of Indonesian intellectuals and
tionary movement of the Indonesian people. With the establishment of the C.P.I, in 1920
of the Indonesian Revolution, with the revolu-
people, entered a new, decisive phase. Ever since
from the mass movement of the Indonesian
Marxism-Leninism from the mass movement of
If we, today, recall the period of the 1920's, and even if we recall the entire period up to 1951,
prised if, during the period prior to 1951, the
But it was due to the fact that Marxism-
pendence Movement, that these serious mistakes
pendence Movement". This is a political subject Leninism and are able in practice to apply the
lems of the Indonesian Revolution in accordance in the not too distant future.
As an introduction to this political subject, I From that time, Marxism began to be welded to-
as other forms of education which, to a lesser Dutch intellectuals who took part in the revolu-
munists and non-Communists, want to study at under the strong influence of the victory of the the People's University? And yet, the People's Russian October Revolution in 1917, the process University provides no guarantee that you will of welding Marxism-Leninism with the practice
of completing studies here. What is this all for, tionary activities of the masses of the Indonesian
I say that we are doing all this because we are then, Marxism-Leninism has become inseparable
tion better. There is no more glorious aim in people. Counter-revolutionary colonial an d study, whatever it may be that is being studied, national hurricanes were quite unable to separate
In the People's University, the students will the Indonesian people.
of Marxism-Leninism under the subjects of we will realise just how shallow the Com-Marxist Political Economics and the Indonesian munists' knowledge of Marxism-Leninism was Independence Movement. To make the course at that time. This is why we should not be sur-
tical sciences course will also study Indonesian welding of Marxism-Leninism with the practice of history and world history as well as Indonesia's the Indonesian Revolution did not proceed well social and economic structure, Indonesian and and rapidly, and some serious mistakes were com-world geography, law and so on. The aim of all mitted in leading the Indonesian Revolution.
This means that the target of our study is the Leninism has entered into the Indonesian Inde-
This, Comrades, is what I want to stress on and failures did not weaken and certainly did not
PRODUCED BY UNZ.ORG
ELECTRONIC REPRODUCTION PROHIBITED
no
destroy the revolutionary movement of the Indonesian people. Marxism-Leninism helps the working class to analyse and draw the conclusions from
struggle of the Indonesian people to a higher level. It is thanks to the struggle and sacrifices of the best of Indonesia's sons and daughters in an eftort
to save our Motherland and people, that conditions are different today from what they were in
is quite considerable, quite deep and is beginning
longer a problem. The membership of the C.P.l. is already about 1,500,000 and almost all of them
leadership in, the people's movement. The C.P.I.'s work in preserving national independence, defend-
phenomena and should be welcomed by all revolu- tionaries. Thus, what has to be done now to improve revolutionary work so that the Indonesian Revolution can more speedily achieve victory?
In my opinion, there are still serious weaknesses which must be overcome by the C.P.I, and by all
distant future. What I am referring to here is that
change their method of studying.
Communists must Study
that Communists must study. Ever since the C.P.I.
MARXISM TODAY, APRIL 1959
gress like that, is it not? At that time, teachers did not strive to link up the study of theory with the practice of the revolution. They talked about
"theory without practice is powerless" but they did not act in accordance with their statements about "linking up" theory and practice. The
books and the students were educated to become the echoes of the teachers. The teachers did not
the Marxist-Leninist point of view. Thus the
Marxism-Leninism was studied by a method directly in conflict with Marxism-Leninism, in
ism, the principle of the unity of theory and practice. Unconsciously, the opposite principle was
members study hard. This ability to study hard has
But there have been bad things in the past, and they still exist today among certain C.P.I, members, and that is carrying out study that is in contradiction with Marxism-Leninism because the study of theory is separated from revolutionary practice. Students in the past were not educated to weigh up the practice of the Indonesian Revolution from the point of view of theory. Revolutionary theory and practice at that time were like two wheels of a bicycle rotating in different direc- tions. It is, of course, impossible to make any pro-
In the past. Schools and Courses which were run also taught political economy but not with the purpose of helping the students to understand the conditions of Indonesia's economy with its various peculiarities. Teachers who taught political science spoke about the experiences of various
Revolution itself. Philosophy was also taught in
1951, but only in order to know a little something about it, and the teachers did not get the students to study the logics of the Indonesian Revolution.
any change; those who completed courses at
sidered that they had become theoreticians. And
and yet had the audacity to call themselves writers. A person who has only read Marxist books cannot possibly be called a Marxist theoretician, just as a person who has read literary books cannot be called a writer.
In the past, the term "theoretician" was inter- preted as meaning a person who has learnt a few revolutionary formulas by heart but who could not solve practical problems. The "theoretician" felt that his authority as a "theoretician" was raised even further, the more he was unable to
mistakes and failures, and in this way raise the "linking up" theory with practice; they said that
to seek the truth in this twentieth century so as teachers at that time were merely translators of
the 1920's. Our knowledge of Marxism-Leninism strive to present problems and their solution from
to involve many difl'erent aspects. The general students were not educated to solve concrete prob-line of the C.P.I, is already correct and is no lems. At that time, and it still happens today,
play an active part in, or occupy positions of violation of a basic principle of Marxism-Lenin-
ing democracy and world peace has achieved being applied, namely the separation of theory certain successes, too. All these are favourable and practice.
persons who genuinely want the Indonesian revolutions in foreign countries but did not speak Revolution to achieve its objective in the not too about the strategy and tactics of the Indonesian
the Communists and their sympathisers must the Party Schools and Courses in the time before
There is no question any more about the fact The result was that the situation did not undergo
was formed, its leaders have studied diligently Party Schools did not become any cleverer and in fact not a few of them became more stupid and and many courses have been run for C.P.I, cadres and members. During the 1945-48 People's more arrogant, because during the time they had Revolution, the Central Committee of the C.P.I. been at the Party School they had been separated succeeded in setting up a Marx House, and lower from revolutionary practice, whereas within the Committees organised many courses. No one can Party School, they had had dead formulas stuffed deny that the C.P.I, is a Party whose cadres and into them, and those who completed courses con-
in general been possessed by C.P.I, members up yet, they were far from that, they were no more to the present time. This is a good phenomenon. than like persons who had read one or two novels
MAI«ISM TODAY, APRIL 1959
solve practical problems. Practical revolutionary Indonesian Revolution", but it is not clear what teachings were frequently considered as being has to be completed, or, each person has his own woric for people who do not use their brains so interpretation. For some people "the Revolution is much in the course of work. In brief, it was con-completed" when they own a commercial enter- sidered as being "coarse" work. We have in the prise and earn big profits. For others it is when past called such theoreticians "Marxist kiyais",* they become minister or ambassador or a high that is people whose work it is to "sell" Marxist government official or a general, and so on. The postulates, regardless of whether these formulas conscious working class and working people are appropriate or not, regardless of whether they naturally have a different understanding of what are useful or dangerous to any particular stage of is meant by completing the Indonesian Revolu-the revolutionary struggle. tion. This is why it is very urgent to achieve a Since 1951, that is following the defeat of the unified understanding among the Indonesian 1926 Revolt, following the defeat of the People's people about what is meant by "completing the Revolution of 1945-48, and following the bloody August 1945 Revolution". Only in this way shall Madiun Provocation in 1948, the Communists we be able to take revolutionary steps that are made a review of what had happened, analysed correct and more resolute. the mistakes made in the past, drew conclusions It is an indispensable condition if we are to about the past period and for future work. The decide upon the basic problems of the Indonesian leaders of the C.P.I, made a greater study of Revolution, to have a thorough and exact know-theory, they took part in revolutionary work and ledge of Indonesian society today. This of course genuinely tried to solve the practical problems does not apply to people who indeed deliberately being faced by the Indonesian people. Efforts oppose the Indonesian Revolution. But for all made within the leadership to master the funda-Indonesian sons and daughters inspired with feel- mental principles of Marxism-Leninism were ings of good will towards the people, a knowledge carried out earnestly, and the leadership began of Indonesian society is indispensable if they are seriously to apply the standpoint, outlook and more consciously to go on taking part in the method of Marxism-Leninism in facing the Indo-Indonesian Revolution. nesian Revolution. Since that time a serious effort We often say that Indonesia is already indepen- has been made to work on the basis of conditions dent. If we don't include West Irian, this is in- in Indonesia itself. Gradually, economic, political, social and cultural conditions in Indonesia have deed true. No one can say that Indonesia is still been studied and on the basis of this knowledge a colonised country. But how far does our independence go? Is our independence at the same of Indonesian society it has been determined what the basic problems of the Indonesian Revolution stage as, for example, the independence of Malaya, are, such as the question of the targets and tasks India, the U.S.A., Britain, the Soviet Union, of the Indonesian Revolution, the driving force People's China, and so on. Are we politically really of the Indonesian Revolution, the nature and perspectives of the Indonesian Revolution.
Aims of the Indonesian Revolution
school children, speaks about the "national revolu-
Revolution". But how many of these people who speak about the Indonesian Revolution have made an investigation of Indonesian society in which this
force, the nature and the perspectives of the Indo-
know what has to be completed? Many people like to talk about "completing the
- a 'kiyai' is a person whose duty it is to learn
the Koran oS by heart for repetition at religious ceremonies.
independent? Are we economically independent? How about our national culture in present-day independent Indonesia? Are we indeed free to build our national culture? Are we completely free to decide upon everything in accordance with
independence an academic problem, why make a
To raise the question of how far our independence goes today is in no sense making an academic question of it; this is a very practical
work. From the answers to the above questions
strategy and tactics of the revolution. Thus, it is a task of the political teachers at the "People's University" to deal with the situation of Indonesian society today, to deal with the question of whether Indonesia is today a country
Today everyone right from the highest official, our own wishes? There may possibly be some members of the Legislative Assemblies down to people who say: why make the question of
tion" and about "completing the August 1945 question of what is the stage of our independence?
revolution is taking place, so as to be able to question, a question of everyday need to determine decide what are the targets, the tasks, the driving the practical steps to be taken in our revolutionary
nesian Revolution? Or, how many of those who we shall be able to decide what the basic problems want to "complete the Indonesian Revolution" of our revolution are, the question of the basic
that is completely independent or whether it is of Indonesia) books Achieving an Independent still a semi-colonial country. Of whether Indo- Indonesia and Indonesia Accuses. nesian society is capitalist or semi-capitalist. Of The material gathered together by the C.C. of whether feudalism is still fully in force in Indo- the C.P.I, on the economic history of Indonesia, nesia or whether it is only the survivals that on its political history and its cultural history, remain, and whether these survivals are heavy or together with the material on the economic, light. All this must be taken up by the political political and cultural conditions in Indonesia teachers at the People's University. They must today, will greatly assist the political teachers at also take up the question of the influence of the "People's University" to call upon the students imperialism and feudalism on Indonesian politics to study actual conditions in Indonesian society and culture today. today. It is only with the knowledge obtained Only by investigating well the conditions of from the results of the investigations and study of Indonesian society that we shall be able to Indonesian society today will the political teachers be able to present their thoughts about the decide what we must do to push the Indonesian Revolution forward, and further, to "complete the Indonesian Revolution well. The Indonesian Revolution is not something which has fallen from the Indonesian Revolution". From the study of Indonesian society today, skies or grown out of the ground; it has been the students will know that in our country today, born out of the womb of Indonesian society itself. there is a double form of oppression, the oppres-This is why it is not possible for someone to talk about the Indonesian Revolution if he does not sion of imperialism and of feudalism which has first undertake an investigation into Indonesian resulted in the broad masses of the Indonesian people, and in particular the peasants, becoming society today. more and more destitute, and in many of them In the cause of the greatness of the Indonesian Revolution, we may and must study revolutions becoming bankrupt, living in circumstances of starvation and half naked. The double oppression in other countries. This is why the students at the People's University must also study world of imperialism and feudalism has resulted in the history, with the emphasis upon studying the development of national industry and national important revolutions of the world, such as the culture being under a very great strain. American Revolution, the French Revolution, etc. And especially, it is very important to study the revolutions of the twentieth century such as the
Chinese Revolution, etc. But studying all this does not free us from the need to study the Indonesian Revolution itself. Or, it would be more correct to say that we study the revolutions in other countries with the aim of understanding our own revolution
most appropriate for our revolution.
An Indonesian cannot possibly become a con-
understand the essence of the national awakening
Imperialism and Feudalism
In studying the conditions of Indonesian society,
society today, the contradiction between imperialism and the Indonesian nation, and the contradiction between feudalism and the vast masses of the people, and in the first place the peasants, are basic contradictions. Of these two basic contra-
and the Indonesian nation is the most basic, the one which has to be settled first. Thus if we know that there is the double oppres-
society today, and that the basic contradictions
a person may and indeed must read books written by people of other countries, but he cannot possibly become a conscious revolutionary in present-day conditions without studying and understanding
Indonesian Revolution, such as, for example, Ing.
Thus, it is a big mistake if there are, for example. Communists who regard the Nationalists or the national bourgeoisie as the target of the Indonesian Revolution, just as it is a mistake, too, if
who regard the Communists and the working class
Great October Socialist Revolution of 1917, the the students will know that in modern Indonesian
better, and in order to discover the path that is dictions, the contradiction between imperialism
scious revolutionary if he, for example, does not sion of imperialism and feudalism in Indonesian
that started in 1908, the essence of the "Islam in Indonesian society today are the contradictions Union" established in 1912, the essence of the between imperialism and the Indonesian nation
C.P.I, founded in 1920, the essence of the 1926-7 and the contradiction between feudalism and the Revolt, the essence of the P.N.I, established in masses of the people, in the first place the peasants, 1927, the essence of the "Youth Pledge" of 1928 then it will be clear for us that the basic targets or and the essence of the August 1945 Revolution. basic enemies of the Indonesian Revolution at In order to become an Indonesian revolutionary, the present stage are imperialism and feudalism. the writing of the leading personalities of the there are Nationalists or patriotic religious leaders Sukarno's (today, the President of the Republic as the enemy of the Indonesian Revolution.
Once the basic targets of the Indonesian Revolu-movement and the Indonesian peasants' move-tion are clear, and so long as the people's leaders. ment means holding back the Indonesian Com-Communist and non-Communist alike, hold firmly munist movement, and holding back the Indo- to this, it will be possible to avoid unnecessary nesian Communist movement means holding back contradictions among the people, national unity the Indonesian workers' movement and the will become stronger, and the blows aimed at the Indonesian peasants' movement. Such things are real enemies will be much heavier. This means the same as what the reactionaries do; they remind speeding up, achieving "the completion of the the Indonesian people of the practices of the Indonesian Revolution". Dutch colonialists, the Japanese militarists and According to the experiences of the revolu-the domestic reactionaries. tionary movement from the beginning of the present century up to the present day, muchUnity of the Revolutionary Forces revolutionary energy has been wasted as a result After we know that the targets of the Indo- of the sharpening of conflicts between the people nesian Revolution at the present stage are imper- which were in actual fact not necessary at all, and ialism and feudalism, and that the tasks of the this has greatly obstructed the progress of the Indonesian Revolution are to throw imperialism Indonesian Revolution. Revolutionary leaders with out and eliminate the feudal landlords, then we a feeling of great responsibility towards the must gather together the forces in society that Motherland and people always strive to settle the are consistently anti-imperialist and anti-feudal, minor contradictions among the people in the best or in other words gather together the driving possible way, and to prevent them from becoming forces or the moving forces of the Indonesian major contradictions which would mean relieving Revolution. These driving forces include the to a lesser or greater extent the enemies of the working class, the peasants, the petty bourgeoisie people, imperialism and feudalism, of the blows and other democratic elements that are harmed by of the revolutionary movement. To increase the imperialism and that consistently oppose im- contradictions between the people, whether directly perialism. The driving forces of the Indonesian or indirectly, means helping the enemies of the Revolution at the present stage are what we call people. The people will not like anyone who splits the progressive forces, that is the forces that the unity of the people because such actions are o'ojectively are on the side of the revolution and the habit of the imperialists. whose consistency in this has already been proven. After we know that there are two basic forms The progressive forces not only agree to the of oppression in Indonesian society today, that is, liquidation of imperialism and feudalism in Indo-imperialism and feudalism, it will become clear nesia, but also agree to and are struggling for a that the most important tasks of the Indonesian socialist society. Revolution are to carry out the national revolution, But our duty is not only to draw in the progres- to throw out imperialism, the enemy from without, sive forces that are the driving forces of the revolu- and to carry out the democratic revolution for tion, but also we must strive to draw in the the elimination of feudal landlords. The peasants middle-of-the-road forces, that is to draw in can only be aroused to oppose imperialism if they the national bourgeoisie, who, even though are also helped in their struggle against feudalism. vacillating by nature, are also anti-imperialist and Thus it is a very great mistake for people to anti-feudal. They are vacillating because, besides think that the task of the Indonesian Revolution having contradictions with the imperialists and today is to liquidate or prevent the development of landlords, they also have contradictions with the national industrialists and businessmen, or to put workers and other working people. an end to land ownership by middle peasants and In order to achieve the objective of the Indo- rich peasants. It is also a great mistake for people nesian Revolution which is national and demo- to think that the task of the Indonesian Revolution cratic in character, the most important tactic is is to hold back the workers' movement, to hold to unite the progressive forces with the middle-of- back the peasants' movement and to hold back the-road forces, and this means uniting the entire the Communist movement. All such things, if forces of the Indonesian people. The work of they happened, would obstruct the advance of the uniting the entire people, that is the workers, Indonesian Revolution, would delay the liquidation and peasants, the petty bourgeoisie and the of imperialism and feudalism in Indonesia; these national bourgeoisie; this is what we call building things would not only mean going against the the national front. Since the majority of the Indo- tide now flowing in Indonesian society, but would nesian people consists of the peasants and the also mean helping the enemies of the Indonesian workers, it is not possible to have a strong Revolution. Holding back the Indonesian workers' national front if it is not based on an alliance
of the working class and the peasants, and if it is agrarian economy that is greatly dependent upon not led by the most advanced and most consistent the foreign market, the Indonesian Revolution of the oppressed classes, that is, the working at the present stage cannot possibly be proletarian-socialist in nature. It is not only that the class. Indonesian Revolution at the present stage does not have the task of liquidating individual owner- Nature of Indonesia's Revolution ship of those means of production that are in After we know that there is the double oppres- the hands of the Indonesian people; it must, sion of imperialism and feudalism in Indonesian moreover, preserve and provide means of produc- society, and after we know that the targets of the Indonesian Revolution are imperialism and tion in the form of land free of charge to millions of peasants in an agrarian revolution. feudalism, that the tasks of the Indonesian Revo-This makes clear the bourgeois character of lution are to overthrow imperialism and feudal- the Indonesian Revolution a t the present ism, and that it is our duty not only to build the progressive forces but also to draw in the stage. The bourgeois character becomes even national bourgeoisie, we can then come to a clearer from the fact that the Indonesian Revolution must help the patriotic national industrial- decision that the nature of our revolution at the ists and businessmen. What the Indonesian present stage is not a socialist proletarian revo-Revolution must do at the present stage is to lution but a national-democratic or a bourgeois- confiscate and nationalise the means of production democratic revolution. that are in the hands of the big foreign capitalists. Persons who do not know Indonesian society, This makes clear the national character of the and who therefore cannot possibly know the Indonesian Revolution. Indonesian Revolution, are fond of proclaiming In keeping with the nature of the Indonesian demagogically that we must carry out a socialist revolution right away, that we must liquidate Revolution, which is not proletarian-socialist but national-democratic or bourgeois-democratic, the national capitalism right away. These may indeed be well intentioned people who want the Indo-government which must be established in accord- nesian Revolution to proceed rapidly, but there ance with the demands of the Indonesian is no doubt that they are pursuing a policy that Revolution is not a government of the dictator- is not based on actual conditions in Indonesian ship of the proletariat but a government of the society, they are thinking and acting subjectively, dictatorship of the people, or a People's Demo- following their own whims without taking into cratic Government. This government acts account the conditions of society. But apart from this, there are also people who proclaim the need for a "socialist revolution now", whose deliberate
make the revolution proceed haltingly so as to delay it in attaining its objective. Such demagogy is very dangerous and can have very bad con-
consequence is, among other things, the emer- gence of fear among the national bourgeoisie with the result that they become hostile to the revo-
previously. As a result of such criminal demagogy,
aimed by the revolution so as not to hit imperialism and the landlords. With their "socialist revolution now" demagogy, the reactionaries are giving rise to splits within the forces of the people,
striving to save the imperialists and the landlords. This cannot mean anything other than strengthen-
demagogues are striking against the genuine left- wingers.
dictatorially towards the enemies of the people, that is the imperialists, the feudal landlords and other reactionaries, but it carries out the most
If w e talk about the bourgeois-democratic nature of the Indonesian Revolution at the present stage, it is certainly not our intention to
the French bourgeois revolution in 1789. The French Revolution in the eighteenth century took place in a world situation in which capitalism as
the Great October Socialist Revolution in 1917,
to socialism, the world system of capitalism is in a state of general crisis. Ever since then, every revolution wherever it may take place, is certain
objectively to strengthen socialism. Today, socialism is not only a system which is in power in one
whose superiority over capitalism there is no longer any doubt. Thus, the Indonesian Revolution, too, viewed from the international struggle
aim it is to disrupt the revolution, who want to democratic form of democracy among the people.
sequences for the revolutionary movement. The state that it is the same in nature as, for example,
lution, or become more hostile than they were a world system was in a period of growth. Since
the reactionaries endeavour to divert the blows the world has begun to move from capitalism
they are weakening the national front and are to be harmful to the international capitalists, and
ing the enemy. With these "left" slogans, these country but it has become a world system, about
Bearing in mind the fact that Indonesia's between capitalism and socialism, is detrimental economy is still backward, that is, a semi-feudal to international capitalism and favourable to the
world proletarian revolution. This is why the Since the Indonesian Revolution, as has been Indonesian Revolution at the present stage is not stated above, is taking place in the era of the a democratic-bourgeois revolution of the old type transition from capitalism to socialism, in the but a bourgeois-democratic revolution of the new era of the general crisis of capitalism, and even type. more so in an era in which socialism has become a world system, added to which is the fact that the Indonesian people themselves already have The Socialist Future a large Communist Party and revolutionary mass Above, I have dealt briefly with the targets, organisations, there can be no doubt about it that the tasks, the driving force and the nature of the the future of the Indonesian Revolution is Indonesian Revolution as a result of investigations socialism and communism. There may be some which have been guided by Marxist-Leninist people who do not like such a future, but this theory and based upon the concrete circumstances matter does not depend on persons who are in Indonesian society itself. From the above out-dissolute and diehard. This is the law of the line, it also becomes clear that the strategy of the development of society, and the development to Indonesian Revolution at the present stage is to socialism and communism, supported by the complete the national and democratic revolution, working people of the entire world, not excluding or in popular language it can be expressed in the the working people of Indonesia. slogan, "To complete the August 1945 Revolution The times are with us in winning victory for in its entirety". the August 1945 Revolution completely, and in And now, the question will certainly arise; advancing towards socialism and communism. what are the perspectives or the future of the Become children of the time, faithful to its Indonesian Revolution, capitahsm or sociaHsm? objective, sociahsm and communism.
The development of nations in South Africa
Lionel Forman
10UTH AFRICA belongs to all who live in The Africans will constitute the main element
"S" black and white," the Freedom Charter in the future South African nation and we there- 'declares. "Our country will never be pros-fore begin with a study of the origins of African perous or free until all our people live in brother-nationalism. hood, enjoying equal rights and opportunities." They are comparatively recent. The develop-Only when this has been achieved will it be ment of a single African political consciousness possible for a South African nation to develop. in South Africa only really begins in the 1880's. And before it does, the likelihood is that a num-Until the nineteenth century the economic basis ber of different nations will come into being in did not exist for the amalgamation of the our country, and that they will flower and prosper numerous African tribes into states. They were before they merge into one. cattle-grazers and small-scale farmers, and as A single African nation in South Africa is they required large areas of pasture and lived at likely to develop before a single South African subsistence level the tendency was towards dis- nation does. And similarly it seems likely that persal rather than concentration of population. Zulu, Basotho and other nations will develop Even when, with the accumulation of wealth, a before they merge into a single African nation ruling class and a state developed, it was capable in South Africa.* of exercising its authority only over a limited area, and when conflicts of interest arose it was
- There may, of course, be substantial changes to
powerless to prevent dissident tribal groups within the present state boundaries, which were drawn arbitrarily by the imperialist powers. The "South the tribe from moving off to pastures new. Africa" of the future may be a smaller or a larger As new techniques were acquired, making pos- place. This does not affect the argument. The peoples who today live together in our country are sible a greater division of labour and the develop-likely one day to merge into a single nation. ment of a standing army, groups of African tribes